RAND_MR1382
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In two other prominent usages, the term refers either to social networks or to<br />
organizational networks (or to a conflation of both). But social and organizational<br />
networks are somewhat different organisms. This is what needs discussion here, because<br />
the difference is a significant issue for theory and practice, affecting how best to think<br />
about the dynamics of netwar. The field of network analysis, writ large, has been<br />
dominated by social network analysis, but organizational network analysis can be even<br />
more helpful for understanding the nature of netwar.<br />
Our main point is that netwar (and also counternetwar) is principally an organizational<br />
dynamic, even though it requires appropriate social and technological dynamics to work<br />
well. But our deeper point is that there is still much work to be done to clarify the<br />
meaning of “network” and come up with better, easier methods of analysis for<br />
policymakers and strategists. Both the social and organizational schools can contribute<br />
to this—but in different ways, because they have different tendencies.<br />
Social Network Analysis 8<br />
Social network analysis is an important academic specialty pursued by a relatively small<br />
number of anthropologists, sociologists, and organization theorists. It has grown in<br />
influence for several decades. Generally speaking, their view—see a book like Networks<br />
and Organizations, or Social Structures: A Network Approach, or Social Network Analysis, or<br />
the web site of the International Network for Social Network Analysis (INSNA)—holds<br />
that all social relationships, including all social organizations, can and should be<br />
analyzed as networks: that is, as sets of actors (nodes) and ties (links) whose<br />
relationships have a patterned structure. 9<br />
Social network analysis traces many of its modern roots back to efforts, decades ago, to<br />
develop sociograms and directed graphs to chart the ties among different actors in<br />
particular contexts—what gradually became known as a network. Later, some social<br />
network analysts, along with social psychologists and organizational sociologists who<br />
studied what were then called organization-sets, observed that networks often come in<br />
several basic shapes (or topologies): notably, chain or line networks, where the members<br />
are linked in a row and communications must flow through an adjacent actor before<br />
getting to the next; hub, star, or wheel networks, where members are tied to a central<br />
node and must go through it to communicate with each other; and all-channel or fully<br />
connected or full-matrix networks, where everyone is connected to and can<br />
communicate directly with everyone else (from Evan, 1972). 10 Other shapes have also<br />
been identified (e.g., grids and lattices, as well as center/periphery networks and clique<br />
networks 11 ); so have combinations and hybrids, as in sprawling networks with myriad<br />
nodes linked in various ways that are sometimes called “spider’s web” networks.<br />
Moreover, any particular network may itself be embedded within surrounding networks.<br />
Yet, few social network analysts say much about such typologies; their concern is<br />
usually to let the data sets speak for themselves.