RAND_MR1382
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intentionally did not bomb Internet service providers or shut down the satellite links<br />
bringing the Internet to Yugoslavia. Policy instead was to keep the Internet open. James<br />
P. Rubin, spokesman for the U.S. State Department, said “Full and open access to the<br />
Internet can only help the Serbian people know the ugly truth about the atrocities and<br />
crimes against humanity being perpetrated in Kosovo by the Milosevic regime.” 3<br />
Indirectly, the Internet may have also affected public support for the war, which in turn<br />
might have affected policy decisions made during the course of the conflict.<br />
The purpose of this chapter is to explore how the Internet is altering the landscape of<br />
political discourse and advocacy, with particular emphasis on how it is used by those<br />
wishing to influence foreign policy. Emphasis is on actions taken by nonstate actors,<br />
including both individuals and organizations, but state actions are discussed where they<br />
reflect foreign policy decisions triggered by the Internet. The primary sources used in<br />
the analysis are news reports of incidents and events. These are augmented with<br />
interviews and survey data where available. A more scientific study would be useful.<br />
The chapter is organized around three broad classes of activity: activism, hacktivism,<br />
and cyberterrorism. The first category, activism, refers to normal, nondisruptive use of<br />
the Internet in support of an agenda or cause. Operations in this area includes browsing<br />
the web for information, constructing web sites and posting materials on them,<br />
transmitting electronic publications and letters through email, and using the Net to<br />
discuss issues, form coalitions, and plan and coordinate activities. The second category,<br />
hacktivism, refers to the marriage of hacking and activism. It covers operations that use<br />
hacking techniques against a target’s Internet site with the intent of disrupting normal<br />
operations but not causing serious damage. Examples are web sit-ins and virtual<br />
blockades, automated email bombs, web hacks, computer break-ins, and computer<br />
viruses and worms. The final category, cyberterrorism, refers to the convergence of<br />
cyberspace and terrorism. It covers politically motivated hacking operations intended to<br />
cause grave harm such as loss of life or severe economic damage. An example would be<br />
penetrating an air traffic control system and causing two planes to collide. There is a<br />
general progression toward greater damage and disruption from the first to the third<br />
category, although that does not imply an increase of political effectiveness. An<br />
electronic petition with a million signatures may influence policy more than an attack<br />
that disrupts emergency 911 services.<br />
Although the three categories of activity are treated separately, the boundaries between<br />
them are somewhat fuzzy. For example, an email bomb may be considered hacktivism<br />
by some and cyberterrorism by others. Also, any given actor may conduct operations<br />
across the spectrum. For example, a terrorist might launch viruses as part of a larger<br />
campaign of cyberterrorism, all the while using the Internet to collect information about<br />
targets, coordinate action with fellow conspirators, and publish propaganda on web<br />
sites. Thus, while this chapter distinguishes activists, hacktivists, and terrorists, an<br />
individual can play all three roles.