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indymedia network has an “all points” connectivity. All of the sites are linked to the others and share information, links, technical support, and web design. Netwar is nothing new as a form of conflict. What is new is the richer informational environment, which makes the organization of civil (and uncivil) society into networks easier, less costly, and more efficient. The essential conditions for victory in a social netwar conflict are also the conditions that make waging netwar possible: the shared understanding of a situation demanding direct action. In many ways, the victory of the Direct Action Network was implicit in the fact that so many people understood the conflict and were willing to act on that understanding. The streets of Seattle showed what democracy looks like. EDITORS’ POSTSCRIPT (SUMMER 2001) Seattle was a seminal win. It sparked new netwars in the streets of Washington (A16), Los Angeles, and in a string of other cities where activists have persisted in their opposition to the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the general process of corporate globalization. One activist has reportedly boasted that protests could be mounted in any city around the world, at any time. In the United States, netwar in the streets has fared badly since Seattle. Seattle was, in many ways, unique. First, the voluminous swarm of protesters who formed the third wave, drawn from the AFL-CIO participants, surprised both DAN and the law enforcement authorities. In addition, governmental authorities may have learned more from the Battle of Seattle than the activists did. In both the Washington and Los Angeles demonstrations, police were able to preempt or prevent almost all the tactical maneuvers of the activists. In these post-Seattle cases, protest organizers reverted to centralized control of operations—including by locating some command, media, and other functions in the same building—which made them vulnerable to counterleadership targeting. The Battle of Seattle was won without a field general, and without a general staff. Post-Seattle actions have violated the key netwar principle of “leaderlessness.” Law enforcement, government authorities, and even the American Civil Liberties Union have conducted instructive after-action analyses of the Battle of Seattle. Exactly what lessons the AFL-CIO has drawn are not known, but the practical result has been its withdrawal from post-Seattle demonstrations—leaving NGO activists with less of a pool to draw on. By way of contrast, none of the protest organizations has rendered an afteraction analysis of the strategies and tactics used in Seattle, even though the Internet teems with eyewitness accounts. In all forms of protracted conflict, early confrontations are seedbeds of doctrinal innovation—on all sides. If governmental authorities learned much from their defeat in Seattle, perhaps we should also expect that social netwarriors will learn lessons from their defeats in Los Angeles, Washington, and elsewhere. Indeed, the events of the
summer of 2001 in Genoa indicate that the netwarriors are learning their own lessons— and are steadily willing to apply them in practice. 1 Most quotations are from news coverage in the Seattle Times and the Seattle Post-Intelligencer series on the WTO protests which ran during December 1999 and January 2000. The complete WTO coverage by these two newspapers is available on the web at http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/wto/ and http://seattlep-i.nwsource.com/wto/. Quotes from Daniel Junas and Jeff Boscole are from personal conversations with the author. The chronology of events was assembled from the WTO documentary Four Days in Seattle aired by KIRO TV on December 10, 1999. For an anarchist view of the Black Bloc, see Tom Trouble, Black Bloc Participant Interview by Active Transformation, http://csf.colorado.edu/forums/pfvs/2000/msg03110.html. The police perspective is drawn from: Mike Carter and David Postman, “There Was Unrest Even at the Top During WTO Riots,” Seattle Times, December 16, 1999, and Brett Smith and Dan Raley, “Police Officer Blames City’s Poor Planning,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, December 4, 1999. One participant’s experience in the AFL-CIO march is described by Greta Gaard, “‘Shut Down the WTO!’ Labor and Activists Create Change,” Every Other Weekly, Bellingham, Wash., Dec. 16–Dec. 29, 1999.
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The Future of Terror, Crime, and Mi
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To Dick O’Neill, for his stalwart
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Defense, the Joint Staff, the unifi
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Chapter Eight ACTIVISM, HACKTIVISM,
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must continue to keep an eye on the
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We are deeply grate
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as a looming mode of military confl
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With respect to Serbia, then, a bet
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of any node included in it, may be
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more about technology than organiza
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charged with taking care of specifi
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The limits on some successes and th
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the rise of netwar should prompt a
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Brin, David, The Transparent Societ
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9 This is just a short exemplary st
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Chapter Two THE NETWORKING OF TERRO
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The Emergence of Networked Terroris
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integration of communication and co
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technologies such as encryption all
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(Hoffman, 1998, p. 131). Terrorists
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terrorists who rely on the Internet
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Future Developments in Information-
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Figure 2.1—Possible Shifts in the
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hire,” and the availability of ef
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www.fas.org/irp/threat/commission.h
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Nohria, Nitin, and Robert Eccles, e
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Department of the Army, 1997. 19 Fo
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Chapter Three TRANSNATIONAL CRIMINA
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policymakers concerned with develop
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there are relatively strong, direct
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Other networks will have a more end
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network a capacity to operate with
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deals. The importance of these netw
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The specific connections that facil
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superiority—the equivalent of an
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was a fascinating mix. It included
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elationships between the Christian
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organizations have hierarchical str
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example, in identifying some of the
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provide an important value-added ap
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Transformations,” in Stark and Gr
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changes benefit from these new tech
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outside of the realm of true terror
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hardcore Category C nucleus. Catego
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millennialist cults and such transn
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For the most part, these gangs are
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attling gangs in Cape Town and the
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Colombian cartels, and the imprison
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unknown actors in Seattle and elsew
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esponse. Finally, TEW utilizes an
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23 Consider Japan’s intelligence
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Part II SOCIAL NETWARS
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Burma (a small, and to many, obscur
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Whereas McLuhan declared “the med
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years and fines of up to $5,000 for
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Massachusetts. The “selective pur
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central in using electronic communi
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THE FREE BURMA COALITION AND THE PE
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Students at Harvard tapped into the
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eleased a list of their suppliers f
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Simons was in his high school Amnes
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Case studies and an Internet activi
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when a campaign scores successes. T
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transmit, almost in real-time, debr
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Page 133 and 134: 7 See, for example, Marshall McLuha
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Page 139 and 140: hierarchical layer—at least initi
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Page 145 and 146: Acting in tandem with these organiz
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Page 151 and 152: and political ideals and similar co
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Page 157 and 158: The success of that networking was
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Page 185 and 186: Chapter Eight ACTIVISM, HACKTIVISM,
Page 187 and 188: The following sections discuss and
Page 189 and 190: including Western news sites. In Ap
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Page 193 and 194: Privacy Information Center (EPIC),
Page 195 and 196: open.” On the downside, some post
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Page 201 and 202: generate so much traffic against th
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Page 205 and 206: on three continents. Chris Ellison,
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pass a bill to establish the Bounda
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Gerlach, Luther P. 1978. “The Gre
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Chapter Ten WHAT NEXT FOR NETWORKS
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and “have-nots” portends a new
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Classic studies concern topics like
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still do) as to precisely what is a
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also characterize some sprawling te
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speed. It shows that such a partner
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and social scenes of Medellin and C
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depend on the existence of shared p
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gas and clubs, another would move i
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from other interesting cases of net
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THE PRACTICE OF NETWAR (AND COUNTER
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But today’s concept of globalizat
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Figure 10.1—The Two Axes of Strat
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world today, we see little sustaine
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Carr, Edward Hallett, The Twenty Ye
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Kumar, Kuldeep, and Han G. van Diss
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Shaw, Marvin, Group Dynamics: The P
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22 From Dan Barry and Al Baker, “
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02, Central Intelligence Agency, De
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AFTERWORD (SEPTEMBER 2001): THE SHA
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was no doubt the bombing of the Kho
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Harper & Row, 1951. Johnson, Steven
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CONTRIBUTORS Paul de Armond is dire
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