WTO Meeting in Hong Kong: What's in it for Women? By ... - Aletta

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Updated: January 16, 2006 

WTO Meeting in Hong Kong: What's in it for Women? 

By Women’s Edge Coalition 

Last month, the countries of the World Trade Organization 

(WTO) met in Hong Kong from December 13-18, 2005 to 

revitalize and push forward the ‘Doha round’ of trade talks. 

Their challenge was to ensure that the needs of developing 

countries were kept at the core of the negotiating agenda, as 

was promised at the beginning of the round in 2001. After 

Hong Kong, most issues remain unresolved, and negotiations 

will continue through 2006. 

Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce 

poverty 

ILO News 

Global economic growth is increasingly failing to translate into 

new and better jobs that lead to a reduction in poverty, 

according to a new report issued by the International Labour 

Office (ILO). In the report, the ILO points out that within this 

global trend, different regions show mixed results in terms of 

job creation, productivity results, wage improvements and 

poverty reduction. 

Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? 

What about Women? 

By Olivera Simic 

Reconciliation is a long-term process that includes the search 

for truth, justice, healing and forgiveness. It should be a broad 

and inclusive process that involves each member of a conflict 

affected society. In addition, the reconciliation process should 

be engendered because men and women experience war 

differently. In this regard, before we examine the nature of 

reconciliation we must acknowledge how conflict involves and 

affects women and men in different ways. 

Statement of the Human Rights Caucus 

On the occasion of the 

Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade 

Organization 

December 10, 2005 

In a matter of days, government delegates will be gathering in 

Hong Kong for the latest landmark event in the ongoing process 

of economic globalization--the Sixth Ministerial Conference of 

the World Trade Organization (WTO). We, members of civil 

society from developed and developing countries, concerned 

about the impact of this process on the realization of human 

rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world, 

take the opportunity of International Human Rights Day to 

remind our governments that their human rights obligations 

cannot be abandoned at the WTO door. 

CONFERENCES & EVENTS 

The Close of the World Summit on 

the Information Society: 

The civil society verdict 

For more information, please visit: www. 

apc.org/english/wsis/ 

White band Day 3 - Putting the 

Spotlight on Trade (in)justice 

For more information, please visit: 

http://www.whiteband.org 

Forty-fourth Session of the 

Commission for Social 

Development: Review of the first 

United Nations Decade for the 

Eradication of Poverty 

(1997-2006) 

February 8-17, 2006 

UN, New York 

For information on the session: 

www.un.org/esa/socdev 

Conference 

"Nationalism in an Age of 

Globalization" 

11th Annual World Convention of 

the Association for the Study of 

Nationalities (ASN) 

International Affairs Building, 

Columbia University, NY 

March 23-25, 2006 

www.nationalities.org 

Gender and Peacebuilding - 

Advanced International Training 

Programme 

April 10-14, 2006 

Cluj-Napoca, Romania 

For more information: 

http://www.transcend.org 

EUROPEAN SOCIAL FORUM 

April 2006 

Athens, Greece 

http://www.fse-esf.org 

An International Human Rights 

Education Institute on ''Women's 

Human Rights: Building a Peaceful 

World in an Era of Globalization'' 

May 1 - June 9, 2006 

Contact: 

springinst@oise.utoronto.ca 

Advanced Training Course on 

Economic, Social and Cultural 

Rights 

Organized by Beyond the Circle (India) 

and Asian Institute for Human Rights 

May 14 – 20, 2006 

Bangkok, Thailand 

Contact: 

aihr@hrdfoundation.org 

Conference "Economic 

Globalization and 

Environmental Policy" 

May 25-26, 2006 

Warsaw School of Economics 

Warsaw, Poland www.globalization. 

waw.pl 

The IFOR Women Peacemakers 

Program (WPP) 

Training of Trainers 

June 10 – 26, 2006, 

The Netherlands 

http://www.ifor.org/WPP

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Whose Development is it Anyway? 

A Gender Perspective on the EU’s Position in the WTO 

Negotiations 

WIDE statement, November 2005 

WIDE is deeply concerned about the European Commission’s 

insistence on pushing for the establishment of trade rules that 

threaten the livelihoods of poor women and men in the South 

and that perpetuate gender inequality, unfair gender relations 

as well as structural inequalities between women and men and 

within and between countries and regions. The EU is 

aggressively pursuing new markets, while offering little in 

return to developing countries. 

Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: 

The Views and Counterviews 

By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D. 

The issue of privatization has been a subject of intense global 

debate in recent years. In Africa, it has remained highly 

controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria has 

not been a popular reform. It has received so much criticism 

from labor, academia, and individuals. There have been 

numerous strikes against proposed sell-offs by unions fearing 

loss of jobs. While proponents of privatization see that aspect of 

economic reform as an instrument of efficient resource 

management for rapid economic development and poverty 

reduction… 

Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on 

Women in Georgia 

By Charita Jashi, Ph.D. 

Liberalization of the world economy creates new opportunities 

to take full advantage of the market economy. The trade 

policies of national governments and the activities of the World 

Trade Organization (“WTO”) have a significance influence on the 

economic and social development in the world. The modern 

global marketplace is characterized by a high degree of 

monopolization. It is very difficult for the developing countries 

to access these markets. 

Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Corporate 

Behaviour from a Human Rights Perspective 

By Karin Lukas 

In the last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic 

and political power from states to corporate institutions. One 

indicator of this trend is the sheer amount of capital that 

corporations generate: Microsoft makes more money than the 

31 Least Developed Countries together. A study by Anderson/ 

Cavanagh found that 51 corporations are “among the top 100 

largest economies in the world, while only 49 are countries.” 

The Economic Aspects of Globalization 

by Dejan Petrovic 

The globalization of economic flows may be the most manifest 

nowadays, and it is the first thing one thinks of when 

globalization itself is discussed. Limiting the once sovereign role 

of nation-state, expanding the market across the planet without 

a visible chance of anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in 

ever fewer countries is combined with the growing disproportion 

between the rich and the poor within these countries. What 

seemed probable over the few decades after World War II – the 

prominent role of the so-called nation state, care for the less 

able, less healthy and elderly population, free schooling and 

Call for Papers: Capitalism and/or 

Patriarchy? Conference On Gender 

in Post-Soviet Space June 22-24, 

2006 

Vilnius, Lithuania Proposals for individual 

papers or panels can be sent to 

gender@ehu-international.org 

http://www.ehu-international.org 

The Sixth European Gender 

Research Conference 

"Gender and Citizenship in a 

Multicultural Context" 

In Lodz, Poland, 

August 31-September 3, 2006 

www.gender2006.pl 

ASN 2006 European Conference 

on Globalization, Nationalism 

and Ethnic Conflicts in the 

Balkans and its Regional 

Context 

will be organized by the Forum for 

Ethnic Relations 

in Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro 

on September 28 - 30, 2006 

WORLD SOCIAL FORUM 

in 2006 

will be realised in a spread out manner 

in different places in the world. 

www.forumsocialmundial.org.br 

Inclusive Security, 

Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit 

for Advocacy and Action 

Authors: Women Waging 

Peace; International Alert 

Produced by: Women Waging 

Peace, Cambridge 

Available online at: 

www.eldis.org

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healthcare – seem to be vanishing into historic oblivion. 

Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and 

Globalization in Eastern Europe 

By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D. 

Uneven distribution of wealth has always been among the main 

generators of sex trafficking. However, only in the past several 

decades has sex trafficking become a global problem. As Dutch 

researcher Sietske Altink observes, “more and more countries 

are joining the ranks of sending countries and increasing 

numbers are becoming target countries.” 

The Made-Up Crisis: 

Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey 

Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery 

Systems. 

A Need for New Allocations of Liability for the New 

Health Care Paradigm. 

By Ilise L. Feitshans 

Protests in the streets and chanting with posters on the steps of 

the statehouses of New Jersey and Pennsylvania in 2003 had 

one remarkable shared feature: their constituents. These 

protests came not from the vast unemployed masses 

demanding jobs, fair wages, or educational opportunities for the 

underemployed, underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor were 

these protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in 

opposition to some war in a place far away. These protests 

came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector 

physicians. 

Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! 

or 

A Case Study on the Impact of the General Agreement on 

Trade in Services (GATS) in Bulgaria - The Concession of 

Sofia Water Supply and Wastewater Services: Legal, 

Economic, Social and Gender Aspects 

By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D. 

By joining GATS the Bulgarian government had to start playing 

the GATS game and, subsequently, to follow its rules. GATS is 

the first multilateral agreement containing the commitment for 

a continuous liberalization of the trade in all services, essential 

services included, through binding rules. The aim of GATS is to 

increase international trade by removing any control and 

restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities, 

environment protection, existing social standards or laws which 

maintain the public monopoly on some services.




Last month, the countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) met in Hong Kong from December 13-18 2005 

to revitalize and push forward the ‘Doha round’ of trade talks. Their challenge was to ensure that the needs of 

developing countries were kept at the core of the negotiating agenda, as was promised at the beginning of the 

round in 2001. After Hong Kong, most issues remain unresolved, and negotiations will continue through 2006. 

WTO member countries however did come to agreement on certain issues that will have implications for poor 

women around the world. For example, developed country governments agreed to eliminate farm export 

subsidies by 2013 and cotton export subsidies by the end of 2006. Export subsidies are specifically designed to 

encourage the export of certain goods. Many governments, however, also subsidize farmers directly in the form 

of payments, and the reduction of these direct payments has not yet been addressed by WTO members. 

Agricultural subsidies have been widely criticized internationally because they artificially lower the prices of farm 

exports from rich nations, making it difficult for farmers from developing nations to compete. Ending subsidies 

could affect women’s lives both as producers and as consumers of food. Women, in fact, produce 60 to 80 

percent of the food grown in poor nations, but tend to be small or subsistence farmers who usually do not export 

their goods. 

The United States and other developed country governments also agreed to improve duty- and quota-free access 

for exports from least developed countries (LDCs). By 2008, they will grant such access for 97 percent of 

products, or tariff lines. As a result, women exporters in LDCs will be better able to compete in the U.S. market, 

because the majority of their goods will not face the discrimination of tariffs or quota limitations. Many LDCs 

already have duty-free access to the U.S. market under other programs, and while the new proposal will increase 

market access opportunities for LDCs, certain products, such as textiles and apparel, will likely remain subject to 

customs duties. 

Developed countries also committed to higher amounts of ‘aid for trade’ in Hong Kong, with the United States 

committing to increase its annual trade capacity building assistance (TCBA) from $1.3 billion in 2005 to $2.7 

billion by 2010. TCBA is international assistance given to poor or transitional countries to help them participate in 

global trade and can include the training of trade negotiators and help to small businesses on how to export their 

goods. The international community has come to realize that without such assistance, trade liberalization alone 

will not necessarily bring about economic development. In the future, more of this assistance could go directly to 

helping poor women in developing countries take advantage of the opportunities that trade has to offer. 

Looking ahead, the current Doha round is expected to conclude at the end of the year. Yet there is much more to 

be done in order to make this round a true ‘development round,’ as it was initially billed. WTO member countries 

could go much further this year in creating real economic opportunities for women, who are the majority of the 

world’s poor. For example, greater reform of international agricultural markets and increased market access for 

textiles and apparel could improve women’s livelihoods. Apart from being the majority of the world’s agricultural 

labor force, women account for the majority of textile and apparel workers in many developing countries. The 

latter is especially true in Asia, where, according to the International Labor Organization, women account for 89 

percent of the textile and apparel sector in Cambodia, 80 percent in Bangladesh, and 82 percent in Sri Lanka. If 

the promise of the Doha round is to be fulfilled, it is important that women like them see more of the benefits of 

trade. 

Source: 

Women’s Edge Coalition © 

Available at: 

http://www.womensedge.org/pages/newsandevents/news.jsp?id=459 

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Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce poverty 

Friday 9 December 2005 (ILO/05/48) 


ILO report sees wide gaps in wages, productivity gains 

ILO News 

Geneva (ILO News) - Global economic growth is increasingly failing to translate into new and better jobs that lead 

to a reduction in poverty, according to a new report issued by the International Labour Office (ILO) here today. In 

the report, the ILO points out that within this global trend, different regions show mixed results in terms of job 

creation, productivity results, wage improvements and poverty reduction. 

Taking a global view, the 4th Edition of Key Indicators of the Labour Market * says that currently, half the world's 

workers still do not earn enough to lift themselves and their families above the US $2 a day poverty line. 

"The key message is that up to now better jobs and income for the world's workers has not been a priority in 

policy-making", said ILO Director-General Juan Somavia. "Globalization has so far not led to the creation of 

sufficient and sustainable decent work opportunities around the world. That has to change, and as many leaders 

have already said we must make decent work a central objective of all economic and social policies. This report 

can be a useful tool for promoting that objective." 

The study finds that while in some areas of Asia economic expansion is fostering solid growth in jobs and 

improvements in living conditions, other areas such as Africa and parts of Latin America are seeing increasing 

numbers of people working in less favorable conditions, especially in the agricultural sector. The KILM also says 

that for millions of workers, new jobs often provide barely enough income to lift them above the poverty line, or 

are far below any adequate measure of satisfying and productive work. The total number of working women and 

men living on less than $2 a day has not fallen over the past decade although at 1.38 billion it is a smaller share 

of global employment at just below 50 per cent, a decline from 57 per cent in 1994. 

The report emphasizes that in many developing economies the problem is mainly a lack of decent and productive 

work opportunities rather than outright unemployment. Women and men are working long and hard for very little 

because their only alternative is to have no income at all. 

The new KILM paints an in-depth picture of both the quantity and quality of jobs around the world by examining 

20 key indicators of the labour market. The KILM covers quantitative topics such as labour force participation, 

employment, inactivity, employment elasticities, sectoral employment, labour productivity and unemployment, 

and qualitative issues such as hours worked, wages, employment status, unemployment duration and others. 

Economic growth is not leading to job creation 

In recent years there has been a weakening relationship between economic growth and employment growth, 

meaning that growth is not automatically translating into new jobs. The report's "employment elasticities" 

indicator allows one to look at the relationship between economic growth - measured in GDP - and two of growth's 

contributory variables, the positive or negative change in employment and productivity. The biennial study found 

that for every 1 percentage point of additional GDP growth, total global employment grew by only 0.30 

percentage points between 1999 and 2003, a drop from 0.38 percentage points between 1995 and 1999. 

With employment growing between 0.5 and 0.9 percentage points for each additional percentage point of GDP 

growth, the most employment-intensive growth has taken place in the Middle East and in Northern and sub- 

Saharan Africa. A review of other indicators, however, shows that much of the employment growth in these 

regions is in the category of "self-employment" which includes most women and men in the informal economy 

where working conditions are often poor. While more jobs are being created in economies where agriculture 

dominates employment such as those in sub-Saharan Africa, many of the jobs are in the informal economy, at 

low-levels of productivity, and fail to provide workers enough income to pull themselves or their families out of 

poverty. For example, the number of workers living on less than US$1 per day increased by 28 million in sub- 

Saharan Africa between 1994 and 2004. 

By contrast, economic expansion in East Asia was sufficient to generate employment growth, productivity growth 

and a reduction in the high incidence of poverty in the region. Latin America, however, experienced a decline in 

the employment intensity of growth between 1999 and 2003. At the same time, the number of working poor in 

the region at the US$1 a day level increased by 4.4 million. In recent years, economic growth in Latin America has 

been relatively more employment intensive for females than for males, which reflects a substantial narrowing of 

the labour force participation gap between men and women in the region. 

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In both Western Europe and North America, the services sector has experienced the most robust growth - both in 

terms of value added and employment growth. Between 1991 and 2003, for every 1 percentage point of growth in 

the services sector, employment increased by 0.57 per cent in North America and by 0.62 per cent in Western 

Europe. However, the report finds evidence of a divergence in employment performance between North America 

and Western Europe between 1991 and 2003, with the employment intensity of growth decreasing in the former 

and increasing in the latter between 1991 and 1999, with a further significant reduction in North America and a 

mild reduction in Western Europe between 1999 and 2003. 

Global wage inequality on the rise 

The 4th Edition KILM shows that between 1990 and 2000, wages increased faster in high-skilled occupations than 

in low-skilled occupations globally. Although these findings do not show a general deterioration of the wage 

position for low-skilled workers, they do suggest widening wage inequality between high- and low-skilled workers 

during the 1990s. 

Rising wage inequality in the developed economies has been mainly attributed to greater demand for higherskilled 

labour, which is in short supply and to lesser demand for workers with lower-level education. Other 

explanatory factors, although of less impact, include increased trade with developing countries and increased 

immigration of low-skilled workers. In developing countries, factors impacting on rising wage inequality include 

industry wage premiums resulting from changes in trade policy that favour workers in specific industries, the 

increasing size of the informal economy, which generally has lower wages and less favorable working conditions, 

and a shortage of high-skilled workers. 

Labour costs and labour productivity bring unequal results in terms of global competitiveness 

The report concludes that the competitiveness of a high-wage economy is not immediately threatened by lower 

labour costs elsewhere, as countries with low labour costs are usually also characterized by lower productivity 

levels. The report demonstrates how competitiveness is determined by the combined outcomes of elements of the 

productive process - the cost of utilizing labour (labour compensation) and labour productivity (output per person 

employed) - and by exchange rate fluctuations. The report's analysis of competitiveness in the "unit labour costs" 

indicator shows the following: 

● In the European Union-15, it is not so much high labour costs but lower productivity in the manufacturing 

sector and appreciation in the Euro that has threatened the competitive position of the region vis-à-vis the 

United States. 

● The manufacturing unit labour cost level in Japan has not only been high relative to the United States, but 

also in comparison with that of the EU-15. However, since the mid-1990s, the gap has decreased due to a 

moderation in wage growth in Japan, a weakening of the yen-US$ exchange rate in 2005 and an 

improvement in the comparative productivity performance of Japanese manufacturing. 

● The Republic of Korea has shown rapid improvement in labour productivity relative to the United States, 

but unit labour costs in the country have increased due to rapid wage increases during the early 1990s. 

● Productivity has weakened in Mexico, but because labour compensation levels are lower, unit labour costs 

have also remained lower than in the United States. 

The United States continues to show the highest labour productivity levels measured as value added per person 

employed. Despite faster productivity growth rates in some European Union countries, especially the new EU 

Member States, the productivity gap, measured in value-added per person employed, between the United States 

and most developed economies continues to widen. One exception is Ireland where this measure of the 

productivity gap with the US has been steadily narrowing since1980. A slightly different picture emerges if 

productivity is measured by value-added per hour. This shows that some European countries are more productive 

than the US and for others the gap is less wide. However, most Europeans work shorter hours and have longer 

holidays than their US counterparts. 

In Central and Eastern Europe, the transition to a market economy led to an increase in productivity but a fall in 

employment. The new EU Member States show a significant advantage in terms of international competitiveness 

with unit labour cost levels at approximately 70 per cent of the US level. Increased competitiveness, however, is 

not benefiting the population in terms of job creation and wages. The region shows some of the world's highest 

unemployment rates and many of those not working have simply given up the job search, as reflected in the 

region's high inactivity rates. 

In other key findings, the KILM shows that: 

● Women are continuing to catch up to men in terms of participation in labour markets throughout the world. 

Nevertheless, women continue to be disproportionately engaged in low-wage, low-productivity and parttime 

jobs, and in many regions such as the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, women's participation 

in the labour market still lags far behind. 



● While the most severe working poverty is growing in Africa, it is declining in Asia and Central and Eastern 

Europe. 

● Youth unemployment rates are typically at least twice as high as adult rates and are sometimes much 

higher. However, in most countries, the illiteracy rates of adults are higher than those of youth, suggesting 

that young people are increasingly better prepared for the labour market. 

● Developed economies and the European Union are faced with a growing number of "underutilized" labour 

resources, including the unemployed and involuntary part-time workers looking for a full-time job. In both 

France and Italy, the rate of "underutilized" labour reached 21 per cent in 2004, up from 17 per cent in 

1994 in France and 12 per cent in Italy. 

Source: 

ILO© 

Available at: 

http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/inf/pr/2005/48.htm 

* Key Indicators of the Labour Market, 4th Edition, ILO, Geneva, 2005, CD-ROM version; ISBN: 92-2-017568-1. 

The print version will be available in April 2006. For additional information visit http://kilm.ilo.org/2205/press. 


Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? 

Introduction 


By Olivera Simic, LL.M., M.A., gender consultant, Bosnia and Herzegovina 

Reconciliation is a long-term process that includes the search for truth, justice, healing and forgiveness. It should 

be a broad and inclusive process that involves each member of a conflict affected society. In addition, the 

reconciliation process should be engendered because men and women experience war differently. In this regard, 

before we examine the nature of reconciliation we must acknowledge how conflict involves and affects women and 

men in different ways. 

The following paper has three sections. The first section explores gender roles and militarization and how the 

social construction of masculinity and femininity nourishes and legitimizes militarism. In the second section, I 

highlight why and how gender roles shifts when war starts. Besides suffering, the conflict can trigger enormous 

strength and agency in women that they would not otherwise have the opportunity to exercise because of the 

patriarchal structures in their societies. Empowerment moves women from the private to the public sphere, which 

is usually reserved exclusively for men. Women are not only victims of war but capable and autonomous 

individuals who play an important role as peacemakers. However, at the end of the war, women frequently loose 

the gains they made during the war. In addition, women are rarely included in official peace negotiations where 

they could articulate their needs and concerns. Finally, third chapter will explore the aftermath of conflict and 

question the role of men and women in peace building and reconciliation. Do women and men have the same 

interests and concerns in reconciliation process? If they do not, why is that? 

1. Gender and Militarism 

Militarism is an ideology structured around creating enemies and perceiving the “other” as a threat to one’s own 

security. The “other” is defined by making a distinction between people, countries, religions or ethnic groups 

whereas the “other” is asserted to be “less then” Once distinction is made and accepted the “other” must be 

destroyed or she/he will destroy “us”. [1] 

The enemy is portrayed as both absolute and abstract in order to sharply distinguish the act of killing from the act 

of murder. [2] By dehumanizing the other and creating a sense of victimhood, authorities can convince their 

constituencies that war is unavoidable they must act in defense. [3] 

The sense of “manhood” and being male is challenged and manipulated by the state in order to sustain authority 

and public legitimacy of the military. The state has to ensure that militarization prevails and that men are willing 

to serve the army and go to combat. Authorities have to “feed” the ego and social construction of men as a brave 

and strong. Men are made to believe that serving in the military is a “chance of a lifetime” because it will enable 

them to prove the socially constructed male attributes. In combat, they become warriors. 

Furthermore, a soldier is portrayed as a warrior who “self-sacrificially” protects women, children and others who 

are “in need” of protection. It is very an important motivator for military recruitment. The concept of “protected” 

is crucial to the legitimacy of force and violence. Moreover, a protector needs to have an object of protection, 

something worth fighting for. 

When men are sent into war to protect their home and country, they are told to protect their womenfolk from 

defilement by enemy men. Women are usually perceived as objects who need protection but also create pressure 

and guilt in men if they have any doubt about war. In general, women are often seen solely as victims that men 

need to fight and even dying for. 

Militarism is important during war but also during the peacetime. [4] Hence, militarism is probably even more 

important before the war since war cannot be conducted unless militarism is nurtured before the war started. It is 

a form of structural violence imposed by the state, largely through mass rallies and state controlled media. 

However, for women who rather work towards common interests across conflict lines, it is harder to cast the 

enemy as “the other”. Their concerns about their children and family members give them a social legitimacy and a 

linkage with women from different sides of the conflict. [5] 

Indeed, women who first stand up against the war and sympathize with women across the ethnic lines are usually 

mothers whose sons are drafted into the war. Without any doubt it is of immensely importance for women to 

protest against war, hence it is a danger that only women mothers appear to upraise as protestors of a war. 

Women mothers are deliberately used as a part of militarism propaganda and their protests are presented in a 

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way that justifies claims of the national leaders about necessity of fighting to defend women and children. Media 

often chose to ignore the presence of some men but also single women in the demonstrations. It is once more 

denial of selfhood to women. [6] 

Women’s identities are reshaped and engaged by authorities consisted of men for the sake of realization their 

successful national projects. It seems that their identities are only useful as procreators of children, culture and 

suddenly valued old, almost forgotten traditions. For that reason, reproduction in both biological and social sense 

is fundamental to national politics and practices. Finally, their heterosexuality has never been questioned. It was 

taken for granted that all women are heterosexual, fertile and willing to reproduce the nation. 

2. Gender and War 

While there is a lot of information about women as victims, we have insignificant records about women’s increase 

in independence and self-confidence as a result of conflict. [7] Media repeatedly covers abuses women endure 

during the war but they fail to focus on the actions taken by women as autonomous actors. Images of women as 

victims have serious consequences on the public’s awareness of war. It impedes the recognition of unique 

solutions that women might propose. 

Indeed, women are victims of war but they are also survivors. Gender-based violence often exists on a wide-scale 

before the war but once violence increases, gender based violence does not disappear. Rather it escalates in a 

size but also in severity of abuses. [8] Women become battlefields and tools of severe tactics for males, 

warriors. Multiple layers of discrimination allow women to be targeted and experience violence, sexual abuse or 

slavery. The pre-existing culture of discrimination is often exacerbated. [9] As Cockburn said “while men’s lives 

and bodies are at disposal of the nation, women’s bodies are at the disposal of men.” [10] 

In fact, rape of the “other” women is seen as the most effective way of “penetrating an enemy nation’s defences, 

destroying its property [and] hurting its morale”. [11] Since women are viewed as possessions of “their” men, 

when a woman is raped during the conflict it has been perceived as an effective attack on the manhood of “her” 

man. They are specifically and deliberately targeted to humiliate and degrade the enemy, his culture, the ethnic 

and the religious group. 

On the other hand, women are also empowered in the conflict by sudden shifts in gender roles. Conflict can open 

up unintended spaces for empowering women to create structural social transformations and produce new 

realities that redefine gender. [12] Women step out from their traditional roles in order to meet social and 

economic demands of war. Some women become for the first time sole breadwinners, active in politics and 

become leaders. Good example is women of Srebrenica who survived Srebrenica genocide. [13] The women of 

Srebrenica were forcibly evacuated from the enclave and today the majority of them live as displaced persons in 

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Prior to the war Srebrenica was male dominated society and males were the primary 

breadwinners and the heads of households. War, as well as the post-war situation, have dramatically changed 

women’s roles. The role of primary breadwinner has now shifted to women. The majority of these women find 

themselves in this role for the very first time in their lives since Bosnia and Herzegovina is still very much a 

patriarchal society. Women from Srebrenica have on average less education then men and the majority were 

housewives prior to the war. 

The challenge to survive in the absence of men, create this sudden expansion of women’s private as well as public 

roles. They organize formal and informal small local groups with an aim to provide relief to vulnerable populations, 

primarily women, elderly and children. As many men cannot move freely, in a fear of being hunted by military 

police and send to front lines, public space is left to women. [14] All the same, women use their traditional 

invisibility in the public sphere to create space for their activism. Many women start to work in informal sector, 

trying to provide minimum income for survival of their families, while men are in combat or hidden home. They 

are in situations to control their incomes and make decisions regarding distribution of their financial assets. 

Women redefine traditional gender roles prescribed by society in order to empower themselves and other women. 

New, committed women leaders are born and many of them assume leadership roles in the aftermath of war. 

Since women have multiple roles, it is very difficult to draw the line between women as victims and women as 

agents of change within the society. They can be at the same time victims but also agents of important change 

and usually bear these mutual roles. Their roles merge and make complex task set before society: to be 

recognized not only as victims but also as autonomous individuals who are capable to take action and demand the 

change. 

3. Gender and Reconciliation 

Reconciliation is a complex term that can mean different things to different people. [15] Reconciliation can entail 

a variety of activities and actors within one country. They can include public hearings, rituals, retributive justice, 

symbolic acts of forgiveness or material compensation to be paid by the “guilty” side. However, whatever might 

be chosen as “traditional” way of healing and reconciliation, organizers and participants are almost universally 

men. [16] These practices tend to exclude women from active roles and tend to be about peace building efforts 

between men. As a result of gendered local politics and asymmetry of gender power women voices are often 

ignored and marginalized. 



The issue of reconciliation has special importance and specific meaning for women that might differ from men. For 

example, amnesty does not mean the same for men and for women. For men, it relief them from responsibility 

and accountability for crimes, including those committed towards women. Therefore, they might never realize or 

comprehend and regret for severity of crimes committed towards women. On the other hand, amnesty leaves 

women vulnerable for further attacks, particularly when the attacker was a former neighbor, what commonly 

happen in civil wars. For example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina there are around 10 000 people suspected for 

committing war crimes who still enjoy freedom, live and work in the country. [17] All of them live next to their 

former “enemies” and victims. 

In addition, women are sexually vulnerable during a conflict in the way men are not. They suffer abuses that are 

rarely inflicted upon men such as mass rapes, enforced pregnancies or sex slavering. Their experience of the 

conflict demands special attention because it is different from men’s. For those women, reconciliation should 

acknowledge the gender specific violence so perpetrators are appropriately punished. However, punishment does 

not have to be necessarily retributive in its nature, it could be restorative. Instead of systematic punishment 

justified on grounds of the wrongdoing committed by a criminal and addressed by the action aganist criminal, 

restorative justice strives to achieve reconciliation between crime victims and the persons who have harmed them 

through the use of various non conflict resolution forms. [18] Also, for war widows’ reconciliation can include 

compensation and application of inheritance and family laws that recognize them as main family providers. [19] 

Women’s suffering should be publicly recognized. However, women often do not have political and social power to 

address their concerns. Moreover, even when they have space to address their abuses, they do not feel 

comfortable speaking about sexual abuses in public hearings with males, their family, or community members. 

Even quite successful, South African model established by Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was not 

gender sensitive. The debates were weak on extracting the truth about women. According to official statistics of 

who made statements to the Commission, more than 55 per cent were women; however they only talked about 

experiences of their menfolk and their children. [20] Women did not talk about their own experiences, about 

themselves. In general, men spoke directly about their own experiences while women, for the most part, 

addressed suffering of others, often men and children. According to some researches, some women did that 

intentionally in order to “bring out” their “son’s sory” since “men spoke about themselves when they come to the 

truth commission.” Therefore, they think it is them (women) who should bring these stories, as there is no one 

else to do so. [21] 

Reconciliation can bring relief, but it also can bring stigma and shame for women. By coming forward to testify, in 

some situations, women and girls bring social shame not only on themselves but on their family members as 

well. This might have fatal consequences for women’s future. They can become ostracized from community, 

targeted for the rape or deemed unmarriageable. Moreover, between risking of future and remain to live in their 

communities and valid prosecution of perpetrator there might exist a big imbalance so women might decide not to 

talk. In addition, even when they decide to speak up and risk social shame and their safety they can encounter 

legal difficulties. For example, Bosnia and Herzegovina law considers rape only as being penis-vagina penetration. 

Therefore, the woman who had an AK-47 shoved up in her vagina was not legally raped. Instead, the perpetrator 

committed an indecent act. [22] 

Furthermore, almost all peace processes do not have women present during the negotiations among conflict 

parties. Therefore, women’s needs and concerns are left out form final peace agreements that often have longterm 

impact on future society. Peace agreements are not just about establishing a cease-fire but they are a 

framework for rebuilding and restructuring a whole war torn society. 

Men are involved in creation of reconstruction plans, which are very often gender blind. Men present at the 

negotiating table are usually interested in distribution of the land and the future power in the state. Who will rule 

the country and who will have more power in governmental structures are more of a priority than issues women 

might propose. Moreover, while transitioning from war to peace, men still keep high-masculinized society in 

which budget and all sources are tend to be allocated primarily to “security issues”. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, 

both national and international community (read men) have been primarily concerned with establishing the 

national army and international security forces. In this way, they (again) brought into the country large scale of 

weapons and military men who cost huge amount of money that could rather be spent for health and education. 

Men often do not see or they do not want to see that there is a need for formal recognition and acknowledgement 

of gender transformation that happen during the war. To recognize the strengths of women might be seen as 

threatening to the preservation of patriarchal society. Indeed, that would be the first step toward loosening 

patriarchal structures. 

Furthermore, militarism needs militarized masculinity in order to exist. Militarism needs men willing to fight. It 

nourishes “warrior identity” in men; his “unique strength” and his “courageous” and “protective” role. Still, with 

becoming a “protector” of the homeland, men loose his primary role as provider and breadwinner. This position 

can create clashes of masculinity interests and roles, resulting in frustration and anger particularly after the 

conflict when men have to rely on women who have assumed the role as family provider during the conflict. The 

effects of militarism are hard for women before and during the conflict but especially in the post-conflict period. 

Men returning from battlefields transfer their power to commit violence from war zone to their family but also 

their wider community. Long term separation from women prevented men to observe and rationally accept that 

women got another, more active role and proven that they are able to undertake male role in the family. The 

majority of men, after coming form war fields are jobless; their increase in usage of alcohol and practicing 



domestic violence becomes apparent. [23] Being dependant on women’s income might be quite frustrating and 

humiliating for men. Therefore, reconciliation process should recognize gender issues, relationships between men 

and women, in addition to cross-ethnic and religious issues that might have been the initial causes of the war. 

Reconciliation should reach all levels of a community. 

Reconciliation cannot be imposed by outside actors. Peace builders have an important role to play in any 

reconciliation process, but only after acknowledging the traditional ways addressing justice and forgiveness within 

a community. As a long-term process, reconciliation requires time and patience. Rehabilitation of victims and 

reconciliation between victim and perpetrator cannot be satisfied immediate after violent conflict. [24] If the need 

for change and reconciliation is not internalized, there is likelihood that change will be temporary. [25] 

As Zehr describes, the heart of reconciliation is “the voluntary initiative of the conflict parties to acknowledge their 

responsibility and guilt.” [26] However, acknowledgment of crime does not necessarily have to be linked with 

accepting the guilt for particular event. In the case of Dragoljub Kunarac at The Hague [27] , on trial for 

mistreatment of women in Foca, he did not deny having had sexual intercourse with number of Muslim girls and 

women. However, Kunarac argued that the woman did not feel severe mental pain or damage because he had 

intercourse with her after she had been gang-raped by his comrades. [28] Radomir Kovac, Kunarac’s codefendant, 

said that he believed that his victims had consented to intercourse because they did not forcefully resisted 

throughout the act and because he was in love with one of them. Moreover, he did not consider them as slaves 

since they had the key from his house and could escape at any time. Hence, Kovac did not clarify where Muslim 

girls could escape without money and clothes in Serb-controlled Foca in 1992. [29] 

Therefore, while Kovac [30] acknowledged that the rape happened there was a lack of guilt associated to the 

event. There was not a sense of responsibility and regret for the events that had occurred. Moreover, it almost 

seems that women enjoyed in being sex slaves and gang raped. The fact that Kovac was “in love” with one of 

them gave him “assumed credibility” to rape. Finally, none of them perceive those events as rapes since there 

was no forceful resistance on behalf of women. Admission of ones guilt and preach for forgiveness is one of the 

first steps toward reconciliation. If that is the goal, how we are going to move on with mentioned attitude? 

Men from both side of the conflict do not want to be accused for sexual crimes during the war since it happened in 

both sides. That is something in common for warring parties since sexual violence towards women is a common 

crime for all of them. Indeed, they would rather forget about it and move on but women cannot forget. They 

might forgive but certainly after male perpetrators, at least admit their acts and being held accountable in one 

way or the other. Therefore, for some women the truth as well as the confessional truth on behalf of perpetrators 

is needed. They need to acknowledge that perpetrator is really aware what he did and fell regret for it. For others, 

the identification of truth on those who committed the crimes and asking the victims for forgiveness have to 

happen in order to be able to move ahead. [31] 

Looking at the worldwide civil society grassroots projects and who is in majority of them engaged, one might say 

that women are more interested in process of truth and reconciliation. Indeed, many NGOs emerge at the 

outbreak of conflict and they are mainly female. [32] However, there are reconciliation activities initiated by men, 

former soldiers, in forms of public witnessing through which men in public spaces talk about their experiences and 

regret for their actions. However, there is a need that in this kind of debates, men besides apologizing to each 

other for committing the crimes do so towards women as well. 

Women’s roles in reconciliation processes are complex, reflecting the multiple roles women have in one society. 

Their approach and life has to be holistically viewed since women symbolize peace educators within the family, in 

schools, in women’s and mixed associations, and elsewhere. Their networks and knowledge of local affairs make 

them effective early warning monitors, alert for increasing tensions and others signs of potential conflict. Their 

often-extensive kinship relations, social prospects and training can make women highly effective mediators. 

Moreover, their status as outsiders and the perception that they are not primary stakeholders in conflict also 

reveals a role of possibly better negotiators and originators of new approaches to peace. [33] 

Without devaluation of destructions war brings itself, war also breaks down the patriarchal structures of society 

that degrade and confine political, civil and other liberties of women. It breaks down traditions and customs often 

imposed on women in order to control their behavior in society. Hence, war also creates space and opens up the 

door for new beginnings. [34] However, with demobilization of combatants, who are most often predominately 

men, there is a parallel process of “demobilization” of women from their new gained roles during war. With 

stripping of their military clothes and arms and going back into status prior to a war, men assume that women 

should do the same. They should be stripped of their painfully gained roles during a conflict: economic freedoms 

and independence. Therefore, the reintegration of demobilized combatants and demilitarization of masculinity 

clashes with women acquired mobilization during a conflict and their wishes to preserve it. 

To conclude, return to peace for women usually means return to the gender status quo that is irrespective of the 

nontraditional roles assumed by women during conflict. [35] How to keep and consolidate the gains made during 

the conflict is a challenge for women in many post conflict societies. 

Conclusion 

Building a culture of peace is a process that should involve both men and women to question different types of 



violence, injustice and discrimination. Also, they should bear in mind that security cannot be measured through 

arms and guns but by measuring level of understanding among people. 

If the men in power continue to perceive women primarily as victims, war widows, or heroic mothers, we have 

little room for post conflict social transformation. [36] In order to change this perception women have to play an 

important role as well. They also sometimes expose only their role as a victim and by doing so, perpetuate gender 

stereotypes about women solely seen as victims. Indeed, women are victims of the war but they are also 

survivors. However, women are often perceived as passive victims due to wide range of violence they experience 

during the war. Media repeatedly highlights information that describes abuses women endure during the war 

while ignoring the actions taken by women as autonomous actors. Images of women as victims that convey in 

public have serious consequences on awareness of different impacts war have on men and women and impede the 

recognition of creative and new solutions that women might propose. 

Our common task should be not to abolish but to reshape gender roles. In other words, we should work to 

disconnect courage from violence as well as ambition from domination and exploitation. [37] The courage does not 

mean using violence nor ambition and power have to include domination over other less powered. Both men and 

women have the potential for peacemaking and the responsibility to build and keep the peace. In order to 

achieve this, we have to promote peace education not only in schools but also in other arenas such work places, 

community organizations, labor markets, mass media, science, and within family relationships. 

About the author: 

Olivera Simic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, LLM and MA, holds LLM degree in International Human Rights Law (Essex 

University, UK, 2003) and MA in Gender and Peacebuilding (University for Peace, Costa Rica, 2005). Currently, 

she works as Gender Expert and Consultant for different agencies. For almost decade she has been working on 

women and children human rights as related to these topics. She worked as legal fellow in Human Rights Watch, 

one of the biggest NGOs in the USA as well as in UNICEF office in Bosnia and Herzegovina where she was leading 

projects related to trafficking in children and gender based violence. Contact: oljasimic@yubc.net 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Books 

S. Meintjes, A. Pillay, and M. Turshen, (eds) The Aftermath: Women in Post Conflict Transformation (London, Zed 

Books, 2001) 

S. Cockburn, The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict (London and New 

York, Zed Books, 1998) 

S. Hunt, This was not our war, Bosnian women reclaiming the peace (Durham & London, Duke University Press, 

2004) 

Articles, Reports, Jornals 

ACCORD, “Conflict trends”, Special Issue on Women, Peace and Security 3/2003. (The African Center for the 

Constructive Resolution of Disputes and UNIFEM, South Africa, 2003) 

D. Pankhurst, “Issues of Justice and Reconciliation in Complex Political Emergencies” Third World Quarterly 

January 20, 1999 p. 239-256 

D. Pankhurts, “Mainstreaming Gender in Peacebuilding: A Framework for Action” (London, Women Building Peace, 

2000) at 24 

D. Wilson, M Pilisuk, M. Lee, “Understanding Militarism, Money, Masculinity and the Search for the Mystical”, in 

Christie, D., Wagner, R.; and Winter, D. Peace Conflict and Violence: Peace Psychology for the 21 st century (New 

Jersey, Prentice Press, 2001) 

E. Cynthia, “Deminlitarization-or more of the same? Feminist questions to ask in the postwar moment”, in 

Cookburn, C., Zarkov, D. (Eds), The PostWar Moment, Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping 

(London, Lawrence & Wishart, 2002) 

H. Zehr, “Restorative Justice” in Reychler, L., and Paffenholz, T. (eds) Peacebuilding: A Field Guide (Lynne 

Rienner: Boulder, 2001) 

Infoteka, “To Live With (out) Violence: Final Report [on] Violence against Women [in] Zenica, Bosnia and 

Herzegovina” A Second Look, no. 2 (Zagreb, Infoteka, 1999) 

K. Kurtenbach, “Dealing with the Past in Latin America” in Reychler, L., and Paffenholz, T. (eds) Peacebuilding: A 

Field Guide (Lynne Rienner: Boulder, 2001) 



L. Marshall, “The connection between militarism and violence against women” (26 February 2004) For more see: 

< http://www.awakenedwoman.com/marshall_militarism.htm >, accessed 3 March 2005 

M. Turshen, “Women’s War Stories” in What Women Do in War-time:Gender and Conflict in Africa, ed. Tushen, M. 

and Twagiramariya, C. (London, Zed Books, 1998) 

N. Puechguirbal, “Women and War in the Democratic Republic of Congo” in Signs, Journal of Women in Cutlure 

and Society (USA, The University of Chicago Press, August 2003) 

R. Connell, “Arms and the men: using the new research on masculinity to understand violence and promote peace 

in the contemporary world” in Breines, I., Connel, R., Eide, I., “Male roles, masculinities and violence: A culture of 

peace perspective (UNESCO Publishing, 9-17 and 21-33, 2000) 

S. Ruddick, “Mother’s and Men’s Wars” in Harris, A., King, Y. Rocking the Ship of State (Westview Press, San 

Francisco and London) 

S. Slapsek, “Hunting, ruling, sacrificing: traditional male practicies in contemporary Balkan cultures” in I Breines, 

R Connell and I Eide., Male roles, masculinities and violence, A culture of peace perspective (Paris, UNESCO, 

2000) 

V. Nikolic-Ristanovic, “Truth, reconciliation and victims in Serbia: the process so far” (New Horizons for 

Victimology XI th International Symposium on Victimology Stellenbosch, South Africa 13-18 July, 2003) Draft 

paper 

Women, Peace and Security, At a Glance (UN Department of Public Information, 2003) 

Y. Sooka, “Keynote Address to The Aftermath: Conference on Women in Post-war Situations” (University of the 

Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, July 20-22, 1999) 

Research 

Anonymous (after Adolph Treidler), Untitled, ca. 1917-1920, lithograph, 40 x 26 1/2 in.,SLU 95.3.57 See: 

, accessed 4 April 2005 

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, accessed 3 April 2005 

Bloofield, D., “Reconciliation: am Introduction” Available at: 


see: 

http://www.awakenedwoman.com/marshall_militarism.htm, accessed 3 March 2005 

[2] Ruddick, S. “Mother’s and Men’s Wars” in Harris, A., King, Y. Rocking the Ship of State (Westview Press, San 

Francisco and London) p. 79 

[3] Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., “Truth, reconciliation and victims in Serbia: the process so far” (New Horizons for 

Victimology XI th International Symposium on Victimology Stellenbosch, South Africa 13-18 July, 2003) Draft 

paper 

[4] Wilson, D.; Pilisuk, M.; Lee, M., “Understanding Militarism, Money, Masculinity and the Search for the Mystical”, 

in Christie, D., Wagner, R.; and Winter, D. Peace Conflict and Violence: Peace Psychology for the 21 st century 

(New Jersey, Prentice Press, 2001) p. 324 

[5] Women, Peace and Security, At a Glance (UN Department of Public Information, 2003) at 11 

[6] Cockburn, S., The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict (London and New 

York, Zed Books, 1998) p. 167 

[7] Puechguirbal, N., “Women and War in the Democratic Republic of Congo” in Signs, Journal of Women in Culture 

and Society (USA, The University of Chicago Press, August 2003) 

[8] J Barry, Rising up in response (Women in Black, Belgrade, 2005) p. 70 

[9] ACCORD, “Conflict trends”, Special Issue on Women, Peace and Security 3/2003. (The African Center for the 

Constructive Resolution of Disputes and UNIFEM, South Africa, 2003) at 31 

[10] Cockburn, C., Supra n. 7, p. 43 

[11] Ibid p. 43 

[12] Meintjes, S., Pillay, A., and Turshen, M. (eds) The Aftermath: Women in Post Conflict Transformation (Londo, 

Zed Books, 2001)at 6 

[13] For more see: Gendercide Watch, “Case Study: Srebrenica Massacre, July 1995”. Text available at: 

< http://www.gendercide.org/case_srebrenica.html>, accessed 21 October 2005 

[14] Slapsek, S., “Hunting, ruling, sacrificing: traditional male practicies in contemporary Balkan cultures” in I 

Breines, R Connell and I Eide., Male roles, masculinities and violence, A culture of peace perspective (Paris, 

UNESCO, 2000)p. 139 

[15] Pankhurst, D., “Issues of Justice and Reconciliation in Complex Political Emergencies” Third World Quarterly 

January 20, 1999 p. 239-256 

[16] Pankhurts, D., “Mainstreaming Gender in Peacebuilding: A Framework for Action” (London, Women Building 

Peace, 2000) at 24 

[17] International Conference on Truth, Reconciliation and Global Human Rights, Sarajevo, August 2005, 

Statement from Criminal Court of BiH 

[18] E Hoffer, “Retributive and Restorative Justice” For more see: 

http://faculty.ncwc.edu/toconnor/415/415lect08.htm, accessed 1 October 2005 

[19] Bloofield, D., “Reconciliation: am Introduction” Available at: 

< http://www.idea.int/publications/reconciliation/upload/reconciliation-chap01.pdf>, accessed 2 April 2005 

[20] Sooka, Y., “Keynote Address to The Aftermath: Conference on Women in Post-war Situations” (University of 

the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, July 20-22, 1999) 

[21] Qoute from Ann-Maric. Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela “Women’s Contributions to South Africa’s Truth and 

Reconcilliation Commission” (Women Waging Peace, Hunt Alternative Fund, February 2005) For more see: 

< http://www.womenwagingpeace.net/content/articles/SouthAfricaTJFullCaseStudy.pdf>, accessed 23 September 

2005 

[22] Infoteka, “To Live With (out) Violence: Final Report [on] Violence against Women [in] Zenica, Bosnia and 

Herzegovina” A Second Look, no. 2 (Zagreb, Infoteka, 1999) 



[23] Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Social Change, Gender and Violence: Post-Communist a nd War Affected Societies 

(Kluwer, Dordrecht, Boston, London, 2002), at. 99 

[24] Kurtenbach, K., “Dealing with the Past in Latin America” in Reychler, L., and Paffenholz, T. (eds) 

Peacebuilding: A Field Guide (Lynne Rienner: Boulder, 2001) at 353 

[25] Zehr, H., “Restorative Justice” in Ibid at 342 

[26] Ibid at 341 

[27] ICTY, Transcript, Prosecutor v. Dragoljub Kunarac, Radomir Kovac and Zoran Vukovic, Foca case nos. IT-96- 

23-T, IT-96-23/1-T (2002) 

[28] Ibid 

[29] ICTY, Appeals Judgment, Prosecutor v. Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovic, Foca case nos. IT-96-23-PT, IT-96-23/1- 

PT (2002) 

[30] Ibid. 

[31] Hunt, S., This was not our war, Bosnian women reclaiming the peace (Durham & London, Duke University 

Press, 2004) p. 170 

[32] For example, in the former Yugoslavia almost all NGOs who emerged at the beggining of the war were 

consisted from women. It seems logical as well since men were recruited into the army and went into the war. 

[33] Anderson, S., “Women’s Many Roles in Reconciliation”, see: 

< http:www.gppac.net/documents/pbp/4/2_intro.htm>, accessed 30 March 2005 

[34] Turshen, M., “Women’s War Stories” in What Women Do in War-time:Gender and Conflict in Africa, ed. 

Tushen, M. and Twagiramariya, C. (London, Zed Books, 1998) pp. 1-26 at 20 

[35] Meintjes, S., Pillay, A., and Turshen, M. (eds) , Supra n. 13, at 8 

[36] Cynthia, E., “Deminlitarization-or more of the same? Feminist questions to ask in the postwar moment”, in 

Cookburn, C., Zarkov, D. (Eds), The PostWar Moment, Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping 

(London, Lawrence & Wishart, 2002) pp. 22-32 at 29 

[37] Connell, R., “Arms and the men: using the new research on masculinity to understand violence and promote 

peace in the contemporary world” in Breines, I., Connel, R., Eide, I., “Male roles, masculinities and violence: A 

culture of peace perspective” (UNESCO Publishing, 9-17 and 21-33, 2000) at 30 




On the Occasion of the 

Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization 


In a matter of days, government delegates will be gathering in Hong Kong for the latest landmark event in the 

ongoing process of economic globalization - the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization 

(WTO). We, members of civil society from developed and developing countries, concerned about the impact of this 

process on the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world, take the 

opportunity of International Human Rights Day to remind our governments that their human rights obligations 

cannot be abandoned at the WTO door. 

The moral and legal primacy of human rights 

The human rights struggle is the struggle for human dignity, which is a fundamental and defining ethical value in 

any culture. Trade liberalization on the other hand is a means, not an end in itself. The end that must be served 

by trade, as well as other aspects of economic policy, is increased human wellbeing through development. This is 

the only basis on which a given economic policy can claim moral and political legitimacy. 

The canon of international human rights law (comprising civil, political,economic, social and cultural rights) offers 

a comprehensive legal definition of the fundamental elements of human wellbeing and human dignity. Therefore, 

any trade or other economic policy that offends against the principles of human rights, either in design or practice, 

lacks moral and political legitimacy. 

Human rights are enshrined in numerous international treaties and in many national constitutions. Substantial 

portions of human rights law are regarded as having achieved the status of customary international law. Some of 

its foundational principles are recognized as peremptory norms of international law. 

The promotion and protection of human rights are included in the UN Charter as being among the fundamental 

purposes of the United Nations. Through Articles 55(c) and 56 of the UN Charter, Members of the United Nations 

pledge to take joint and separate action to "promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and 

fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex language or religion.” Charter Article 103 

expressly and unambiguously provides that “[i]n the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of 

the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their 

obligations under the present Charter shall prevail.” 

Increased trade can undoubtedly serve as one means for the realization of human rights--especially the right to 

development--but it does not automatically or necessarily do so. Even when trade does bring increased wealth, 

poor distribution of the benefits both within and between nations, perpetuates poverty and impedes the 

progressive realization of human rights. 

The Doha Development Agenda & coherence in law, policy and practice 

Human rights and economic policy are interconnected to a degree that demands coherence in international and 

national law, policy and practice. In the wider context of the security-development-human rights nexus, UN 

Secretary-General Kofi Annan has declared in his March 2005 report, In Larger Freedom, that: 

"We will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security without development, and we will not 

enjoy either without respect for human rights. Unless all these causes are advanced, none will succeed." 

Nevertheless, the international trade regime has repeatedly denied and rejected any intersection between its 

mandate and human rights. This is both logically and legally indefensible especially since most WTO members 

have ratified at least one of the major UN human rights treaties. 

This isolationism of the international trade community is based in part on a lack of knowledge of human rights - in 

particular of economic, social and cultural rights as an inseparable element of the canon of international human 

rights law - and also of the important contribution that human rights can make to desired development outcomes 

of trade policy and practice. 

Isolationism has resulted as well from the disconnection of international trade policies and practices from the goal 

of increased human wellbeing. Increased trade and trade liberalization have become ends in themselves, and 

trade negotiations pit governments against each other in a competitive process driven by corporate interests 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0064dok.htm (1 van 4)19-1-2006 13:12:13


rather than human development. 

We denounce this isolationist tendency, which runs counter to the Preamble of the Marrakech Agreement, and 

demand that our governments take specific steps to ensure coherence between trade means and human rights 

ends. 

● WTO member States must take their human rights obligations into account in all aspects of trade policy 

development, negotiation and practice. 

● WTO member States must undertake human rights impact assessments before concluding new trade 

agreements or revisions of existing trade agreements, as well as in the course of implementing existing 

agreements. 

● Information about human rights impacts should be included in trade policy reviews, both in the members' 

own reports and in the reports prepared by the WTO secretariat, including information provided by civil 

society sources. 

● The WTO should be receptive to human rights arguments in the context of dispute settlement, including 

through the possibility for human rights organizations to submit amicus curiae briefs to the panels and the 

Appellate Body set up under the Dispute Settlement Understanding. 

● States should establish effective mechanisms within government to enhance policy coherence between 

human rights and trade. Trade ministries and trade representatives should receive human rights 

information and assessments from both governmental and non-governmental sources, in order to formulate 

and advocate for coherent policy decisions in international economic forums. 

Extraterritorial Obligations 

No country has, as yet, made a sufficient attempt to ensure that its policy positions in international economic 

forums are consistent with its domestic human rights obligations and with the human rights obligations of its 

trading partners. 

International human rights law places obligations upon States with regard to international assistance and 

cooperation. These obligations require that States refrain from actions (including in the context of negotiating and 

implementing international trade agreements) that could interfere, directly or indirectly, with the enjoyment of 

human rights in other countries, as well as their own. Such extraterritorial obligations mean that steps should be 

taken to ensure that activities undertaken by States individually or within multilateral processes including trade 

negotiations do not undermine the ability of other States to meet their human rights obligations. 

● Developed States must take into account their responsibility for international assistance and cooperation for 

the realization of human rights. 

● UN human rights treaty bodies should strengthen their capacity to examine the human rights impacts of 

international trade agreements and policies and to make observations concerning policy coherence. 

Agricultural trade, and the human right to food 

In a world that has more than enough food to feed everyone, the number of people who suffer from hunger and 

malnutrition is increasing. According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, more than 850 million people 

lack adequate food. Every five seconds a child under the age of five dies of hunger or hunger-related disease. The 

international trade in agricultural food products must be part of the solution, not part of the problem, in relation to 

this tragedy. 

There are close linkages between agricultural trade liberalization and the failure to respect, protect or fulfill the 

human right to food. Developing countries have been pushed to open their agricultural markets to foreign imports 

that are often exported at less than the cost of production. Unfair trade rules, coupled with international financial 

institution loan conditions, have limited the policy space for developing country governments to meet their human 

rights obligations. 

The Doha Development Agenda requires that WTO members address livelihood and food security concerns by 

establishing adequate flexibilities within new rules for trade in agriculture. However, on the eve of the 6 th WTO 

Ministerial Meeting, very little hope of progress towards this goal can be offered to millions of poor farmers and 

people suffering from hunger around the world, and to the societies of which they are a part. 

● WTO members must honour their commitment to make special and differential treatment for developing 

countries an integral part of the negotiations, including in agriculture negotiations. 

● Market access rules must allow for differentiation, and allow developing countries to adopt rules and 

practices for the purpose of protecting the livelihoods of their agriculture-reliant poor. 

● Developing countries must have sufficient policy space to enable them to support small farmers and to 

protect their agricultural markets from cheap imports, especially for food staples. 

● Developed countries must end the dumping of subsidized agricultural production. 

Trade in services and equitable provision of essential services 

Current negotiations on the WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) threaten to erode the ability 



of national governments to implement measures for the equitable provision of essential services (such as health, 

water, sanitation and education) to all their citizens. The implementation of such measures is a central 

requirement of States under their human rights treaty commitments. While the GATS does not technically require 

withdrawal of the State from the provision of essential services, the logic of liberalization of trade in services does 

not favour equitable provision of those services. The legal requirements of the GATS continue to threaten 

effective State involvement and oversight in this area. Further mandated negotiations may also threaten 

governments’ capacity to regulate services in the public interest. 

Moreover, consideration of the potential impact of the GATS should address the power imbalances between 

countries in the negotiation process, and the existing pressure towards privatization of the public sector under the 

policy prescriptions of the IFIs. 

Insofar as the human rights obligations of private corporations are not, as yet, legally enforceable in all 

circumstances, as the home States of those corporations are hesitant to adopt extra-territorial legislation to that 

effect, and as the host States may find it legally or practically impossible to impose strict obligations on foreign 

corporations, the rights of poor and vulnerable populations to the highest attainable standard of health, nutrition, 

education etc., may be put in jeopardy. 

● Essential services with direct implications for specific human rights--such as the human right to health, 

water and education—should be excluded from negotiations under the GATS. 

● There should be no new approaches within the GATS negotiations (such as ‘benchmarking’or sectoral 

approaches) that could undermine the existing flexibility of the positive list approach. 

● The ability of Governments to regulate in the public interest must not be subjected to new constraints. 

Trade-related intellectual property rights, and the human right to health 

The WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) has posed formidable obstacles to the 

progressive realization of the human right to health and the right to life, particularly in terms of access to 

medicines. By protecting, or indeed mandating, monopoly rights for at least 20 years, and stifling competition 

from lower-cost producers, the TRIPS Agreement enables drug prices to be set high and to stay high. 

The 2001 Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health recognized the practical problems for 

public health posed by TRIPS compliance and encouraged WTO members to take advantage of TRIPS flexibilities. 

However, many commercial and political disincentives continue to limit the practical availability and utility of these 

flexibilities, such as compulsory licensing and parallel importation, and hamper the ability of poorer countries to 

ensure that TRIPS outcomes are consistent with their human rights obligations. Further, the crisis regarding 

neglected diseases (mainly those affecting populations in the developing world) demonstrates the limitations of 

the market-based justification for stringent intellectual property laws - i.e. incentive for innovation. 

In addition, the TRIPS provision allowing patent monopolies over living organisms is offensive to many religions 

and spiritual traditions and is therefore a violation of cultural rights. 

● States must ensure that intellectual property rules in TRIPS and in other trade agreements do not obstruct 

or undermine any State’s ability to comply with its human rights obligations, including equitable access to 

medicines. 

● Assurances must be made that the additional seven year delay granted to Least Developed Countries 

(LDCs) for the implementation of TRIPS is not used to obtain concessions in agriculture, services or nonagriculture 

market access (NAMA). 

● G8 countries must honour their commitment at Gleneagles to ensure "universal access to (HIV) treatment 

for all those who need it by 2010", and pursuant to that commitment to take all necessary steps to mitigate 

the restraining effects of the TRIPS Agreement on access to ARVs in the developing world. 

● The review under provision 27(3)(b) should proceed and lifeform patents should be removed from the 

agreement. 

The above statement has been drafted by a group of human rights organizations and advocates from around the 

world. The group functions as a civil society "human rights caucus" around the WTO. The statement was 

released on December 10 - International Human Rights Day - in Hong Kong on the eve of the WTO Ministerial 

Meeting. 

Until December 10, the Joint Statement has been endorsed by 108 human rights organisations all around the 

world. It wil remain open for additional signatories until December 18. Please forward any new endorsement to 

Tamara at globalisation@dd-rd.ca. This Statement and other information on the Ministerial are availabe on the 

Rights and Democracy website at: 

www.dd-rd.ca/frame2.iphtml?langue=0&menu=m01&urlpage=english/commdoc/publications/globalization/wto 




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A Gender Perspective on the EU’s Position in the WTO Negotiations 


WIDE is deeply concerned about the European Commission’s insistence on pushing for the establishment of trade 

rules that threaten the livelihoods of poor women and men in the South and that perpetuate gender inequality, 

unfair gender relations as well as structural inequalities between women and men and within and between 

countries and regions. The EU is aggressively pursuing new markets, while offering little in return to developing 

countries. Of particular concern is the EU’s continued insistence on pushing for progress on non-agricultural 

market access (NAMA) and services negotiations in the name of the Doha Development Round whose objective is 

stated to be that of putting ‘development at the heart of the WTO’ (Doha Declaration 2001). As a European 

network promoting gender equality and social justice, WIDE joins other social movements and NGOs in the EU in 

challenging the assumption that increased trade and opening of markets will yield equitable development. 

From a gender perspective, we are deeply concerned about the ways in which neo-liberalism, founded on the 

promotion of a radical ‘free-trade’ regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation has both exacerbated 

already profound inequalities and led to the creation of new inequalities. It has led to the feminisation of 

precarious employment, (poor working conditions, low wages, unsustainable perspectives) intensified exploitation 

of women’s unpaid work in the caring economy and has undermined the livelihood strategies of poor women, 

including migrant women, in all areas of the world. WIDE appeals for a rethinking of the structural inequities on 

which these policies are based. We question the concept of progressive trade liberalisation as a “one-size-fits-all” 

recipe for development. We cannot afford the prioritisation of market access over development goals, nor the 

false division between social and economic policies. WIDE contests the current neo liberal economic regime which 

promotes EU’s self-interest at the expense of women and men in the South. 

WIDE does not support the “aid for trade” policies promoted by the EU alongside the World Bank and the 

International Monetary Fund. These policies promote the making of loans only in order to fund the adjustments 

required to facilitate trade liberalisation. As feminists and economic and social justice advocates, we believe that 

Official Development Assistance should not be linked with conditionalities. We also strongly oppose the 

approaches that aim to ‘add women in’ to the liberalisation process as ‘beneficiaries’ without questioning 

underlying structural inequities. 

The time has come to change EU trade policies. They must be constrained and bound by existing international 

agreements that promote human rights and women’s rights, ecological sustainability, human dignity and they 

must aim to end poverty and promote well-being. EU trade policies can no longer be dictated by the interests of 

EU corporations. Current WTO negotiations should not undermine EU commitments to implement the Beijing 

Declaration and Platform for Action agreed at the Fourth World Conference on Women or the realisation of gender 

equality and women’s human rights as enshrined in the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of 

Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). 

WIDE calls therefore EU trade ministers, Member of the European Parliament and the European 

Commission to: 

■ Ensure access to essential services for women and men. The EU should stop pushing in the General 

Agreement on Trade in Services negotiations its proposal for “Complementary Approaches” which by setting 

quantitative as well as qualitative targets is a paradigm shift from the concept of flexibility to an approach 

of coercion within the GATS. Nor should the EU push for the Bolkestein Directive within the EU. Essential 

services such as water, education, health should be excluded from the GATS negotiations. 

■ Recognise and guarantee government’s policy space and flexibilities by halting the NAMA 

negotiations and drop reciprocity demands in the EPA negotiations. Governments should have the 

right to use policy tools, including trade measures that preserve government’s policy space to: 

- Develop fair and sustainable economies that contribute to women’s empowerment; 

- Protect and promote employment, social welfare, health for women and men and the environment; 

- Promote sustainable conservation and the sustainable management of all resources. 

■ Ensure people’s food sovereignty. The EU should respect the right of developing countries to develop 

and implement agricultural policies that guarantee food security and strengthen domestic agricultural 

markets, most particularly those where small-scale farmers trade their products. We therefore call on the 

EU to remove agriculture from the WTO. 

■ Ensure that Official Development Assistance is not linked to any conditionality. 


Doc 

■ Complete systematic public impact assessments of the development, social, environmental and 

gender impact of trade negotiations before proceeding to the next phases of negotiations. Such 

assessment should involve civil society and more specifically women’s organisations from both Europe and 

countries of the South, which the EU is targeting. Rather than being considered simply as flanking 

measures, which has been EU practice with other impact assessments, these assessments should inform 

and also influence EU policy changes. 

Celebrating its 20 th anniversary WIDE is a European women’s network whose main activities are lobbying, 

advocacy and awareness raising; networking and capacity building on global trade agenda, macro-economic 

policy, gender and development policy and women’s human rights. WIDE is a member of the Seattle to Brussels 

Network, the International Gender and Trade Network and the Our World Is Not For Sale Network. 

Visit the WIDE website: www.wide-network.org 

For further information, please contact: 

Meagen Baldwin, Executive Director, meagen@wide-network.org 

Amandine Bach, GATS and WTO Project Coordinator, amandine@wide-network.org 

Barbara Specht, Information Officer, Barbara@wide-network.org 





By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D., Nigerian Institute of Management, Nigeria 

The issue of privatization has been a subject of intense global debate in recent years. In Africa, it has remained 

highly controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria has not been a popular reform. It has received so 

much criticism from labor, academia, and individuals. There have been numerous strikes against proposed selloffs 

by unions fearing loss of jobs. While proponents of privatization see that aspect of economic reform as an 

instrument of efficient resource management for rapid economic development and poverty reduction, the critics 

argue that privatization inflicts damage on the poor through loss of employment, reduction in income, and 

reduced access to basic social services or increases in prices. Whatever are the views of the two parties, the only 

group that has no voice in the matter is the poor. The author is of the view that privatization is not inherently 

good or bad, but the poor performance or effectiveness depends on implementation (Nightingale and Pindus, 

1997). 

This paper draws extensively from the empirical research by the author, Management Practices and Performance 

Determinants of Public and Private Sector Enterprises in Anambra, Edo and Delta States of Nigeria: A Factor 

Analysis (Nwoye, 1997). Comparing the effectiveness of public versus private service delivery, the analysis shows 

no clear evidence that private service delivery is inherently more effective or less effective than public service 

delivery but rather that each sector has its own strengths and weaknesses. 

The paper provides a general overview of the extent, effect, and consequences of privatization of public 

enterprises in Nigeria in terms of opinions held within various schools of thought. The paper is not intended in any 

way to be a panacea in the treatment of the overall subject of privatization; rather, it is a review of support or 

apprehension specifically relating to the issues of employment, income, social services, and economic welfare 

including prices. 

Conceptual Issues 

The concept of privatization in recent times evokes sharp political reactions from many angles. Privatization can 

be defined as the transfer of ownership and control of enterprise from the state to the private sector. Various 

groups have also defined it differently. The Privatization and Commercialization Act of 1988 and the Bureau of 

Public Enterprises Act of 1993 defined privatization as the relinquishment of part or all of the equity and other 

interests held by the Federal Government or any of its agencies, in enterprises whether wholly or partly owned by 

the Federal Government. But, however privatization is defined, it transfers ownership of production and control of 

enterprises from the public to the private sector. It is an ideological concept. 

Justification for Establishment of Public Enterprises 

Many reasons have been adduced as the justification for creating public enterprises. Following are six important 

ones: 

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● 

● 

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The first of these, especially in the context of developing countries such as Nigeria, is the development 

emphasis. In many developing countries, the resources available to the private sector are not adequate for 

the provision of certain goods and services. For example, the investments required in the construction of a 

hydroelectricity-generating plant or a water scheme for a large urban center are quite enormous and the 

returns on such investments will take a very long time to realize. 

Secondly, political considerations influence governmental involvement in the provision of certain social and 

economic services. In many African countries, development is closely associated with the provision of social 

services; consequently, the performance of the government, in many of these countries, is evaluated on 

the basis of its ability to provide different types of public services in areas where such services do not exist. 

The third reason for governmental intervention in the provision and management of goods and services in 

many parts of the world is the fact that no person should be permanently deprived of the access to such 

facilities because of lack of finances or by reason of geographical location. 

A fourth reason relates to the need to protect the consumer, which may not be of interest to the private 

sector. For example, government intervenes in the provision of education in many countries to protect 

children, who are not capable of making important decisions for themselves, by making education up to a 

certain age compulsory and free. 

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The fifth reason for governmental intervention in the provision of certain goods and services relates to the 

indivisibility that characterizes such services. Some facilities, such as bridges, tunnels, roads, streetlights, 

and waste disposal facilities, cannot be divided or partially provided. Either streetlights are provided for the 

benefit of everybody in the community or they are not. Facilities of this type must therefore be provided 

publicly and financed through taxation. 

The sixth reason for governmental intervention is the consciousness of the national security. Certain 

facilities, like the National Ports Authority and the police, are too vital to be left at the mercy of private 

citizens. 

The evolution of public sector enterprises often takes one of two forms. First, they could evolve from local calls or 

responses to an ad-hoc economic crisis, a specific shortage, flagrant abuse of monopoly or oligopoly powers by 

private producers, economic bottlenecks and scarcities, apparent market failures in resource allocation, etc. It is 

economic crises that create socioeconomic conditions that justify public intervention. Alternatively, the evolution 

can take the process of a carefully planned body of ideas involving the issues of management, financial control, 

and/or pricing. In most situations, the primary interests of the society such as “welfarism” [1] are predetermined 

and postulated. These two processes have characterized the evolution of public sector enterprises in Nigeria, 

which dates back to the precolonial era. 

A Brief Historical Perspective on Development of Public Enterprises in Nigeria 

The private sector was the traditional structure of the world’s economies. The Nigerian economy is largely privatesector 

based. The public sector emerged in Nigeria as a result of the need to harness rationally the scarce 

resources to produce goods and services for economic improvement, as well as for promotion of the welfare of the 

citizens. The involvement of the public sector in Nigeria became significant during the period after independence. 

The railways were probably the first major example of public sector enterprises in Nigeria. At first, conceived 

mainly in terms of colonial strategic and administrative needs, they quickly acquired the dimension of a welcomed 

economic utility for transporting the goods of international commerce, like cocoa, groundnut, and palm kernels. 

Given the structural nature of the colonial private ownership and control of the railways in the metropolitan 

countries, it would hardly be expected that the Nigerian Railways Corporation could have been started as any 

other project than as a public sector enterprise for such mass transportation. 

The colonial administration was the nucleus of necessary economic and social infrastructural facilities that private 

enterprise could not provide. Facilities included railways, roads, bridges, electricity, ports and harbors, 

waterworks, and telecommunication. Social services like education and health were still substantially left in the 

related hands of the Christian Mission. But even at this initial stage government itself moved positively into some 

of the direct productive sectors of the economy: the stone quarry at Aro, the colliery at Udi, and the saw mill and 

furniture factory at Ijora. Those were the early stages. 

The emergence of the crude oil industry into the Nigerian economy, after the civil war in the 1970s, with the 

associated boom intensified governmental involvement in production and in control of the Nigerian economy. One 

major aim of government at that time was to convert as much as possible of the growing oil revenue into social, 

physical, and economic infrastructural investments. The Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree of 1972, which 

took effect on 1 April, 1974, with its subsequent amendment in 1976, provided a concrete basis for government’s 

extensive participation in the ownership and management of enterprises. Given these developments, public 

enterprises at the federal level had exceeded 100 in number by 1985; and these had spread over agriculture, 

energy, mining, banking, insurance, manufacturing, transport, commerce, and other service activities. Before 

long, the range of Nigerian public enterprises had stretched from farm organizations to manufacturing, from 

municipal transport to mining, from housing to multipurpose power, and from trading to banking and insurance. 

At the state and local governmental levels, the range of activities that had attracted public sector investment also 

had become quite large. Thus, a variety of enterprises - with public interest in terms of majority equity 

participation or fully-owned by state and local government as well as other governmental entities - became visible 

in various parts of Nigeria. Between 1975 and 1995, it was estimated that the Federal Government of Nigeria had 

invested more than $100 billion in public enterprises. 

Problems of the Economy in the 1980s 

The 1980s witnessed steady economic deterioration and seemingly faulty economic policies. At the beginning of 

the 1980s, the country had entered difficult times. Scarcity of foreign exchange had set in. By the mid-1980s, 

reality had dawned on the nation’s economy. Retrenchment of workers was rampant in both private and public 

sectors. There were inflation, very high levels of unemployment affecting both skilled and unskilled workers, and 

low levels of plant capacity utilization. The origin of the socioeconomic difficulties was generally traced to the 

global economic recession which opened with the decade of the 1980s. Earlier, these socioeconomic problems had 

forced the Federal Government, under President Shehu Shagari, to embark on an economic stabilization program 

(Aboyade, 1974). 

The problems of performance of the public sector enterprises in Nigeria were further complicated by the downturn 

in socioeconomic development in the country due to the global economic recession and the collapse of the oil 

market. Thus, Nigeria’s precarious fiscal and monetary posture could no longer sustain the requirements of its 

public sector enterprises, particularly since they performed below expectations in terms of their returns on 



investments and quality of services. Towards the end of 1980s, the public enterprises, which had grown too large, 

began to suffer from fundamental problems of defective capital structures, excessive bureaucratic control and 

intervention, inappropriate technologies, gross incompetence, and blatant corruption. With the deep internal crises 

that included high rates of inflation and unemployment, external debt obligations, and foreign exchange 

misalignment, Nigeria and many other African countries were strongly advised by the worldwide lending agencies, 

particularly IMF and the World Bank, to divest their public enterprises as one of the conditions for economic 

assistance. With the intensified push for economic liberalization, Nigerian and other African leaders were told that 

privatization as an economic reform would help cut public sector inefficiency and waste, provide greater scope to 

the private sector, attract more investments, bring in new technologies, and hence revive economic growth. Thus 

many countries, including Nigeria, embarked on privatization and other market oriented reforms to pull them out 

of the structural imbalances (Nwoye, 1997). 

It is against this background that the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) proposed a kind of reform which 

would affect the goals, administration, and management of most of the public sector enterprises for purposes of 

efficiency (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1986). One of the main objectives of SAP was, therefore, to pursue 

deregulation and privatization leading to removal of subsidies, reduction in wage expenses, and retrenchment in 

the public sector ostensibly to trim the state down to size. 

Under the reformation scheme, public sector enterprises were expected to be classified into three broad 

categories: 

1. fully privatized or partially privatized, 

2. fully commercialized or partially commercialized, or 

3. retained as public sector institutions. 

Whereas SAP has shown the broad categories under which the public sector enterprises can be grouped, it has 

failed to actually classify the existing enterprises into specific categories. 

Privatization in Nigeria 

Privatization in Nigeria was formally introduced by the Privatization and Commercialization Act of 1988, which 

later set up the Technical Committee on Privatization and Commercialization (TCPC) chaired by Dr. Hamza Zayyad 

with a mandate to privatize 111 public enterprises and commercialize 34 others. In 1993, having privatized 88 out 

of the 111 enterprises listed in the decree, the TCPC concluded its assignment and submitted a final report. Based 

on the recommendation of the TCPC, the Federal Military Government promulgated the Bureau for Public 

Enterprises Act of 1993, which repealed the 1988 Act and set up the Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE) to 

implement the privatization program in Nigeria. In 1999, the Federal Government enacted the Public Enterprise 

(Privatization and Commercialization) Act, which created the National Council on Privatization chaired by the Vice 

President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. The functions of the council include: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

making policies on privatization and commercialization; 

determining the modalities for privatization and advising the government accordingly; 

determining the timing of privatization for particular enterprises; 

approving the prices for shares and the appointment of privatization advisers; 

ensuring that commercialized public enterprises are managed in accordance with sound commercial 

principles and prudent financial practices; and 

interfacing between the public enterprises and the supervising ministries in order to ensure effective 

monitoring and safeguarding of the managerial autonomy of the public enterprises. 

The 1999 Act also established the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) as the secretariat of the National Council on 

Privatization. The functions of the bureau include among others to do the following: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

implement the council’s policies on privatization and commercialization; 

prepare public enterprises approved by the council for privatization and commercialization; 

advise the council on capital restructuring needs of enterprises to be privatized; 

ensure financial discipline and accountability of commercialized enterprises; 

make recommendations to the council in the appointment of consultants, advisers, investment bankers, 

issuing houses, stockbrokers, solicitors, trustees, accountants, and other professionals required for the 



● 

purpose of either privatization or commercialization; and 

ensure the success of privatization and commercialization implementation through monitoring and 

evaluation. 

The subsequent exercise brought with it controversies that are still raging on. Western countries, and in particular 

IMF and the World Bank, have been blamed for forcing the privatization of public services and natural resources in 

Africa as a condition for development assistance (Nwoye, 1995). They are accused of telling impoverished 

countries to turn their public services over to private owners and to sell off their oil, gas, mining, electric, 

telecommunication, transport, and water companies, which are also said to be conditions for debt relief. Many 

African countries are neck deep in debt and begging for debt forgiveness. It is said that Nigeria has a debt burden 

of $32.3 billion, where servicing is estimated to gulp as much as $2.91 billion in 2003. 

Bias against Privatization 

Given the fact that the initial impetus for privatization in Africa came from creditor institutions, especially the IMF 

and the World Bank, as part of the push for structural adjustment, many believed that there must be a hidden 

agenda in the form of economic exploitation. It is principally the conditionality that was attached to privatization 

vis-à-vis debt relief and financial assistance that provoked resentment from the public view, especially labor, 

which views privatization as creditors’ initiative. As in some of the other African countries, resentment is 

intensified because a good number of the larger enterprises being privatized are bought over by foreign interests. 

Several of the arguments against privatization are as follows: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Rising Prices - Opponents fear that the private sector will exploit consumers where there is monopoly or 

oligopoly power such as by raising the prices of goods. 

Creating Poverty - At the heart of the criticism of privatization is the perception that it has not been fair - 

hurting the poor and the vulnerable work force, while benefiting the rich, the powerful, and the privileged - 

thereby perpetrating poverty. 

Breaking of Unions - Workers dismissed as a result of privatization have great difficulty finding other 

work; the large number of people out of jobs is forced to accept jobs with lower pay, less security, and 

fewer benefits. They, therefore, believe that the aims of privatization are to reduce labor costs and 

numbers, and to break union power. 

Corruption - There is this argument that even if privatization contributes to improved efficiency and 

financial performance, it has a negative effect on the distribution of wealth perhaps arising from corruption. 

Corruption is the single most destructive factor responsible for the pitiable state of affairs in many 

developing countries. It distorts the economy through waste and misallocation of resources and creates 

need for external assistance. Transparency International has for a long time decried the evil consequences 

of corruption and has identified acute corruption in many developing countries. For example, in 1997 [2] , 

its Annual Corruption Index rated Nigeria as the most corrupt country on earth, followed by Pakistan and 

Kenya. By 1998, the index moved and Cameroon displaced Nigeria as number one. [3] Some misguided 

Nigerians have argued thus “…after all, corruption is everywhere, including industrialized countries.” It is 

true that corruption is a worldwide phenomenon, and so are industrial development and technological 

advancement. Why is it then that when industrialized countries are pushing for technological invention, 

African countries are busy expanding only the frontiers of corruption and poverty-prone ventures? 

Public Enterprises Should Stay - There is this strong belief that privatization is not necessary. Public 

enterprises need not run at a loss; all they require is good managers, less political interference, competent 

boards of directors, and especially more rational pricing policies. 

Injustice - There is an assertion that it is the politicians and bureaucrats that caused the public enterprises 

to perform poorly but only labor is asked to carry the burden of reform. Critics view this as injustice. 

Exploitation by Capitalist Countries - Privatization is seen as an imposition by foreign capitalists and 

agencies like the IMF and the World Bank; therefore, privatization must be meant to exploit the developing 

countries. 

Privatization Is Foreign - Some critics have argued that privatization is neo-colonialism since the policy 

is being pushed by International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and their agencies. It is not an indigenous 

idea; therefore, it will not work. 

Labor’s Demands for Job Protection -Right from the onset, the most publicly persistent and organized 

opposition of privatization in Nigeria has come from the labor movement. There always have been strikes 

and counterstrikes against any decision to privatize a government agency. Sometimes workers have 

succeeded in blocking or slowing down the privatization of specific enterprises. In other cases the 

government simply has brushed aside the labor opposition leaving a legacy of anger and political tension. 

What is obvious is that workers are reacting against threatened jobs or the possibility that benefits might 

be jeopardized under new management. 



Perhaps it may be likely that it is the continued pressure from World Bank to get the reform process moving and 

to keep it on track that causes some of these humanitarian issues somehow to be brushed aside. These 

indictments are not a rarity. The fears about privatization are not only Nigerian-made apprehensions. Worldwide, 

proponents of labor have been the most vigorous and persistent. Critics of privatization are consistently portraying 

its negative effects on income distribution and worker welfare. Not enough is yet known empirically about the 

impact of privatization in Nigeria to form definitive judgments; the current statements on the issue still lie 

between propositions and conclusions. 

Objectives of Privatization 

It is possible that some of these popular and critical perceptions and assertions about privatization are accurate. 

There is no doubt that mistakes have been made in the past and that promises have not been kept, for instance 

the incidence of interference from political office holders. However, it may turn out to be a mistake to judge 

privatization from a limited perspective. The set of objectives privatization programs are meant to achieve is 

broad and involved; it has many fundamental components that can act together for the enhancement of 

microeconomic efficiency. There are, indeed, some critical long run objectives to be achieved through privatization 

including the following: 

● increasing productive efficiency; 

● 

● 

● 

● 

strengthening the role of the private sector in the economy, which will guarantee employment and higher 

capacity utilization; 

improving the financial health of public services with savings from suspended subsidies; 

freeing more resources for allocation to other needy areas of governmental activities (for example, finances 

that would have been applied for subsidies should now be channeled to the development of rural 

communities); and 

reducing corruption because interference by politicians will cease. 

Invariably, a privatization program ought to be judged and assessed by the extent to which the stated objectives 

have been met. Furthermore privatization could take a slow but steady developmental speed. 

Agenda for a Successful Privatization Exercise 

Capturing the Confidence of Labor 

Government should endeavor to win over labor’s acceptance of privatization by giving them ownership of shares 

in the enterprises. Workers could be allocated a percentage of the shareholding at a special discounted price. 

There is need for good follow up on privatized enterprises. There is need to keep a record of accurate figures on 

pre- and post-privatization employment levels including statistics to show whether employment is declining or 

increasing to calm the fear of labor unions. Other statistics should include how much of capable and qualified labor 

will be absorbed by the buyers, etc. 

Addendum 

Labor on the other hand must also realize that many of the jobs also might have been lost anyway by 

retrenchment, since government could not keep subsidizing crises-ridden public enterprises indefinitely; the only 

exercise that could be guaranteed is constant layoff. Other than privatization, any serious attempt to address the 

deficiencies and losses of public sector enterprises must necessarily involve downsizing. 

Inclusion of Labor 

Interaction with the unions as stakeholders is often a good strategy. One of the major mistakes that is common in 

privatization in Africa is taking the workers for granted. When the unions are not involved in the organized 

process, it may be difficult to gain their cooperation. The stakeholders must be sensitized to the impending 

constraints that privatization is likely to bring about, especially in the short run. 

Monitoring of Privatization Processes 

Some countries have created strong semi-autonomous privatization commissions with participation from 

government, business, and other sectors. Nigeria can create such a commission consisting of governmental 

representative(s) - possibly the BPE, labor union representative(s), and representatives of Chambers of 

Commerce - to be involved in the monitoring and implementation processes. 

Transparency and Accountability 



One of the most important issues in privatization is the concern for transparency and accountability. The Nigerian 

nation is characterized by distrust and suspicion. Suspicions of corruption that follow privatization deals require 

that separate auditing and House of Assembly Oversight Committees be established to help in the monitoring 

process. Transparency creates a perception of honesty and accountability. The funds realized from sale of public 

enterprises can be invested in tangible public interests like services of education and health. Some developing 

countries apply their proceeds towards debt repayments. It is my considered opinion that money realized from 

sale of public enterprises and saved through withdrawal of subsidies should be invested in the hinterland for 

provision of infrastructure. This will not only enhance development, but also will check the drift of rural-urban 

migration, especially among the youth, since the cities are getting overpopulated while the rural areas are quickly 

deteriorating. 

Consistency and Credibility 

I learned sometime ago that consistency plus credibility equals economic confidence. There is no doubt that the 

public always desires an unbroken record of credibility to win their confidence in any structural reform program. 

The key to credibility is consistency and communication. Whenever government lacks credibility, people refuse to 

change, until the confrontation that ensues imposes unavoidable cost on the warring parties at the expense of the 

economy. 

Ideological Imperatives 

It is quite instructive to note that successful structural reform cannot be recorded unless: 

1. the government trusts, respects, and, most importantly, informs the public adequately, every step of the 

way, as to why certain actions are being taken 

2. privatization is done properly with no special concessions or privileges when selling public enterprises; and 

3. the creditor countries consider Nigeria’s specific circumstances while mounting pressure on the speed of the 

privatization exercise because ours is a low-income country characterized by poverty. 

The Bottom Line 

The concluding point is that if privatization is carried out with sincerity of purpose, almost every group will come 

out ahead as a result of divestiture. Workers will be shareholders. Consumers will be better off because of better 

services. New graduates and the unemployed will get jobs because of expansion. Government will be relieved of 

the burden of subsidies. Investors will gain investment opportunities. Ultimately, the public (both foreigners and 

nationals) will be free to pursue any private economic interest. 

Given the enormity of the socioeconomic problems facing Nigeria, there is every reason to worry about the state 

of our plans and actions. The issues involved, from development of infrastructure through production of 

vegetables, all have serious ramifications, not only for the public sector but also for the economy as a whole. 

Bibliography 

Aboyade, O. [1974]: "Nigerian Public Enterprises as an Organizational Dilemma" in Public Enterprises in Nigeria. 

Proceedings of the 1973 Annual Conference of the Nigerian Economic Society. 

Federal Republic of Nigeria [1986]: Structural Adjustment Programme for Nigeria. Lagos: Federal Government 

Printers. 

Nightingale, S.M; Pindus, M.N. [1997]: Privatization of Public Social Service: A Background Paper. Unpublished. 

Nwoye, M.I. [1995]: Small Business Enterprise: How to Start and Succeed. Benin: Benin Social Science Series for 

Africa. 

Nwoye, M.I. [1997]: Management Practices and Performance Determinants of Public and Private Sector 

Enterprises in Anambra, Edo and Delta States of Nigeria: A Factor Analysis. 

National Productivity Centre, [1991]: Productivity for Self-Reliance and Excellence. 

Proceedings of the 1st National Productivity Day Celebration, 21 February 1991, Lagos. 

Obadan, M.I. [1993]: Wither Structural Adjustment in Nigeria. Ibadan: NCEMA Monograph Series No. 3. 

Transparency International, “Transparency International publishes 1997 Corruption Percpetion Index”, Press 

Release, Berlin 31 July 1997 



Yahaya, S. [1991]: "The Performance of Public Enterprises in an International Context: An Empirical Study" in 

Public Enterprises in Nigeria. The Nigerian Economic Society Annual Conference, Sokoto. 

World Bank [1994a]: Adjustment in Africa: Reforms, Results and the Road Ahead. Washington, DC: The World 

Bank. 

World Bank [1994b]: World Development Report, 1994: Infrastructure for Development. Washington, DC: The 

World Bank. 


May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D., (Nigeria), obtained her BBA (Accounting) from George Washington University, 

USA, MBPA (Finance) from SouthEastern University, Wasington DC, and Ph.D (Management), University of Benin, 

Nigeria. She is Certified National Accountant of Nigeria (CNA), and a member, Nigerian Institute of Management. 

She is a Nigerian female writer. Her doctoral dissertation research was related to the Public and Private sector 

enterprises in Nigeria. She is the author of a number of books and many scholarly articles on entrepreneurship 

and management in many local and international journals. 

E-mail : maynwoye@yahoo.com 

[1] ‘Welfarism” - the set of attitudes and policies characterizing or tending toward the establishment of a welfare 

state (note of the editor). 

[2] Transparency International, “Transparency International publishes 1997 Corruption Percpetion Index”, Press 

Release, Berlin 31 July 1997, p. 2. Available at: 

http://www.transparency.org/cpi/1997/cpi1997.pdf (added by the editor) 

[3] See: http://www.transparency.org/cpi/1998/cpi1998.html (added by the editor) 


Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia 


By Charita Jashi, Ph.D., Tbilisi State University, Georgia 

Liberalization of the world economy creates new opportunities to take full advantage of the market economy. The 

trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade Organization (“WTO”) have a 

significance influence on the economic and social development in the world. 

The modern global marketplace is characterized by a high degree of monopolization. It is very difficult for the 

developing countries to access these markets. Such countries are unable to compete for trade due to serious 

domestic political and economic problems. 

Georgia became the 137th member of the WTO in June 2000. Georgia was the fourth former Soviet republic to 

join the WTO. Accession to the WTO was a significant step in the process of transition to a market economy. The 

process of accession into the WTO was preceded by a series of substantial changes in national legislation in the 

areas of intellectual property; trade-related investment regime; trade in services; government procurement and 

etc. 

The Georgian government hoped that by assuming a place in the global trading system it would achieve prosperity 

and stability and expand its activity in the world economic arena. The membership in the WTO has encouraged 

Georgia’s integration with Europe. The Georgian government has committed to implement all international 

obligations regarding tariffs, international investments, and a favorable business climate in Georgia, which are 

supposed to facilitate the growth of economic development. But due to the asymmetric development of the 

political and economic processes in the country, these conditions have not been implemented. 

As a result, Georgia had experienced the following effects: rapid decline of national economy; a trade policy 

oriented towards imports only; limited potential to increase exports; a flourishing shadow economy, and increased 

prices of goods and services in the country. Additionally, political and social instability, corruption, and security 

concerns have hampered the growth of direct foreign investment. 

Georgian exports are partially concentrated on low value-added commodities such as ferrous metals, copper, 

aluminium, iron steel, and mineral fuels. However, the dynamics of exports indicates that the concentration of 

exports on low value-added commodities will decrease gradually over time. Imports are dominated by mineral 

products (importantly including natural gas, oil and oil products), and electricity, which indicates the dependence 

of Georgia on foreign energy. [1] 

The advantages created by membership in the WTO have not been fully realized. Transitional mechanisms for 

domestic market protection are insufficient. Approximately 51.1 percent of the population lives below the poverty 

line, and 23.6 percent is unemployed. Widespread illicit activity has undermined the competitiveness of legal 

imports and locally produced goods. Most Georgians earn their livelihood in the agricultural sector. As a result of 

land reform, 57 percent of arable land is now privately owned and 27 percent is leased by the state to farmers. [2] 

However, agricultural output is limited by inadequate access to credit, poor irrigation, and the high cost of inputs 

such as fuel, pesticides, and machinery. Profitability is also affected by exorbitant transportation costs and 

constrained manufacturing growth, resulting in an urban unemployment rate that is greater than 40 percent. 

The process of globalization and trade liberalization has impacted negatively the population of Georgia. It is 

interesting to analyze these effects from gender perspective . Currently, there is a lack of information and 

research on this issue in Georgia. The effects of trade on women, who make up the vast majority of Georgia’s 

poorest citizens, should be carefully examined. If trade is to reduce poverty, then there should be positive 

benefits for poor women. A small increase in income could have an enormous impact on a poor woman’s quality of 

life. Processes of reforms, that affected practically all sectors of economy and social sphere, conditioned significant 

differentiation of women based on income, level of life, conditions in labor market, and demands in particular 

forms of social support. In addition, there were impacts of such factors as a difference regarding the access of 

men and women to financial and credit resources, and property, including land and realty. 

Although Georgia is strategically located as a bridge between Europe and Asia, is a European Union (EU) 

neighboring country, and has access to Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) markets, a democratic and 

liberal policy, a competitive export regime, a liberal and simplified tax code, an agricultural sector with significant 

potential, and a transport and communication infrastructure, but still there has been a lack of foreign investment. 

This impeded the process economic stabilization aimed at strengthening the country’s foreign economic relations 

and increasing the volume of trade, finance and investment. Georgia's main economic activities include the 

cultivation of agricultural products such as citrus fruits, tea, hazelnuts, and grapes; mining of manganese and 

copper; and output of a small industrial sector producing alcoholic and nonalcoholic beverages, metals, 

machinery, and chemicals. The country imports the bulk of its energy needs, including natural gas and oil 

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products. Its only sizable internal energy resource is hydropower. 

Despite the severe damage the economy has suffered due to civil strife, Georgia, with the help of international 

donors, has made substantial economic gains, achieving positive gross domestic product (GDP) growth and 

curtailing inflation. The Georgian new government is making progress in reforming the tax code, enforcing taxes, 

and cracking down on corruption. However, low wages and pensions, increasing social injustice, and decreasing 

purchasing power of the population remain crucial issues for Georgia. 

Georgia also suffers from energy shortages; it privatized the T'bilisi electricity distribution network in 1998, but 

payment collection rates remain low, both in T'bilisi and throughout the regions. The country is pinning its hopes 

for long-term growth on its role as a transit state for pipelines and trade. The construction on the Baku-T'bilisi- 

Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-T'bilisi-Erzerum gas pipeline have brought much-needed investment and job 

opportunities to the country. 

The transformational processes underway in the country have greatly influenced the development of gender 

equality. As a result of neo-liberal economic policy, restructuring has taken place in various fields of the economy. 

The implementation of a macroeconomic policy that did not consider social factors brought about a sharp decrease 

of social guarantees and a mass exodus of women from production facilities. 

The sectors of the economy in which women majority traditionally participated have changed dramatically in 

recent years. Gender inequality in terms of the accessibility of resources, has become more acute, and women’s 

security and the protection of their labor rights have become considerably worse. The socioeconomic situation and 

gender-neutral policies create specific barriers that obstruct women’s successful political and professional careers. 

The economic reforms launched in the country, the restructuring processes, and privatization have caused the 

polarization of the population into rich and poor strata. A social layer of entrepreneurs and private owners was 

formed, which, through the initiative of the state, appropriated privatized facilities. 

Great hopes were pinned on the privatization process, because it was believed that it would create new jobs, but 

all those hopes proved unfounded. Meanwhile, a huge number of unemployed persons was created, without any 

social guarantees. The sharp reduction in the number of jobs has caused the decrease of the demand for labor 

and the fewer employment options for men and women. On one hand, this can be explained by the fact that the 

traditionally “women’s fields” (textile industries, food industry, chemical production, the social sphere, etc.) 

experienced the greatest negative effects as a result of the economic restructuring and trade liberalization in 

Georgia. Unemployment among women has reached a massive scale. Unfortunately, official statistics hardly 

reflect the existing reality. 

In 1994, the first stage of privatization in Georgia gave birth to a new stratum of enterprisers in the country. The 

existing legal basis (specifically, the law on privatization) did not restrict the participation of the population in this 

process. This paper will not give a legal assessment of the privatization process, but it is clear that a large part of 

state property was appropriated by those entrenched in the governmental hierarchy, i.e. those who already 

exercised great power. Because women’s participation in the top levels of state management was practically 

negligible, they were unable to acquire any large industrial or agricultural facilities and managed only to become 

proprietors of small enterprises in the service field. They did not possess the capital needed to purchase the 

facilities which were available for purchase through the privatization process. 

The data show that women are the majority in the education and health care sectors only, which are typically less 

profitable. Other business sectors that are likely to hire women are the mass media and entertainment sectors. 

The mass media is well known as a “women’s sector;” two-thirds of reporters are women, and there has been a 

sharp increase in the number of women holding leading administrative positions. Another example is the 

entertainment business, where young women are working as artists, designers, and advertising agents.Especially 

striking is the small number of privatized facilities in the fields of banking, energy, and building. In those spheres, 

where the opportunity to gain profit is higher, women’s participation is non-existent, which means that women’s 

enterprising opportunities are developed in Georgia in accordance with professional gender segregation. 

In 2004, with the help of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the Entrepreneur Support 

Association conducted a special survey in order to study the situation in 50 large companies in Georgia. The study 

showed that only two women occupied high-level positions in these companies. Women are mostly involved in 

small businesses, especially in the service areas, such as education, health care, trade, restaurants, hotels, 

pharmacies, publishing houses, etc. In recent years, economic growth in Georgia has been concentrated in sectors 

such as communications, transport, financial services, industry and trade; most of those engaged in these fields 

and in leadership positions within them are men. 

It is interesting to note that the majority of officially employed women (70 percent) belong to the so-called selfemployed 

group, and only 30 percent of them are occupied in various enterprises and organizations. Only 15 

percent of the total number of self-employed women works as employers in the informal sector, whereas the vast 

majority of the self-employed are on the verge of poverty. [3] 

The link between working in the informal economy and being poor is stronger for women than for men. Working in 

the informal sector has become a common form of occupation for women. The combination of formal work with 

secondary work in order to earn a sufficient income has become a widespread practice. The overwhelming 

majority of women are employed in the agricultural sector. Work in the informal sector is regarded as a necessary 



strategy for physical survival, especially in cases when there is no other alternative for finding a job. Many women 

are similarly engaged in unpaid labor in their households. 

The difference is especially significant in terms of income. The average salary and income of employed women 

lags behind that of men considerably. In particular, the average salary of women working in the state sector on 

the basis of contracts amounts to only 55.1 percent of men’s compensation. In the budget organizations and the 

organs of state management, this number stands at 46 percent; in the non-governmental sector it is 63.6 

percent, in agriculture – 82.5percent, in trade – 71.2 percent, in education - 72.6 percent, in health care – 71.3 

percent, and in other fields of social services this figure amounts to 51.7 percent. [4] . 

This difference is significant among employers as well as the employed. The income of women entrepreneurs is 

34.7 percent less than that of male employers, and among women hired as employees it is 21.8 percent less than 

men. This data indicates that women (especially hired employees) are mostly engaged in low-qualified work and 

can only obtain relevantly low positions (with the corresponding low salaries). 

In the top positions in management organs, men outnumber women 26 to 1. In contrast, women constitute a 

majority of highly-qualified specialists – 1.7 times the number of men, though close to an equal number of men 

and women have received professional education of this level. Half of employed women are unskilled laborers, as 

compared to 48.5 percent of men. 

The research materials show that the informal sector is more dominated by women, whereas the private sector is 

primarily occupied by men. [5] Women’s participation in the private sector is rather limited, and their labor rights 

are frequently violated; in the current situation, chances for improvement of their material welfare are almost nonexistent. 

Women take such work only for the sake of saving their families from starving. Unfortunately, due to 

scanty information, gender analysis of the private sector is very difficult, but disproportion between the sexes is 

still apparent in this sector. 

The unfavorable environment for entrepreneurship in Georgia creates more problems for women than for men. 

Because of unfair competition in business management and women’s lack of experience “cutting deals” (often 

illegal) with public or private officials, women have great difficulties acquiring the trust and confidence of potential 

partners when starting businesses. Even in the period of uncontrolled allocation of large-scale credits, no women 

businessmen were able to obtain such credit. 

Entrepreneurship automatically does not follow from liberalization and privatization. An entrepreneurial 

economy must be promoted through appropriate policies and adequate institutions in many areas, such as 

education and training and starting capital. The first step must involve research on businesswomen and their 

status in the labour market, to be used as the basis for subsequent policies. 

One of the biggest problems faced by Georgia on the path to economic growth is that micro and small businesses 

have a hard time gaining access to credit. In every vibrant economy, micro and small businesses are at the core 

of job creation and inceasing incomes. 

If Georgia’s small entrepreneurs continue to find it difficult to gain access to credit, the country’s economy will 

have a hard time developing. Georgia could very well address the big issues faced by large business – taxes, 

overregulation, lack of investment, etc. – but without making the business environment friendlier to the micro, 

small, and medium businesses, a large section of the economy will not grow. 

At the same time, the government cannot expect to maintain a system in which only large business constitutes 

the nation’s tax base – without tax contribution from small business, the government will never have sufficient 

resources to provide the services it is charged with providing. 

Currently, there is an additional problem faced by micro-, small-, and medium-businesses in 

Georgia. Following the Rose Revolution, many of the micro-sale “stores” (the so-called “outside 

salespeople”) as well as flee markets across Georgia were closed down in a very abrupt way. This 

happened very quickly, with virtually no warning and no planning for how to ensure that the 

thousands of individuals engaged in this work would not suffer tremendous adverse consequences. 

The majority of them were women. They have faced bankruptcy, job loss, and large debts to some 

of the micro-credit banks. It essential to help these individuals in light of the problems that they have 

faced. 

Violence against women in the workplace has become a serious problem. Because of the high rate of competition 

in the labor market, women are afraid of losing their jobs and therefore, in most cases, do not report abuse 

perpetrated against them. However, most Georgians are aware that such acts are committed in many offices and 

institutions. Prestigious and highly paid jobs, along with those in professional sectors create discriminatory 

requirements for women seeking employment, i.e. physical appearance requirements and age restrictions. In 

cases of pregnancy, it employers often deny women the privileges they are entitled to by law. 

All of these factors impede the involvement of women in the private sector. It should be emphasized that women 

have a lot to contribute to business, and it is detrimental to society when their participation in this sphere is 

limited. Equalizing the work opportunities of men and women requires a whole range of measures, such as 



credits with discounts, micro financing, improving legal protection of women’s labor rights, etc. 

It is important to analyze global trade issues from different perspectives. On the one hand, trade expansion can 

cause displacement, unemployment and new hardships. Those sectors likely to suffer most from international 

competition should therefore be targeted for public support and financial and technical assistance. On the other 

hand, many new income and employment opportunities emerge with liberalization. Efforts should be made to 

identify such potential growth areas, and women should be provided with the necessary skills, training, 

information and contacts to be able to take full advantage of these openings. [6] . 

As mentioned above, the globalization process has influenced the structure of employment in Georgia 

considerably. On the international market, the demand for women’s work as a relatively cheap labor source has 

increased greatly. Therefore, the number of women and their share among labor emigrants has become quite 

substantial. Feminization is considered to be a new stage in the development of working emigration and is 

regarded as important progress on the road to achieving gender equality. [7] 

Before 1990, the migration of Georgian women abroad for work was highly uncommon. Within Georgian society, 

it was completely unacceptable for a woman to leave her family and go abroad to earn a living. But as a result of 

the existing reality and the deep social crisis, as well as the sharp fall in the standard of living, labor migration 

became one of the ways for the people of Georgia to meet their most basic physical needs. This gave way to the 

broad involvement of women in labor migration. 

In developing countries all over the world, women have had to move to a lower stage of the service infrastructure, 

and therefore the majority of them are obliged to work as nurses, shop assistants, waitresses, and in other 

unskilled positions. In the free economic zones of the countries of South Asia and Eastern Africa, women 

constitute 80 percent of the total labor force (cheap working force). Many women become victims of trafficking. 

More often women find the jobs not adequate to their qualification while being abroad, its subsequence is a total 

devaluation of value of women labor force. No guarantee for social protection is available for them. All above 

mentioned have had negative impacts on women and families and was reflected in the demography situation and 

the devaluation of family values as well. 

Globalization also tends to privilege large companies (in which the majority of employees are men) as they can 

capture new markets quickly and easily to the disadvantage of small and micro entrepreneurs (where women are 

the majority), which face difficulties gaining knowledge of and access to emerging markets. In sum, globalization 

puts pressure on low-skilled workers and petty producers by weakening their bargaining power and subjecting 

them to increasing competition. These trends have negative impacts on women, especially in the form of low 

wages, lack of benefits, and lack of security in the workplace. 

The recent events that have taken place in Georgia (namely, the so-called “Rose Revolution”) have considerably 

accelerated changes in the political and economic life of the country; the belief that the country will embark on a 

road of economic revival and fully adopt European values has become quite tangible. Yet greater efforts are 

needed to turn Georgia into an economically powerful state capable of occupying its rightful place in the 

globalization processes that are underway in the world. 

Bibliography 

Access To Finance and ICT For Women Entrepreneurship in the UNECE Region, Challenges and Good Practices, 

Geneva: UN, 2004 

Bam, A., Trade and Women`s Issue , WIDE Bulletin, Brussels: WIDE, 2003 

Carr, M. and Chen, M., Globalization and Informal Economy : How Global Trade and Investment Impact on he 

Working Poor, Cambrigde: Harvard University, 2001 

Carr, M., Chen, M. and Tate, J., “Globalization and Homebased Workers”, Feminist Economics; Vol. 6, No. 3: pp. 

123–142. 

Charmes, J., Informal Sector, Poverty and Gender: A Review of Empirical Evidence. Washington D.C.: The World 

Bank, 1998 

Davituliani, A., “Globalization and Several aspects of Georgia’s Economic Security”, Strategic Surveys and Center 

of Development, Bulletin, 76, Tbilisi, 2000 

Dokmanovic, M.(ed.), Transition, Privatization and Women, Subotica: Women’s Center for Democracy and Human 

Rights, 2002 

Elson, D., « The impact of structural adjustment on women: concepts and issues », dans Onimode, B. ( dir. ), The 

IMF, the World Bank and the African debt, vol. 2, The social and economic impact, Zed Books: London, 1989 

Gvelesiani, R., Small and Medium Enterprise Success Strategies and Corporate Culture, Tbilisi, 1999 (in 



Georgian). 

Jashi, Ch. Gender Economic Issues: The Case of Georgia, Tbilisi: UNDP, SIDA, 2005 

Joekes, S., “A Gender-Analytical Perspective on Trade and Sustainable Development”. In UNCTAD, Trade, 

Sustainable Development and Gender. New York and Geneva: United Nations, 1999 

Papava, V. The International Monetary Fund in Georgia, Achievements and Errors, Tbilisi, 2002 (in Georgian) 

Ruminska-Zimmy, E., Employement Policy in Transition Countries, Geneva:UNECE, 2004 

The Millennium Objectives in Georgia, Tbilisi, 2003 (in English) 

Trade Policy and external Trade , Invest in Georgia, Tbilisi: Georgian National Investment and Export Promoting 

Agency, 2005 

WIDE, Globalization, Development and Sustainability, Brussels: WIDE, 2002 

WIDE, Transformation, Participation, Gender Justice: Feminist Challenges in A Globalizated Economy , WIDE 

Bulletin, Brussels: WIDE, 2003 

Williams, M., Women in Labour Market, Brussels: WIDE, 2000 


Charita Jashi, Ph.D., (Georgia), Associate Professor of Tbilisi State University, Founder and Head of the 

Association of Gender For Social Economic Development, President of the Association for Economic Education. 

Formerly served as Georgia’s National Coordinator for the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) 

“Women in Development” and “Gender in Development” projects. She has worked on gender issues and 

economics issues for nearly a decade. is Currently, she is a consultant for the UNDP project “Gender in Politics 

in the South Caucasus” on Gender Responsive Budget”.She is a member of a number of organizations, including 

the Network of Women in Development Europe (WIDE), the International Association for Feminist Economics 

(IAFFE), Gender Expert Panel/OSCE office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and the Coalition of 

Georgian Women’s NGOs. She is author of 5 books and 40 articles on gender and economic issues in Georgia 

and recently published the book Gender Economic, The Case of Georgia, Tbilisi: UNDP (2005). 

Contact: charita@access.sanet.ge 

[1] Trade Policy and external Trade , Invest in Georgia, Tbilisi: Georgian National Investment and Export 

Promoting Agency, 2005 

[2] World Bank Report, Economic Trends of Georgia, o.26964, GE. Aug. 20, 2003 

[3] Household enterprises with little land , the informal petty traders booth and market stalls, as well as people 

employed in the service create the category of self-employed. According to the mitigal criteria of the definition of 

unstable employment if an individual work for a at least one hour a week ,he/she will be considered selfemployed. 

[4] See: Women and Men, Statistical abstract, Tbilisi, 2005 

[5] Studies from Hungary and East Germany indicate that as banking, insurance and the entire financial sector 

have become privatized, increasingly central to the economy, and significantly more lucrative, men have streamed 

into jobs there. Men started to occupy leadership positions even though women have dominated banking for 

decades before, when it consisted largely of routine accounting. See, Karadenizli, M. “A Research Agenda For the 

Analysis of the Impact of Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment on Women`s Economic and Social Rights in 

The Transition Countries,”, in Dokmanovic, M.(ed.), Transition, Privatization and Women, Subotica: Women’s 

Center for Democracy and Human Rights, 2002, p. 37 

[6] Carr, M and Chen, M. Globalization and Informal Economy : How Global Trade and Investment Impact on he 

Working Poor , Cambridge: Harvard University, 2001. 

[7] Castles S. and Miller J. The Age of Migration, International Population, Movements to the Modern World, 

London, 1993 




Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? 

Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Corporate Behaviour from a Human Rights Perspective 

By Karin Lukas, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights, Austria 

Introduction 

In the last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic and political power from states to corporate 

institutions. One indicator of this trend is the sheer amount of capital that corporations generate: Microsoft 

makes more money than the 31 Least Developed Countries together [1] . A study by Anderson/Cavanagh [2] 

found that 51 corporations are “among the top 100 largest economies in the world, while only 49 are 

countries.” [3] 

Before “Corporate Social Responsibility” became corporate jargon, the opinion on the relationship between human 

rights and business activities was that human rights are no business of business. What were the arguments for 

this position? Muchlinski names two: 

● Corporations are only obliged to their shareholders and to the legal environment where they operate. 

● The “Free Rider” problem: the more ethical corporations invest time and money to observe human rights, 

the more they will be at a competitive disadvantage with corporations that do not care about human rights. 

[4] (Muchlinski 2001, 35) 

Meanwhile, the attitude that human rights are no business of business has changed due to the growing pressure 

by NGOs and the consumer public following human rights violations by corporations. Several corporations see 

themselves as responsible members of society and have started to meet the demands of “corporate social 

responsibility”(CSR). In the following chapters, I will outline the most recent developments in this regard, which 

will also give answers to the arguments made by Muchlinski. 

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) 

From a business perspective, corporate social responsibility can be understood as a “strategic and long-term 

management concept that should meet actual problems in society by advancing new solutions.” [5] There is no 

generally accepted definition of CSR, but there is agreement that the overall objective [word missing here -- 

objective/goal?] of CSR is its contribution to ”sustainable development.” [6] According to this concept, economic 

and social goals are seen as complementary and not as antagonistic. 

Two recent reports by SustAinability [7] and the World Bank Group [8] assess the status quo of CSR, and both 

reach similar results: 

A growing number of enterprises are heading in the right direction, acknowledging external stakeholders and 

launching more CSR activities in important areas of business activity. First, “good practice” examples, including 

cooperation with NGOs and trade unions, have emerged. There is also growing public awareness and importance 

placed on CSR activities. On the other hand, most CSR measures remain isolated activities that do not influence 

the core business of the corporation and are not part of a long-term strategy. Thus, even leading CSR 

corporations tend to show conflicting behaviour, for example by establishing CSR activities in the area of 

employee non-discrimination while at the same time lobbying for lower social and environmental standards. In 

addition, most initiatives are not linked with each other or with global initiatives, which prevents them from 

having a substantial impact. Another problem with the CSR concept is its implementation: very few corporations 

allow independent verification of their CSR activities and attempts to create uniform reporting standards on these 

activities are only beginning to emerge. 

CSR Reporting and Verification of CSR activities 

First, it must be noted that there are no generally accepted standards for voluntary social and human rights 

reporting. Without standards that oblige corporations to address human rights issues, it is up to the corporations 

themselves to decide how they will address these issues-- a slightly unsystematic method. This impression is 

confirmed by an analysis of reports of Talisman, Premier Oil and BP and their activities in Sudan that reveals a 

tendency to palliate these activities. [9] Furthermore, the reports could not be objectively verified. It is not 

sufficient to be able to verify the accuracy of facts and data; the methods and tools used to gain these facts and 

data must be verifiable as well. 

Corporations seem, prima facie, not very well qualified to spell out their human rights obligations, especially when 

those obligations are in contradiction with the incentive to make profits, as was the case with Talisman, Premier 

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Oil and BP in Sudan. 

Thus, CSR seems to reach its limits [what does this mean?]. So far, only very few corporations have been able to 

combine CSR with market gains, and there is still little exchange between national policy and CSR activities. 

Connected with these limitations is a growing scepticism of the truthfulness of CSR activities. Corporations have 

to increase their efforts for transparency and independent verification of their activities by involving external 

stakeholders. Increasing influence of CSR national and international policies and standards seems necessary and 

inevitable, especially in the area of human rights. 

Human Rights and Corporate Behaviour 

When looking at this question, there are two distinct approaches: First, is there an indirect human rights 

responsibility of corporations that arises from the human rights obligations of their home states? And second, is 

there a human rights responsibility of corporations themselves, thus a direct human rights responsibility of 

corporations regardless of the international commitments of their home states? 

1. The indirect human rights responsibility of corporations arising from the human rights obligations 

of the home states 

All UN member states have made legally binding commitments to respect, protect and fulfil human rights. This 

includes the protection of human rights from potential (violations that may happen) or factual violations (that 

have already taken place) by private actors. [10] This duty to protect vis-à-vis private actors is stipulated explicitly 

in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, in the Convention on the 

Rights of the Child, and in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. [11] A state that 

has legally bound itself to uphold human rights is also obliged to hold corporations in violation of human rights 

accountable for their behaviour. 

However, some states where companies operate (so-called host states) are not able [12] or willing to hold 

corporations accountable. [13] Examples of this unwillingness have attracted considerable public attention, such 

as the human rights violations of the government of Nigeria and the Shell corporation in the Niger delta, [14] or 

those of Myanmar and Unocal in the course of natural gas extraction. [15] 

In situations where host states are unable or unwilling to uphold human rights, there is a so-called “accountability 

gap” which has to be met with implementable standards of either direct or indirect corporate human rights 

responsibility. Due to this accountability gap, courts in the home states of corporations have started to accept 

claims of human rights violations committed by corporations. Most of these cases are pending in US and UK 

courts. 

In addition, in a few countries such as the US, Australia and the UK, bills have been drafted to outline corporate 

responsibility through legislation. In the UK, a “Corporate Responsibility Bill” was drafted in 2003. This bill 

stipulates that business activities must be in accordance with international human rights standards and 

responsibilities; this must be verifiable in annual reports. The bill furthermore foresees a liability of the directors if 

the business operations have “any significant adverse social, environmental and economic impacts” which arise 

from: 

● negligence by it; 

● any wilful misconduct by directors/managers of business operations in relation to specific business duties 

that are outlined in the bill; 

● any wilful misconduct relating to the disclosure of information required by the bill. 

The bill’s scope extends to all businesses that generate profits above an annual turnover of 5 million pounds that 

operate or are registered in the UK. Thus, very importantly, the bill applies also to business operations abroad if 

the company is registered in the UK. 

Similar bills have been drafted in the US and Australia. Even though it is unlikely that any of these bills will 

become binding legislation in the near future, these documents express a growing willingness[ to hold businesses 

accountable and are an important precedent in that regard. 

2. Is there a direct human rights responsibility of corporations in international law that makes private 

businesses accountable for human rights violations? 

Currently, such a direct responsibility only exists as ”soft law,” which is not legally binding upon corporations and 

thus, corporations cannot be sanctioned if they violate these norms. Examples include the OECD Guidelines for 

Multinational Enterprises [16] and the ILO Tripartite Declaration on Multinational Enterprises and Social Policy. [17] 

The OECD Guidelines primarily regulate commercial matters but also include provisions on workers rights and 

environmental issues. To observe compliance with the Guidelines, “National Contact Points” (NCP) have been set 

up to facilitate, and if possible, provide solutions in response to complaints. However the NCP can only make nonbinding 

recommendations to the parties. 



The ILO Tripartite Declaration is, not surprisingly, much more detailed on workers rights issues and contains 

provisions on the right to organize and form trade unions, on the principle of non-discrimination in the workplace, 

etc. The Declaration has an observatory body as well: the Committee on Multinational Enterprises. This 

Committee receives state reports and may also make recommendations on disputes arising from the differing 

interpretations of the Declaration. 

Although the impact of both instruments is limited due to the lack of sanction mechanisms, their potential to 

change the business environment towards more ethical conduct would be enhanced if these instruments were 

more widely known and if these guidelines were used by the OECD states as preconditions for certain activities, 

such as procurement and credit acquisition. 

A third possibility exists: the possibility to make voluntary provisions of corporate responsibility (similar to “human 

rights clauses”) binding by integrating them into civil contracts or international conventions. This has already been 

realised in international environmental law. The Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage provides that 

the owner of a ship (natural or legal person) may be liable for environmental damage caused by the ship’s 

operations . [18] There are similar provisions in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. [19] During the 

drafting process of these Conventions, interestingly, no state or business argued for “privatization of 

responsibility”or that state responsibility is weakened . [20] 

A growing number of voices in international political and legal discourse see a shift of power in the international 

arena from states to corporations, a change in power relations that the law must acknowledge. The state, they 

argue, has lost its monopoly of power, and thus it can and must share some of its human rights responsibility with 

private actors. [21] This discussion is reflected by recent developments in international law to establish the 

human rights responsibility of non-state actors. One of the most important examples is the International Criminal 

Court (ICC): the Rome Statute recognizes the human rights responsibility of non-state actors for grave human 

rights violations. [22] 

Another milestone in developing the direct human rights responsibility of corporations was the creation of the 

“Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to 

Human Rights” [23] by the UN Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights. [24] 

According to this instrument, the primary human rights responsibility rests with states; but there are specific 

areas in which a complementary human rights responsibility exists for businesses. These areas are: 

● Non-discrimination issues; 

● Right to personal security (no engagement in or benefit from war crimes, crimes against humanity, 

genocide, torture, forced labour, etc.); 

● Workers’ rights; 

● Respect for national sovereignty and human rights (including issues of transparency, the rule of law, anticorruption, 

etc.); 

● Respect for and contribution to economic, social and cultural rights. 

Regarding the general complementary human rights responsibility of businesses, the commentary [25] of the UN 

Sub-Commission to the Norms clearly states that business have a responsibility to: 

● Use due diligence in ensuring that their activities do not contribute directly or indirectly to human rights 

abuses; 

● Ensure that they do not benefit from such abuses; 

● Refrain from activities that undermine the promotion and protection of human rights; 

● Use their influence to promote and ensure respect for human rights; 

● Inform the staff/management of the businesses of the human rights impact of their principal activities. 

Regarding the implementation of the Norms, the document remains a bit vague, stating that: the Norms should 

be integrated in internal business operations; [26] internal evaluations on the impact of the Norms on those 

internal business operations should be made; external monitoring (by the UN or other institutions) should take 

place, and reparations via national and international courts are envisaged. This section of the Draft Norms leaves 

some open questions that require further in-depth discussion, such as of the issue of “complicity” (of businesses 

operating in states in human rights violations) and the “sphere of influence” of company activities that might 

establish their human rights responsibility. In answering these questions, reference can be made, for example, to 

international comparative criminal law [27] and jurisprudence relating to the US Alien Tort Claims Act. 

Concerning the monitoring and implementation of the Norms, the international discussion will surely take some 

time. However, networks like the International Business Leaders Forum noted that the draft Norms are a 

meaningful basis for further dialogue and development of “good practice” and “benchmarking” activities on human 

rights practices by businesses. 

Despite the criticism that the Norms received, especially in the business community, they can be viewed as an 

”authoritative guide ” [28] to corporate social responsibility and are an important step to clarify the human rights 

responsibilities of businesses. In a very clear and precise manner, the Norms summarize key human rights areas 

of business responsibility (non-discrimination, the right to security, and the promotion of economic, social and 



cultural Rights) in a field that where there are many standards, interpretations and perspectives. 

The written statements to the Norms by relevant actors such as the European Union, the International Labour 

Organization, the US government, and other states, point demonstrate that the furtherance of ”corporate 

accountability” through direct state responsibility is widely supported; however, the question of direct corporate 

human rights responsibility (as the draft Norms stipulate, for example) is largely contested and leaves many open 

questions. However, the work of the UN Sub-Commission should be used and developed further to address these 

questions. 

Against the background of these developments, the heated debate on voluntary versus binding CSR norms goes 

on. As obvious as the lines of division seem to be (businesses pro voluntary, NGOs pro binding) there are good 

reasons for businesses to argue for binding regulations as well, for the following reasons: [29] 

● Binding regulations prevent unethical business competitors from gaining competitive advantage by not 

engaging in human rights activities. Uniform standards would create a “level-playing field” for all 

businesses; 

● Legal provisions provide clarity when the human rights responsibility of businesses is unclear. Because 

there is no applicable law that gives guidance on the scope of this responsibility, businesses have more 

difficulties demonstrating that they comply with their responsibilities. 

These development show that today, corporations are not only obliged to their shareholders. A direct 

responsibility of businesses for human rights violations can no longer be excluded categorically. [30] As this 

paper demonstrates, there are already areas of international law where the legal liability of legal persons and 

private entities exist. 

Conclusion 

On the international level, human rights are gradually being integrated into existing CSR concepts and initiatives. 

There is a growing conviction that human rights must be an integral part of socially responsible corporate 

behaviour. 

This paper has attempted to provide some initial insight into the very dynamic and complex balancing act 

businesses in the area of human rights in the context of corporate social responsibility. As of today, there are 

only “patchwork” mechanisms to hold businesses accountable for human rights. However, the international trend 

is moving towards standardisation and clarification of the human rights responsibility of businesses. This 

responsibility can be seen from three different perspectives: (1) from the point of view of a direct state 

responsibility for human rights conformity of businesses; (2) from the point of view of a direct human rights 

responsibility of the businesses themselves; and (3) from the perspective of voluntary business activities (CSR in 

the “classical sense”) to respect and promote human rights. 

All three approaches are being developed on the national and international level. The development of a direct 

business responsibility is the most contested but also the most encompassing approach. It is important to keep in 

mind that provisions of a general nature such as the UN Norms have to be applied flexibly on a case by case 

basis. For example, corporations that exploit natural resources have different human rights responsibilities than 

corporations that hire – through subcontractors - women workers to produce textiles in a working environment 

where trade unions are forbidden and the salaries are below ILO standards. 

However, one fact should be kept in mind: states still account for the majority of human rights violations; even in 

cases of human rights violations of corporations (such as Shell in Nigeria and BP in Colombia), states have been 

heavily involved in violations. Here, it must be stressed that the establishment of human rights responsibilities of 

businesses does not mean that states may in turn dispense with their responsibilities. A “trade-off” of 

responsibilities is unacceptable. But more urgently then ever, answers must be found to meet the challenges of a 

globalization process where non-state actors have gained economic and political power and have caused and 

contributed to human rights violations. 

The analyses of the World Bank Group and SustAinability show that it is necessary to link CSR with policy 

guidelines to enhance their impact, coherence and conformity with human rights standards. States and politicians, 

as well as NGOs and consumers, have an important task to fulfil. 


Karin Lukas holds an E.MA (Human Rights), LL.M (Gender & the Law). She has been a legal reseacher at the 

Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights since 2001. She is also an activist of feministAttac Vienna and 

member of the Gender Mainstreaming Gremium of Attac Austria. 

References: 

Anderson/Cavanagh, The Top 200: The Rise of Global Corporate Power (2000). 

Carolin F. Hillemans (2003), UN Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business 



Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, German Law Journal, Vol. 04, No. 10, S. 1065. 

Green Paper of the European Commission, 2002 

International Council on Human Rights, Beyond Voluntarism. Human Rights and the Developing International 

Legal Obligations of Companies (2002) 

Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004 

Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human 

Rights, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003). 

Peter Muchlinski (2001), Human rights and multinationals: is there a problem? 

Sarah Joseph, Taming the Leviathans: Multinational Enterprises and Human Rights (1999) 

Siehe Gagnon/Macklin/Simons (2003), Deconstructing Engagement 

SustAinability, Gearing Up (2004), an Assessment mandated by the UN Global Compact 

Walter Saurer, CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility, in: Global View, Heft II/2004 

Weissbrodt/Kruger; Businesses as Non-State Actors (in Alston (ed.) Non-State Actors and Human Rights, p.318, 

fn 15, Oxford 2005 

World Bank, Company Codes of Conduct and International Standards: An Analytical Comparison, Part I and II 

(2003). 

[1] Financial Times, 2001 

[2] Anderson/Cavanagh, The Top 200: The Rise of Global Corporate Power (2000) 

[3] Cited from: Weissbrodt/Kruger; Businesses as Non-State Actors (in Alston (ed.) Non-State Actors and Hman 

Rights, p.318, fn 15, Oxford 2005). 

[4] Peter Muchlinski (2001), Human rights and multinationals: is there a problem? 

[5] Walter Saurer, CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility, in: Global View, Heft II/2004, S. 7. 

[6] See Green Paper of the European Commission, 2002. 

[7] SustAinability, Gearing Up (2004), an Assessment mandated by the UN Global Compact. 

[8] World Bank, Company Codes of Conduct and International Standards: An Analytical Comparison, Part I and II 

(2003). 

[9] Siehe Gagnon/Macklin/Simons (2003), Deconstructing Engagement, p. 100. 

[10] See, Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment No. 14 , para. 42: ”While only 

States are parties to the Covenant and thus ultimately accountable for compliance with it, all members of society - 

individuals, including health professionals, families, local communities, intergovernmental and non-governmental 

organizations, civil society organizations, as well as the private business sector - have responsibilities regarding 

the realization of the right to health. State parties should therefore provide an environment which facilitates the 

discharge of these responsibilities.” 

[11] See Sarah Joseph, Taming the Leviathans: Multinational Enterprises and Human Rights (1999), p. 175. All 

above mentionned conventions available at: http://www.ohchr.org/english/law/ 

[12] “Some states lack effective control over all or certain parts of the country, or are unable to regulate 

companies effectively because of other legal or political obstacles. In these situations international standards have 

started to, and must further develop, criteria that define the direct responsibility of companies under human rights 



law.” See International Commission of Jurists, Response to the UN Draft Norms, p. 43. 

[13] Sara Joseph, p. 176f., Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004), p. 3. 

International Commission of Jurists, Response to the UN Draft Norms, p. 43. 

[14] Wiwa versus Royal Duth Petroleum Company. 

[15] Doe versus Unocal. 

[16] The Guidelines can be downloaded from http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/56/36/1922428.pdf. 

[17] The Declaration can be downloaded from http://www.logos- 

net.net/ilo/150_base/en/instr/tri_dec.htm. 

[18] Art III of the Convention. 

[19] Art 137(1) of the Convention. 

[20] See Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004), p. 3. 

[21] Joseph, p. 186, Kamminga, p. 3, Muchlinski, p. 40, International Commission of Jurists, supra. 

[22] During the drafting process of the Rome Statute establishing the ICC, discussions arose regarding the 

extension of human rights responsibilities not only to natural but also to legal persons; however, this proposal did 

not gain majority support and was not included in the statute. 

[23] Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to 

Human Rights, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003). 

[24] The Sub-Commission is a sub-body of the UN Human Rights Commission. 

[25] Commentary on the Norms, UN Doc E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/38/Rev.2 (2003) 

[26] Draft Norms, paras 15-18. 

[27] See Gagnon/Macklin/Simons, p. 126f. 

[28] Carolin F. Hillemans (2003), UN Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other 

Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, German Law Journal, Vol. 04, No. 10, S. 1065. 

[29] See International Council on Human Rights, Beyond Voluntarism. Human Rights and the Developing 

International Legal Obligations of Companies (2002), p.20. The paper can be downloaded at 

http://www.ichrp.org/index.html?project=107] 

[30] In the same vein, the Statement of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) to the Draft Norms states: 

“It is sometimes contended that human rights only bind states and not non-state actors and can therefore not be 

imposed on private companies. There are, however, no legal or conceptual arguments that prevent companies 

[from] having direct responsibilities for human rights violations. It is clear that states may decide at an 

international level to recognise rights and duties of non-state actors. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights 

itself affirms the duty of everyone, not only states, to uphold human rights; international humanitarian law binds 

armed opposition groups; non-state actors can commit crimes under international law, such as slavery, crimes 

against humanity, genocide or war crimes – to name but the most obvious examples…” (Excerpt of ICJ’s opinion 

to the Draft Norms, p. 43). 




by Dejan Petrovic, Serbia and Montenegro 

The globalization of economic flows may be the most manifest nowadays, and it is the first thing one thinks of 

when globalization itself is discussed. Limiting the once sovereign role of nation-state, expanding the market 

across the planet without a visible chance of anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in ever fewer countries is 

combined with the growing disproportion between the rich and the poor within these countries. What seemed 

probable over the few decades after World War II – the prominent role of the so-called nation state, care for the 

less able, less healthy and elderly population, free schooling and healthcare – seem to be vanishing into historic 

oblivion. The ancient principle of survival of the fittest is more and more at work, not even trying too hard to 

mask its role with seemingly humane goals. As early as twenty years ago, far-sighted economists foresaw the 

creation of new – global – economy, which would be something different from the currently known and widely 

accepted international economy. 

The so-called welfare states owe most of their current problems to the structural change of the world’s economic 

system, which is, for some, a synonym for globalization. As we have already said, these changes greatly limit 

(even tend to fully abolish!) the force of action of nation-states so that, even if they want it, they are unable to 

provide their own citizens with what they have been used to for decade. Transnational capital does not have much 

mercy on social policy, equal care for all strata of population, especially those who are unable to generate profit. 

The increasing dissatisfaction of masses spurred by this is directed at their own governments, who, in turn, have 

their hands tied. Unless an international system is created in the foreseeable future whereby the control and 

freedoms of states, corporations and individuals will be regulated more clearly, there are ever smaller chances 

that citizens will receive any kind of protection from their governments. This also renders the institution of 

democratic elections senseless, reducing it to the role of mere political folklore. It is implied that the poor societies 

(mostly those of the Third and even the Second World) have nothing to seek in the “fair competition”. A newly 

imposed problem is the fear that even the wealthiest and the most stable societies will not be able to endure this 

race. If the market demands as advocated by the neo-liberal ideologists are accepted, the already attained wide 

scope of various social rights that their citizens are used to does not have much chance to survive. As Habermas 

clearly formulates it: ‘To remain competitive on the growing global market, they (the OECD states) have to take 

steps causing irreparable damage to the harmony of civil society… the most urgent task of the First World in the 

forthcoming decade will therefore be squaring the circle of welfare, social harmony and political freedom.’ [1] And 

we know all too well what a simple task squaring the circle is. 

Attempts at an appropriate response to the collapse (after a lengthy agony) of the so-called laissez-faire 

capitalism date back as early as the times of the great economic crisis in the 1920s. This is the time of the 

occurrence of ‘controlled capitalism’ [2] , taking three forms in capitalist communities: as the ‘New Deal’ in the 

USA, ‘protective’ in Japan, and ‘social capitalism’ in Western Europe. Regardless of certain differences, the 

common element in all these three forms of reformed capitalism presents a concern for wide strata of population. 

They form the basis on which the welfare state developed later. Witnessing the return to some old economic 

models thought to be outdated, we can conclude that this actually specific historical regression. If this opinion is 

founded, then the not so loud discourse of neo-liberally oriented intellectuals and economists on history, which 

has reached its final, ultimate step (of evolution) – has no foundation. But more will be said on this later. 

As it was compellingly demonstrated by Naomi Klein as well, all the trends of capital ‘movement’ to 

underdeveloped regions are present, but not out of concern for the welfare of local population as it is declaratively 

stated, but for their ruthless exploitation. But at the same time, such a manner of re-distributing production to the 

poor regions of the Third World will render millions of domestic workforce jobless, closing the circle of poverty. 

Regardless of the proclamations on the ‘visible progress’ of global economy. ‘The current progress of economic 

globalization points to the fact that capital is moving to underdeveloped regions, i.e. escaping developed regions, 

causing, primarily, social problems in them. Stopping this process would mean leaving underdeveloped regions to 

their ‘fate’ which would, in turn, whether they get ‘stuck’ with being underdeveloped, or choose their own way of 

developing which could be radically different from the Western, mean the discontinuation of the current 

globalization trend, or it would be limited only to developed regions as some kind of “mini-globalization”.’ [3] It is 

clear that this is a threat to globalization itself, if it is to be understood as the export of the Western, already 

confirmed model of organizing human society. If it remained only in some regions of the planet, then it could not 

be fully and duly labeled as globalization. If it were the generator of the occurrence of an alternative globalization, 

then the results would be even worse for the neo-liberal ideology. This is undoubtedly one of the major problems 

to which the above-mentioned have not provided an adequate answer so far. 

Moreover, despite the proclaimed efforts (and perhaps even a genuine wish) to put an end to ethnically-based 

conflicts by reducing the significance of local identities, the growing poverty among and within various societies 

seems to be encouraging animosities, conflicts, and, in the foreseeable future, even wars of the conflicting ethic, 

religious, racial or class groups. ‘The neo-liberal type of globalization is creating a new geography of social 

inclusion (apartheid). The worlds of wealth and extreme poverty are not divided by the Great Wall of China – a 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0059glo.htm (1 van 5)19-1-2006 13:12:55


new poverty is spreading amid the society of affluence. The “black holes of globalization”, people and regions 

excluded from progress, can be found in all the cities of the “First World” – in American urban ghettoes, North 

African communities in France, Japanese Yoseba slums, Asian megalopolises. They are inhabited by millions of 

homeless people, by a world of prostitution, crime and drugs, the sick and the illiterate.’ [4] In one of her texts 

[5] , Naomi Klein gives a vivid example of how ‘real’ is the advice of the intellectual gurus of neo-liberal 

provenance. Namely, explaining why capital is moving to underdeveloped regions, Thomas Friedman provides a 

very interesting answer. Claiming to have talked to several young Palestinians when he was at Ramallah at the 

West Coast in his twenties, he established that their desire for war, terrorist actions and suicide attacks results 

from lacking jobs, hope and dignity. At first sight, this explanation does not seem irrational. The listed reasons are 

surely a good reason for various sources of frustration. But what does Friedman propose for them? That moving 

‘jobs’ from the West not only to India or Pakistan, but to Palestine as well would create not only a more 

prosperous world, but also a safer world for our own twenty-year-olds! This should be one of the crucial reasons 

in favour of globalization as envisaged by similar intellectuals. 

More will be said about what kind of ‘jobs’ these are in the section on Naomi Klein’s book No logo. We shall dwell 

on another topic here. Friedman ‘forgets’ to state what are the political causes of the dissatisfaction of the 

Palestinian or Iraqi people. Klein does not hesitate to remind him: ’In other words, economic development will not 

come to Palestine via call centers but through liberation. Friedman's argument is equally absurd when applied to 

the country where terrorism is rising most rapidly: Iraq. As in Palestine, Iraq is facing an unemployment crisis, 

one fueled by occupation. And no wonder: Paul Bremer's first move as chief US envoy was to lay off 400,000 

soldiers and other state workers. His second was to fling open Iraq's borders to cheap imports, predictably putting 

hundreds of local companies out of business.’ Klein is even more lucid when finding an even more efficient way of 

fighting terrorism: ’ Friedman's bright idea of fighting terrorism with outsourced American jobs is overly 

complicated. A better plan would be to end the occupation and stop sending American workers to steal Iraqi jobs.’ 

Although the current global economy is structured around three main centres of economic power, it can be best 

described as a post-hegemonistic order that no single centre, not even the USA, can control through rules of 

global trade or exchange. [6] By this, the advocates of such development of economic course mean that the 

complex world economy is developing on a totally free, unconditioned market and that individual, i.e. state 

responsibility is the only criterion of success or failure in this field. But regardless of this, despite 

internationalisation and regionalisation, the role and position of most developing countries in the global economy 

is changing incredibly slowly even in long time intervals of a whole century. Held and McGrew observe that the 

current international division of labour is based on the one recognised by Marx. [7] Today’s globalisaton brings 

about an inconcievably united world for rich individuals, for the elites, but also a growing division inside societies, 

as the global international division of labour is divided into parts, into rich and poor countries, the globalization’s 

winners and losers. If globalization were as successful as it is (perhaps) desired, then its favourable effect would 

influence most of the world’s population, rather than those (chosen?) groups that most offen have a share in its 

implementation. Neo-liberals suggest that economic globalization is the only effective road (highlighted by D.P.) 

leading to global poverty reduction, whereas, in practice, this looks completely different. The failure of certain 

countries to join the community of the so-called First World is explained by their failure to harmonise and 

integrate into the contemporary world economy fast enouth. Translated from the language of euphemism, they 

seem to mean that these are simply – incompetent. 

Not only are differences increasingly felt between states, but they are increasingly obvious inside the countries 

themselves. Stratification is more and more under way, ever fewer (super)rich individuals own ever bigger capital, 

while the number of those living below the threashold of poverty is growing proportionately. A few percent of the 

richest population segment owns more than one-half of national wealth. This chiefly applies to the USA, although 

such trends exist in capitalist countries as well. How paradoxical it all is is maybe best expressed by the fact that 

powerful corporations posssess more assets than many (=most) countries of the world, and that this list may 

even include individuals! An argument that it is about the progress of global economy may be valid, if limited to 

people we have just mentioned. Then there is really no dilemma that this argument is valid. But if the moral issue 

of simultaneous impoverishment of the majority of the world is raised as equal, then such an attitude is significal 

+ntly overshadowed. This is what neo-liberally oriented intellectuals call ’struggle on the open market’: ’To the 

extent that standardised life situations and careers are disappearing, individuals facing multiple options, feeling 

the growing burden of decisions they must now make themselves, i.e. arrangements that they have to negotiate 

themselves. The pressure of ’individualisation’ urges for new social rules to be discovered and controlled at the 

same time. Freed subjects, no longer bound and governed by traditional roles, must create binding relations 

through their own communication efforts.’ [8] The above is not questionable at all, but it is appropriate to remind 

that the ‘freed subjects’ have never been asked anything about their forhtcoming roles! Although these decisions 

affect them most directly, they were made elswhere. It is therfore no wander that, in the ever wider regions of 

the losers of globalization, the globalization proces is percieved simply as the continuation of well-known 

colonisation, i.e. Western imperialism. It will remain so as long as the global inequality remains increasingly 

manifest. The fact that many citizens of the ’imperialist’ countries do not feel the benefits of the proclaimed 

process does not diminish in the least the justified anger of the inhabitants of all the underprivileged countries of 

the Second, Third and all all other worlds in the leaast. It is maybe here that one should look for the roots of 

growing terrorism which is really democratically shared – affecting everyone equally! 

How do these radically oriented groups and their acts of violence come about? Even in developed countries, the 

increasing class differentiation brings about a fear that the existing wealth will have to be shared and that the 

aliens present in a given society will take away their ’share of the cake’ undeserved. Such fears (and let us 

remember that the Nazis once took over the power riding on such demagogical cliches) are (ab)used by politicians 

who political points with populist, isolationist and even openly hostile messages. National, regligious, racial or 



class hatred, as well as xenofobia are for the most part rooted in the above. Needless to say, when such forces 

take over the power, genuine economic progress is out of question! And this is all a logical consequence of the 

philosphy of open, ’deregulated’ market. It only favours its favourites which adapt most sucessfull to its unwritten 

laws, to a way of life in which the absolute purpose of human life is generating and increasing profit. Its aim is not 

common good, but the realisation of the ancient idea of the human society as war of all against all. The road from 

there to universal harmony it proclaims declaratively is a long and rough one. It is also questionable how 

justifiable is to expand the impact of market ideology to all other – non-economic – segments of society, and the 

democratic legitimacy of international financial institutions (such as the IMF, the World Bank, WTO etc.) is also 

highly questinable, as they have no forms of control ’above’ themselves and, accordingly, are not accountable to 

anyone. We can only speculate what abuses are possible here. Held tries to provide an answer to all these 

questions: ’These sobering realities lead to the conclusion that it is only within the borders of the state – within 

the nation as a moral community – that legitimate and effective solutions to the problem of global social injustice 

can be constructed.’ [9] 

Historically, the state saw the greatest expansion and prosperity in Germany at the time of World War I and 

during the Nazi rule in 1930s. It is interesting that it is in the Third Reich [10] that appeals to social justice and 

various forms of social protection were vociferous, parallel with the development of impressive military machinery. 

This was, of course, one of major arguments used by those who criticize contemporary welfare states as well. The 

fact that this happened in Germany becomes clearer bearing in mind that it was in this country that the first steps 

to creating a welfare system were made as early as 1883, by establishing health care, taking care of the 

unemployed, senior population segments, etc. At the time, the costs allocated for these expenditures were not too 

great a burden for the state’s production sector. The initiator of establishing such a system was the famous 

Chancellor Bismarck. This idea spread like wildfire all over the planet during the twentieth century, to such extent 

that the clear definition of social policies has become a key feature of the modern state. However, some things 

had to be sacrificed by these policies. In this case it was the efficiency of capitalist production methods. The 

advocates of neo-liberal society put the blame on the enormous growth of public expenditure, taxation and 

bureaucracy as one of the causes of the inherent totalitarianism of the welfare stated. This can, of course, give an 

opportunity to the beneficiaries of the public social system to abuse it. Anthony Mueller does not fail to notice this: 

’The coverage of old age, sickness and unemployment insurance, along with social aid, and disability insurance 

and with all the numerous special branches of social policy have turned Germany into an Eldorado for those 

seeking a free ride. Often described as "generous", the German social welfare system actually provides a plethora 

of incentives for intentionally becoming unemployed, seeking early retirement and fulfilling the necessary 

requirements in order to become eligible for social aid and disability payments.’ This especially applies to the 

period after World War II when any action directed against such policies was labeled as (expressed in modern 

terms) a form of ’politically incorrect discourse’. Thus, increasing expenditure is imposed on the economically 

active population, and in view of the aging population structure of most of the countries of the Western 

hemisphere, the percentage of really economically active people is drastically reduced and, proportionally, more 

burdened by various categories of budget beneficiaries. How to balance the reasonable and objective needs of 

social policy beneficiaries and their evident abuses is becoming a new problem to be addressed. 

We can take an example from Italy. Namely, the legislator (the state in this case) has stipulated that an employee 

laid off from an enterprise with more than 15 employees may sue his or her own employer. There have been 

cases in practice that many of such claims have received positive replies. Should the employer be forced to reemploy 

the same worker, apart from being entitled to payment of all lost receivables, he or she would receive 

further compensation for dismissal, as well as the money from social insurance. What does this tell us? That the 

employer’s hands are ’tied’, that laying off workers may cause more economic harm than keeping them in their 

jobs. This is what opens space for various ’blackmail’ activities by employees, such as working to rule, lower 

productivity, open sabotage of the working process, etc. Not to mention that nothing would motivate the worker 

to achieve better work results, and the employer would not have the opportunity to make qualitative selection 

among different workers, under the threat of possible lawsuit and multiple damages that may follow. Furthermore, 

this is a direct hindrance to economic growth, as many companies will purposely remain within the limit of fifteen 

employees, lest they face this threat. This is only an example [11] of the implications of the excessive 

consideration of the employee’s interests in relation to the employer, which is still an important wheel in the 

development of every economy; and no less than referendum was held on this issue. Regarding this issue, Minardi 

quotes the opinion of Bruno Leoni from his book Liberty and Law, where he argues that employers are not the 

‘stronger’ side in a possible dispute, nor must employees be the ‘weaker’ side. In cases when he or she needs 

workers more than the workers need him or her, and is unable to find them, the employer can by no means be 

regarded as the weaker side or seen through the traditional prism of the notorious exploiter. 

One of the positive examples of neo-liberally oriented economy comes from Chile, where they came up with the 

idea of – private pensions! This is no doubt a very interesting suggestion, so let us see what it is about. ‘The 

Chilean pension model is a comprehensive alternative to the social collectivism initiated by German chancellor 

Otto von Bismarck at the end of the 19th century, which was used as a model for the welfare states of the 20th 

century. By cutting the link between individual contributions and benefits—that is, between effort and reward— 

and by entrusting governments not only with the responsibility but also with the management of these complex 

programs, the Bismarckian pay-as-you-go pension system turned out to be the central pillar of the welfare state, 

in which the possibility of winning elections by buying votes with other people’s money—even with the money of 

other generations—led to an inflation of social entitlements, and thus to gigantic unfunded, and hidden, state 

liabilities. In Chile, the same rationale that applies to the private pension system has already been extended, 

although imperfectly, to the areas of health and unemployment, with individual insurance (health) or accounts 

(unemployment) managed by the private sector.’ [12] This system has already been established in many South 

American countries (Mexico, Bolivia, Salvador, Peru, Columbia, Argentina, Uruguay), but also in many of the 

former Socialist block countries (Hungary, Poland, Kazakhstan), which may be especially interesting, but also 



indicative as a precedent. 

Hungary was the first former Socialist country to ‘break the ice’ in 1998 and allow for a portion of the workers’ 

salaries to be invested in pension savings accounts. The previous method of investing in pension funds had been 

in deficit as early as the nineties, when the contributions amounted to 30% of the salary. If the system had 

remained unchanged, Hungary would have been forced to raise the taxes on wages up to 55%, which would, in a 

few decades (around 2035 as estimated) have lead to each pensioner being supported by only one worker. 

Knowing that in a country such as Italy the government used to pay disability pensions for 30,000 dead people, 

and also bearing in mind that it is the country with the lowest birth rate in the world, we can only imagine what 

the public expenditures were over a budget year. There was even an example of a woman receiving a (disability) 

pension as a blind person, while working as a driver at the same time. The annual expenditure on public pensions 

in Italy amounts to as much as 14.5% of GDP. José Piñera argues that nowadays pension systems are under the 

highest threat in Western Europe, with the proverbially strong influence of the traditional welfare state. Apart from 

purely economic, we can provide a non-economic argument in favour of private pension system. Poor people, who 

usually start working earlier than their somewhat better off peers, have (on the average) a shorter lifespan than 

the latter. Under such a method of pension payment, poorer workers would find it easier to accumulate higher 

amounts on their accounts, thereby de facto lessening the well-known gap between the rich and the poor, as the 

workers have so far been investing into a system providing them with the yield rate of less than 2%. Here is, 

finally a truly socially humane argument in favor of neo-liberal thinkers! If such a rate could be applied in different 

socio-economic models of different countries with an equal success rate, we see no reason why it should not be 

done. 

Note: 

Extract from an unpublished paper entitled The Philosophical Implications of Globalism and Anti-globalism, 

Belgrade, 2004 

Translated from Serbian: Women's Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro 


Dejan Petrovi•¸ Serbia and Montenegro, attained a BA degree from the University of Belgrade (2004). Addresses 

the issues of considerations of society, political theory, essay-writing and journalism. Especially interested in 

issues related to globalization and anti-globalization movement. Author of several dozed authored texts and 

interviews. Received awards for essays from Zarez and Srpsko pero magazines. Published in Vreme, Status, 

Habitus, Zarez, Aplauz and NSPM. 

[1] Jürgen Habermas: Postnacionalna konstelacija [Postnational Constellation], Otkrovenje, Belgrade, 2002, p. 84. 

[2] Miroslav Pe•ujli•: Planetarni kentaur – dva lika globalizacije [The Planetary Centaur – the Two Faces of 

Globalization], NSPM, Belgrade, 2003, p. 34. 

[3] Vladimir Vuleti•: Globalizacija – proces ili projekt [Globalization – Process or Project], NSPM, Beograd, 2003, p. 

89. 

[4] Miroslav Pe•ujli•: Planetarni kentaur – dva lika globalizacije [The Planetary Centaur – the Two Faces of 

Globalization], NSPM, Belgrade, 2003, p. 39, 

[5] Naomi Klein: Outsourcing the Friedman, Available at:http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0305-08.htm 

[6] David Held & Anthony McGrew: Globalization/Anti-Globalization, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2002, p. 51. 

[7] Ibid, p. 45. 

[8] Jürgen Habermas: Postnacionalna konstelacija [Postnational Constellation], Otkrovenje, Belgrade, 2002, p. 

207. (translated from Serbian) 

[9] David Held & Anthony McGrew: Globalization/Anti-Globalization, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2002, p. 87. 

[10] Anthony Mueller: Bye-bye Bismarck, Available at: http://www.mises.org/story/1275 

[11] Alberto Mingardi: “Italy's Tyranny of Labour Protection”, The Wall Streat Journal Europe, June 13, 2003. 

Available at: http://www.josepinera.com/pag/pag_tex_italystyrranny.htm 

[12] José Piñera, “Toward a World of Worker-Capitalists”, The Boston Converzationi, Boston University, 2001, 

Available at: http://www.josepinera.com/pag/pag_tex_toward.htm 




Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe 

Abstract: 


By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D., Faculty for Social Education and Rehabilitation, Belgrade University, 

Victimology Society of Serbia, Serbia and Montenegro 

In this paper [1] the author is exploring interlaced impact, which war, militarism and globalization connected 

changes, as macro processes, have on sex trafficking in women. Sex trafficking to, through and from the Balkans 

is analyzed as one of the best examples of cumulative effect of all above-mentioned macro processes. The 

analyses includes both immediate and long-term impact of ethnic conflicts and militarisation of the region as well 

as the impact of changes connected to transition from communism in both the Balkans and other parts of Eastern 

Europe. Special emphasis is put on Serbia, UN administered territory of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 

Macedonia and Bulgaria. The author is looking at interlaced influence of different political, economic and military 

factors on both criminalisation and victimization processes and their gendered character. An additional aim of the 

paper is to critically assess the role played by international community in fighting the problem of trafficking in this 

part of the world. 

Key words: sex trafficking, ethnical conflicts, militarism, globalization, the Balkans 

"The coffee bars springing up in Bosnia bear a chilling resemblance to these wartime rape houses, but the war is 

now a silent one...Those who cause trouble are easily disposed of. Last year, the naked bodies of two women 

were found in a river near Arizona Market. Both bore the marks of mafia-style killings - hands tied behind their 

backs, feet bound to concrete. Tape over their mouth was marked "Organization for Security and Cooperation in 

Europe.” The symbols of protection had been used to stifle their screams. Their identities are impossible to 

trace." 

Kate Holt, “Captive Market,” The Sunday Times Magazine, February 18, 2001, 51. 

Introduction 

Uneven distribution of wealth has always been among the main generators of sex trafficking. However, only in the 

past several decades has sex trafficking become a global problem. As Dutch researcher Sietske Altink observes, 

“more and more countries are joining the ranks of sending countries and increasing numbers are becoming target 

countries.” [2] Economic hardships and their consequences for women create a potential supply of workers for the 

sex industry. But this "supply" would never be used for sex trafficking purposes without the creation of demand. 

The increased demand for women as sex objects is evident within both post-communist and developed countries. 

In the 1980s and 1990s sex trafficking of Eastern European women became more attractive for traffickers than 

trafficking in Asian women, because of shorter distances and consequently fewer expenses and risks, which led to 

bigger profits. Further, trafficked Eastern European women are more attractive to white Western male 

consumers since they fit better their racial, educational, and gender expectations (e.g. they are mainly white, 

educated, and ready to obey). Thus, “we need to understand how global capitalism creates conditions for women 

to sell sexual services at far better rates of pay than the sale of another form of labor.” [3] 

War and militarism particularly influence sex trafficking in women. Their impact is mostly connected to specific 

war and post-war situations, but sex trafficking may also be the consequence of the very presence of military in 

the region, regardless of whether there is war going on or not. Thus, the impact of militarism on sex trafficking is 

not necessarily connected to war, although war may produce militarist cultural ideals about gender which increase 

the vulnerability of women to socio-economic factors that lead to sex trafficking. [4] Moreover, examples from 

recent history show that the expansion of prostitution due to the extended presence of military forces has longterm 

consequences on the development of sex trafficking on both local and global levels. [5] 

The impact on sex trafficking of war, militarism, and social changes due to the transition from communism have 

been explored separately and without taking into consideration their interconnections. Moreover, the problem of 

trafficking in women from former communist countries has mainly been considered as a threat to destination 

countries. [6] Less is known about trafficking within post-communist countries, especially about the Balkans as 

one of major destinations for trafficked women. The one sided approach to the problem has had significant 

negative consequences on policing and treatment of illegal migrants in general, and victims of trafficking in 

particular. “Fortress EU” syndrome, together with narrow human rights approaches and the overlooking of broader 

structural causes of trafficking led to “instant” and mostly punitive solutions, which are not efficient either in 

terms of deterrence of offenders or in terms of protection of victims. The recognition of the role of international 

community in sex trafficking in peacekeeping areas is at the earliest stages. [7] 



The main aim of this paper is to explore the interlaced impact which war, militarism, and political and economic 

changes, have on sex trafficking in women. I focus my analysis on sex trafficking to, through, and from the 

Balkans because it exemplifies the cumulative effect of these macro processes. My analysis considers both 

immediate and long-term impact of war as well as the impact of changes connected to transition from communism 

in both the Balkans and other parts of Eastern Europe. I will look at the intertwined influence of different political, 

economic and military factors on both criminalization and victimization processes and their gendered character. An 

additional aim of the paper is to critically assess the role played by international community in fighting the 

problem of trafficking in Eastern Europe. [8] 

Sex Trafficking in the Balkans: Scope and Directions 

The expansion of sex trafficking in women from Eastern and Central Europe, which coincided with the end of the 

Cold War, affected the Balkans significantly and in various ways. The Report of International Organization for 

Migration, for example, shows that, even more than a decade after the end of Cold War and several years after 

the end of the war in the former Yugoslavia, it is evident that trafficking in the Balkans is still significant problem 

affecting growing numbers of women and children. [9] Moreover, the Balkans are not a transit and sending 

region only, but also one of the major destinations for trafficked women as well. International Organization for 

Migration estimates that up to 500,000 women are forced to work as prostitutes in Europe. The same source 

suggests that “120,000 women and children are being trafficked into the European Union each year, mostly 

through the Balkans.” [10] Some estimations for the UK suggest that more than 70% of women working in 

brothels in Soho are from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, with women from the Balkans making 

large part of them. [11] 

Although the Balkans are not a homogeneous region, they have traditionally acted as a crossroads between East 

and West, an area where Eastern and Western influences meet. Thus, the geographical position of the Balkans 

predestined it its role as a crossroads for different illegal channels. This makes trafficking in women (as well as 

other forms of transnational crime) in the Balkans a particular case in comparison to both Western countries and 

other parts of Eastern Europe. As a consequence, factors which contribute to trafficking in women from, through 

and to the Balkans, are connected with the ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and with the transition from 

communism in Eastern Europe, as well as with the broader processes of militarization and globalization of the 

region. 

Sex Trafficking During Ethnic Conflicts 

Ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia have contributed significantly to the vulnerability of women to sex 

trafficking. Although only sporadically mentioned in works on wartime sexual violence, sexual slavery and sex 

trafficking are strongly connected to war rapes and forced prostitution. Moreover, methods used for bringing 

women into rape camps and brothels are extremely cruel and humiliating. News about women held in sexual 

slavery appeared as early as in December 1993 in the article “Shame in Bosnia,” written by well-known British 

journalist Roy Gutman and published in Newsday. Gutman reported about Sonja’s Kon Tiki brothel in Sarajevo, 

where Muslim women were forced into prostitution and held in sexual slavery by Serbs. This report also showed 

the complicitous role of UN soldiers in Bosnia, who were regular “clients” of women held as sex slaves, and who 

did nothing to protect them. Moreover, survivors of nearby prisons testified that they saw girls who were forced in 

UN vehicles and driven to unknown destinations. [12] Further, during the first trial dealing exclusively with sexual 

violence before the International Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, testimony was heard that in the Bosnian town 

of Foca “women and children, some as young as 12 years old, were detained and raped, vaginally, anally and 

orally, subjected to gang rapes, forced to dance nude with weapons pointed at them, and even enslaved.” [13] 

Recently, a former Serb soldier has been arrested by NATO troops for his alleged role in enslaving Muslim girls for 

sexual exploitation. He is accused of effectively running a brothel for Serb soldiers against the will of Muslim 

women. [14] Additionally, the final report of the United Nations Commission of Experts revealed other cases of 

Muslim women kept as sexual slaves by Serbs, and abductions of Serbian women who where held in sexual 

slavery in brothels run by Croats in Croatia. Finally, the Albanian mafia largely used the refugee crisis during the 

Kosovo conflict and NATO intervention for trafficking Albanian and Roma women from Kosovo to Italy and other 

Western countries. [15] 

Although sex trafficking that was closely connected to ethnic conflicts stayed mainly within borders of war-affected 

and neighboring countries, it contributed to the expansion of prostitution and made good basis for these countries 

to become attractive destination for trafficking in women from other parts of Eastern Europe. As well observed by 

noted American feminist author Katherine MacKinnon, 

'The spectacle of the United Nations troops violating those they are there to protect adds a touch of the perverse. 

My correspondent added that some UN troops are participating in raping Muslim and Croatian women taken from 

Serb-run rape/death camps. She reports that ‘the UN presence has apparently increased the trafficking in women 

and girls through the opening of brothels, brothel-massage parlors, peep shows, and the local production of 

pornographic films.’ [16] 

Sex Trafficking after Ethnic Conflicts 

Post-war militarization and the large presence of international organizations further contributed to the growth of 

sex trafficking in the Balkans. As the report from the Conference on Trafficking, slavery and peacekeeping, held in 



2002 in Turin, Italy, suggests, 

'The combination of the end of hostilities and the arrival of relatively rich peacekeeping operation personnel drove 

the hasty establishment of brothels and, in turn, founded the links between UNMIK [17] personnel and trafficking 

syndicates. Within this observation lies the most significant challenge, then, to the peacekeeping operations in 

regards to trafficking - the fact that peacekeepers are often part of the problem. ' [18] 

In 1999, Human Rights Watch uncovered brothels “filled with women scattered throughout Bosnia.” Women told 

Human Rights Watch interviewers that they had been sold from brothel owner to brothel owner, placed in debt 

bondage, threatened, and beaten. One year later, the United Nations report on trafficking in Bosnia confirmed the 

widespread abuses. The UN identified 260 nightclubs throughout the country, while the estimate given by NGOs 

is that the number is as high as 900, with between four and 25 women in each nightclub. [19] The May 2000 HRW 

Report documented significant local police, international police, and some Stabilization Force (SFOR) complicity in 

trafficking in women. [20] Also, according to local NGOs, 50 per cent of clients are internationals, mainly soldiers 

from SFOR, and at least 70 percent of all profits from prostitution are estimated to come from internationals, who 

pay different rates and spend more money in bars than local men. A similar situation exists in Kosovo, where 

three higher-level police officers have been recently repatriated for suspected involvement in trafficking. [21] 

Serbia, because of its better economic situation at the beginning of 1990s, was for some time one of the main 

destination countries within Eastern Europe. However, later on Serbia became mainly a transit country, both to 

neighboring territories where the raging war brought a large military presence, and to Western Europe. Women 

from the Ukraine, Russia, and Romania make up the majority of women trafficked through Serbia. They are most 

often used as prostitutes in Serbia for some time and then sold further, mainly through Montenegro to Italy. A 

similar situation exists in Macedonia. Although the economic situation in Macedonia was difficult throughout the 

transition from communism, its geographic position, large presence of NATO forces, and strong Albanian mafia 

contributed to it becoming one of the main transit countries for many trafficked women. [22] Women from 

Bulgaria, the Ukraine, Mongolia, Moldova, Romania, and Albania prevail among women trafficked to or through 

Macedonia. From there, women are trafficked to the Middle East and Western Europe, mainly via Greece. Serbia 

and Macedonia are often transit countries for the trafficking of women from other East European countries to 

Kosovo, as well. According to the IOM's Kosovo data, more than a half of women whom IOM assisted entered 

Kosovo from Serbia, and about a third of them entered from Macedonia. Also, women sometimes enter Kosovo 

from Albania. [23] Women are usually sold three to six times during their journey to Kosovo. [24] However, after 

Kosovo's introduction of tough laws against trafficking in 2000, the trafficking of women from Kosovo to and 

through Macedonia also became prevalent. [25] 

War, Transitions from Communism, and Global Capitalism: Factors Contributing to Sex Trafficking to, 

through, and from the Balkans 

Women's vulnerability to sex trafficking is the result of consequences which structural changes in post-communist 

and war-affected countries produced in the everyday life and gender identities of both women and men. Thus it is 

not possible to understand the wave of sex trafficking of women from Eastern and Central Europe without taking 

into account both macrosocial and micro social and individual risk factors which either predispose or trigger 

violence against women. [26] Similarly, research on this new slavery by noted British sociologist and antislavery 

activist Kevin Bales, shows that it flourishes in societies under stress and in extreme poverty. Bales posits that 

“existing power structures are overturned and a battle breaks out to fill the power vacuum. Economies that had 

been stable, though perhaps poor, are replaced by haphazard development and exploitation. And, as we have 

seen, in the absence of law, greed can overwhelm human rights.” [27] One of the main consequences of social 

changes is the sharpening of social differentiation between a small part of very rich and a large part of poor 

people, with an almost disappearing middle class. This has important consequences in the creation of new 

masculinities and femininities as well as in the emergence of different models of family and class relations. [28] 

On the one side there was the rise of traditional hegemonic masculinity, while on the other, multiple marginalized 

masculinities arose as well. Complementary to them are what Robert Connell terms emphasized and marginalized 

femininity. [29] Connell identifies “hegemonic masculinity” and “emphasized femininity” as the culturally idealized 

forms of gender in a given historical setting. These forms, as further elaborated by James Messerschmidt are 

“culturally honored, glorified and extolled at the symbolic level in the mass media.” “In Western industrialized 

societies,” Messerschmidt continues, “hegemonic masculinity is characterized by work in the paid labor market, 

the subordination of women and girls, heterosexism and the driven and uncontrollable sexuality of men.” [30] 

Connell posits that emphasized femininity complements hegemonic masculinity through compliance with men's 

desire for titillation and ego stroking and acceptance of marriage and childcare. On a mass level it is “organized 

around the themes of sexual receptivity in relation to younger women and motherhood in relation to older 

women.” [31] 

The example of the Balkans very tellingly shows how women a combination of war, economic transition, and 

globalisation-related factors pushes women into sex trafficking, thus illustrating the connection between sex 

trafficking and social processes. Traffickers make use of the existing market demand and the women's need to 

find jobs. In that process development of a market (neoliberal) economy plays a major role both by enhancing 

disparity and inequality between countries and by creating demand for women as sex objects. Disparities and 

inequalities influence the channels of migration in general, and the channels of trafficking in particular: they are 

the consequence of "the world economic order, of the distribution of wealth among nations and the exploitation of 

persons by others." [32] Thus trafficking channels go from developing countries to the industrialized nations and 

not vice versa. Micro social expressions of macro social factors, such as transition from communism, war, and 



globalisation, serve as strong push factors for women's migration, their employment in the sex industry, and their 

vulnerability to sex trafficking. 

The probability of becoming a victim of trafficking is greater for younger women, since young women are more 

often identified by themselves and by potential recruiters as sex objects. This is connected with the changes in 

gender images about sexuality, which are best mirrored in the explosion of beauty/fashion magazines and 

pornography in post communist societies. [33] As noted Bulgarian feminist historian Krassimira Daskalova says, 

"the message conveyed is that beauty is the most valuable female 'asset' and that every woman should try to 

make herself sexually attractive to men and to become a source of men's pleasure.” [34] Media re-constructed 

the traditional opposition between men's sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects and men's property, 

which is further used to justify violence and blame the victim . [35] At the same time, global mass media 

reinforced this trend through the circulation of stereotyped gender images “deliberately made attractive for 

marketing purposes.” [36] As noted British sociologists and criminologists Ian Taylor and Ruth Jamieson 

demonstrated, economic processes connected to globalization, such as rapid liberalization of trade and economy 

across the world, led to an increase in the role that sexuality plays throughout the public culture. [37] 

In addition, vulnerability to sex trafficking is connected with marginalization and hopelessness related to the 

difficulty of economic, war-related, family or similar situations. Both women's desperate state because of their 

difficult situation and their efforts to find a solution or exit from it contributes to their inaccurate perception of 

risks, and to the failure to anticipate danger. In the Balkans, we find foreigners and desperate local women who 

suffer short and long-term consequences of war: they are both pushed into sex industry. As Peter Von 

Behtlemfavy of the IOM states, “the number of illegal prostitutes from the Balkans, where close to a decade of 

war has wiped out many ordinary jobs, has tripled if not quadrupled from 1995 to 2000.” [38] 

Socio-economic changes in the everyday lives of both women and men in post-communist countries (e.g. 

unemployment and/or loss of previous social positions and privileges) play an important role in precipitating their 

involvement in prostitution as pimps, and in trafficking as recruiters or traffickers. [39] The words of one 

prostitute illustrate this vividly: 

'Many pimps would not work in prostitution if the economic situation were better. If they were employed. Many of 

them are not criminals like in the Western countries. They are unhappy people who are not able to find a job. 

Sometimes, they live from the prostitution of their wives, girlfriends and daughters. Sometimes, they do not earn 

anything for several days. Poverty is common for pimps. There are a few who have a network, good car, etc, but 

the majority live only on the prostitution of their wives or daughters.' [40] 

Labor distribution among people involved in trafficking is strongly gendered so that among recruiters (who get the 

least profit [41] ) women participate in equal measure as men, while men dominate in higher places in the 

hierarchy. Also, poor and powerless men are usually subordinated to those who have leading roles within the 

mafia. Thus, the place which men hold within economic structure usually determines the role they have within 

sex industry business as well, as street pimps, brothel owners, traffickers or clients. Whatever their economic 

position, and whether women identify themselves as sex objects or are identified as a such without their consent, 

they are always subordinated to men. Although men can be subordinated to women in the hierarchy of sex 

trafficking, women are never at the pinnacle of the hierarchy. Although there are differences between feminine 

roles (e.g. women involved in trafficking, street prostitutes, call girls, victims of trafficking etc.) and subordinated 

masculinities, masculinities are always hegemonic in relation to femininities. As a result of both economic 

hardships and changes in normative heterosexuality, both women and men are attracted to jobs within the sex 

industry and involve themselves in sex trafficking. Thus, both women and men tend to secure economic survival 

as well as social standing for reaffirming gender and gender roles. [42] 

War helps to generate sex trafficking in a number of ways. Unemployment, poverty and lack of prospects in 

general influence both supply and demand for prostitution and trafficking. Desperate women easily become 

vulnerable to false promises and deception, as well as to different forms of violence. Traffickers exploit the fact 

that many persons are in vulnerable situations, undocumented and separated from their families. Refugees are 

especially vulnerable, both while fleeing from war zones and while in exile. The most commonly victimized groups 

were Kosovo, Albanian, and Roma refugee women. [43] Apart from their desperate situation as refugees, they 

were also culturally vulnerable since once raped either by Serb forces in the war zone or by traffickers while 

fleeing it they knew that their families would never accept them back. Thus, they became involved in sex 

trafficking much more easily than rape victims and women from less patriarchal societies did in peacetime. [44] 

As British feminist researcher Liz Kelly points out of Bosnia, one of the most common routes into the sex industry 

is rape, which makes women “unmarriageable.” [45] Within male-female relationships, rape corresponds to the 

behavior of conquering troops toward occupied territories. [46] But women’s bodies can become a battlefield on 

which men communicate their rage to other men as well, because women’s bodies have been the implicit political 

battlefields all along. [47] As a consequence, raped women bear the message that “their ” men were not able to 

protect them as well as that they are worthless as “property.” Consequently, armed conflict makes survival of 

raped women even more precarious. [48] When a huge international army is also present, as in the case of 

Bosnia, newly created demand for sex workers cannot be met by local women, trafficking of foreign women from 

poor post-communist countries supplements the supply. According to some sources, there is evidence of foreign 

women working as prostitutes in Bosnia and Herzegovina as long ago as 1993. [49] 



In the post-war period, the demand for sex work further increases with the arrival of peacekeeping troops and the 

private military companies that accompany them, and large numbers of international organizations. [50] In 

addition, in international protectorates such as the BiH- and UN-administered territory of Kosovo, where the 

government and law enforcement is under complete control of the international community, large international 

police forces and armies of administrative workers are present as well. As examples of the Philippines, Okinawa 

and Thailand show, there is danger that the wartime and post-war increase in prostitution will be transformed into 

peacetime institutionalization of the sex industry. [51] The sex industry develops and the vulnerability of women 

to sex trafficking increases with the building of military bases. Although otherwise international presences may be 

temporary in the region, prostitution and related trafficking in women may become a long-term problem in the 

Balkans solely in connection to the emergence of new military bases. 

For example, in Kosovo, Camp Bondsteal, is one of the largest military bases in Europe. [52] A similar situation 

exists in Bosnia, where the irony is that Arizona Market, established by peacekeeping forces after the war to foster 

trade between Serbs, Croats and Muslims, has grown “into five square miles of sinister black facade, where 

women from the former Soviet Union and elsewhere in Eastern Europe are sold to the highest bidder.” The 

Market is situated near the towns of Brcko and Tuzla, which boast “one of the highest concentrations of the 

international police force created to establish law and order in Bosnia, one of the largest American army bases and 

one of the biggest UN-administered aid packages of the post-war years.” [53] 

Lawlessness, corruption, and social disorganization have a serious impact on the increase of sex trafficking in waraffected 

areas as well. The negative impact of war on the functioning of the criminal justice system and the 

absence of the rule of law in general have precipitated an increase in crime, including particularly the increase of 

violent and organized crime. This further has led to the complicity of the criminal justice system in different forms 

of organized crime, with male police officers either directly involved in trafficking in women or turning a blind eye 

on it. One important factor in this is the high level of prejudices among criminal justice officers about victims of 

sex trafficking; they often treat them as criminals rather than as victims. 

In Serbia, the international isolation during the regime of former president Milosevic meant the severing of ties 

with Interpol, other international organizations, and other countries' police forces. This contributed to human 

trafficking. [54] However, the links between traffickers “extended beyond the usual boundaries of ethnic hatred in 

the Balkans. Criminal Serbs, Montenegrins and Albanians collaborated closely to transport the victims and share 

the profits.” [55] After the war, the wartime infrastructure of the mafia was easily transferred into postwar crime 

and it was able to smuggle large numbers of illegal immigrants into the country. [56] 

An important factor which facilitates sex trafficking is the development of organized crime, which is under the 

significant influence of globalization. [57] The confluence of these two forces has enabled the development of the 

sex industry, which is “based on and perpetuated by prevailing unequal socially and culturally defined gender and 

power relations.” [58] Immigration laws and policies in destination countries, including policies on migrant labor, 

migration, and prostitution, and corrupt officials in sending, transit, and destination countries, further contribute 

to the development of sex trafficking merely by making organized crime possible. [59] As observed by noted 

Dutch anti-trafficking activist Marijan Wijers: 

'While on the one hand the number of women seeking employment opportunities abroad has grown, on the other 

hand many destination countries, and especially the EU, have put in place more restrictive immigration policies, 

thereby further decreasing the opportunities for legal migration even when there is a demand for labor in the 

informal sector. The result is a growing gap between official policies in destination countries and day-to-day 

practices. This is where organized crime comes in, filling the gap that official policies leave.' [60] 

The Balkans, with their large presence of international administration, organizations, police, and military forces, 

the attendant confusion in jurisdiction, corruption, and inefficient and biased law enforcement system, and its 

short distance from the post-communist countries with large supplies of desperate women, is an ideal destination 

for traffickers wishing to avoid risks and unnecessary expenses. Moreover, women from other East European 

countries usually do not need visas to get to the former Yugoslavia, which make traffickers’ tasks even easier. 

When recruiting women, organized crime relies largely on myths about Western countries which exist among 

women in post-communist countries. Although some women are aware that they are to stay in the Balkans, 

“knowing that the region is home to a population of highly paid, unaccompanied men from military forces, 

international aid organizations, the United Nations and private military firms,” many are actually expecting to get 

to the West. [61] Thus false promises of high earnings and an easy life in the West are used as a main motivations 

for enticing women into the sex industry in the Balkans. 

The retraditionalisation of cultural images about sexuality further reinforces socio-economic and political factors 

connected to the transition between communism and globalization as factors contributing to prostitution, 

migration and sex trafficking. [62] This means that in post-communist societies media re-constructs the traditional 

opposition between men's sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects and men's property, which is 

further used to justify violence and blame the victim. The presentation of sexuality has shifted from images of 

women and men as asexual or partly sexual beings (in communism) to images of hegemonic masculinity and 

subservient femininity associated with traditional opposition between men's (uncontrollable) sexual needs and 

women as passive sexual objects. This discourse is largely influenced by imitation of Western images of sexuality. 

As Messerschmidt points out, in Western industrialized societies “hegemonic masculinity is currently established 

through an alleged uncontrollable and insatiable sexual appetite for women, which results in a 'naturally' coercive 



'male' sexuality.” [63] Thus, this kind of normative heterosexuality is based on power relations and, consequently, 

it defines masculinity “through difference from, and desire for, women. Therefore, normative heterosexuality is 

not only a major structural feature for understanding gender, but for understanding masculinities and crimes 

committed by men as well.” [64] In addition, Connell makes clear that in a contemporary world, stereotyped 

gender images are “deliberately made attractive for marketing purposes.” [65] These new images about sexuality 

influence women's vulnerability to sex trafficking by widening the gap between cultural expectations and the 

possibilities for achieving them (e.g. beautiful woman/sex object as an ideal as well as expensive beauty products, 

clothes etc.). At the same time, these images operate through feeding the myth that working in the sex industry 

is an attractive job (e.g. “pretty woman syndrome”). [66] Cultural images of women as sex objects became a 

strong contributing factor for neutralizing and glorifying the seamy side of trafficking and prostitution abroad. But 

new gender images in post-communist countries media are part of much broader cultural tendencies associated 

with rapid liberalization of trade and economic activity across the world, especially with “market liberalism,” as the 

“reorganization of economic and political life around the sovereignty of the citizen as a consumer.” [67] These 

cultural tendencies include the colonization or commodification of sexuality, which is now playing an increasing 

role in the public culture of market societies throughout the world. 

Instead of a Conclusion: Policy Changes between Requests, Needs and Limits 

At international forums held over last several years, international organizations often have addressed the sex 

trafficking problem in connection to changes of communist regimes in Eastern and Central Europe. This has led to 

changes in national laws and policies. However, law and policy implementation, on both the European and UN 

level, are only rarely based on serious research of the problem of sex trafficking, let alone the exploration of its 

connection to structural violence. As a consequence, the international community has often imposed unrealistic 

expectations on poor and war-affected countries of the Balkans, which are accused of being bridges for illegal 

migration into Western Europe. This overlooks the fact that these same countries are without their own resources 

and power, or that they are even governed by the international community, like Bosnia and Kosovo. Moreover, 

hypocrisy and imperialistic approaches to the problem of trafficking often is present in both Western immigration 

policies and in the international community’s requests for changes of laws and policy regarding human trafficking 

in general, and in the Balkans in particular. For example, the pressure of the international community toward postcommunist 

countries to undertake decisive (mainly repressive) measures is in obvious contradiction with global 

processes which generate structural violence on the world level, leaving no room for appropriate protection of 

victims, let alone for the prevention of violence. In addition, the urge for changes in post-communist countries is 

an obvious contradiction to rather slow, inconsistent and partial changes undertaken by EU countries themselves 

which mostly take into account only the interests of the prosecution and ignore or minimize the needs of victims. 

[68] As a consequence, policies which disregard global causes of violence against women are extremely visible in 

sex trafficking. Even feminism is misused for the creation of fragmented images and solutions, which has 

restricted the problem of violence against women to the interpersonal level of male-to-female relations. This is 

what British feminist scholar Peggy Watson called “a kind of American state feminism for abroad.” [69] The 

consequences are short-term reintegration and repatriation programs, based merely on victim’s willingness to 

cooperate with the prosecution without being offered comprehensive protection, as well as insensitive 

deportations and revictimisations of trafficked women. 

Cold War ideological, legal, economic, and political constructions of a “pure Europe” versus demonic Others are 

now transformed into “discourse concerning the lack of democratic features of Eastern European societies and 

doubts about their capacity to change into ‘civil society.’” [70] Thus migrants are constructed as cultural, ethnic, 

and religious Others, and the responsibility for illegal migration and trafficking in women is put on the Eastern 

European countries of origin. This is well articulated in US State Department’s provision of sanctions against the 

authorities of 23 states from the “blacklist” of states which do not make sufficient efforts to act in accordance with 

U.S. legislation. This amounts to pure exhibition of imperialism and neocolonialism, particularly in light of the 

significant efforts made by the government of the Balkan countries to curtail sex trafficking. In this way, leaders 

of global capitalism and militarism seem to hide their own (structural) responsibility for massive sex trafficking. 

This hypocrisy is especially evident in the Balkans. Accusations against the Balkans always exaggerate the 

lawlessness and corruption of local police while overshadowing the role of the international community in both the 

creation of demand and in the administrative chaos in this part of the world. The fact that in Bosnia and Kosovo 

the legal and administrative power is in the hands of international community so that no law can be passed or 

enforced without approval or supervision of international government and police is usually ignored. Similarly, the 

corruption of international police, which directly encourages sex trafficking either through using sex services of 

trafficked women, profiting from sex trafficking, or by obstructing anti-trafficking actions of local police, are also 

largely disregarded. [71] Thus, the fact that a huge amount of Western tax payers’ money is spent just on the sex 

industry in the Balkans is usually hidden from the eyes of the (Western) public. Or, to put it in the other way, the 

large amount of money paid for the international presence has destroyed the infrastructure and rule of law in the 

Balkans, and has ended up in the pockets of the members of the cruelest mafia in the world. 

This criticism of international policy toward sex trafficking is not intended to absolve Balkan countries or local men 

of responsibility. It is rather an attempt to look at the problem of sex trafficking in the contemporary world in 

holistic way. As well observed by feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe, “we need to widen our lens considerably to fully 

understand militarized prostitution,” by including different local and foreign men on the list of those whose actions 

may contribute to the construction and maintenance of prostitution around military bases and other places with a 

large military and police presence. [72] In addition, in order to reduce violence against women, as Santos 

observed, “in militarism prostitution, one sees the heightened integration of classism, racism, sexism, and 

imperialism.” Further, “whereas militarism goes in the world, so too goes prostitution.” [73] Changes are 



necessary on all levels of society: in social conditions, patriarchal gender roles, stereotypes about immigrants as 

well as in economic and legal institutions, nationally and internationally. 

Structural violence contributes to gendered interpersonal violence both by causing it and by preventing society 

and victims from confronting it effectively. [74] Therefore, it is not surprising that in spite of positive political 

changes and efforts made by civil society and women's movements, few substantial legal and institutional reforms 

have directly addressed violence against women in post-communist countries. A significant obstacle even in more 

developed post-communist countries is the obvious lack of material resources. Expansion of neoliberal capitalism, 

deepening of the gap between poor and rich countries, and the dependent development of post-communist 

countries do not promise much chance for a strong welfare state in the near future. [75] The costs of economic 

change are very high, especially in poorer and war-torn countries. 

A dramatic decrease in the standard of living and an increase in uncertainty, overall fluidity, instability, and war 

victimization have led to continued sex trafficking over the last decade. In addition, the European Union’s fear of 

illegal migration and the reluctance of the international community to address the causes rather than the 

consequences of sex trafficking make arriving at a solution extremely difficult. [76] Both factors are important 

reasons why even those changes which have been achieved in the Balkans did not produce the expected results in 

terms of increased safety for women who suffer from sex trafficking. [77] To borrow words from noted US 

sociologist Susan Cunningham, “if the society's structural dynamics continue to produce violence, anti-violence 

policies and programs are bound to fail.” [78] The same may be applied in explanation of the causes of failure of 

most of anti-trafficking programs so far, and especially of those in the Balkans and other post conflict societies. 

This explains the failure of most anti-trafficking programs to date. Only by critically addressing and eradicating 

structural violence can we address the critical problem in sex trafficking in the Balkans and other post-conflict 

societies. 


Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D., Serbia and Montenegro, is professor of criminology at Faculty for Social Education 

and Rehabilitation,Department for Prevention and treatment od social disorders, Belgrade University. She is 

president of the Victimology Society of Serbia, editor in chief of Temida, Serbian Journal on Victimisation, Human 

Rights and Gender, corresponding editor of Feminist Review (UK) and member of Advisory Board of Contemporary 

Justice Review (USA). She is the member of the Counsil on Gender Equality of the Government of Serbia. She has 

been publishing largely on victimisation, war, violence against women and truth and reconciliation in the former 

Yugoslavia. Her most important works include: Women, violence and war , ed.(CEU Press, 2000), Social change, 

gender and violence: post-communist and war afftected societies (Kluwer, 2002), and "New wars, Global 

Governance and Law”, Hart, (ed) forthcoming in 2006. 

E-mail: vnikolic@eunet.yu 

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[1] Paper presented at the British Criminology Society Conference, “Crossing Borders,” Keele, July 17-2, 2002. 

[2] Sietske Altink, Stolen Lives (London:Scarlet Press, 1995), 22. 

[3] Azize-Vargas, quoted by Marjan Wijers and Lin Lap-Chew, Trafficking in Women: Forced Labour and Slaver- 

like Practices in Marriage, Domestic Labour and Prostitution (Utrecht: STV, 1997), 53. 

[4] Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Social Change, Gender and Violence: Post-Communist and War-Affected Societies 

(Boston:Kluwer, 2002), 130. 

[5] A good illustration for that is the expansion of sex tourism in Thailand after the Vietnam War, and later 

trafficking of Thai women to the West. 

[6] Jo Goodey, “Whose Insecurity? Organized Crime, its Victims and the EU,” in A. Crawford (ed), Crime and 

Insecurity: The Governance of Safety in Europe (Devon: Willan Publishing, 2002), 140. 

[7] John Picarelli, Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping (Turin: UNICRI, 2002),7. 

[8] The paper is based on my continuing research into the problem of violence against women in post-communist 

and war-affected societies in the period 1993-2002. This includes several empirical and action researches, results 

of which are mostly presented in my books Women, Violence and War (2000) and Social Change, Gender and 

Violence ( 2002). Also, it is partly the result of the on going research project Serious forms of crime in the 

conditions of transition, which is funded by Serbian Ministry of science. 

[9] International Organization for Migration, Geneva, Press Briefing Notes, January 8, 2002, 2. 

[10] Barbara Limanowska, Trafficking in Human Beings in Southeastern Europe (Belgrade:UNICEF, 2002), 4. 

[11] Liz Kelly and Linda Regan, Stopping Traffick: Exploring the Extent of, and Responses to, Trafficking in Women 

for Sexual Exploitation in the UK, (London: Police Research Series Papers 125, 2000), 31. 

[12] Roy Gutman, Svedok genocida (Witness of Genocide), (Zagreb:Durieux, 1994), 207. 

[13] “Serbs Enslaved Muslim Women at Rape Camps,” Guardian, 21 March 2000 

[14] “Serb war ‘brothel chief’ arrested’ ,CNN article available from World Wide Web (http:/www.cnn.com/2002/ 

WORLD/europe/07/09/bosnia.stankovic/index.html), retrieved on July 9, 2002. 

[15] Oliver Bacanovic, “Zeni zrtvo na trgovija so luge” (“Women Victims of Traffick in People”), Annual Edition of 

the School of Security in Skopje, (2001):104-116. 

[16] Katherine MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide, and Women’s Human Rights,” in A.Styglemayer, ed. Mass Rape: The 

War against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Lincoln and London : University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 192. 

[17] United Nations Mission in Kosovo 

[18] Picarelli, 13. 

[19] Limanowska, 65. 



[20] Human Rights Watch World Report, 2001. 

[21] Limanowska, 65, 96. 

[22] Coneva, interview, 1999. International Organization for Migration, Skopje, for example, helped 152 victims in 

the period between August 9, 2000 and February 9, 2001(Bacanovic, 110). In September 2001, the number of 

trafficked women assisted by the IOM in Macedonia reached 328 (Message received through STOP-TRAFFIC 

@friends-partners.org list on September 11, 2001). 

[23] The majority of women trafficked to Kosovo and assisted by the IOM are from Moldova, Romania, the Ukraine, 

and Bulgaria. Women from Moldova are trafficked through Romania, and they are then sent to Kosovo either 

through Hungary and Serbia or through Bulgaria and Macedonia. Similarly, Ukrainian women are trafficked to 

Kosovo through Hungary, Romania or Bulgaria, and then through either Serbia or Macedonia. Channels for 

trafficking of Russian women mainly go through the Ukraine and then through Moldova, Bulgaria and Macedonia. 

[24] International Organization for Migration, Pristina, Return and Reintegration Project, situation report - February 

2000 - May 2001, 6,7. 

[25] Bacanovic, 108. 

[26] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 135. 

[27] Kevin Bales, Disposable People (Berkley: University of California Press, 1999) , 245. 

[28] John Hagan, Structural Criminology (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1988), 171.. 

[29] Robert Connell, Gender and Power – Society, the Person and Sexual Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987, 

183-188. 

[30] James Messerschmidt, "From Patriarchy to Gender:Feminist Theory, Criminology and the Challenge of 

Diversity" in N.Rafter and F.Heidensohn eds. International Feminist Perspectives in Criminology, (Buckingham- 

Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1995), 173. 

[31] Connell, 187. 

[32] Ilse Konig (ed), Trafficking in Women (Vienna: Federal Chancellery, 1997), 17. 

[33] Suppression of sexuality during communism delayed the sexual revolution in communist countries. Social 

changes were seen as an opportunity to compensate for all that was missed for so long, as well as for achieving 

individual instead of collective identity. 

[34] Krassimira Daskalova, “Manipulated Emancipation: Representations of Women in Post-Communist Bulgaria,” 

G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K.Schafgen (eds) Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central 

Europe Proceedings (Berlin:Trafo Verlag , 2001) p. 249. 


[36] Robert Connell, “Masculinities and Globalization,” in M.S.Kimmel and M.A.Messner, eds., Men's Lives 

(Meedham Heights:Allyn and Bacon, 2001), 61. 

[37] Ian Taylor and Ruth Jamieson, “Sex Trafficking and the Mainstream of Market Culture,” Crime, Law and 

Social Change 32, (1999): 257-278, 264. 

[38] John Smith, “Sex Trade Enslaves East Europeans Migrant Women Brutalized in Burgeoning Business,” The 

Washington Post, July 25, 2000, 11. 

[39] Lenke Feher, “Forced Prostitution and Traffick in Persons,” in M. Klap, Y.Klerk and J.Smith (eds.), Combating 

Traffick in Persons (Utreht: SIM, 1995) , 76. 

[40] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 127, interviewed in Budapest on May 17, 1999 

[41] For example, criminal gangs buy women from recruiters for small amounts of money such as $50-150 and 

resell them for $5000 and more. 

[42] James Messerschmidt, Masculinities and Crime (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1993) , 122.. 



[43] Bacanovic, 106. 

[44] Reet Nurmi, (1999) “Mobile Russian Prostitution in Finland,” paper presented at the 32nd Triennial Conference 

of the International Abolitionist Federation, Breakdown of Borders, December 2-4, Copenhagen, Denmark. 

[45] Liz Kelly, “Wars Against Women: Sexual Violence, Sexual Politics and the Militarised State,” S.Jacobs, R. 

Jacobson and J.Marchbank (eds), States of Conflict (London-New York: Zed Books, 2000) , 58. 

[46] Christine Chinkin, “Peace and Force in International Law,” in D.G. Dallmeyer, ed., Reconceiving Reality: 

Women and International Law (New York: Asil,1993), 206. 

[47] Darius Rejali, “After Feminist Analyses of Bosnian Violence,” Peace Review 3, (1996): 366. 

[48] A good illustration for that is found in the expansion of sex industry in Serbia during NATO bombing 1999. 

[49] Jane’s Intelligence Weekly, 1 September 2000 

[50] Private military companies provide an assortment of services to the armed forces, the US government, and 

foreign governments and international organizations, and it is a rapidly growing business. In just ten years, the 

private military industry has grown from a handful of companies to hundreds, with its income rising from millions 

of dollars a year to and estimated $100 billion a year. (source: http:/salon.com/news/featiue/2002/06/26/bosnia. 

print.html). As stated in the report from Turin 2002 Conference on Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping, private 

contractors supplementing or overseeing the staffing requirements for the peacekeeping operation on behalf of 

some Member States or providing them with services, equipment and/or supplies, are found to be directly 

involved in the trafficking of women from Eastern Europe (Picarelli, 16). 

[51] For example, in the late 1960s, Thailand was used as a place for “rest and recreation” for American G.I.s in 

Vietnam. After the end of the war, prostitution became one of the main financial resources for Thailand. By 

developing “mass sex tourism” as a means to pay off its debts, it actually encouraged the peacetime 

institutionalization of sex industry (Williams, 1999:153). A similar process occurred in the Philippines. Although 

in 1972 Okinawa returned to Japanese administration, prostitution “continued to be the mainstay of the 

economy.” (Catherine Euler, “Razvijanje najbolje vojne profesionalne prakse u pogledu nasilja nad zenama na i u 

blizini vojnih baza” (“Developing Best Professional Military Practice With Regard to Violence Against Women on 

and Near Defense Estates”), Temida 2, 2000, 27. 

[52] Euler, 75. 

[53] Kate Holt, “Captive Market,” The Sunday Times Magazine, February 18, 2001, 47. 

[54] “Montenegro to Crack Down on Human Trafficking,” The Associated Press, December 11, 2000, received 

through STOP-TRAFFIC @friends-partners.org list on December 11, 2000. 

[55] John Smith, “Sex Trade Enslaves East Europeans Migrant Women Brutalized in Burgeoning Business,” The 

Washington Post, July 25, 2000 

[56] Robert Fisk, “UK:Immigration - How Sarajevo has become the Springboard into Europe,” Independent, 

February 5, 2001:.3. 

[57] Phil Williams, “Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective,” Transnational Organized Crime, 

Special Issue “Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex - The New Slave Trade” 3-4 (1999):202. 

[58] Nurmi, 10. 

[59] Konig, 17. 

[60] Marian Wijers “Izmedju ugnjetavanja i osnazivanja” (“Between Oppression and Empowerment”), Temida 3 

(1998): 8. 

[61] Ann Jordan, a lawyer with International Human Rights law Group, quoted in http:/salon.com/news/ 

featiue/2002/06/26/bosnia.print.html. 


[63] Messerschmidt, 75 



[64] Messerschmidt, 76. 

[65] Connell, 2001:61. 

[66] Oleszczuk, Teresa and Buchowska, Stana “The ‘Pretty Woman’ Syndrome” in One Year La Strada 

(unpublished report), 1996, 27. 

[67] Taylor and Jamieson, 264. 

[68] See Goodey, 2002. 

[69] Peggy Watson, “Gender and Politics in Postcommunism,” G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K. 

Schafgen (eds), Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings (Berlin:Trafo Verlag, 2001), 43. 

[70] Helma Lutz, “The Limits of European-ness: Immigrant Women in Fortress Europe,” Feminist Review 57 

(1997) : 93-111. 

[71] There are, for example, allegations that international police inform bar owners about police raids and buy 

women as sex slaves without any critical remark made on their personal record, let alone any kind of legal 

responsibility (Limanowska, 68). According to the Washington Post, in the five years since international police 

officers were sent to help restore order in Bosnia, the UN police mission has faced numerous charges of 

misconduct, corruption and sexual impropriety. But in nearly every case, UN officials handled the allegations 

quietly by sending the officers home, often without a full investigation. (http:/www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/ 

articles/A28267-2001Dec26.html. Also, Picarelli, 9). As a result of allegations of the involvement of peacekeeping 

personnel in trafficking, the code of conduct for UN personnel was changed in 2001 to specifically include 

trafficking as an offence, but there is no evidence that it has yet been used against those who have violated it. 

[72] Cynthia Enloe “It takes Two”, S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds) Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and 

the U.S. Military in Asia (New York:The New York Press, 1992) , 24, 25. 

[73] Aida Santos “Gathering the Dust:The Bases Issue in the Philippines”, S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds) 

Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia, (New York:The New York Press,1992) , 40. 

[74] Nikoli•-Ristanovi•, 2002. 

[75] Lesli Sklair, Sociology of the Global System (Hertfordshire: Simon & Schuster, 1991) , 233. 

[76] For example, in spite of similar experiences with post-war prostitution and trafficking in women worldwide, 

the trafficking problem was not anticipated before entering either Bosnia or Kosovo, even considering the lessons 

learned in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Picarelli, 2002:21). As well observed by British criminologist Jo Goodey, “the 

neglect of transnational organized crime’s most immediate victims, in this case trafficked women, has been 

offered as a balance to TOC’s construction primarily, as a ‘criminal’ concern rather than a ‘victim’ 

concern”(Goodey, 2002:154). As a result, the EU has constructed itself as the primary victim of organized crime 

and, thus, it is not surprising that few efforts are made to prevent victimization of “non-EU others.” 

[77] Nikoli•-Ristanovi•, 175. 

[78] Susan Cunningham, “What we Teach about When We Teach about Violence,” The HFG Review 1 (2000):4-9. 





Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems. 

A Need For New Allocations of Liability for the New Health Care Paradigm 

By Prof. Ilise L. Feitshans, George Washington University, USA 

I. Introduction: Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey and Increased Health Disparities 

Within Health Care Delivery Systems. 

A. Summary of Events in Winter, 2003 

Protests in the streets and chanting with posters on the steps of the statehouses of New Jersey [1] and 

Pennsylvania [2] in 2003 had one remarkable shared feature: their constituents. These protests came not from the 

vast unemployed masses demanding jobs, fair wages, or educational opportunities for the underemployed, 

underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor were these protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in opposition to 

some war in a place far away. These protests came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector physicians. 

Physicians who, according to popular culture at least, enjoy a reasonably nice lifestyle, good wages and are well 

educated. The front line workers in a different type of war: the war for health, protecting thousands, if not millions 

of people against the pain and suffering caused by illness and disease. The net effect of their inability to work 

without fear of malpractice claims whose insurance drives them into bankruptcy, they argue, causes them to limit 

the scope of their practice or enter research and refrain from using their clinical knowledge to earn their income, 

thus reducing the pool of available medical care for everyone. 

B. Impact on Patients In Underserved Populations: 

The ultimate effect of reducing the supply of an already expensive and preciously limited resource is to increase 

the disparities in the access and quality of care to poor, uninsured or underinsured patients. Such patients are 

harder to help in the first place, for reasons of less income to afford care, and a spiraling downward pattern of less 

care leading to more severe illness when seeking care, with fewer options left to them and fewer opportunities to 

try experimental but expensive treatments that may prolong life, enhance the quality of life or avoid mortality 

temporarily. 

II. Three Sides of the Malpractice Insurance Coin 

A. Overview of the Problem: The Physicians’ View 

Medical doctors’ protests on the state capitals’ steps drew enormous media attention. It was curious, perhaps 

even surprising, to find so many well-dressed, highly paid people with professional prestige taking to public fora to 

demand legislative change. What is the problem? Why is there a sudden malpractice insurance crisis in these 

states, so severe that it causes physicians to take to the streets in protest? 

Medical doctors, licensed in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, who protested complained about: overly-burdensome 

high costs of medical malpractice insurance; costs so high that the premiums alone could provide several middle 

or lower income families with all of the products of a descent job at better than minimum wage. And yet, what did 

they get for these premiums? Higher indirect costs such as overhead, higher levels of scrutiny from insurers and 

regulators and yet, they did not enjoy complete freedom from unwarranted or overzealous litigation by attorneys 

hoping for high stake malpractice claims. In such an unfair situation, they righteously demanded that legislatures 

of their respective states intervene to limit malpractice liability by capping the size of awards in malpractice 

claims. 

The problem is not that striking physicians, no matter how improbable, might create a crisis in the delivery of 

medical care. Nor is the underlying problem the high cost of jury awards to patients who have been found by 

courts of law to be victims of medical malpractice. The root cause of the problem is that doctors are no longer 

fully in charge of their patients’ medical care in a number of regards that are presumed by law under the older 

doctrines that govern physician - patient relations. Having lost their previous independence and attendant power 

through the change in the structure and financing of the delivery of 21 st century medical care compared to 

centuries before, it is unfair to hold medical doctors to the same standard of responsibility as in the past when 

allocating liability. 

Therefore the solutions to these complex issues require a detailed scrutiny of the interrelation between 

mechanisms for accountability in health care systems, and then, rewriting the law of health care delivery 

accountability. Medical doctors should be a part of, but not solely or directly liable for mistakes in the delivery of 



health care under the new model. A new model would allocate responsibility where it appropriately belongs, within 

the infrastructures of programs and systems that control access and availability of care through cost controls and 

other efficiency criteria. Such an approach, making responsible the organizational systems and not the medical 

doctors alone, is sorely needed in order to provide health care equitably to all patients across society. 

B. Overview of the Problem: The Public Health Systems’ View 

From a public health perspective, the medical doctors’ protests were not really very surprising. So-called 

skyrocketing health care costs have been a major public health concern for at least the last four decades [3] . 

Health care costs consume a large percentage of the GNP, and have increased exponentially every few years. 

There are several reasons for this increased expense. In 1983, it was believed that “rapid escalation of health care 

costs has resulted, at least in part, from lack of competition in the health care sector, brought about by the 

present third-party payment system and the conduct of providers” [4] 

These words proved prescient, because the costs for health care in relation to the US GNP have continued to 

hemorrhage despite a major overhaul throughout the 1980’s in the structure of health care financing. According to 

Rosenbaum et al., “as recently as 1980, virtually all insured Americans, whether publicly or privately insured, had 

coverage that existed independent of the practice of medicine itself. ” [5] and few insured individuals were enrolled 

in prepaid health-care plans, leaving much of their care at the discretion of individual medical doctors and 

affiliated laboratories and hospitals. At that time, medical doctors had great discretion to order as many tests as 

they chose for any patient and great leeway to determine which affiliated health service providers they might 

choose to best meet the needs and budget for their patient. These were individual choices, and not automatic 

choices made systemically by the health care delivery infrastructure. 

By the mid 1980’s this situation became galvanized towards a startling change. A series of new laws at the state 

and federal level, combined with aggressively antitrust enforcement challenged, and ultimately reshaped the 

structure of the delivery of health care in the US, without creating a universal basis for a nationalized health care 

delivery program [6] . According to Rosenbaum, “Twenty years later, the landscape has been completely altered. 

In a single generation, the American health system was transformed into a "stunning array of new health care 

financing and delivery entities" that "took responsibility for managing resources," and for channeling "enrollees to 

providers with whom preferential contracts had been renegotiated." [7] 

In addition to a systemic restructuring, there has been a response by health care providers to the increased 

population, increased graying population in need of long-term health care; inadequacies in access and continuity 

of care for low-income populations, which skews the services provided to them in favor of more expensive urgent 

care rather than low-cost preventive care and screenings; and new glitzy technologies and experimental 

techniques for major illnesses and elective treatments,. that although expensive, also enhance quality of life. 

From the standpoint of overall utilization and access to new or elective techniques for treatment, this expansion 

cannot come without making mistakes, whose costs are reflected in litigation surrounding malpractice. 

Gatekeepers in HMO’s or managed care programs; peer reviews for cost-savings, capitation on procedures, access 

to referrals and prescriptions; quotas for certain types of procedures; lack of coverage for certain other 

procedures, all erode the medical doctors’ independence in decision making and thus translate into potential 

malpractice litigation for the medical doctored who cannot guarantee delivery of all the necessary facets of quality 

care. Rosenbaum et al describe how insurability parameters may limit access to care by excluding specific types of 

treatment, offering incentives to certain preferred providers' who choose not to offer a full range of services or by 

requiring a second opinion for "elective" procedures (and routinely denying coverage for them) [8] . Policies may 

also limit the amount of services a particular provider can render in a time period using highly criticized practices 

such as "capitation." [9] "Under capitation physicians assume the risk that the cost of services provided may 

exceed the fixed per-member payment" thus creating a "reverse incentive" for providing care. This pattern of 

practice indirectly creates holes in the blanket of coverage, especially if certain illnesses give rise to high 

utilization for treatment or corrective procedures that are not projected but become necessary. 

According to the Women’s Health Research Committee (WHRC) medical errors although documented by the 

Institute of Medicine have not decreased since 1999 [10] . The WHRC cites recent articles stating that three years 

after a report by the Institute of Medicine (IOM) illuminated the risks to patients posed by widespread medical 

errors, a recent article in the Washington Post indicates that little real progress has been made to improve patient 

safety. The IOM report, released in 1999, asserted that 98,000 hospitalized Americans die each year and an 

additional 1 million are hospitalized because of medical mistakes, costing the country an estimated $29 billion. In 

the aftermath of this landmark study, a flurry of activity focused on attempts to curb medical errors, including the 

introduction of several bills in Congress. Despite these efforts to address the problem, the Washington Pos [11] t 

reported on December 3 2002 that few hospitals have made significant improvements in patient safety. Most 

hospitals still use paper charts rather than computerized records; medication errors remain common; and, 

according to the Joint Commission on the Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations (JCAHO), operations 

performed on the wrong patient or wrong part of the body have actually increased in recent years. Meanwhile, 

the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) is creating the first online journal focusing on medical 

errors. The site, www.WebMM.ahrq.gov, formally launched in February 2003, is currently open for the submission 

of medical error cases. The site uses examples of actual errors in patient treatment to educate health care 

providers on the subject. Any individual who submits a case that is selected for posting will remain anonymous 

and receive an honorarium [12] 



None of these structural changes, however, are accurately reflected in the system of malpractice litigation, which 

has not been restructured to meet the new conditions and changes over time. The underlying root causes of the 

problem to which the medical doctors draw attention therefore raises deeper questions about who holds the true 

decisional authority in medical care decision making. 

It is the result of a power struggle is within the health care system, locked within the infrastructure of the newly 

emerged health care delivery systems, who have not sorted out the role of capitation, limits on procedures for 

cost-savings and requirements for salaried physicians to meet a minimum number of patients in a given hour or 

week of work. The medical doctors’ new role within complex infrastructures lacks independence, however, that is 

assumed by the present malpractice principles. In the alternative, their work could better be characterized as that 

of any employee or agent of a major employer, with little or no control over working conditions, hours of work, or 

the demands that can be met to ensure care for patients. It is therefore a superficial, but incorrect notion to state 

that the current malpractice insurance struggle before several legislatures is a powerplay between good doctors 

and mythological powerful lawyers championing the cause of broken patients and their families. Indeed, the more 

appropriate paradigm to apply would be that of doctors in the role of factory workers taking on the powerful 

decision making capabilities of their corporate employers, over a century ago. 

C. Overview of the Problem: The Litigants’ View 

From a lawyers’ point of view the doctors’ complaints, as reported in the media are not strange at all. But, it 

would be a gross oversimplification to think that simply defending their jobs as litigators explains why few lawyers 

share the view that limiting liability is a correct approach to the problem of increased costs for malpractice 

insurance among doctors. Lawyers understand that litigation is a symptom, not a cure, to larger social problems. 

This is true because litigation is retrospective, correcting past wrongs, and not preventive, like future-directed 

legislation. Although malpractice insurance has been at the heart of calls for litigation, such analysis is superficial 

because it looks only at the results of jury awards and ignores a long chain of changes in the standard of care, 

quality of care, and empowerment of physicians to control patient care, that are now deeply embedded in 

managed care and Health Maintenance Organizations (HMOs). 

III. Legal Background: Malpractice Claims Rooted in a Standard of Care 

A. Rationale for Malpractice Claims 

The question whether doctors can be held personally liable for mistakes when so much of medical care is a matter 

of the natural history of disease, (or in the opinion of some people, divine intervention) has plagued the legal 

literature in the USA for over a century. 

In the past, individual medical doctors practicing alone or in small clusters had permission to control the course of 

treatment. By contrast the average medical doctors is now one small cog in a much greater wheel, without control 

over patient treatment, billing or continuity of care. Tests that are not acceptable to the provider system will not 

be easily ordered and will be treated as a deviation from a newly-formed standard of care, while tests that the 

system requires will always be conducted, regardless whether the physician believes they are useful, necessary, 

reliable or appropriate. 

This is a distinct departure from centuries of precedent in the past, wherein the law considered the doctor’s role as 

parallel to the “captain of the ship”. In seafaring days, captains held the greatest power of anyone on their ship. 

They could determine punishment, life or death, allocation of rations, course of action during storm, destination of 

the ship, marriage for passengers, and even how to apply the law of their flag. No one was more powerful at sea 

than the “captain of the ship”, who enjoyed the most privilege but also bore full responsibility for any outcomes, 

good or bad, that occurred under his command. The so-called “captain of the ship doctrine” was consistently 

applied to doctors in cases of malpractice. This concept still exists, but is no longer appropriate, because the 

nature of the organizational structure of medical care delivery systems has dramatically changed since the 

doctrine was first articulated, centuries ago. 

This shift in the chain of command, but not the ultimate responsibility of physicians for medical care has important 

ramifications for every patient. There is evidence that suggests too, that because of the change in the structure of 

the delivery of health care, the “captain of the ship” model, that holds doctors alone as ultimately responsible for 

“bad medicine” or other unpleasant outcomes should be replaced by a new model for responsibility and allocation 

of liability for medical care. Such a model can take into account the medical doctor’s comparative 

disempowerment by the change in health care financing that has been the hallmark of HMOs and managed care. 

B. Historical Antecedents of Malpractice Principles Under US Law 

Since 1914, if not earlier, there have been US legal cases establishing the requirement that a patient consent 

before being administered any medical treatment, every human being of adult years and sound mind has a right 

to determine what shall be done with his own body, and a surgeon who performs an operation without his 

patient's consent commits an assault for which he is liable in damages. [13] 

Conversely, unwarranted medical invasions of the person’s bodily integrity by a doctor that are unconsented and 

giving rise to harm are the gravamen of malpractice claims. As stated by the courts, the rationale for malpractice 



infrastructure requirements as proper equipment and adequate trained staff should not be laid at the feet of the 

medical doctors, however, because they do not control the supply and demand for these subsystems as they did 

in generations before. Yet, the failure to provide such components of the infrastructure can result in failures of 

quality care. 

Thus, malpractice by the system is a foreseeable consequence of such failures. Issues such as these should be 

resolved through legislatures, not malpractice and tort reform. These issues concern changing the standard of 

care and raising the mantra about human concerns, some of which cost very little to implement although they 

may require changing embedded attitudes in the manner in which care is provided by standard medical practice. 

One example is the draft bill that was before the NJ legislature recently, the “Physical Access to Health Care Act.", 

through the Department of Consumer Affairs, which would require health care facilities to maintain at least one 

height-adjustable patient examination table that can be lowered to facilitate the transfer of a patient with a 

mobility impairment to and from its surface [20] . 

VI. Conclusions: New Allocations of Liability for the New Health Care Paradigm 

The malpractice tort liability struggle that has attained so much publicity has been mischaracterized as a crisis; it 

is a symptom of a chronic problem in the delivery of health care and related systems. There is also misplaced 

urgency in the popular outcry for tort liability limitations. This struggle incorrectly ignores the underlying problem: 

doctors in the 21 st century no longer control their agenda, their patient load or their own discretionary expertise 

regarding sound methods for patient care. The solution to this problem, is not, however, capitation of tort liability. 

Such a simplistic approach unrealistically limits the cost of life-long injury, which can consume hundreds of 

thousands of dollars in medical care in just a year or two after injury. Such an approach may also have 

constitutional ramifications, if it conflicts with inherent rights to have matters judged by peers and the 7 th 

Amendment right to trial by jury. 

Although medical doctors are nominally in charge of patient care, these new structures may allow that to be so in 

name only. In light of the fact that costs are a driver, along with other administrative concerns, physicians may 

have little or no power inside the new structures. These structures are not necessarily designed with access to 

care or high quality of care as their central goal. In this sense, patient care is frequently compromised and the 

gold standard of patient care, against which any individual physician’s actions are measured, is necessarily 

changed to reflect the goals of these organizations. Consequently, there have been increased mistakes resulting 

in litigation, and resulting in awards by angry juries who are frustrated at their own powerlessness to attain good 

quality medical care under an inconsistent patchwork of health plans. 

Therefore, malpractice insurance costs are merely a deeply embedded hidden cost of a broken, and often unfair 

health care delivery program, where the accessibility of care and the quality of care often resembles more of a 

lottery than an organized health care delivery system. Under this view, many people, such as health professionals, 

consumers and lawyers, the rise in malpractice insurance costs is a sorely needed check on an expensive, lifethreatening, 

chaotic situation. Reducing access to this venue will not solve the problem. Health disparities will 

increase: as the scope of care narrows, the difference between the available care to people at the margins or with 

special needs widens. Creating a legislated system of liability that takes into account the primacy of health care 

delivery structures, not doctors, is therefore the best solution to this perennial problem. 

Prepared April 2003 at the Request of: 

Institute for the Elimination of Health Disparities, University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, School of 

Public Health 


Ilise L Feitshans, United States of America, JD and ScM, is an attorney with a Masters of Science. She is a former 

Member of the Faculty from Columbia University School of Law, and the author of five books and over 100 

articles. Feitshans is the author of “Designing an Effective Osha Compliance Program”, a treatise for lawyers on 

Westlaw.com that she updates annually, and the occupational health manual for non-lawyers entitled “Bringing 

Health to Work”. She is Adjunct Associate Professor of Occupational and Environmental Health at GWU SPHHS. In 

addition to seasonal Guest Lectures at Yale University School of Medicine and many colleges and universities, she 

has organized three different conferences about inclusion and special education, most recently the "Right to 

Learn" conference in Haddonfield, presented seminars at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, 

China (1995). She is a Member of the Women’s Committee of the State of NJ Council on Developmental 

Disabilities. 

Contact: ilise@prodigy.net 

[1] “NJ Doctors stage walkout” Metro newspaper, Tuesday Feb 5 2003 p 5; “Issue of Limiting jury awards 

dominates malpractice debate” Trenton Star-Ledger, Feb 23, 2003, p. 20 

[2] Radio reports Thursday May 1, 2003 and response by Gov. Rend ell of Pennsylvania 



[3] H Robert Helper and John J. Miles, “Antitrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions”, National Health Policy Forum 

1983 states in its Preface: “The Cost of health care has skyrocketed in the last two decades. In 1981, it 

constituted approximately 9.8 per cent of the United States’ gross national product, and experts expect the 

percentage to increase during the next few years, (Unpublished figures for 1982 place health care expenditures at 

10.5 per cent of the gross national product). 

[4] H Robert Halper and John J. Miles, “AntiTrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions”, National Health Policy Forum 

1983 states in its Preface. 

[5] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, ‘Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration’, Journal of 

Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p. 191 Citing: R. Rosenblatt, 

S. Law, and S. Rosenbaum, Law and the American Health Care System (New York: Foundation Press, 1997): at 

543-73. 

[6] H Robert Halper and John J. Miles, “AntiTrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions”, National Health Policy Forum 

1983. 


Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p191 Citing J. Weiner and 

G. de Lissovoy, "Razing a Tower of Babel: A Taxonomy for Managed Care and Health Insurance Plans," Journal of 

Health Politics, Policy and Law, 18 (1993): 75-103, at 73-77. 


Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics. 

[9] Tracy Griff, "Comment: Capitation Shifts Financial Risk From HMOs to Providers" 15 Preventive Law Reporter 

No 2 1996 at 26. 

[10] THE WHRC HOTLINE An Information Service of the Women's Health Research Coalition December 2002, 

Medical Errors Have Not Decreased Since 1999 IOM Report, on-line subscriptions services of WHRC. 

[11] Washington Post article, visit http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58443-2002Nov30.html 

[12] THE WHRC HOTLINE An Information Service of the Women's Health Research Coalition December 2002 

MEDICAL ERRORS HAVE NOT DECREASED SINCE 1999 IOM REPORT, on-line subscriptions services of WHRC. 

[13] Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital, 1914, Cardozo, J. Majority, quoted in Holtzman N Proceed With 

Caution p.186 

[14] Canterbury v. Spence 464 F.2d 772; 790-91 150 Us App. D.C. 263 (1972) at 780 

[15] Chouinard v. Marjani, 575 A.2d 238 (Conn. App. Ct. 1990). 


Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p. 191 

[17] Sara Rosenbaum, Anne Markus, Colleen Son sky and Lee Repasch, “Policy Brief No 2: State Benefit Design 

Choices under SCHIP—Implications for Pediatric Health Care Center for Health Services Research and Policy, 

School of Public Health and Health Services, George Washington University may 2001, citing David Eddy, 

“Rationing Resources While Improving Quality: How to Get more for Less” 272 JAMA 817-24 (1994) 


Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p191 

[19] NEW JERSEY BILL TRACKING McKeon Jury Awards for Medical Malpractice. Establishes standard of review for 

excessiveness of jury awards in medical malpractice.10/10/2002 Introduced. 10/10/2002 To Assembly 2002 NJ A. 

B. 2873 (SN); Joint Resolution No. 33 State Of New Jersey 210th Legislature, Introduced March 18, 2002. 

Sponsored by: Francis L. Bodine, and Eric Munoz 

[20] An Act concerning physical access to health care and supplementing Titles 45 and 26 of the Revised Statutes. 

Prompted by the finding that “Every day, in this State and across this country, men and women, children and 

adults, who are challenged by various forms of physical disability, must confront the additional challenge of 

overcoming physical barriers to their accessing the health care services that they need; These barriers include a 

widespread lack of physical accommodations and medical equipment in the offices maintained by health care 

professionals, such as examination tables, dental chairs and scanning devices, that ARE designed to be "userfriendly" 

to health care consumers with physical disabilities extent that these are available under State law or 

regulations, including, but not limited to, the barrier free subcode adopted by the Commissioner of Community 



Affairs as part of the State Uniform Construction Code. 




or 

A Case Study on the Impact of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) in Bulgaria - The 

Concession of Sofia Water Supply and Wastewater Services: Legal, Economic, Social and Gender 

Aspects 

By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D., Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria 

Executive Summary and Recommendations * 

On October 6, 2000 Sofiyska Voda - EAD /Sofia Water/ started to operate the water supply, wastewater and 

sanitation services for Sofia city. Sofiyska Voda /Sofia Water/ is a special purpose company established between 

the winner of the bid for a water concession - International Water Ltd. (IWL) /a company in consortium between 

US Bechtel Group and the British United Utilities International/, and the existing municipally owned utility 

company - ViK /Vodosnabdyavane i Kanalizatsia EAD/. “Sofia Water” was established initially with 75% of shares 

belonging to International Water Ltd. and 25%- to Sofia municipality through ViK EAD. The financial contribution 

of IWL was supported by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development /EBRD/. 

The Concessionaire’s responsibility is to operate and maintain the water supply and sewerage system during the 

Concession period and to design, plan, finance and construct the required capital investments. The MoS retained 

ownership of all existing water and wastewater infrastructure assets during the Concession period. Ownership of 

new infrastructure assets, construed by the Concessionaire was also vested in the MoS. The Concession company 

was entitled to the right to use those assets in accordance to the Concession Contract. The duration of the 

concession was initially determined to be 25 years, extendable for a further 10 years in accordance with the 

Municipal Property Act. A significant programme of capital investment was required in both the water supply and 

the wastewater systems to meet the target service standards and the Concessionaire was required to invest at 

least USD 150 million in capital works over the concession period. The Concessionaire had the obligation to make 

mandatory investment of the amount of USD 152 Million during the first 9 years of the concession period. It is the 

first transaction of that kind in Bulgaria and one of the biggest investment contracts for the period. Furthermore, 

the Concessionaire is responsible for the metering, billing and revenue collection and has the power to warn 

customers with disconnection for non-payment. 

Thus, the concession contract left within the hands of the concessionaire, with predominant foreign participation, 

the implementation of the right to water and the provision of water supply as essential service. 

Not surprisingly, the concession contract was concluded within a special legal and economic international context - 

the commitments undertaken by Bulgaria in the framework of the WTO, and namely under the GATS /General 

Agreement on Trade in Services/, combined with the conditionalities of the World Bank and the other international 

financial institutions pushing for liberalization of the water and energy sector, as well as of other essential 

services. This contract means as well that Bulgaria has become a target of the interests of the big water 

transnational companies /TNCs/ - a market clearly dominated by the biggest European and US actors at the 

moment. 

Bulgaria joined the WTO as of December 1, 1996 after entering into force of the Protocol for the Accession to the 

Marrakech Agreement. The country applies all multilateral trade agreements, annexed to Marrakech Agreement 

from the date of accession without recourse to any transitional period. Bulgaria accepted as a single undertaking 

the three major agreements - GATT, GATS and TRIPS. Due to the fact that Bulgaria “jumped” into the WTO 

directly with the status of a developed country / being one of the first countries in Eastern Europe to do so/, the 

reforms of the transition period had to be conducted in a framework of open markets and strong international 

competition. Despite the scarce economic effect and the negative social impact of liberalisation, Bulgaria is firmly 

intended to join and pursue the WTO agenda. This is because the country wants to be recognised and accepted in 

the democratic international community. 

By joining GATS the Bulgarian government had to start playing the GATS game and, subsequently, to follow its 

rules. GATS is the first multilateral agreement containing the commitment for a continuous liberalization of the 

trade in all services, essential services included, through binding rules. The aim of GATS is to increase 

international trade by removing any control and restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities, 

environment protection, existing social standards or laws which maintain the public monopoly on some services. 

Exemptions are very limited in practice and commitments, once made, are irreversible. The Bulgarian government 

made a lot of horizontal commitments as well as commitments through a broad range of services; namely, 

Bulgaria is bound by liberalisation in the field of environmental services - wastewater, sanitation, litter collection, 

except for services in the exercise of state authority. There are no limitations for the commercial presence 

concerning sewerage, wastewater and other related services. The liberalization and deregulation of water supply 

services, in Bulgaria included, are subject to the pressure within the WTO. In the frame of the request – offer 

procedure launched, a high number of requests in the water sector were made mainly by the EU /apparently more 



than 70/ to the developing countries. There is unofficial information about the pressure that should be exerted 

also on states from Eastern Europe, too. The forthcoming Ministerial in Hong Kong is an important stage for the 

negotiations around this large amount of “water requests”. 

The Bulgarian government has not adopted safeguards and regulatory mechanism in order to protect the socialeconomic 

right of the Bulgarian citizens in the conditions of liberalization. The services sector is particularly 

relevant for women’ s employment and for the safeguard of other social rights but the gender implications are 

ignored as well. Women make almost 63% of the employed in services, according to the National statistical 

institute /NSI/. The share of women in the total amount of employed people in the middle of 2002 has been about 

47%. Thus, women are much better represented in the sectors as education (79,6%), where they are 4,2 times 

more than men, health care (75,7%) and other social services, they are 3,9 times more than men, finances and 

insurance (61,7%), hotels and catering (57,7%) commerce (51,4%). According to the estimations of the 

specialised trade union for water supply and wastewater sector, women make about 36-38% of the people 

working there. It is a relatively high number, given the characteristics of the work the sector involves. 

The arguments about the impact of trade liberalization, and namely of GATS, on women, shared by feminist 

organisations and experts, are valid also for Bulgaria: 

- The costs and the benefits from intensifying the monetary flows, the trade in goods and services, and the 

labour market are unevenly shared between women and men. It consolidates the traditional division of roles of 

women and men, just like it consolidates the other forms of social inequalities. 

- Trade liberalization impose significant constraints on governments - they have to remove regulations 

concerning labour rights, gender equality, social policies, which make obstacles to foreign investors - thus causing 

welfare losses; it impairs the capabilities and willingness of the government to start and to continue implementing 

gender equality and gender empowerment programmes. 

- It devalues the contribution of women to taking important decisions at political level, and also in the sphere 

of privatisation and trade at national and international level. 

- Trade liberalisation causes decrease in the purchasing power of the households and progressively increases 

obstacles for access of marginalized groups to basic services, with significant implications for women’s 

reproductive roles. Special implications are observed in women - headed households. 

- Women are finally responsible for the survival of the family, they have to compensate with their care and 

other work the lack of or the lack of access to basic services. 

- GATS affects women who make a high percentage of the employed in the services sector, especially in the 

health and education sectors; due to the division of labour in other sectors, like the water supply and sewerage 

sectors, for example, women are endangered from redundancies in the administrative departments. 

- Women are affected by the privatisation of basic services, as they are main beneficiaries of services as 

health, social security, and social assistance. 

Bulgaria has ratified all the international treaties on fundamental human rights and freedoms and is bound by 

them, and namely by the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Given the vital 

importance of access to water, as well as the dangers for the enjoyment of this right, the UN Committee on 

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights at its 29 th session on 26 November 2002 issued a General Comment No. 

15/2002 on the Right to Water /E/C.12/2002/11 /. The General Comment/GC/ is adopted in relation to art. 

11 /right to an adequate standard of living/ and art.12 /right to health/ of the Covenant. The rights to water is 

declared as indispensable for leading a life in human dignity and a prerequisite for the realisation of the other 

human rights.The main requirements for the realisation of the right to water are: availability, quality, 

accessibility /in this respect, all water facilities and services must be sensitive, among others, to gender and lifecycle 

requirements/, economic accessibility, non-discrimination, information accessibility concerning water issues. 

Women should not be excluded from decision-making on the issues related to the right to water. State 

responsibility is explicitly stressed upon- state is responsible for ensuring the right to water, no matter by whom 

water supply is operated and it has to adopt a national water strategy and an effective regulatory system. 

As specialized agencies of the UN, the World Bank /WB/ and the International Monetary Fund /IMF/ are related to 

the UN Charter and have special roles to play in the implementation of the two Covenants, especially in the 

ICESCR. According to the legal theory, states cannot be exempt from their HR obligations, when they adhere to 

another legal body. A point of inconsistency of the positions of the states forming the international financial 

institutions /IFIs/ and the WTO is that they opted for strict regulations and enforcement of the decisions only at 

the level of their financial and trade multilateral agreements, but left basic human rights without a reliable 

enforcement mechanism 

In the case of the Sofia water concession, the foreign investor “International water” is related to the global Water 

oligarchy, which makes the driving force behind the otherwise legitimate claims for more investments, 

restructuring and privatisation. Their thirst for profit and control and global alliances with banks and governments 

made out of the right to water a mere commodity. 



In Bulgaria we observed the same pattern of conduct and social implications of the activities of the water TNCs, 

identified in the investigation of the ICIJ /International Consortium of Investigating Journalists/ - they can be 

ruthless players who constantly push for higher rate increases, frequently fail to meet their commitments and 

when companies are fined for not achieving performance targets, they often don't pay, preferring to appeal 

rulings in lengthy and expensive arbitration and court proceedings. 

It is not accidental that prior to the concession of “Sofia water” by the time of the finalisation of the concession 

contract, “International water” had failed already in Manila, the Philippines they provoked the famous riots in 

Cochabamba. 

Although the investor r had no experience in Eastern Europe, it found a lot of assets in Bulgaria which opened 

good opportunities for profit: a strong deregulation and privatisation agenda of the government, with the 

respective conducing privatisation climate and legislation, an obsolete infrastructure of water supply, well qualified 

and trained personnel in the sector, favourable technical and climate conditions in Sofia. And last, but not least - 

citizens who are not used to stand for their rights, who do not go out in the streets. 

So, in these conditions, the concessionaire could afford: to take advantage of the defaults in the concession 

procedure, by “overselling” its services; then to directed the investments towards the information and accounting 

system, instead of investing in the infrastructure in need for modernization; not to account properly for the 

investment and the use of the EBRD loan; to contract out essential water supply and sewerage services and to 

make a good part of the qualified personnel redundant; to push for continuous increasing of the water rates , to 

allow overcharging and arbitrary cuttings of water supply, without informing the clients, and non - achievement 

of planned technical parameters ensuring the access to water. A survey conducted in the course of the research 

revealed the trend that women are more sensitive to worsening of the services and raising the prices by “Sofia 

water”. All the decision taken – about the concession and about its implementation were made with deficit of 

women’ s participation. 

Media remained the main vigilant ally of the citizens during the last three years, characterized by gaps and noncompliance 

of the concessionaire with the initial contract. 

At present and before taking a decision about the replication of the water concession model in other locations, the 

government has to analyse and assess the social and economic effects of the transaction. The Bulgarian 

government faces the dilemma- to answer the need for regulation of the water sector or to obey the agenda for 

liberalization and deregulation. It is essential that the State implement the General Comment on the Right to 

Water, ensure accessible water supply to all the citizens and regulate the water price rates, beyond the strict 

division of public water supply companies, municipal, or private ones. 

Recommendations: 

- In the course of the interviews with experts it was stressed that with more investments allocated directly, 

without passing through a foreign investor, and despite the conditionalities of the banks the situation with water 

supply can be improved. 

- The establishment of big regional water companies with a democratic structure as alternative to the model 

of water concession were proposed by the experts in the field of water supply. This structure has to be combined 

of course with the establishment and democratic functioning of national regulatory and controlling bodies. 

- In any reform, a socially balanced approach that takes into account the needs of people and local 

circumstances is preferable to any slavish imitation of models, as PPPs or 3Ps. The interests of workers in the 

sector must be guaranteed, as well as access to water and energy at reasonable prices for all citizens, especially 

the poor and disadvantaged. 

- Bulgarian government has to opt for transparency of the decisions taken in relation to WTO and GATS. 

In this respect - the citizens, the representatives of civil society, the trade unions have to be informed in advance 

about the decisions to be taken, they have to be consulted on all important issues of trade liberalisation 

- The government has to consult and account for to trade unions and civil society organizations - human 

rights, social NGOs, organizations of minorities and vulnerable groups, women’ s organizations about liberalization 

and restructuring in the sectors related to essential social services 

- The political decisions about the liberalization of essential services have to be taken with the 

participation of women and with respecting the opinion of women – the most affected and concerned by any 

restructuring of this sector. 

- In the meantime, all the implications of GATS in Bulgaria, and especially in the field of essential services, 

should be reviewed, analysed and assessed from the point of view of their human rights and social implications. 

Where needed, new laws, policies and programmes of the government in implementation of GATS should be 

stopped. 



Bulgarian civil society has to start playing a leading role in supporting the international social 

movements working in the field of the implications of GATS, and namely on essential services and to support the 

appeals for STOPPING GATS: In implementation of that, civil society has to exert pressure on the Bulgarian 

government to accept, support and to lobby for the implementation of the resolution of the UN Sub- 

Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, which calls upon “ all governments and 

international economic policy forums, including the WTO and its GATS Council, to conduct an assessment of the 

impact of GATS on the implications of international trade in basic services such as health and education services 

and their impact on human rights. An initial assessment would need to clarify what the GATS text actually means, 

and the political sovereignty implications of what governments will or will not be able to do as a result of the 

agreement”. 

- Bulgarian civil society should insist and exert pressure on the government, in order to: make 

Bretton Wood institutions recognise that the treaties on human rights are binding on their members, that 

they ensure that their policies and programmes are in compliance with the provisions of international HR law; 

make WTO adopt in its agreements legal safeguards for the protection of basic human rights, the right 

to equality included, with effective legal mechanisms for implementation. 

About the authors: 

Prof. Irina Nikolova Moulechkova, Bulgaria, Ph.D., senior lecturer of International Public Law, University of World 

and National Economics (UNWE), Sofia and of International Protection of Human Rights. Ex member of the 

Supervisory Board of State Privatisation Agency. Articles and studios on International Standards of Human Rights 

and Women’s Rights, ILO standards with regard equal opportunities of women and men on labour market. One 

monograph on the status of individuals in International Public Law. Co-author of BGRF in Annual reports on 

Bulgaria for Social Watch - 1999, 2000, 2003. Co-author of the Final report: “Privatization’s Impact on Women 

during the Economic Transition in Bulgaria” 1999. Participation in the preparation of the Alternative report to the 

Third Periodical Report of Bulgaria on the implementation of ICESCR, presented at the 21 st session of the 

Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1999. Appointed by the President of Republic of Bulgaria as a 

member of the Commission for Protection against Discrimination in 2005. 

Genoveva Tisheva, Bulgaria, lawyer, Executive Director of the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation. 

Contact: brfg@fast.bg 

* The Case Study is thepart of the WIDE (Women in Development Network) - BGRF Project ‘A Gender Perspective 

in Privatisation of Public Goods and Services’ funded by Heinrich Boell Foundation (carried out in 2003 and 

publication of the report in 2004) 


Human Rights 

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HUMAN RIGHTS 

Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Corporate Behaviour from a 

Human Rights Perspective 

By Karin Lukas 

In the last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic and political power from 

states to corporate institutions. One indicator of this trend is the sheer amount of capital 

that corporations generate: Microsoft makes more money than the 31 Least Developed 

Countries together. A study by Anderson/Cavanagh found that 51 corporations are 

“among the top 100 largest economies in the world, while only 49 are countries.” 



Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems. 

A Need for New Allocations of Liability for the New Health Care Paradigm. 

By Prof. Ilise L. Feitshans 

Protests in the streets and chanting with posters on the steps of the statehouses of New 

Jersey and Pennsylvania in 2003 had one remarkable shared feature: their constituents. 

These protests came not from the vast unemployed masses demanding jobs, fair wages, 

or educational opportunities for the underemployed, underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor 

were these protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in opposition to some war in a 

place far away. These protests came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector 

physicians. 

Towards an International Human Rights Framework for Corporate 

Accountability: The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business 

By Kathambi Kinoti 

AWID 

The process of globalization has resulted in the acquisition of immense power by MNCs, 

particularly in developing countries where they are able to shape policy and influence 

governments. In LDCs they often cause human rights abuses with impunity and exhibit a 

lack of transparency, behaving in ways that they would not be able to in their home 

countries in the global North. MNCs operate across national borders and individual 

governments cannot effectively regulate their activities. They sometimes avoid 

accountability by taking advantage of laws that allow them to transfer their business or 

operate under different corporations. 

Economic Development as the Basis for Fulfilling Economic and Social Rights 

By Mirjana Dokmanovic 

The rights based approach to development is the conceptual framework of human 

development normatively based on human rights standards. The development concept 

based on human rights establishes the achievement of basic human rights and freedoms 

as a development objective. In this approach, human rights are the starting points and 

the basic aims in defining and designing development policy. Therefore, a complete 

development framework must reflect international guaranteed human rights and must 

cover all sectors such as education, health care, housing, access to judicial protection, 

personal security, and voting rights. Such an approach is not compatible with 

development policies, development plans, or programs that produce violations of human 

rights, allow “trade” in rights, or that set “development” as a “priority objective” over 

human rights 

Globalisation and Economic and Social Rights of Women 


The current model of economic globalisation deepens present inequalities on ethnic, 

gender, and economic bases within and among nations, aggravating the possibility of 

establishing sustainable and equal development for all. Multilateral institutions, including 

World Bank, IMF, and WTO, promote globalisation of the type dominated by trade 

liberalism and privatisation. Such a model of globalisation and economic growth 

stimulation has aggravated economic, social, and culture conditions in which the most

Human Rights 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_lju.htm (2 van 2)19-1-2006 13:13:52 

affected groups live; and it has contributed to the growth of poverty and social exclusion.

The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business 

Towards an International Human Rights Framework for Corporate Accountability: The United Nations 

Human Rights Norms for Business 

By Kathambi Kinoti 

AWID 

In December 2003, the community of Rupokwu in Nigeria suffered a devastating oil spill after part of an oil 

pipeline that runs through the area burst. As a result, water wells were contaminated, depriving the community of 

drinking water. Farmlands and fishponds were also destroyed and most families in this farming community lost 

their source of income. The oil pipeline is operated by the multinational corporation (MNC) Shell Petroleum 

Development Corporation in partnership with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. Neither entity has 

cleaned up after the oil spill. The incident and consequent inaction by Shell and the Nigerian government have 

caused human rights violations to the people of Rupokwu. Their right to a clean and healthy environment and an 

adequate standard of living have clearly been violated. 

In 1984, a toxic gas leak in the Indian city of Bhopal caused enormous damage to the lives and livelihoods of the 

community. The leak occurred at a plant of another MNC, the Union Carbide Corporation. Within three days, more 

than 7000 people had died and thousands more were injured. Today, more than 20 years later, over 100 000 

people suffer chronic and debilitating illnesses and babies are born with birth defects. Many women have been 

unable to have children and suffer social stigma and discrimination. Union Carbide, which denied responsibility for 

the leak, has transferred its assets and operations to another corporation that denies it has inherited its 

predecessor’s liabilities. Union Carbide has refused to submit to the jurisdiction of the court in Bhopal where 

community members have sought justice. The people of Bhopal have suffered numerous rights violations, such as 

their right to life, health, an effective remedy before the courts, an adequate standard of living and a safe 

environment. 

Women in the least developed countries (LDCs) form the majority of people most vulnerable to human rights 

violations by MNCs. They bear the brunt of the destruction of environments and livelihoods. They also form the 

majority of low-wage workers. The Bhopal case illustrates the discrimination that women can be subjected to. 

However, it is not only in the LDCs that women suffer corporate abuses. Wal-Mart, an American corporation 

currently faces a lawsuit from present and former female employees, who accuse it of sex discrimination in 

promotion and healthcare provision. 

Why should MNCs be subjected to international regulation? 

The process of globalization has resulted in the acquisition of immense power by MNCs, particularly in developing 

countries where they are able to shape policy and influence governments. In LDCs they often cause human rights 

abuses with impunity and exhibit a lack of transparency, behaving in ways that they would not be able to in their 

home countries in the global North. MNCs operate across national borders and individual governments cannot 

effectively regulate their activities. They sometimes avoid accountability by taking advantage of laws that allow 

them to transfer their business or operate under different corporations, as illustrated by the Union Carbide 

Corporation and the Placer Dome Corporation, which has caused human rights violations in the mines of the 

Philippines. 

Even when countries have national laws governing the activities of corporations, these laws are often inadequate 

or not applied to MNCs, particularly in developing countries. The corporations often work in areas that are rich in 

natural resources but are not developed, where they exploit the environment and local populations, even causing 

their displacement and threatening their cultural heritage. In Kenya for instance, a Canadian mining MNC, Tiomin 

Inc. recently came into conflict with a local community when its activities infringed upon the forests that the 

community has held sacred for centuries. Since MNCs have so much power, previously wielded only by 

governments, there is a need for an international regulatory framework within which they can operate. It is 

impossible to achieve sustainable development and alleviate poverty without protecting the human rights and 

dignity of all people. 

The UN norms for business 

The United Nations Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and other Business Enterprises 

with Regard to Human Rights were adopted in August 2003 by the UN Sub-Commission on the Protection and 

Promotion of Human Rights. The Norms were drafted with the assistance of business, unions and NGO’s despite 

significant opposition from some governments and MNCs. 

The Norms address the obligations that corporations have in their areas of activity and influence. They impose 

obligations on States to ensure that MNCs and other business corporations respect human rights, and enumerate 

and elaborate the obligations of businesses. Some of these obligations are as follows: 



● To ensure equal opportunity and non-discriminatory treatment of all persons regardless of sex, nationality, 

age, religion, social and other status. 

● To respect national sovereignty. 

● To respect human rights including the rights to development, adequate food and drinking water, the 

highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, adequate housing, privacy, education, freedom 

from forced labour and the exploitation of children. 

● To protect the environment. 

● To avoid corruption and maintain transparency. 

● To ensure consumer protection and public safety. 

● To observe the precautionary principle, which means avoiding or reducing the risk of accidents or harm to 

the environment or people. 

● To provide reparation to persons or communities who have been adversely affected by the failure of MNCs 

to comply with the Norms. 

The Norms do not completely cover all aspects of MNC dealings. For instance the issue of mergers and 

acquisitions such as the Union Carbide – Dow one are not adequately addressed. Again, the issue of privatization 

of previously public-owned entities is neglected. Where governments previously provided public services, 

corporations are likely to take short-cuts and overlook the greater public good, limiting for instance, access to 

water for all. 

The Norms are not an international treaty and are therefore not legally binding on states or corporations. This, 

perhaps, raises the greatest concern as implementation cannot ensured. However, they can be used by 

governments to enact legislation and shape policy. They can also be used by corporations to design their business 

policy. Human rights advocates can use the Norms in their advocacy work, and national and international tribunals 

can refer to them. 

Are the norms adequately engendered? 

According to the Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO), though the Norms do reflect 

some concern for gender issues they do not adequately integrate all issues. They observe the principle of equality 

of opportunity and treatment. However they should do the following: 

1. Identify women being among the vulnerable groups. 

2. Recognize gender-based violence as violating the right to security of the person. 

3. Address sexual harassment and other forms of gender-based violence in the workplace. 

4. Require gender-equitable policies in lay-offs, contract work and temporary work. 

5. Address gender inequities in hiring, training, promotion and retention policies. 

6. Address the inclusion of women in corporate decision-making. 

What can women's rights advocates do in support of the norms? 

1. Use the Norms in education, advocacy and lobbying efforts to influence legislative and policy changes and to 

participate in solidarity actions with affected communities. 

2. Use the Norms to monitor, document and challenge corporate violations. 

3. Make use of the Briefing Kit prepared by the International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 

(ECSR-Net). The Kit contains background information on the Norms, case studies, analysis and recommended 

actions. It can be downloaded at http://www.escr-net.org/EngGeneral/unnorms1.asp 

4. Support development and implementation of the Norms by joining lobbying efforts such as those by ECSR- 

Net before the next Commission on Human Rights, which will take place from March 14 to April 22, 2005. For 

more information, visit ECSR-Net’s website at http://www.escr-net.org. 

Notes: 

The UN Human Rights Norms for Business can be downloaded at: 

http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G03/160/08/PDF/GO316008.pdf?OpenElement. 

Published in: 

Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) © 



Resource Net, Friday File 

Issue 213 

Friday, February 11, 2005 


Economic Development As The Basis For Achieving Economic and Social Rights 

Economic Development as the Basis for Fulfilling Economic and Social Rights 

Mirjana Dokmanovic 

Women’s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, 

Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro 

The Concept of Development Based on Human Rights 

The rights based approach to development is the conceptual framework of human development normatively based 

on human rights standards. The development concept based on human rights establishes the achievement of 

basic human rights and freedoms as a development objective. In this approach, human rights are the starting 

points and the basic aims in defining and designing development policy. [1] The starting point is the attitude that 

the implementation and protection of international human rights may not be achieved without adequate 

development activities and development plans. In this sense, human rights focused on development cover series 

of human rights, both civil and political, as well as economic, social, and cultural rights. All these rights, 

regardless of their contents, are based on two principles: the principle of equality between women and men and 

the principle of prohibiting discrimination on any basis, such as the colour of skin, gender, language, religion, 

nationality, ethnicity, social origin, or political affiliation. 

The concept of development based on human rights [2] integrates norms, standards, and principles of the 

international human rights system into development plans, policies, and processes. Norms and standards are set 

in the following international documents: 

1945 Charter of the United Nations 

1948 Universal Declaration on Human Rights 

1948 American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man 

1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide 

1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (European Convention 

on Human Rights) 

1961 European Social Charter 

1965 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 

1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 

1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights 

1966 Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 

1968 Proclamation of Teheran 

1969 American Convention on Human Rights 

1979 Convention on Elimination of All Types of Discrimination Against Women 

1981 African Charter on Human and People’s Rights 

1984 Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment 

1986 Declaration on the Right to Development 

1989 Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 

1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child 

1993 Vienna Declaration and Program for Action 

1994 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees 

1996 European Social Charter (revised) 

2000 Optional Protocol to the Convention on Elimination of All Types of Discrimination Against Women 

There are several hundred other human rights instruments with general and specific contents. Most of them have 

been adopted under the auspices of the United Nations, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and the 

United Nations Education, Science and Culture Organisation (UNESCO). 

Such a development approach includes the following elements: 

● Linkages with human rights standards; 

● Accountability; 

● Empowerment; 

● Participation; 

● Non-discrimination and equality, and 

● Attention to vulnerable groups. 

Defining development objectives in terms of their relationship with achievement and protection of particular rights 

directly aligns development policy with international, regional, and national instruments in the field of human 

rights. Human rights are indivisible and interdependent; therefore, a complete development framework must 

cover all sectors such as education, health care, housing, access to judicial protection, personal security, and right 

to vote. Therefore, this approach is not compatible with development policies, development plans, or programs 

that produce violations of rights, that allow “trade” in rights, or that set “development” as “priority objective” over 



human rights. 

Development based on human rights requires determining responsibility for the process of development by 

identifying right-holders and duty-bearers. In this respect, both positive obligations (to protect, provide, and 

promote) and negative obligations (to refrain from violation) are equally taken into account. Duty-bearers, at this 

level, are individuals, states, local authorities, private companies, donors, and international institutions. 

The responsibility at this level also refers to the translation of universal standards into national standards, policies, 

and measures on the basis of which the progress in achieving human rights and the responsibility for their 

implementation and protection could be measured. Such a development approach requires relevant legislation, 

administrative procedures and practices, institutions and mechanisms that act with the aim of human rights 

provision and protection, i.e. that react in cases of their violation. In this domain, the role of the state is specific; 

both through political willingness and through relevant mechanisms, it must provide necessary legislation and 

administrative and institutional mechanisms for implementation and protection of rights. [3] Primary responsibility 

for the establishment and implementation of human rights is left to states, but the international community is also 

obliged to provide international co-operation in this field and the development of human rights systems in the 

developing countries that lack necessary resources and capacities. 

Instead of providing aid, the human rights approach to development prefers empowerment strategies based on 

rights of implementers who direct development. Therefore, the emphasis is on human beings in the focus of the 

development. The aim is to empower people to create their own life and the life of their community. Thus, this 

development concept requires a high level of participation of local and regional communities, civil society, 

minorities, women, and other actors. [4] This anticipates the access to information, institutions, decision-making, 

and policy shaping. Such a development approach includes specifics of the particular environment (local, regional, 

national, etc.) in formulating development policy, i.e. the creation of development policy based on the specifics, 

interests, and needs of the people living in a given community, instead of accepting side models, quick 

“solutions”, and recipes that do not take specifics of a community into account. 

Setting human rights in the centre of development means observing the principles of equality and nondiscrimination, 

covering both active measures to eliminate discrimination and affirmative actions and practices for 

the members of discriminated groups. Affirmative measures may refer to women, members of a certain race, 

nationality, ethnic group, age, religion, etc. To protect against discrimination as a part of human rights approach 

to development requires identification of vulnerable groups and groups whose rights are systematically violated or 

who do not have access to effective protection of their rights, at local, regional, and national levels. This is the 

basis for determining such a development that will take into account the position and needs of discriminated 

groups and provide conditions for the identification of discrimination bases for the purpose of its elimination and 

enjoyment of same rights as of members of majority groups. This requires data and statistics, which 

governmental bodies must record and use according to categories of characteristics, such as gender, age, national 

and ethnic origin, religion, disability, rural population, urban population, etc. Only on the basis of such classified 

data, the existence of discriminated groups may be discovered, and their members may be provided human rights 

protection and enjoyment in everyday life and in development planning. In addition, development policy needs to 

include measures to eliminate power imbalances as, for example, between women and men, or between 

employees and employers. 

Since the Amsterdam Agreement signed in 1997, the European Union has added society and environment to the 

economic issues in defining development. In June 2001, the European Council adopted in Gothenburg the first 

European Sustainable Development Strategy, the Sixth Action Program on Environmental Protection, and the 

White Book on Public Administration. According to these documents, reasonable economic policy may neutralise 

pressure to exhaust the environmental and natural resources, which are complementary phenomena of using 

energy and material inputs for economic development. By stimulating innovations, productivity, and efficiency, 

pressure to harm the environment and deplete resources may be decreased, and at the same time, employment 

and competitiveness throughout Europe may be increased. [5] Sustainable development strategies should be 

based on continuous analysis of the effects of increasing pressures on environment resulting from economic 

development. Based on this principle, initiatives for relevant integration of policies (for markets, trade, regions, 

etc.) should be stimulated. The objective should be a new development model, where social and ecological 

objectives and initiatives are supported by the process of creating economic wealth. The European Sustainable 

Development Strategy stimulates the determination of national and sectoral objectives, which will contribute to 

the process of policy integration. The objectives and indicators should be developed within the economic sphere (e. 

g. the criteria of convergence of economic and monetary unions) as well as within the field of social cohesion (e.g. 

gross domestic product/unemployment rate). 

Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights 

The human rights approach to development implies, while creating the economic development, to start from 

creating opportunities for enjoyment and protection of economic, social, and cultural rights [6] , including civil and 

political rights. This group of rights include: 

● 

● 

Right to work, employment, and just remuneration; 

Right to just and favourable labour conditions; 



● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Right to occupational safety, including the right to association and to strike, right to associate in trade 

unions; 

Right to social justice and social protection, including special protection of mothers and children, health and 

social security, pension insurance, welfare, etc.; 

Right to access to resources: land, capital, credit, infrastructure, technology, and equipment; 

Right to a decent living standard and quality of life including nutrition, access to drinking water, and 

satisfactory housing conditions; 

Right to health: basic health care and prerequisites to living a healthy life, including reproductive and 

sexual rights; 

Right to satisfy special needs for people with disabilities; 

Right to education; 

Right to participate in and gain benefits from science and research; 

Right to take part in cultural and artistic life. 

It is a fact that implementation of economic, social, and cultural rights do not depend solely on a will of a 

government, but also on a level of economic development and available resources. In this sense, those rights are 

“long-term” rights and may not be achieved at once or in a short period. This, however, does not release a state 

of the responsibility to take actions and make efforts. On the contrary, a state is obliged to take steps “to 

gradually achieve full accomplishment of the rights recognised in this Covenant though all available 

resources…” [7] . Although the level of implementing these rights depends on the level of economic development 

of a state, all states, regardless their economic strength, must provide at least the minimum rights guaranteed by 

the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. 

Nowadays, the United Nations has unambiguously accepted the indivisibility of human rights that was confirmed 

with the slogan “All Human Rights for All” that marked the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration on 

Human Rights in 1998. 

Responsibilities of States to Respect, Protect and Fulfil Economic and Social Rights 

The acceptance of the principle of the indivisibility of human rights means that states are equally responsible for 

the violation and lack of achievement of economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as for the violation of civil 

and political rights. Significant development of international human rights instruments in the field of economic, 

social, and cultural rights happened during the last fifteen years, such as the revised European Social Charter [8] , 

Additional Protocol on the European Social Charter Providing for a System of Collective Complaints [9] , and the 

“Protocol of San Salvador”, Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the Areas of 

Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights [10] . The initiative to adopt the Optional Protocol on the International 

Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and adoption of the Optional Protocol on the Convention on 

Elimination of all Types of Discrimination Against Women [11] are focused on strengthening state obligations to 

protect these rights. 

Unless a state fulfils its obligations from the ratified international conventions, in this case for economic, social, 

and economic rights, it violates the relevant provisions. According to international law, states have three types of 

obligations: to respect, protect, and fulfil. Any neglect in relation to these obligations is deemed violation of rights. 

Every such obligation has two elements: the obligation to conduct and the obligation to achieve concrete results. 

The obligation to conduct means the adoption of particular measures, policies, or action plans, and the obligation 

to achieve a particular effect requires a state to meet a certain objective to satisfy standards in a certain area. 

States have the discretionary right to select measures to meet their obligations under international legal 

instruments in the field of human rights. The practices of states and the application of legal norms by national 

courts and international supervising bodies regarding implementation of international instruments have provided 

significant contributions to the development of universal human rights standards. This has contributed to better 

understanding of the nature and the limitations of economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as of the range of 

relations covered. 

According to the International Covenant in this field, a state, regardless of its economic possibilities, is obliged to 

take the required steps to provide the basic level of each of these rights. In this sense, where high number of the 

population is starving, lacks basic housing conditions, or lacks access to basic education – a state violates the 

International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. Despite the fact that this may not be expressed 

in a quantitative manner, this minimum level of obligations is not dependent upon the existence of the particular 

resources necessary for to fulfil the obligations, nor may the requirements be eliminated due to economic 

difficulties or other reasons. The starting point is that a state’s function and role is to provide particular services, 

protection, and security to all community members, and many of these rights may not be ensured unless 

significant financial and material resources are previously provided. On the other hand, the achievement of many 



rights may depend on the availability of particular material and financial resources. 

Economic, social, and cultural rights are violated when a state, by acting or by non acting, uses a policy or a 

practice contrary to its obligations from the International Covenant, ignores such obligations, or fails to achieve a 

minimum standard or a result. The violation of these rights also refers to discrimination in implementing or 

protecting on the basis of gender, language, religion, nationality, ethnicity, social origin, political beliefs or other 

attitudes. Examples of direct violations of rights are: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

The adoption of legislation or a policy programme which is obviously not in accordance with valid 

obligations in this field, unless this is done to achieve equality and to improve the economic, social, and 

cultural rights of marginalized or vulnerable groups; 

The adoption of any retrograde measures that decrease the achievement of these rights; 

Formal abolishment or suspension of the laws necessary for continuing achievement of these rights; 

Active negation of such rights for particular individuals or groups through legislation or discriminatory 

practice; 

Active support to the measures adopted by the third parties that are not in accordance with or that hinder 

the enjoyment of human rights; 

The obstruction of achieving these rights above allowed limits anticipated by the Covenant, such as vis 

maior or the lack of necessary resources; 

The decrease or reallocation of particular public expenses and public consumption, when this results in the 

abolishment of enjoying such rights, or when it is not followed by relevant measures necessary for the 

provision of minimum rights for the compensation of all who need it. 

Examples of violations of economic, social, and cultural rights by a state’s inactivity or non-performance of 

particular actions are neglecting the duty to: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Take relevant measures as required by the Covenant; 

Reform or renew legislation which is obviously out of conformance with or opposite to Covenant obligations; 

Remove the obstacles that incapacitate or hinder the application of Covenant obligations; 

Supervise and control the implementation of economic, social, and cultural rights; 

Use maximum available resources for full realisation of the obligations from the Covenant; 

Implement without delay the rights that are required to be urgently implemented by the Covenant; 

Satisfy internationally determined or accepted minimum standards in this field; 

Take into account international legal obligations in the field of economic, social, and cultural rights when 

concluding bilateral or multilateral agreements with other states, international organisations, or 

multinational corporations. 

The whole set of responsibilities and obligations of states in terms of implementing, observing, and protecting 

economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as the wide range of activity instruments available to states to create 

conditions for the enjoyment and protection of the minimum level of these rights, points out that states do not 

have much room to justify the poor economic and social positions suffered by the majority of their population. 

Taking into account the legitimacy given to it by citizens, a state’s obligation is to approach to and ratify universal 

international legal instruments in the field of human rights, i.e., if they have already ratified them, to integrate 

accepted international legal norms into their national legislation and to undertake all available measures to 

implement, protect, and respect them. This obligation must not be neglected when negotiating or concluding 

bilateral or multilateral economic, trade, and other agreements and arrangements, both with other state(s) and 

with multinational corporations. States are obliged to modify agreements with the aim of fulfilling international 

obligations in the field of human rights, through membership in relevant institutions or managing bodies. Since in 

this field force (and power) dominates the law, it is necessary to establish the mechanism of control and 

compulsion that will efficiently correct and supervise the policy of multinational financial and economic 

corporations aimed at providing economic and social rights to individuals. 

The Problems of Establishing a Heliocentric [12] Economic Development Concept 

While creating a national strategy of economic development based on human rights, problems posed to the state 

may include the problems of: 



● 

● 

● 

● 

Creating the possibility of fulfilling economic and social rights under the conditions of neo-liberal 

macroeconomics and trade liberalisation where exclusively rich and developed markets generate most of 

the profit, unlike small, restricted, and poor markets; 

Decreasing sovereignty (i.e. the independence of national states, especially over-indebted states and 

developing countries) in formulating and implementing national economic, social, educational, health care, 

and other policies under the conditions of accepting and implementing the programmes of economic 

structural adjustment and the values of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank; 

Setting responsibility for the violation (i.e. not achieving economic and social rights during economic and 

political transition and economic restructuring resulting in growing unemployment and redundancy and 

decreasing national funds for welfare, health care, education, etc.); 

Different interpretations of economic and social rights (for example, the right to labour may be interpreted 

as the right (1) to look for job, (2) to remuneration in case of unemployment, (3) to be employed, or (4) to 

be employed in accordance with one’s degree and qualifications. 

In the series of reports [13] , Danilo Turk, Special Rapporteur on the Realisation of Economic, Social, and Cultural 

Rights of the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, has analysed 

basic factors that affect and prevent the achievement of these rights. The Reports called on a need for a 

comprehensive approach towards human rights and for strengthening economic, social and cultural rights. In his 

Final Report, Turk summarised basic conclusions and recommendations [14] and identified ongoing barriers for the 

realisation of human rights. Those are the programmes of structural adjustment, high external debts, unequal 

income allocation, privatising human rights, misconceptions of a state, misguided visions of development, 

deficient political will, environmental devastation, armed conflicts, economic growth as a panacea and dualistic 

views of human rights. 

The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in its General Comment on International Technical 

Assistance [15] warned that the inclusion of human rights in development plans and strategies often remained at 

the level of generalisation, as well as that economic development itself did not mean the development and the 

achievement of economic, social, and cultural rights. The Committee admitted that international development cooperation 

and development policies at a national level automatically contributed to human rights protection only 

through the inclusion of thematic concerns such as health care, education, or political participation. It was noticed 

that many activities undertaken in the name of “development” did not contribute to improving the situation in the 

field of human rights or were even counterproductive. The Committee recommended that development strategies 

by UN members should recognise “close connection” between development activities and efforts to observe 

human rights and that co-operation in the field of development should be based on an estimate of the effects on 

human rights. In this sense, obligations to achieve and protect human rights should be taken into account at each 

stage of applying development projects, from estimate to supervision and evaluation. 

Conclusion 

The implementation of human rights based approach to development requires the creation of prerequisites at the 

international level in the sense of redistributing responsibilities for the respect, protection, and provision of 

internationally guaranteed human rights to new international actors who have more and more significance at this 

level: international financial organisations and transnational corporations. This means the creation of efficient 

mechanisms for the protection and fulfilment of human rights, both at national and international level, and the 

elimination of ambiguities in interpreting international conventions in this field. Besides the provision of better 

normative clarity, relevant international instruments and international authorities should be provided for the 

interpretation of particular provisions of international conventions and content regarding rights. Such a 

development will be focused on the improvement of position of individuals and vulnerable groups, as well as on 

decreasing poverty, achieving gender equality, creating conditions for full employment, and regenerating a safe 

and healthy environment. Under such conditions, the efficiency of economic policy will be measured only by the 

quality of livelihoods and lives of individuals, and by the level of meeting their basic needs and rights. 

Translation from Serbian: Women's Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia 

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Addison, T. and Demery, L., 1986, The consequences for income distribution and poverty of macro-economic 

stabilisation, London: Overseas Development Institute 

AWID, 2002, A Rights Based Approach to Development, (Primer), Women’s Rights and Economic Change, No. 1, 

AWID, Toronto 

Bennholdt-Tomsen, Faraclas, Werlhof (eds.), 2001, There is an Alternative – Subsistence and Worldwide 

Resistance to Corporate Globalization, Spinifex press, Victoria, Zed Books, London – New York 

Brysk, Alison (ed.), 2002, Globalization and Human Rights, University of California Press, Berkley, Los Angeles, 



London 

Canadian Lawyers Association for International Human Rights (CLAIHR), 1996, Commerce with conscience? 

Summary 

Cheria, A., Edwin, S. P., 2004, A Human Rights Approach to Development: Resource Book, Books for Change, 

Bangalore 

Deacon, B., Globalization and Social Policy, UNRISD, Occasional Paper 5, March 2000 

Deepa, N., Chambers, R., Kaul Shah, M. and Petesch, P., 2000, Voices of the Poor: Crying Out for Change, New 

York, N.Y: Published for the World Bank, Oxford University Press 

Dimitrijeviæ, V., Paunoviæ, M., 1997, Ljudska prava, Beogradski centar za ljudska prava, Beograd 

Effects of structural adjustment policies and foreign debt on the full enjoyment of human rights, particularly 

economic, social and cultural rights, UN E/CN.4/2003/10, 23 October 2002 

Elson, Diane and Nilufer Cagatay 2000, The Social Context of Macroeconomic Policies, World Development, vol. 

28, no. 7, pp. 1347-64. 

EU Sustainable Development Strategy, Position Paper on the European Consultative Forum on the Enviromental 

and Sustainable Development, Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2001 

Gilpin, R., 2000, The Challenge of Global Capitalism: The World Economy in the 21st Century. Princeton University 

Press, Princeton 

Grabel, I., 2000, Identifying Risks, Preventing Crisis: Lessons from the Asian Crisis, Journal of Economic Issues 34 

(2), pp. 377-383. 

ILO, 1995,World Employment Report 1995, ILO, Geneva 

ILO, 1998, Labour and social issues relating to export processing zones, Report for discussion in the Tripartite 

Meeting of Export-Processing Zone-Operating Countries, Geneva: ILO. 

ILO, 2002, ILO Activities on the Social Dimension of Globalization: Synthesis Report, ILO, Geneva. 

Kiely, R., 1998, Globalization, Post-Fordism and the Contemporary Context of Development, International 

Sociology, Vol. 13, No. 1 

Mehra, M. (Ed.), 1999, Human Rights and Economic Globalization: Directions for the WTO, Upsala Sweden 

Mittelman, J.H., 2000, The Globalization Syndrome: Transformation and Resistance. Princeton University Press, 

Princeton 

Morduch, J., 1999, The Microfinance Promise, in Journal of Economic Literature 37 (4), pp. 1569-1614. 

Overseas Development Institute, What Can We Do With a Rights-Based Approach to Development, Briefing Paper, 

1999(3), September 

Realising Human Rights for Poor People – Strategies for Achieving International Development Targets, Department 

for International Development, UK, October 2000 

Seguino, S., 2000, Gender inequality and economic growth: a cross-country analysis, World Development, Vol. 

28, No.7 

Sen, G. and Grown C., 1987, Development, Crises, and Alternative Visions, Third World Women’s Perspectives. 

Monthly review Press, New York 

Social Watch, 1999, Report No. 3, Montevideo 

Social Watch, 2001, Report No. 5, Montevideo 

Staveren, I. Van, 1998, Robinson Crusoe and Silas Marner, or Two Stories on the Gendered Monetary Economy. 

WIDE, Brussels 



United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), 1995, Social progress through industrial 

development, World Summit for Social Development Briefing, UN 

WIDE, 1998, Women’s Economic and Social Rights – Protect, Promote, Fulfill, WIDE, Brussels 

[1] Further in: Overseas Development Institute, 1993, Briefing Paper, (3), Overseas Development Institute, 

London. 

[2] This is not a new concept. International Labour Organisation (ILO) forces it in its programmes from the 

beginning of organisation establishment, and UNIFEM and UNDP develop their programmes based on this very 

concept. 

[3] The International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (1966) obligates states to take urgent and 

prompt measures for progressive realisation of these rights, and the neglect to do this is the violation of states’ 

duties. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) obligates states to observe these rights, to 

provide measures for their observation and enjoyment, as well as legal protection. 

[4] According to UN Declaration on Right to Development, the participation must be “active, free, and significant”. 

[5] EU Sustainable Development Strategy, Position Paper on the European Consultative Forum on the 

Environmental and Sustainable Development, Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European 

Communities, 2001, p. 15. 

[6] This group of rights is included in the second generation of human rights, originated during the XIX and XX 

centuries, with the aim of protecting the economic and social positions of individuals. Thus it completed the first 

generation set of human rights, referring to the relationship between individuals and the state, and so comprised 

of civil and political rights. While the first generation of human rights is primarily based on the principle of 

freedom, the second generation is based on the principles of equality and solidarity. They are based on the idea 

that people should share the similar social position of enjoying their civil and political rights. Economic, social, and 

cultural rights supplement rights from the third generation, originated after World War II, such as the rights to 

development, justice and equality in activities related to the use of agricultural land, mining, industry, and trade; 

the right to independence in the fields of information and communication; the right to control transnational 

corporations; the right to a healthy environment, intellectual property rights in the fields of traditional medicine 

and agriculture; minority rights; and the right to the protection of cultural heritage. Further: V. Dimitrijeviæ, M. 

Paunoviæ, Ljudska prava, Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, 1997: 174-175. 

[7] International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, (U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966) 993 UNTS 3) Art. 

2. Para. 1. Adopted by Resolution 2200A (XXI) of UN General Assembly as of 16 th December 1966, and came into 

force on 3 rd January 1976. As of 7 th July 2003, the Covenant was ratified by 147 states. 

[8] European Social Charter (revised, ETS No. 163) was adopted on 3rd May 1996, came into force on 1st July 

1999. 

[9] Adopted on 9 November 1995 

[10] Adopted on 17 November 1988 

[11] Entered to force in 10 December, 2000 

[12] ‘Having or representing the sun as a centre’ – used as a metaphor: ‘having the human rights standards as a 

centre’ 

[13] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1989/19, E/CN.4/Sub.2/1990/19, E/CN.4/Sub.2/1991/17. 

[14] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16, 3 July 1992 

[15] International technical assistance measures (Art. 22) 02/02/90. CESCR General comment 2. (General 

Comments) E/1990/23. 




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On Globalisation... 

Globalisation and Economic and Social Rights of Women * 


Women’s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia 

In parallel with integration processes the blurring of firm borders among nations, the building of Western-type 

democracy and capitalist relations based on market liberalisation and unhampered movement of capital, goods, 

investment, and labour is extended. Late in the twentieth century, the world experienced some great changes, 

which, among all, opened the space for promotion of human rights and building international relations and 

international policy. In the globalising world, human rights are becoming more and more significant, in 

international and internal policy and in international law, thus developing a new branch of law – the international 

human rights law. 

The humanities contain various globalisation concepts depending on discipline. In economics, globalisation refers 

to economic internationalisation and extension of capitalist market relations. In international relations, the focus 

refers to the development of global policy and increased intensity of relations among nations. In sociology, 

attention is paid to the increase of social relations throughout the world and the occurrence of a “global society”. 

In cultural studies, central research refers to global communications, post-colonial cultures. The cultural diversity 

of approaches indicates that globalisation is a multi-dimensional process that may not be categorised as a onedimensional 

reality or interpreted unilaterally. 

It is certain that globalisation is a complex social, economic, cultural, technological, and political process in which 

the mobility of capital, ideas, technology, organisations, and people has acquired a growing global and 

transnational form. In this paper, globalisation means the processes intensifying for the past two decades, 

including the movement of short-term foreign investment based on speculative exchange rates, long-term direct 

foreign investment, trade at the world level with the policy of diminishing obstacles that would hamper the 

growing share of transnational corporations in world production and trade, interdependence of world production, 

people’s movement motivated by trade or job search, and the development of new forms of communication. 

These processes have also resulted in the development of global civil society and its new participants, such as 

international non-governmental organisations dealing with human rights promotion and observation, which gain a 

higher role within this sphere, from the international level and at the UN system level to the national and the local 

levels. This impacts the extension of human rights observation of culture, their integration into local legislation, 

and the development of international, regional, and national mechanisms for human rights observation. 

In the last decade, there has been growing influence from another group of actors on the global scene, which 

have shaped global processes, to a significant extent. Those are multinational corporations dominating world 

production; the World Trade Organisation, as the first multilateral organisation that has power to subordinate the 

will of national governments to its rules; the Permanent International Criminal Court; regional blocks such as 

European Union, ASEAN, NAFTA; and groups for political coordination at the global level (G7, G8, G10, G22, G77, 

OECD). These actors create new rules in international relations, economics, trade, and international law. 

Awareness of human rights is rising – the number of conventions and documents regulating human rights and the 

number of their signatories are rising. Awareness is rising regarding the common destiny of all nations and their 

relationship with the planet’s destiny, resulting in the increase in the number of international agreements on 

environmental protection at the global level (the ozone layer preservation, sea and ocean preservation, 

desertification, climate changes, etc.). Also, some new multilateral agreements have been made on trade, 

intellectual property, communications, etc. At the international level, new global (UN Millennium Goals) goals for 

regional development have received agreement. 

A new stage of globalisation based on new financial markets and growing global service markets is being created 

by strong development of new types of communication and the development of faster and cheaper transportation 

(rail, road, and air traffic). The removal of barriers to economics, trade, and transportation has resulted in byproducts 

of this development – global relationships of socially undesirable and harmful activities, such as 

international crime, international terrorism, trafficking of women, trade in weapons and drugs. This has increased 

the significance of international acts of compliance among nations, the number of international agreements and 

conventions in this field, and the development of international law and human rights. 

Economic Globalisation and Poverty Increase 

Economic globalisation, the globalisation of finance, trade, investment, and technology since the 1980s, has 

resulted in a technological boost and faster flow of capital than was the case in all previous periods. It has also 

resulted in unimagined economic and technological opportunities for individuals. At the same time, it has resulted 

in a decrease in the number of those who may enjoy the benefits of economic globalisation. Economic 


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liberalisation results in a series of adverse consequences [1] such as: 

● The increase of inequalities among regions, among nations and within nations, among individuals; 

● Continual poverty growth; 

● The increase of people’s vulnerability due to social risks such as unemployment and crime; 

● The decrease in opportunities for regions, nations, communities, and individuals to enjoy the benefits and 

advantages provided by globalisation. 

Globalisation improves the life of many, but it provides more power to those who have already been powerful; it 

results in the marginalisation of whole areas of the world and social groups (women, the disabled, the elderly, 

migrants, etc.) [2] 

The neoliberal type of globalisation deepens inequalities, poverty, and conflicts, and thus hampers sustainable 

development and the achievement of economic and social rights for the vast majority of people. Most people are 

deprived of the opportunity to take part in decision making and to control their own environment and resources, 

thereby jeopardising basic principles and human rights as follows: 

1. The principle of giving priority to human rights – must be a basic framework and objective for everyone, for 

multilateral and bilateral investments, trade, and financial arrangements; 

2. The principle of non-retrogression – nations may not be derogated or restricted by international obligations 

in terms of achieving economic, social, and cultural rights; 

3. The right to effective protection in front of an appropriate forum; and 

4. The right of individuals or groups, especially of women and other affected and marginalised groups, in 

decision making. 

From trade liberalisation through growing power of multilateral corporations to progress in information and 

communications technology, all modern globalisation processes affect the enjoyment of human rights. 

According to UNDP data [3] , the ratio of income between the top 20% of the population ranked according to their 

income and the bottom 20% has rapidly grown: in 1997, this ratio amounted to 74:1, and in 1990 it was as high 

as 60:1, which was double the 1960 ratio. Consolidation and merge among the largest firms result in the creation 

of mega-corporations, hampering the competitiveness in the world market. In 1999, the ten largest companies in 

the field of telecommunications control 86% of world market with the value of USD 262 billion, and the ten largest 

companies in the field of pesticide production control 85% of the market with the value of over USD 30 billion. On 

the other hand, around 80 countries have lower income per capita than was the case a decade ago, including the 

countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Around 1.2 

billion people live in extreme poverty, with an income of less than one dollar per day. Around 1.5 billion people do 

not have access to basic health care and drinking water; a billion people are illiterate; and 180 million children are 

underfed. All these data and warnings of the UNDP [4] indicate that these figures will grow in the future, instead of 

decreasing, despite the fact that the majority of UN member states ratified the International Covenant on 

Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. [5] 

An additional phenomenon of economic globalisation and poverty expansion is the increase of the insecurity of 

individuals, groups, and nations in various domains – economic, financial, culture, employment, legal, social, 

health care, ecological, political, and personal. Under such conditions, the number of people who may not satisfy 

their basic livelihood, and thus realise their basic human rights, is increasing. 

The Effects of Poverty Growth 

The main promoters of neoliberalism are the main winners of the ruling concept of economic globalisation: 

international financial institutions, mega-corporations, transnational companies, and multinational corporations. 

Growing poverty in the world and the deepening gap between the rich and the poor is the direct effect of 

neoliberal macro-economic policy. The main characteristics of this concept include: 

1. Market rule – the free movement of capital, goods, and services; the release of private enterprises from 

governmental restraints and control, regardless of the possibility of disadvantages for society; more openness to 

international trade and investment; the decrease of employees’ salaries and the elimination of their rights; the 

weakening of trade unions; and the lack of price controls. The phrase used for convincing of the masses says: “A 

deregulated market is the best way to achieve economic growth which will ultimately benefit everyone.” 

2. The shortage of public expenditures for social services (including health care and education); the 

decrease of the network of institutions for the care of the poor; lower state’s expenditures for the maintenance of 

roads, bridges, water system etc. 

3. Deregulation – the increase of national regulations in any field that may contribute to the decrease of 

profit, including employment safety, environmental protection, and job security. 


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4. Privatisation – the sale of public enterprises, goods, and services to private investors, including banks, key 

industrial branches, railways, motorways, power distribution, hospitals, higher education and tertiary education 

institutions, and water systems. 

5. The minimisation of the concept of “public goods” or “communal ownership” existing during the 

socialist period in the transition countries, and its replacement with the concept of “individual responsibility”. The 

poor are pressured to find solutions on their own regarding education, health care, and social security; unless they 

manage this, they are accused of “not managing” and “not wanting to work”, etc. 

These are basics and concepts of the programme of “economic structural adjustment” imposed on developing 

countries as the only solution to solve economic crisis and to increase production. Neoliberalism is imposed by 

powerful international financial institutions such as International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Inter-American 

Development Bank. 

Gender Dimensions of Poverty 

Nowadays, around 1.2 billion people in the world live in unacceptable conditions and poverty, and 70% of them 

are women [6] . In the 1990s, their percentage increased, especially in developing countries. Poverty feminisation 

has become a significant problem in countries in transition, as a short-term effect of political, economic, and social 

transformation. Women, especially elderly ones, are more and more exposed to the risk of poverty. 

Besides the fact that poverty affects the family as a whole it affects women more, due to work distribution and 

responsibility. Poverty especially exists with women living in rural areas. It is directly related to the lack of 

economic opportunities and independence, the difficult approach to education, and minimum participation in 

decision making. Poverty is effected by the insecurity of employment; restricted access of women to government, 

higher paid jobs, education, qualifications, production resources, new technology, financial credit; and strictly 

socially regulated roles. 

Gender Dimensions of International Trade 

Studies point out various effects of trade liberalisation that reflect on women depending on many factors and 

previous social conditions, for example, within the economic sphere, the division of labour by gender. Positive 

effects of trade liberalisation in developed countries open up new opportunities for employment especially for 

young and highly educated women in the jobs that were previously inaccessible to them. Another positive fact in 

developing countries is that trade expansion has facilitated and accelerated the absorption of the women’s labour 

force into modern industrial branches, and stable income sources, although lower in relation to men’s income, has 

provided women more economic independence. 

An increased share of women is especially visible in export-oriented branches such as: textiles, footwear, leather, 

and electronics, especially in free trade zones and in services. Gender-based labour segregation is visible in new 

jobs in the export sector, often to a higher degree than in traditional employment, and work in the informal sector 

also has increased. On the other hand, women’s unemployment remains higher than men’s unemployment, for 

there is a higher inflow of women searching for jobs in the labour market. This results in the decrease of salary 

levels and increases in the gaps between men’s and women’s average pay rates, thus discouraged employers to 

improve working conditions in primarily “women’s” sectors. 

The process of economic globalisation, characterising the weakening of the state and the lack of control under 

capital flow, mainly affects the most vulnerable social groups. The critics of this process often raise the question of 

the resulting types and quality of jobs. For women, those are jobs are often temporary, part-time, seasonal, 

employment at will, and/or contracted at the minimum salary, without any trade union protection. 

The privatisation process and trade liberalisation result in adverse effects, mostly regarding women, children, and 

households [7] . For example, water resource privatisation results in the fact that women in poor households 

cannot pay a charge for using it, leading to either lower consumption in the household or to the use of unsanitary 

water [8] . This is the result of the recent privatisation by IMF of the water system in Cochabamba, Bolivia [9] . 

Under the auspices of IMF and World Bank, the social service privatisation processes have been implemented in 

many indebted countries. This has had a drastic effect on women’s positions. Within the privatisation process, 

women have been the first to be dismissed, and salaries, benefits, and job security have been seriously reduced 

within the health care and educational sectors. [10] 

Effects of Economic Globalisation on Women 

Globalisation’s effects on women are both positive and negative. it is positive that economic globalisation enables 

additional and various opportunities for them. On the other hand, due to gender discriminatory forces within the 

labour market and women’s care responsibilities, women tend to earn lower wages and work fewer years than 

men. [11] The models of women’s direction into lower paid professions and jobs, historically evident in local and 

national economies, are reproduced in global economic sectors, too. Employers within global, export-oriented 


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sectors employ women, and thus provide women opportunities to acquire new skills and knowledge, which would 

have been unavailable until that time within those industrial branches. Thus, women improve their position in the 

labour market in relation to their traditional economic and social roles in society. 

Another aspect of globalisation, which also has positive and negative effects on women, is the extension of new 

values into local cultures and customs. This is partly the result of local economic efforts to adjust to global 

economic trends and partly of people’s exposure to other cultures. The export of American (Spanish, French, etc.) 

TV and film literally provides a world stage for American (Spanish, French, etc.) culture. Cultural globalisation also 

means the extension and acceptance of individual foreign cultural norms, accepted by local cultures. These norms 

also include social relations between genders. Roles such as the woman in the family as mother and housewife, 

obedience to men, and men’s direction toward particular professions and skills, are stereotypes that decrease 

women’s competitiveness in the labour market and provide a new basis for discrimination against women. To the 

extent that cultural globalisation manages to weaken these cultural norms, it will provide better opportunities to 

women and improve their positions in the labour market in relation to men’s. 

However, the prevailing dichotomy between private and public in a society still pushes woman out of political and 

public spheres towards the family domain and the private sphere. The sustainability and intensification of this 

trend also is magnified by the division between economically productive and unproductive work (care economy), 

where the latter one, predominantly “women’s”, has no economic value from the classic economics point of view, 

thus disabling women to achieve their economic independence and political being equally. 

The underestimation of women’s contributions to their economies hampers their social promotion within many 

fields and spheres of life and work. New spaces are opened through the weakening of national states and through 

the creation of the possibilities of undermining the gender hierarchy and the creation of new bases for gender 

relations. Dispersion of states’ power is also magnified by non-democratic power centres and globalisation 

promoters "from above” [12] – corporations, capital, and market. “Globalisation-from-above” weakens the political 

power and autonomy of a state, decision making power, and independent policy creation, especially within the 

spheres of economics and gender equality. A state may not be willing to provide for employee rights if this will 

discourage investments and jeopardise its competitiveness in the global labour market. The effects are social 

exclusion, unemployment, low wages, and weakening of trade unions, and all this has a gender dimension. 

Economic systems based on profit often gain it at the expense of women’s work. Women are treated as a passive, 

suitable, and temporary labour force, which will accept low wages without demanding their human and labour 

rights. In the traditional division of labour by gender, women are automatically deemed to be more suitable for 

work within the textile industry and welfare services. This division is additionally stimulated through new forms 

and locations of work (service industries, tourism, employment within export free zones). A constant value within 

all this is the low economic value of women’s work. Economic globalisation has also encouraged transnational 

crime based on gender discrimination and exploitation (women’s trafficking, prostitution, sex tourism). 

Globalisation has effects on human rights achievement in general, as well as on women’s rights in particular, in 

terms of eroding civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights in the name of development, economic 

growth, and macroeconomic restructuring. 

Feminisation of Labour Force 

In the early 1980s, it became clear that the industrialisation of the “Third World” was predominantly based on 

women’s labour. Many studies emphasise the role of relatively cheap women’s labour in this process [13] . In 

South East Asian economies, significant contribution to production growth has been provided by young women 

employees willing to work hard for a lower salary than a man would accept, even under the conditions that trade 

unions do not allow. The result of this has been high inflow of women’s labour into unskilled and semi-skilled jobs. 

In Latin America, this inflow was especially high during the period of decreasing average wages. In the whole 

world, among the total number of industrial workers, women are 30-40%, while, on the other hand, within exportoriented 

branches, especially in the production of textiles, electronic components, and leather products, this 

percentage is often much higher, in particular cases, even as high as 90%. One study has concluded that a major 

part of the production by developing countries that is aimed at exporting has been made by women, thus the 

industrialisation of economies after World War II was guided both by export and feminisation. [14] 

The process of labour force feminisation in the developing countries was continued in the 1980s, not only in 

manufacturing, but also within service sectors, where the percentage of women’s employment increased to 30- 

50% [15] , in the same decade that was marked by falling wages and salaries. Women’s shares also increased 

within the jobs that require higher qualification and professionalism, such as legal services, banking, accounting, 

architecture, tourism, and auxiliary services, information services, etc. Worldwide exchange of services also has 

stimulated women’s labour force migration. 

At the same time, through the increase of women’s share in the labour market, their share in the informal sector 

also has increased, including their work within unregistered jobs, micro firms, housework, and self-employment. 

In urban areas of developing countries, many formal jobs have become “informal”, since employers aimed at 

increasing “flexibility” and decreasing production and labour costs by concluding subcontracts with workers. The 

growth of the informal sector also has been noticeable in developed countries. Women’s work at home is 

emphasised, starting from gender stereotypes of woman’s dedication to their family roles, as well as their less 

valuable work. Many women have accepted such jobs, with insecurity, low salary, and the lack of benefits, as a 

conventional form of gaining additional income, which, at the same time, enables them to take care of their 


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households and children. Analyses show that employers, while requiring higher efficiency, do not only use cheap 

labour, which is both men and women’s, but also the possibility of contracting informal work, where women are 

used more. 

One of the reasons for women’s higher share in the labour market is the substitution of women’s for men’s labour, 

due to lower wages and less paid women’s work. Increasing globalisation and international competition have 

made salaries and labour costs a significant factor in determining the geographic location for investment and 

production, including the decision making on certain groups’ employment. 

Another aspect of labour market flexibilisation is the public sector decrease, mostly as a part of structural 

adjustment programmes and privatisation initiatives. In many countries, the public sector was main source of 

employment growth in the 1960s. These changes in the labour market also point out the necessity of welfare 

system reform. It is necessary to find alternative forms of protection and the improvement of the position of the 

most vulnerable groups in the labour market and to add flexibility through economic security improvement. 

Position of Women in the Transition Countries 

The adverse effects of economic transition in the post-socialist countries have affected mainly women, as the 

largest marginal social group. Case studies and the first ten-years of experience of transition countries indicate 

that, in terms of achieving economic and social rights, and within the social sphere, women in all post-socialist 

countries share the same consequences of transit from socialist to market economies [16] . 

1. The aggravation of women’s positions in the labour market: 

● The trend of women’s labour force and employment decrease in all countries where data are available. For 

1985-1997, women in the labour force decreased by 1/3 in Hungary and by 1/4 in Latvia. 

● The decrease of women’s share in well-paid sectors (i.e. financial – in Latvia by 24%, in Hungary, Russia, 

and Lithuania by 10-14%), and the increase of their share in low paid activities (health care, education). 

● The decrease of wages and the increase of the gap between women’s salaries and men’s. (Women earn 70- 

90% of men’s salaries.) ; 

2. The increase of unemployment; 

3. The increase of women’s share within flexible types of work (contracted, part-time, temporary, and 

seasonal jobs), in the simplest jobs, in unregistered work, and in the grey economy; 

4. The decrease (from 1.5% to 15%) of women’s share in politics and in decision making, head, and 

managerial positions; 

5. The lower access to capital, resources, credit possibilities, new knowledge, and professional training 

(prerequisites for better paid positions and entrepreneurial development); 

6. The decrease of states’ social roles – increased engagement of women working at home and in family and 

child care; 

7. The growth of women’s poverty, especially among those belonging to “invisible” social groups (urban, 

older, Roma, disabled, as well as single mothers, housewives, etc.); 

8. The intensification of family violence, where women are victims most frequently; 

9. The increase in discrimination against women within all types of public and working life; 

The socio-economic positions of women and the trends shaping them are the best reflection of the position of 

families in society, including rights and freedoms enjoyed by an individual. 

Mechanisms and Actions for Achieving Women’s Economic and Social Rights 

The economic and social rights of women are guaranteed by the following international legal documents, ratified 

by the majority of UN member states: 

● The Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the 

International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the Declaration on Social Progress and 

Development, ILO and UNESCO Conventions, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights 

and Fundamental Freedoms, the European Social Charter, the American Declaration of the Rights and 

Duties of Man, Convention on Human Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Cairo 

Declaration on Human Rights, and the Vienna Declaration on Human Rights; 

● The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional 

Protocol to CEDAW; 


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● The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action – the documents of the 4 th World Conference on Women in 

Beijing in 1995. (12 critical fields were defined, including women’s poverty and measures for the 

improvement of women’s position and rights; developed countries were invited to direct 0.7% of their GDP 

to poor countries.); 

● Beijing +5 (Special Session of the UN General Assembly in June 2000 “Women 2000 – Peace and 

Development for 21 st Century”). 

Women’s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ) adopted in 1995 the Declaration on Economic 

Justice, through which it criticised the holders of neoliberal policy where the welfare of economic growth is 

achieved to the detriment of human rights and welfare. Starting from the statement that words are not enough 

any more, the signatories of the Declaration stress that the achievement of Platform objectives is impossible 

within current microeconomic environment, and that it needs to be changed, requiring the achievement of rights 

and participation in management and economies. Rights and participation in management mean: 

1. Linkage of economic, social, cultural, civil, and political rights; 

2. Democratisation, transparency, and responsibility in decision making processes at all levels and in all 

institutions, including not only national states and local communities, but also corporations, non-governmental 

organisations, international financial institutions, religious organisations, and other international organisations; 

3. The inclusion of the diversity of women’s perspectives in the processes of policy formulation and decision 

making at all levels; 

4. The obedience to international instruments by all governments and multilateral institutions. Taking into 

account the power of international financial institutions in relation to individual nations, the UN system must take 

special measures to make those institutions responsible for the obedience of international agreements and the 

principles of justice and equality; 

5. The affirmation of each nation’s responsibility to the population within its borders and the implementation of 

international mechanisms to establish the responsibility of transnational corporations and international financial 

and economic institutions; 

6. The consistency of macroeconomic policies with social development and distributive justice. This means that 

macroeconomic policies are created in such a way to protect the rights of women, the poor, and healthy 

environment, instead of only expanding economic growth, trade, and corporate profit; 

7. Reformation of the public sector, not through privatisation but through its effectiveness, justice, and 

adjustment to people’s needs; 

8. Redefinition of the criteria of cost-effectiveness to take into account environmental degradation, social 

resources, and human resources (such as increased violence and health hazards); 

9. Market regulation in the public interest to decrease inequality, prevent instability, increase employment, 

improve work place security, and determine a socially acceptable minimum wage at the national level; 

10. The creation of new financial resources through new forms of taxation to stimulate sustainable social and 

economic development, such as toxic product production, international financial speculative profit, and 

international financial transactions; 

11. The application of debt release rather than debt rescheduling, the creation of alternatives with focus on 

removing the effects of the imbalance of trade and new resources directed toward the South. 

Conclusions: 

Current economic globalisation based on neoliberalism stimulates and provides for the increase of the gap 

between the rich and the poor. The call for free markets and free movement of capital, investment, and goods has 

created “market fundamentalism” jeopardising the sovereignty of national states and has created an appropriate 

environment for conflicts. The advantages and benefits of economic globalisation are unequally distributed, and a 

disproportionately high portion of the costs are born by the poor, marginalised, and victims of discrimination 

according to ethnicity in the North and South. The current model of economic globalisation deepens historical and 

present inequalities on racial, ethnic, gender, and economic bases within and among nations, aggravating the 

possibility of establishing sustainable and equal development for all. 

Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO, promote globalisation of the type dominated by 

trade liberalism and privatisation. Such a model of globalisation and economic growth stimulation has aggravated 

economic, social, and culture conditions in which the most affected groups live; and it has contributed to the 

growth of poverty and social exclusion. 

Poverty has a gender dimension, for women are more exposed to the risk of poverty. The gender dimension also 


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refers to unemployment, international trade, foreign debt issues, international resources, global management, and 

the programmes of economic structural adjustment. All these phenomena produce various effects on men and 

women. 

The analysis of women’s economic and social positions is the best indicator of the essence of neoliberal 

macroeconomic policy, which focuses on the goal of achieving profit. The women’s economic agenda (calling for 

improvement of women’s positions and the achievement of gender, economic, and social justice) may be the 

universal agenda for considering social development, redefining development objectives, and searching for 

alternatives: to redirect economic globalisation to the benefit of people rather than corporations; to result in 

improvement and welfare for the majority of the population rather than for individuals; and to focus economic 

policies to protection and enjoyment of human rights of all. 

References: 

1. Falk, R. 2002, ‘Interpreting the Interaction of Global Markets and Human Rights’ in Globalization and Human 

Rights. A. Brysk, ed. University of California Press: Berkley 

2. Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of all human rights, Preliminary report of the Secretary- 

General, General Assembly 55 th Session, (A/55/342), 31 August 2000. 

3. Joekes, S. P. (Ed.) 1987, Women in the World Economcy: an INSTRAW Study, Oxford University Press: New 

York 

4. Joekes, S.P, 1995. ‘Trade-related Employment for Women in Industry and Services in Developing 

Countries’, in United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Occasional Paper No. 5, UNRISD: Geneva. 

5. Razavi, Sh. 2001, ‘Globalization, Employment and Women’s Empowerment’, Division for the Advancement 

of Women (DAW), Expert Group Meeting, 26-29 November 2001, New Delhi, India 

6. Ruminska-Zimny, E. 2002, ‘Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in the Transition Countries: 

Trends and Issues in the UNECE Region’ in Transition, Privatisation and Women, ed. M. Dokmanovic, Women’s 

Centre for Democracy and Human Rights: Subotica 

7. The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Final report submitted by Mr. Danilo Türk, Special 

Rapporteur, (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16) 3 July 1992 

8. The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment 

of human rights, Preliminary report submitted by J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama, (E/CN.4/ 

Sub.2/2000/13) 15 June 2000 

9. UNECE, 1999, Economic Survey for Europe 1999, UNECE: Geneva 

10. UNPP. 1999. Human Development Report 1999, Oxford University Press: New York 

11. Watson, C. 2003, ‘Sell the rain – How the privatization of water caused riots in Cochahamba, Bolivia’, CBS 

News (Online), Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/water/bolivia.html 

* 

Lecture presented to the participants of the Women’s Studies School in February, 2003, organized by the 

women’s NGO “Anima”, Kotor, Montenegro. 

[1] 

See: Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of all human rights, Preliminary report of the Secretary- 

General, General Assembly 55th Session, (A/55/342), 31 August 2000. 

[2] See: The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment 

of human rights, Preliminary report submitted by J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama, (E/CN.4/ 

Sub.2/2000/13) 15 June 2000 

[3] Source: UNPP. 1999. Human Development Report, Oxford University Press: New York, pp. 25-39. 

[4] “Public health problems, immigration and refugees, environmental degradation and broader social and political 

breakdown are the new security challenges that breed in a context of unattended global inequality. For all our 

sakes we need to work together to build the framework of a new global society and economy that respect 


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differences, protect the weak and regulate the strong.” Ibidem, p. v-vi. 

[5] “Despite the ratification by 106 countries of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the 

discouraging fact remains that over 1 billion people live in absolute poverty, some 180 million children suffer from 

serious malnutrition, 1.5 billion persons are deprived of primary health care and a safe water supply, 2 billion 

individuals lack safe sanitation and over 1 billion adults cannot read or write. While these dismaying statistics can 

in no way reveal fully the personal, family and community tragedies each represents, the clear global tendency 

shows these numbers escalating, not decreasing.” UN, Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on 

Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 

Final report submitted by Mr. Danilo Türk, Special Rapporteur, (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16) 3 July 1992 

[6] 

See: UNDP. 1999. Human Development Report 1999, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999; A/55/342, 

para. 46. 

[7] E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13, para. 30-40; A/55/342. para 46-47. 

[8] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16, para. 103. 

[9] Watson, C. 2003, ‘Sell the rain – How the privatization of water caused riots in Cochahamba, Bolivia’, CBS 

News (Online), Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/water/bolivia.html 

[10] See: E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13 

[11] Razavi, Sh. 2001, ‘Globalization, Employment and Women’s Empowerment’, Division for the Advancement of 

Women (DAW), Expert Group Meeting, 26-29 November 2001, New Delhi, India, p. 40. 

[12] Richard Falk associates, although overly simple, the WTO hierarchy and its ideological and political support 

with “globalisation-from-above”, and the protesters in the streets of Seattle during the meeting of the World Trade 

Organisation (WTO) in 1999 and their governmental allies with “globalisation-from-bellow”. He argues that 

globalization "from above" is eroding worker rights and social protections, but globalization "from below" is 

creating an emergent global civil society. Falk, R. 2002, ‘Interpreting the Interaction of Global Markets and Human 

Rights’ in Globalization and Human Rights. A. Brysk, ed. Berkeley: University of California Press 

[13] Joekes, S.P, 1995. ‘Trade-related Employment for Women in Industry and Services in Developing Countries’, 

in United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Occasional Paper No. 5, Geneva: UNRISD. 

[14] 

See: Joekes, S. P. (Ed.) 1987, Women in the World Economy: an INSTRAW Study, Oxford University Press: 

New York 

[15] Ibidem. 

[16] Source of data: UNECE, 1999, Economic Survey for Europe 1999, UNECE: Geneva; Ruminska-Zimny, E. 2002, 

‘Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in the Transition Countries: Trends and Issues in the UNECE 

Region’ in Transition, Privatisation and Women, ed. M. Dokmanovic, Women’s Centre for Democracy and Human 

Rights: Subotica 


Development 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_raz.htm19-1-2006 13:14:28 

DEVELOPMENT 


ILO News 

Global economic growth is increasingly failing to translate into new and better jobs that 

lead to a reduction in poverty, according to a new report issued by the International 

Labour Office (ILO). In the report, the ILO points out that within this global trend, 

different regions show mixed results in terms of job creation, productivity results, wage 

improvements and poverty reduction. 

UNCTAD XI – A Missed Opportunity? 

By Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos and Barbara Specht 

WIDE 

UNCTAD XI has shown that developing countries continue to stand together and demand 

fair trade policies from developed countries. However, it has to be seen whether the 

agreed language (e.g. on ‘policy space’) will also find its way in the ongoing WTO 

negotiations. In that sense and taking into account that - especially Northern 

governments and civil society actors - did not have high expectations towards this 

conference, UNCTAD XI can not be seen as a missed opportunity. Still, UNCTAD was not 

able to claim a strong leadership role in ensuring that international trade structures are 

supportive to developing countries in achieving poverty eradication, sustainable 

development, gender and social justice. UNCTAD XI stays – to say it with other words – a 

toothless tiger. 

Social, Economic and Environmental Sustainability From a Gender Perspective: 

14 Issues to Tackle 

By NGO Women’s Forum, Germany & 

Working Group Women in the Forum Environment & Development 

At the major UN conferences of the nineties, the governments committed themselves to 

sustainable development, to combating poverty and environmental degradation and to 

respecting human rights and women’s rights. In 1992, the central message of the Rio de 

Janeiro Agenda 21 was the concept of sustainability. Development can only be 'future 

compatible' if it embraces ecological, social and economic issues. But the message from 

Rio has also been that sustainability without a qualified participation of women, i.e. 

participation also in decision making, will not work.

UNCTAD XI – A missed opportunity? 

1. Introduction 

UNCTAD XI: A missed opportunity? 

By Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos and Barbara Specht 

WIDE 

From 13-18 June 2004, representatives of 192 UNCTAD Member States met in Sao Paulo, Brazil for the eleventh 

session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XI). The conference was organised 

around the theme 'Enhancing the coherence between national development strategies and global 

economic processes towards economic growth and development, particularly of developing countries'; 

it ended for most parties involved on a satisfactory note. After nine months of preparations and negotiations, 

UNCTAD Member States adopted the "Spirit of Sao Paolo-Declaration" and the "Sao Paulo Consensus" [1] as its 

main outcome documents. In addition to the Bangkok Plan of Action (2000), these documents form the basis of 

UNCTAD's policy guidelines and work priorities for upcoming years. The "Sao Paulo Consensus" contains analyses 

and proposes responses in relation to the four main themes of the conference: 

- Development strategies in a globalising world; 

- Building productive capacities and international competitiveness; 

- Assuring development gains from the international trading system and trade negotiations; 

- Partnership for development. 

The document affirms the role of UNCTAD as a designated focal point for the integrated treatment of trade and 

development. In this function, UNCTAD has a special responsibility to contribute to the achievement of the 

international development goals. A further significant accomplishment is the inclusion of a section on the need for 

developing countries to have 'policy space'; the recognition of right of developing countries to balance out national 

development priorities and policies with obligations deriving from international agreements. [2] 

An important issue at UNCTAD XI was the call on developing countries to strengthen economic cooperation among 

themselves through increased South-South trade. [3] Within this context, the launch of a third round of 

negotiations on Global System of Trade Preferences among developing countries (GSTP) has to be highlighted. 

Likewise, the establishment of an International Task Force on Commodities [4] 4 is rated as a positive outcome 

and a first step in the right direction. 

In general, UNCTAD XI has shown that developing countries continue to stand together and demand fair trade 

policies from developed countries. However, it has to be seen whether the agreed language (e.g. on 'policy 

space') will also find its way in the ongoing WTO negotiations. In that sense and taking into account that - 

especially Northern governments and civil society actors - did not have high expectations towards this conference, 

UNCTAD XI can not be seen as a missed opportunity. Still, UNCTAD was not able to claim a strong leadership role 

in ensuring that international trade structures are supportive to developing countries in achieving poverty 

eradication, sustainable development, gender and social justice. UNCTAD XI stays - to say it with other words - a 

toothless tiger. 

2. Enhancing the coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes 

towards economic growth and development, particularly of developing countries 

Since its 40 years of UNCTAD's existence, the international environment has drastically changed, and the 

problems experienced by developing countries today require urgently new and pioneering approaches. Today, 

most trade negotiations are taking place under the auspices of the World Trade organization (WTO) and UNCTAD's 

role as a leading body on development and trade issues has severely been reduced. 

UNCTAD XI was an opportunity to reinforce and strengthen UNCTAD's mandate, to address these problems and to 

discuss appropriate solutions, as increased trade liberalisation does not automatically lead to poverty eradication 

and sustainable development. Besides the launch of the third round of negotiations on Global System of Trade 

Preferences among developing countries (GSTP) [5] , the setting up of an International Task Force on 

Commodities, the call on intensified South-South cooperation [6] , the creation of a 'new geography of world trade' 

based on cooperation and solidarity [7] , discussions on the role and mandate of UNCTAD and themes such as 

local/national policy space versus international trade agreements, attention was also given following issues: 



- Creative industries and private sector engagement in developing countries, including the question of corporate 

responsibility and accountability. 

- Trade and poverty; 

- Trade and gender; 

- The role of ICTs and information and knowledge for development. 

- The role/importance of non state actors [8] . 

The need to strengthen the coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes, 

so as to ensure development gains from trade, was recognised. However, in the final Sao Paulo consensus the 

definition of coherence remains unclear; it can be interpreted in such a way to create more coherence between 

the trade and financial system instead of between trade and development policy. 

During the conference numerous side events and meetings took place, for example the Group of 77 (G77) 

celebrated its 40th anniversary with a Ministerial Meeting on 12 June, one day prior to the opening of the UNCTAD 

XI session. Exactly during the first UNCTAD conference, in June 1964, 77 developing countries formed the G77 in 

order to speak with one strong voice. Today the G77 consist of 132 members, representing various interests. 

Other side events as well as informal and non-public meetings focused on WTO or bilateral trade negotiations. The 

EU, for example, used the occasion of UNCTAD XI to continue ongoing discussions with Mercosur countries 

(Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay). Another objective of the EU was to re-install and strengthen 

confidence in the multilateral trading system and to give further momentum to the successful conclusion of the 

Doha Development Agenda. Together with Australia (representing the Cairns Group), Brazil (initiator), India and 

the United States, they formed a group known as Five Interested Parties (P5) to kick-start the blocked WTO 

agriculture negotiations. Finally, they could find an agreement stating that ''export subsidies need to be removed 

gradually, domestic farm aid needs to be reduced substantially, and market access needs to be increased 

substantially.'' [9] 

The Group of 20 developing countries (G20) [10] was also engaged in discussions on the issue of agriculture 

negotiations. The G20 met on Ministerial level to discuss alternatives to the EU and US proposals on agriculture, 

to demand an end to export subsidies and to domestic supports that distort the market. Another of their demands 

aimed at improved market access. 

Representatives of the WTO used UNCTAD XI trying to get the WTO talks back on track - as WTO Director-General 

Supachai Panitchpakdi stressed "if we want trade to work as an engine for growth and development, it is 

indispensable that we succeed in the Doha Round" [11] . He added that the negotiations are at "a crossroads, and 

common ground must be found quickly". In the end, after these preparations in Brazil and further intensive two 

week long day and night debates in Geneva, the WTO members reached an agreement on a framework that will 

guide future WTO negotiations on a number of areas, including agriculture, Non-Agricultural Market Access 

(NAMA), services and trade facilitation - the so-called "July-package" [12] . 

3. "Let's move forward and make a change" - Civil Society Forum 

The civil society forum (CSF) organised by initiation of UNCTAD by the Brazilian Association of Governmental 

Organisations (Abong) and the Brazilian Network for the integration of the peoples (Rebrip), took place 

simultaneously to UNCTAD XI. Around 200 representatives of women's, farmers, development and environmental 

organisations, trade unions and fair trade initiatives were present. Various events in relation to following themes 

were organised: 

- Alternative to free trade & reorganising the international system; 

- Social and work rights in trade agreements; 

- Widening economic policies horizons: Human rights and groups concerning ethnics, gender, generation, sexual 

orientation, traditional people, etc. 

- Challenging liberalisation in agriculture: promoting sustainable agricultural models based on food sovereignty; 

- Symposium on faire trade: sustainable development in practice; 

- Development, global governance and strategies for globalisation. 

One of the highlights of the CSF was certainly the encounter with UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, and Sectary 

General of UNCTAD, Rubens Ricupero. Iara Pietricovsky, general coordinator of Rebrip and Jose Bové, 

representative of Via Campesina, were handing over the civil society declaration, which comments and criticises 



on matters reported in UNCTAD XI Statement (see annex 2). Kofi Annan stressed in his speech the importance of 

civil society actors: The working area of NGOs is the intersection of trade and development and the purpose of 

civil society is to ensure that trade and development are helping the poor and are supporting the fight against 

poverty. NGOs are needed to keep on pressuring the governments. The UN is indeed aware of numerous issues, 

but it needs the pressure of NGOs on governments to be able to achieve more. 

In the meeting with Kofi Annan, CS representatives also stressed the importance of selecting the most qualified 

and competent individual who shows a high standard of leadership and commitment, for the post of Secretary 

General of UNCTAD, as Rubens Ricupero is leaving. As a follow up to emphasis this concern, a Memorandum from 

the CS to the Secretary-General of the UN on the subject of the new leadership of UNCTAD was prepared (see 

annex 3). 

Among the gender activities of the CSF was the session on 14 June "Widening economic policies horizons: Human 

rights and groups concerning ethnics, gender generation, sexual orientation, traditional people, etc.", organised 

by the International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN). Graciela Rodriguez (LAGTN) moderated a panel entitled 

"International trade in line with the affirmation of human rights within a development perspective". Speakers 

include Alma Espino (LAGTN Uruguay) and Marina Durano (AGTN Philippines). Norma Sanchis (LAGTN Argentina) 

moderated the panel "Risk of Violating human rights" which presented some case studies of how trade policies 

violate women's rights. In order to ensure a good flow of information and to coordinate different activities during 

the CSF, NGOs representatives met on a daily basis. In these daily meetings, different CS statements were 

discussed; a civil society dialogue meeting with representatives of the European Union [13] was prepared, etc. 

4. UNCTAD XI & Gender 

Since 2000, UNCTAD has been committed to looking at the question of gender and trade in its meetings. Of 

special interest for WIDE was therefore the issue how will UNCTAD XI deal with the promotion of gender equality 

in international trade relations? WIDE welcomed the initiative of UNCTAD to consider gender and trade one of the 

three cross-cutting issues during the conference [14] . WIDE furthermore welcomed the considerable support that 

Mr. Ricupero had given to gender concerns and perspectives in UNCTAD and UNCTAD's programme. 

4.1. High-level Round Table on Gender and Trade 

One of the events to highlight the importance gender and trade was a High-level Round Table on Gender and 

Trade. Mr Ricupero and Mrs Eveline Herfens, UN Executive Coordinator for the Millennium Campaign, opened the 

session by stressing that trade as an important aspect of globalisation and a major source for growth and 

development can have strong positive and negative effects for gender equality. 

Mrs. Herfkens emphasised the importance of the Millennium Declaration and the MDGs and the relevance of the 

agreements and promises made by the governments: "If women are not empowered, no goals are achieved; men 

and women in poor countries should benefit from globalisation and trade". She underlined that governments 

should be "gender responsive" to the different issues that affect women: different access and control to resources, 

unequal roles, unequal ownership of land and access to property titles and to credit. Rich countries should support 

developing countries specially regarding policies and agreements on agricultural issues since agriculture subsidies 

destroy local markets in less developed countries and of these women as producers and exporteurs of agricultural 

goods are particularly affected. 

The succeeding debate focussed on: 

- Government policies to reduce the gender gap and enhance gender equality in the context of trade liberalisation; 

lead speakers: Ms. Freire (Secretary of State on Women's Policies, Brazil); Ms. Benitez-Reyes (Chair, National 

Commission on the Role of Filipino Women, Philippines); Ms Lawson (Chair, Gender expert trade group, DTI, UK). 

- Multilateral trade commitments and the development objective of gender equality; lead speakers: Ms Didiza 

(Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs, South Africa); Ms Pacheco (Head of Cabinet of the Minister of Foreign 

Trade, Costa Rica). 

- The contribution of international trade to poverty alleviation and gender equality; lead speakers: Ms Kebe 

(Minister of Trade, Senegal); Ms Herfken (UN). 

- Capacity building for trade and enterprise development; lead speaker: Mr Belisle (ITC); commentator: Ms Cano 

(Oxfam Honduras). 

Several speakers considered the issue of gender and trade from the perspective of 'efficiency' and focussed on the 

direct relation between gender equality and poverty alleviation. Questions such as how women can be generators 

of growth, how can low skilled workers benefit from increased employment opportunities or how does trade 

liberalisation impact on women as consumers, were of high interest. According to the speakers the improvement 

of women's living and working conditions will result in reducing poverty; countries see the greatest developmental 

and poverty reduction benefits from trade when gender equality policies are in force [15] . 



However, structural inequalities caused by the current macroeconomic and trade policies and contradicting and 

undermining women's rights, as well as unjust power relations were not mentioned and analysed. In addition no 

speaker referred to the commitments of governments to gender equality given through the ratification of the 

Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women or the Beijing Platform for Action. 

Mr. Tom Kitt, the Minister of State for Development Cooperation and Human Rights of Ireland, advocated for 

greater coherence of the national trade policies to address gender issues. He highlighted the potential impact of 

trade policies to eradicate gender inequality. Moreover, he mentioned the need for a specifically designed reform 

based on gender analysis and assessments to promote women's participation at all levels of decision making as 

well as women's empowerment. 

Even so the issue of policy coherence was approached, this did not happen from a social justice perspective where 

"guaranteeing the harmonisation of economic policies with commitments to international human rights 

conventions, the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, as well as the 

Beijing Platform for Action [16] would be a priority. 

In order for national trade policies to become more effective in promoting gender equality objectives following 

strategy was proposed by the participants: developing countries could draw up a common list of gender-sensitive 

products; on the basis of this list, a reduction of developed country subsidies (especially in the area of agriculture) 

as well as market access restrictions for developing countries (especially in the area of non agricultural market 

access) should be demanded. Moreover, a reduction of barriers to trade in services and a cutback of tariffs is 

needed. 

Conclusions were drawn around the role and responsibility of the different actors at the international trade arena: 

governments (developed and developing countries), international agencies such as the UNCTAD and Civil Society 

Organisations. 

Regarding governments, following recommendations were given: 

- Domestic measures need to be taken to reduce gender inequalities in the context of international trade. 

Governments should therefore enforce gender-oriented policies and carry out ex-ante gender impact assessments 

as a matter of course. Other recommendations included: 

- Improvements in women's and girls access to education and skills; 

- Measures to reduce discrimination in labour markets; 

- Access to export market information and credit (not just micro credit) for women entrepreneurs; 

- Improvements in land rights, access to land as well as to other productive resources; 

- Reduction of violence against women, without which women cannot enjoy other rights; 

- Support to women in their reproductive roles, for example through child-caring programmes; 

- Mainstreaming, consistency and proactive implementation of gender equality policies throughout all government 

departments. 

Stressing the important role of international agencies such as UNCTAD in promoting gender equality objectives, 

the following recommendations were given [17] : 

- The UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade [18] , established in 2003, should continue with its 

diagnostic and analytical work and thereby continue to raise policy makers' awareness of the gender impacts of 

trade expansion and the gender effects of prospective changes in trade policies; 

- A methodology for the ex-ante gender impact of trade policies needs to be developed; 

- Trade-capacity-building efforts need to be continued and improved, including by taking into account the 

constraints that reproductive tasks impose on women entrepreneur's participation; 

- Partnerships need to be fostered between poor women producers in developing countries and commercial buyers 

in the North with a view to increasing their ability to access developed countries markets. 

The main role of Civil Society Organisations was seen as in raising awareness, advocating and lobby national 

governments. It was emphasised that people do not benefit from international meetings unless the CSO holds 

national governments accountable for the promises made. 



4.2. Gender and trade: opportunities and challenges for developing countries 

In conjunction with the High Level Round Table on Gender and Trade, the UN Interagency Task Force on Gender 

and Trade launched "Gender and trade: Opportunities and challenges for developing countries" [19] . The 

publication is intended to "sensitise policy makers on the gender implications of trade, to foster discussion among 

experts and providing a good basis for consensus-building." [20] 

The book tries to analyse the complexities of the gender and trade nexus and explores policy measures which 

could promote gender equality in international trade. Numerous members of the UN task force contributed to the 

publication with analyses from economic, social and legal points of view. The authors review the impact of trade 

liberalisation on gender equality, looking at the experiences of developing countries with specific reference to the 

agricultural, textile and clothing and service sectors. Moreover, they examine the impact of existing multilateral 

trade rules on gender equality with a special focus on the interface between human rights obligations and trade 

rules as well as the linkages between TRIPS and gender issues. Different approaches to improve the gender 

sensitivity of international trade activities and policy making are presented. Capacity-building for policy makers 

and the use of specific analytical tools designed to assess the impacts of trade on gender equality appear to be 

essential in this respect. However, given the complexity of the gender and trade issue and the variety of views 

contained in this book, no straightforward conclusions were set up. 

To sum up, WIDE welcomed the initiative of UNCTAD to promote gender equality in the international trade arena 

and to chair the UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade. However, as mentioned earlier, the UNCTAD's 

approach and analyses stayed to some extent limited. In addition, the inclusion of gender equality in the UNCTAD 

agenda has been more formal than substantive. 

Considering that current macroeconomic and trade policies are contradicting and undermining human rights, we 

demand that the international economic order should be radically changed and existing trade and development 

policies should be challenged and transformed to address and serve peoples' - and more specifically women's - 

rights and needs. UNCTAD should further elaborate and develop existing methodologies like gender and trade 

indicators and conduct gender impact assessments to forestall possible negative impacts of trade agreement. 

Moreover, UNCTAD should be involved in a dialogue with national governments and international institutions such 

as the WTO to address the importance of the gender and trade nexus for advancing gender equality. 

WIDE agrees with the recommendation of the UNCTAD secretariat to the governments "to ensure that national 

policies related to international and regional trade agreements do not have an adverse impact on women's new 

and traditional economic activities [21]" , but we would like to see this initiative embedded in a more holistic 

understanding and would therefore add "on women's opportunities and rights as well as on women's livelihoods". 

We do not only believe in the promotion of "gender equality and the empowerment or women as effective ways to 

combat poverty, hunger and disease and to stimulate a development that is truly sustainable [22]" , but we see it 

as essential in order to achieve sustainable development and social justice. Therefore, UNCTAD should focus with 

its gender analysis not simply on improving the condition of women in their current roles, nor should UNCTAD just 

pay attention to women as potential generators of economic growth, but UNCTAD should ensure the 

empowerment of women and the transformation of gender roles and responsibilities as agreed in CEDAW and the 

BPFA. [23] 

5. WIDE's activities 

WIDE was represented by Barbara Specht (WIDE Secretariat) and Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos (WIDE NP Spain) at 

UNCTAD XI. Maeve Taylor (Banúlacht Ireland - WIDE NP Ireland) and Janice Godson Foerde (KULU Denmark - 

WIDE NP Denmark) participated as NGO representatives of the Irish respectively Danish government delegation. 

The four representatives joint efforts to lobby representatives of the European Commission and EU Member States 

to integrate gender equality in international trade policies and take into consideration the interests of those 

women who are most directly affected by the negative impacts of international trade agreements. In order to 

support their lobby activities, WIDE representatives elaborated a Statement to the European Union on gender and 

trade (see annex 1) on 15 June (signed by WIDE, Banulacht Ireland, IGTN Europe, CONGDE-WIDE Spain, Danish 

92 Group, European Women's Lobby, CAFRA, International Coalition of Development Action, KULU-WIDE Denmark 

and Trade Matters Ireland). The statement was distributed to the European Union delegates and at the Civil 

Society Forum. 

In relation to the position of the EU, WIDE was pleased with the strong focus on gender and trade in the speeches 

made by Minister Tom Kitt on behalf of the EU. Two speeches made reference to the need to ensure that trade 

policy does not impact negatively on women's empowerment, and on women's capacity to be both the 

beneficiaries of and actors in economic growth. However, it needs to be ensured that gender mainstreaming is 

understood in the agreed terms of CEDAW and the BPFA as being a strategy towards transformation of gender 

relations and gender stereotypes and the empowerment of women. Another problem is that up to now, the 

inclusion of gender equality in the UNCTAD agenda seems to be more formal than proactive and real action 

remains yet to be seen. 

Through their active participation in meetings at the Civil Society Forum and the articulation of gender concerns, 

WIDE representatives ensured the integration of a gender perspective in various civil society activities: for 

example, WIDE representatives 'engendered' the different CSO declarations. WIDE representatives made also 

sure that women's concerns were articulated at the civil society dialogue meeting with representatives of the EU 



[24] . 

On the last day of UNCTAD XI, CSO organised a press conference and it was obvious that one panel speaker 

would speak on behalf of the women's organisations. Representatives of different women's organisations (DAWN, 

WIDE) brainstormed together on the outcome of UNCTAD XI and Magaly Pazello (DAWN) summarised it in her 

press statement as follows: 

- UNCTAD does not question the neoliberal model but tries to adjust development to this model; 

- Women are not presented as agents of change but as vulnerable group and seen as potential generators of 

growth, they are not linked to power, decision or policy making; 

- Gender issues are approached from the 'efficiency' perspective; 

- Power relations are not questioned, social change is not sought; 

- Structural causes of gender or economic inequalities are not addressed. 

WIDE representatives networked successfully with other women's organisations (IGTN, DAWN) as well as with 

mixed coalitions, strengthened old contacts and established new ones and promoted WIDE's work and expertise 

on gender and macro-economic issues. 

What is UNCTAD? 

Established in 1964 as a permanent intergovernmental body, UNCTAD is the principal organ of the United Nations 

General Assembly in the field of development and trade. UNCTAD is the focal point within the UN for the 

integrated treatment of development and interrelated issues in the areas of trade, finance and, technology, 

investment and sustainable development. Its main goals are to maximise the trade investment and development 

opportunities of developing countries, and to help them face challenges arising from globalisation as well as to 

integrate into the world economy, on an equitable basis. UNCTAD pursues its goal through research and policy 

analysis, intergovernmental deliberations, technical co-operation and interaction with civil society and the 

business sector. 

UNCTAD's programmatic focus lies on: 

- Globalisation and development strategies; 

- Investment, technology and enterprise development; 

- Service infrastructure for development and trade efficiency; 

- Least developed, land-locked and island developing countries; 

- Cross-sectoral issues (including: sustainable development, poverty alleviation, empowerment of women, 

economic co-operation among developing countries). 

UNCTAD has currently 192 Member States. Its headquarters are in Geneva, Switzerland. The 400 staff form part 

of the UN Secretariat. The annual operational budget is approximately $ 45 million, drawn from the UN regular 

budget. Additionally technical cooperation activities costing approximately $ 24 million per year are financed from 

extra-budgetary resources provided by donor and beneficiary countries, as well as by organisations. UNCTAD's 

highest policy making body is the Conference, which meets every four years at ministerial level to formulate policy 

guidelines and set work priorities. 

[UNCTAD's 40 years 1964-2004: Trade, developing and investment promotion, Geneva, 2004]. 

Annex 1: 

STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI 

June 15th 2004 

The UN has recognised that gender equality is both a core value for sustainable development and a prerequisite 

for poverty elimination. With the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and 

the Beijing Platform for Action, the UN has developed an internationally accepted analytical framework and action 



plan for gender equality. We welcome the creation of the UNCTAD-led Task Force on Gender and Trade set up by 

the UN Inter-Agency Working Group in February 2003 and the UNCTAD XI initiative to highlight gender and trade 

as a cross-cutting issue. 

As a UN body, UNCTAD has both the responsibility and the competence to take a leadership role in ensuring that 

gender concerns are incorporated in a meaningful way in macro-economic policy. Trade policies impact on gender 

relations and human development by rearranging relations of power and access to resources between women and 

men. If trade policies are assumed to be gender neutral, they may reproduce or even worsen current forms of 

inequality and discrimination against women in all countries. 

We also welcome the statement of the European Union that 'UNCTAD should mainstream gender equality in its 

work. UNCTAD's support to developing countries should enable their economic and trade policies to empower 

women as both actors in, and beneficiaries of, economic growth.' Gender mainstreaming must be understood in 

the agreed terms of CEDAW and the BPFA as being strategy towards transformation of gender relations and 

gender stereotypes, and the empowerment of women. 

The impact of trade policy on the lives and livelihoods of women is compounded in countries of the South by the 

structural inequalities between North and South. The international economic order through UNCTAD, therefore 

must proactively promote the interests of those women who are most vulnerable to the negative impacts of 

international trade agreements. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and 

engendering their national and regional trade and other economic policies to ensure gender equity and women's 

empowerment. 

UNCTAD must take a leadership role by 

Promoting the implementation of UN gender equality and women's empowerment agreements within trade 

agreements. 

Devoting increased emphasis in its work to the social implications of trade and other economic policies, including 

their gender impact. 

Developing systems of gender and trade indicators and gender impact assessment mechanisms in both 

monitoring trade agreements and in ex ante assessment to forestall negative impacts of trade agreements on 

vulnerable women and men. 

Including in its independent research and analysis the evaluation of the impact of trade on women. Such 

research should focus not only on criticising the current neo-liberal framework, but on developing alternatives, 

drawing, for example, on the established body of feminist economics, and on the range of existing local level 

alternatives. 

Focusing its gender analysis not only on improving the condition of women in their current roles (e.g. better 

access to credit and micro-finance etc) and seeing them as potential actors in economic growth, but should draw 

on the transformative analysis of CEDAW to ensure that women are not confined in discriminatory positions by 

gender stereotyping. 

UNCTAD must ensure that every country has the competence and freedom to design development measures 

aimed at achieving gender equality and social justice. Donor countries should ensure that appropriate resources 

are directed to UNCTAD's work on gender equality. 

WIDE (Network Women In Development Europe) 

Banúlacht - Women in Ireland for Development, WIDE Ireland 

CONDGE (Coordinadora de ONGs), WIDE Spain 

KULU - Women in Development, Denmark, WIDE Denmark 

Danish 92 Group 

ICDA (International Coalition of Development Action) 

Cafra (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action) 

EWL (European Women's Lobby) 

IGTN-E - International Gender and Trade Network (Europe) 

Trade Matters Ireland 

Annex 2: 

UNCTAD XI - ADDING SOUL TO "THE SPIRIT OF SAO PAULO" 

Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI - The Spirit of São Paulo Declaration 

by the Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI 

17 June 2004 

We, the member States of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, gathered at São Paulo, 

Brazil, between 13 and 18 June 2004, for the eleventh session of the Conference, agree on the following 

Declaration: 



1. UNCTAD was created in 1964 as an expression of the belief that a cooperative effort of the international 

community was required to integrate developing countries successfully into the world economy. Since then, 

UNCTAD has made a substantial contribution to the efforts of developing countries to participate more fully and to 

adapt to changes in the world economy through the development of a number of instruments, agreements and 

programmes – to stabilize commodity prices, for example – aimed at achieving this objective. UNCTAD has also 

provided an invaluable forum for advancing the relationship between trade and development, both from a national 

and an international perspective, across the three pillars of its mandate. Reinforcing the traditional UNCTAD 

mandate is more crucial than ever. 

2. The UN Conferences of the 1990s, (and outcomes such as the Beijing Platform for Action), the 

Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, other international Conventions, the 

Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the Programme of Action for the LDCs, the Almaty Programme 

of Action, the Barbados Programme of Action, the Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and the 

Plan of Implementation agreed at the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Declaration of Principles 

and the Plane of Action of the World Summit on the Information Society, as well as initiatives for UN reform, 

strengthen multilateralism and establish a roadmap to guide international actions in the process of mobilising 

resources for development and of providing an international environment supportive of development, although 

these have been criticised by some who see them as insufficient. We are committed to joining all our 

efforts and in creasing the resources from the developed countries in the achievement of the goals 

established in those texts in the agreed timeframes. The United Nations system should actively pursue agreed 

development goals between now and 2015, as identified in the Millennium Declaration, and a reinvigorated 

UNCTAD has an important role to play in efforts towards the accomplishment of these common objectives. 

3. In spite of all the efforts at the national and international level to promote growth, development and 

intensifying equity at both these levels remain the central issues in the global agenda. The contrasts between 

developed and developing countries and within both kinds of societies that marked the world in the early 1960s 

have intensified. While globalisation has posed important challenges and opened up new opportunities for many 

countries, its consequences have been highly unequal between countries and within countries. Some have 

reaped the benefits from trade, investment and technology flows and seem to be winning the struggle for 

development and for poverty alleviation: sometimes by following independent policies. 

4. Most developing countries, however, especially African countries and LDCs, have remained neglected and 

sometimes have suffered as a result of the globalisation process. They still face major challenges for the 

realisation of their economic potential and the incorporation of large masses of the unemployed, informal male 

and female workers and the working poor into the productive sectors. There is a need to rethink the linkage 

between international trade and poverty elimination. There is a need to address the instability in world 

commodity prices. 

5. For all countries, it is important that, at the international level, efforts will be deployed and policies 

implemented in order to facilitate reforms and to remove external constraints to put the developing world on a 

firm and sustainable development path. We can rightly say that, 40 years after the foundation of UNCTAD, the 

relationship between trade and development, which is the cornerstone of its mandate, has become even more 

important to analyse critically and to act on. 

6. We are committed to the struggle for the eradication of poverty and hunger. Policy instruments and measures, 

such as the Global Fund Against Hunger, at the national and international levels, should be adopted, in 

particular by practising policies in the areas of trade, investment and finance (including through new 

financial initiatives), to encourage the creation of opportunities for the poor women and men of the world to have 

access to decent, stable jobs and adequate negotiated wages. This is the sustainable road to democracy, 

reforms, stability and growth. The Millennium Development Goals are an important but insufficient 

milestone. Special attention should be paid to the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in 

order that gender power relations are rearranged, so that women are empowered to participate 

equally with men in sustainable development. 

7. The plight of the least developed countries should receive the utmost attention from the international 

community. We are committed to generating and better utilizing additional international resources, market access 

and development assistance for the LDCs in order to enable them to establish, in the context of effective 

domestically-owned national policies, a solid political, social and economic base for their development 

processes. 

8. Multilateral trade negotiations, under the Doha Work Programme, should be conducted with a view to 

addressing developmental concerns of countries, with a special focus on LDCs, in a manner that fully 

reflects the level of ambition agreed to at Doha. The Doha Work Programme should place development at the 

centre of the multilateral trade negotiations and then should reinforce the mandate of UNCTAD. UNCTAD can 

play a useful role in safeguarding the development dimensions of the Doha Work Programme and 

contributing to assessing and evaluating the balances and outcomes of negotiations and promoting 

mechanisms, including regulatory measures, to establish more balanced and equitable trade relations. 

We also positively consider the facilitation of accession of developing countries, especially LDC´s, to the WTO. 

UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and engendering their 

national and regional economic and trade policies to ensure gender equity and women's 



empowerment. 

9. We recognise that improved coherence between national and international policies and practices and 

between the international monetary, financial and trading systems and the Norms of the UN system is 

fundamental for democratic and participatory sound global economic governance. We are committed to 

reforming in a comprehensive manner the existing inadequacies and insufficiencies of those systems in order to 

enhance their capacities to better respond to the needs of development, especially in the case of LDCs. The 

institutional dimension in terms of improved global governance is central here. We should also continue working 

on the creation of positive and development-centred synergies amongst trade, finance and investment and on 

how to link these efforts to development and eliminating inequities at the national and international levels. 

As recommended by the World Commission on the Social Dimensions of Globalisation, an inter-agency 

Globalisation Forum should be established. UNCTAD should play a key role in this Forum. In particular, 

attention should be devoted to improving international non-speculative capital flows for development, through 

the provision of automatic, assured and predictable sources of development finance, as well as dealing 

with the volatility of international capital markets. Measures to ensure long-term debt eradication of developing 

countries and countries in transition should be implemented. As a first step in this direction, we commit 

to unconditional cancellation of LDC debt. 

10. We should also focus on future challenge and opportunities. In addition to national resources, capital 

accumulation and availability of labour, new factors such as information, innovation, creativity and diversity 

constitute the dynamic forces of today's world economy. We are committed to bridging the digital divide and 

ensuring harmonious, fair, equitable and sustainable development for all women and men and to building an 

inclusive information society, which will require genuine equal partnership and cooperation among Governments 

and other stakeholders, i.e. the private sector, civil society and international organisations, in which rights and 

responsibilities of all parties are reciprocal. 

11. A more positive integration of developing countries and those developing countries with economies in 

transition into the international economy and the multilateral trading system depends also on the adoption of 

internal policies to move up the ladder towards sectors that incorporate innovation and that expand more 

dynamically. To achieve these results, countries must have the policy space to pursue diverse policy options 

in order to arrive at the best possible balance between different approaches in their national development 

strategies. 

12. The process of sustainable development requires increased and equitable participation of all social and 

political forces in the creation of consensus for the adoption of effective national policies, which, in turn, 

requires democratic policies and institutions. We acknowledge the importance of all stakeholders, i.e. 

governments, the private sector, civil society and international organisations and the contribution all can make, in 

every country, to good governance. While development is the primary responsibility of each country, domestic 

efforts should be facilitated and complemented by an enabling international environment. Development policies 

should take cognisance of market forces in the promotion of growth, through trade, investment and innovation. 

They should also acknowledge the central role of the State in conferring political and economic stability, 

developing the required regulatory frameworks, channelling the resources for infrastructure and social projects, 

promoting social inclusion and reducing inequalities. We are committed to supporting national efforts dedicated to 

institutionbuilding in developing countries and countries in transition. 

13. Although still limited to a small number of countries, there are encouraging signs that a significant source of 

global growth is being generated in the South. This new development could contribute to creating to a new 

geography of world trade. We underscore the importance of initiatives to facilitate the emergence of new dynamic 

centres of growth in the South through additional steps for the integration of these emerging economies with 

other developing ones. This can be achieved, inter alia, by means of amore comprehensive Global System of 

Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which should also address the problems of the LDCs and 

economies in transition. 

14. Given the growing importance of regional and interregional initiatives, we encourage UNCTAD to further 

develop capabilities designed to assist countries to participate effectively in these initiatives, while ensuring 

functional and coherent linkages with the multilateral system. 

15. The decisions we have adopted at this UNCTAD XI, in addition to the Bangkok Plan of Action form a solid basis 

and are essential instruments in our continued commitment to support UNCTAD in fulfilling and strengthening 

its mandate as the focal point internationally for the integrated treatment of trade and development, on the 

road to its Twelfth Session in 2008. 

Annex 3: 

MEMORANDUM FROM THE CIVIL SOCIETY FORUM AT UNCTAD XI TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE 

UNITED NATIONS 

On the subject of the new leadership of UNCTAD 

At the meeting of the civil society held with the Secretary General of the United Nations on the occasion of 

UNCTAD XI, civil society drew attention of the Secretary-General to the importance of selecting the most qualified 



and competent individual to the post of the Secretary General of UNCTAD. 

The Civil Society statement states that ´safeguarding and strengthening UNCTAD´s mandate to deal with the 

interdependent issues of trade, money, finance, technology transfer and development, in an integrated manner, is 

critically dependent on the quality and management of its leadership. In light of the impending changes in the 

leadership of UNCTAD this civil society forum urges the Secretary General of the UN and member states to 

exercise the greatest care and transparency in the selection of UNCTAD´s new management. As a key stakeholder 

concerned with UNCTAD´s future, civil society expects to be closely involved with a consulted in decisions 

concerning the institution's future management. ´ 

The Secretary General expressed his appreciation to the Forum of the civil society in highlighting this important 

issue. He assured the civil society of his commitment to recommend, to the General Assembly of the UN for the 

post of Secretary General of UNCTAD, an individual, who would carry out a high standard of leadership and 

commitment. In this connection he invited non-governmental organizations to make recommendations for a 

suitable candidate. 

The civil society appreciates the gestures to the Secretary-General of the UN in his encouragement of civil society 

to make recommendations in the process leading to the selection of the Head of an important UN agency. Civil 

society values this initiative that would clearly enhance the credibility of the process. Accordingly, we are of the 

view that the next Secretary General of UNCTAD should have as his essential objective the political and 

substantive revitalization to the institution. We wish to recommend in the selection of the Secretary General, that 

he or she must posses the following qualities: 

- Highest ethical and moral standards and who would uphold the ideals of the UN; 

- Outstanding international reputation exhibited by political commitment to the promotion of international peace 

and development cooperation; 

- Deeply familiar with multilateral trade and economic negotiations; 

- Knowledgeable and experienced in addressing development challenges in the context of poor countries; 

- Understanding the gender dimension of social and economic issues 

- Capable of taking concrete policy positions, deepening inclusiveness and greater participation of developing 

countries on international platforms; 

- Independence; 

- Proven track record of negotiating experience; 

- Impeccable management and administrative skills that would contribute to a reinvigoration of the institution. 

The new Secretary General should be committed to: 

- Recovering lost space and to break new ground by reaffirming UNCTAD´s original mandate; 

- Rearticulating priorities in the apparent awakening of the South-South emphasis; 

- Incorporating and promoting gender and development considerations as a core value in UNCTAD's core work 

program and its interventions in other international platforms 

- Coordinating with ILO, DESA and other UN agencies; 

- Setting up a research department, that can competently compete with research departments of OECD, World 

Bank, IMF and WTO; 

- Supporting ´Brain Gain´ in the south by decentralizing via regional cooperation with Mercosur, Caricom, African 

Union, ASEAN and other similar regional organizations; 

- Putting goals and targets to UNCTAD work programme, similar to the MDGs, but in specific relation to job 

creation. 

Women in Development Europe © 

http://www.wide-network.org 



[1] The official outcome documents are available at www.unctad.org/ 

[2] For a more detailed analysis of the outcome document, please see 

http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/2008.html or http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/twninfo129.htm 

[3] E.g. by UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, Sectary General of UNCTAD, Rubens Ricupero and prominent 

leaders like the President of Brazil, Luiz Lula da Silva, or the Thai Premier Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. 

[4] The commodity crisis and the dependence on commodity trade as a common feature of many developing 

countries was one of the main themes at UNCTAD XI. 

[5] Established in 1989, GSTP is seen as a major instrument for the promotion of South-South trade and the 

increase of production and employment in these countries. China and the Group of 77 (G77) are invited to join the 

current 43 members and to participate in the negotiations, which will possibly start in November 2004 and are 

expected to be concluded in two years. It was estimated that the trade of the 43 GSTP members amounted US $ 

2 trillion in 2000 or about 55% of all developing country trade (UNCTAD press releaseUNCTAD/press/pr/ 

spa/2004/010**/ 17 June 2004). The GSTP serves as a framework for the exchange of trade preferences among 

developing countries. It must be based and applied on the principal of mutuality of advantages in such a way as to 

benefit equitably all participants. 

[6] New partnerships need to be explored and the potential of developing countries need to be further developed. 

Today, the share of South-South trade has reached 30 percent of global trade. Manufactured goods had even 

gone to 70 percent of that trade in 2002. (Press release UNCTAD/XI/2 14 June 2004). 

[7] Lula da Silva in his opening remark on 14.06. 

[8] The Sao Paulo Consensus states that civil society needs to become more engaged, but no concrete proposals/ 

mechanisms how this objective could be met are proposed. 

[9] EU Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy after the P5 meeting in Sao Paulo. 

[10] The G-20 is an alliances of Southern countries formed at the Cancún ministerial meeting and lead by Brazil to 

propose a WTO reform agenda in the area of agricultural trade policy (mainly through the abolishment of 

subsidies and a reduction in farm trade barriers). 

[11] In his speech at UNCTAD on 14 June 2004. 

[12] See WIDE-News 7/8-July/August 2004 for more information on the “July package” (http://www.eurosur.org/ 

wide/Newsletter/2004_News_7+8.pdf). 

[13] The meeting took place in the morning of 15.06. 

[14] The other two crosscutting issues were: trade and poverty and trade and creative industries. 

[15] Round table on Trade and Gender. 15 June 2004, Summary prepared by the UNCTAD secretariat. 

[16] Statement of Participants Event on Gender, Race, Ethnicity, Sexual Orientation, Traditional Peoples and 

Generations, Civil Society Forum, UNCTAD XI, 14 June 2004. 

[17] Round table on Trade and Gender. 15 June 2004, Summary prepared by the UNCTAD secretariat. 

[18] UNCTAD is chairing the task force that includes all UN agencies as well as the World Bank, the WTO, the 

OECD, and the Commonwealth to name a few. 

[19] www.unctadxi.org/templates/webflier.aspx?id=7&doc=4822&selected=download 

[20] UNCTAD/PRESS/PR/SPA/2004/005, 15 June 2004. 

[21] Trade and Gender: Opportunities, Challenges and the Policy Dimension, Note buy the UNCTAD secretariat, 5 

April 2004, p.3. 

[22] Opening Statement by Mr. Rubens Ricupero, UNCTAD XI, Round Table on “Trade and Gender”, Sao Paulo, 



Brazil, 15 June 2004. 

[23] Statement to the European Union on Gender and Trade for UNCTAD XI, June 15th 2004. 

[24] The speaker of CSOs referred to the main points from WIDE's statement to the EU on gender and trade. 


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Social, Economic and Environmental Sustainability From a Gender Perspective: 14 Issues to Tackle 

By 

NGO Women’s Forum, Germany & 

Working Group “Women” in the Forum Environment & Development 

1. Globalisation and sustainability 

2. Peace, non-violence, human and women’s rights 

3. Concepts of economy, care work and gender relations 

4. Securing survival without social exclusion and poverty 

5. Securing livelihoods and biodiversity by resource and gender justice 

6. Food sovereignty and health 

7. Sustainability in urban, regional and traffic planning 

8. Gender mainstreaming in climate protection 

9. The Local Agenda 21 and gender issues 

10. Redistribution of social and environmental responsibility 

11. Sustainability policy as structural policy 

12. Concepts of nature and gender relations 

13. Gender impact assessment and gender budgets as precautionary instrument 

14. Women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming 

At the major UN conferences of the nineties, the governments committed themselves to sustainable development, 

to combating poverty and environmental degradation and to respecting human rights and women’s rights. In 

1992, the central message of the Rio de Janeiro Agenda 21 was the concept of sustainability. Development can 

only be 'future compatible' if it embraces ecological, social and economic issues. But the message from Rio has 

also been that sustainability without a qualified participation of women, i.e. participation also in decision making, 

will not work. The 4 th World Conference on Women in Beijing identified a dual track strategy to this end: 

empowerment on the one hand and gender mainstreaming, the systematic integration of a gender perspective in 

all institutions and policy areas, on the other. 

In 1991, women from all over the world drew up their own agenda for the 21 st century at the “World Women’s 

Congress for a Healthy Planet” in Miami. The cornerstones of this agenda - a new code of environmental ethics, 

preserving biological and cultural diversity, justice between the North and the South, gender equity and justice, 

demilitarisation - have remained highly topical. In fact, if anything, globalisation over the past decade made them 

even more relevant. In spite of a number of successes scored on individual issues, the necessary process of 

reorienting and restructuring in terms of ecology and economics in the wake of the Rio Conference has yet to 

commence. Conventions that are binding in accordance with international law ranging from the conservation of 

biodiversity to the protection of social and ecological labour standards have still not been implemented. 

In Johannesburg in August 2002, a new “World Summit for Sustainable Development” is to pinpoint the 

sustainability strategies for the future. On the way to Johannesburg, civil society groups world-wide will be 

appraising progress made in terms of sustainability and the credibility of governments and other players in 

society. The agenda for Johannesburg is still negotiable. With the issues mentioned in the following, we want to 

outline topics that are central to the Johannesburg Conference from a gender perspective. We wish to position 

ourselves and to identify the need and scope for action at various political levels. 

One of our central concerns is to integrate social, economic and ecological issues and to bridge the existing 

fragmentation in sectors and political competencies. In the same way as the local, national and global level for 

action, the political micro, mezzo and macro level should be linked. The general framework for discourse is the 

economic globalisation, i.e. liberalization, privatization, commercialization and patenting of resources. The unpaid 

care work of women and the precautionary principle are systematically taken as points of reference in the 

argumentative discourse. Our demands are based on the understanding that the social and ecological crisis which 

will be debated in Johannesburg represents a problem of society which needs to be dealt with by societal 

changes. 

1) Globalisation and sustainability 

With economic liberalisation, the globalisation process has increased the predominance of economics since the Rio 

Conference. Growth, efficiency and profit-maximizing have been turned into guiding principles of development and 

elevated the market and commodity logic to the supreme rationality. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is 

creating a regime of order and rules for neo-liberal globalisation that gives priority to free trade rather than social 

rights and ecological rules. This is why WTO agreements are threatening environmental protection rules and 

ecological alternatives. They are counteracting social security and redistribution mechanisms. In this way, 

globalisation has increased social disparities and created new antagonisms between countries and within societies, 

between the rich and the poor, between a wealth of commodities and the destruction of nature. 


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Sustainability requires that the dogmas of commodification and marketing be scaled down and that the overexploitation 

of natural and human resources as well as over-production and over-consumption be reduced. 

Economic growth and profit maximization have to be subordinated to sustainability, environmental protection and 

social justice. Liberalisation is not a suitable tool to this end. A re-regulation of the financial markets and trade (e. 

g. taxation on currency transactions to limit speculation and on kerosene), of labour and resource markets 

according to social and ecological standards is called for. Prices have to reflect the truth by integrating ecological 

and social costs. The convention proposed by NGOs on the accountability of transnational corporations has to be 

forwarded. Fair trade, “ethical” investments, socially and ecologically “clean” or resource-saving production 

patterns and companies oriented on equity ought to enjoy support e.g. through fiscal policies. 

2) Peace, non-violence, human and women’s rights 

Peace is the most fundamental prerequisite for sustainability. The globalisation process over the last few years has 

been accompanied by an increasing degree of militarisation, a growth in legal and illegal arms trade and the 

internal and external rearmament of state enforcement systems. Armed conflicts and wars about power and 

resources destroy futures, human lives and the environment. Military force is not an appropriate means of 

combating terrorism and leaves its causes untouched. 

However, peace also means freedom from violence against women, from violations of human rights and racism. 

Peace means respecting local and national sovereignty and respecting cultural and biological diversity. The future 

can only be based upon a culture of peace in all relations in society and vis-à-vis nature that all societal actors, 

above all including children and youths, have to learn, as well as a democratisation from below. 

Sustainability requires addressing the social, economic and power-political causes of conflicts, violence and terror. 

Getting rid of inequalities and promoting democracy among countries, social classes, ethnic groups and gender is 

conflict prevention and the structural securing of peace. War must not be a means of politics. Instead, military 

expenditure has to be cut back, with funds emerging from this process being reallocated to non-violent forms of 

conflict resolution. Women are to participate democratically in negotiations and decision on peace, livelihood, and 

resources. Concepts of feminist research on peace and conflict as well as those from anti-violence programmes 

are to be integrated, while gender-specific causes of flight and migration are to be recognised, and support of 

female refugees and asylum seekers has to be increased. 

3) Concepts of economy, care work and gender relations 

Women are the Sisyphean workers for the future. Their looking after children, sick and elderly people, maintaining 

social relations, their work in food and health provision, cleaning and waste management secures the viability of 

societies and generates social capital. This care work represents an interface between social, economic and 

ecological aspects. 

However, the present neo-classical concept of the economy focuses on the market and paid work. The work in the 

care economy is kept invisible, regarded as not productive and only paid for poorly or not at all. Since increases in 

productivity are hardly possible in this area, care and services at a personal level are slipping into a crisis. The 

double burden women have to endure by paid work and care work remains their private problem, confronting 

many of them with a double scarcity: a lack of income and a lack of time. 

Economic statistics have to adequately account for unpaid and paid labour, as has already been called for at the 

World Conference on Women in Beijing. Women need an infrastructure oriented by its social use and by care work 

as well as public institutions making provisions to secure livelihoods. Moreover, the fiscal and social systems have 

to treat women as independent economic subjects who have a right of their own to claim social support rather 

than as dependants of a man. 

4) Securing survival without social exclusion and poverty 

Globalisation is resulting in a growing integration of women into the market for paid work, but it is also creating 

new forms of economic and social exclusion. While skilled women find employment at middle levels, the majority 

of women in the global markets only get insecure, low-paid, flexible jobs. More women are migrating to the 

towns, export production zones or abroad to seek employment, or they are even trafficked into low-paid jobs or 

prostitution. Women and children are the jokers in the global underbidding competition. As prototypes of parttime 

and supply-workers, homeworkers and tele-workers, women provide the flexibilisation pool for the labour 

markets and above all work in precarious and insecure employment markets devoid of rights and social and 

ecological minimum standards. They are precisely the ones who have to bear the brunt of deregulation, and they 

are the majority of the working poor. 

Women in the so-called informal sector need legal recognition and social security as well as opportunities to gain 

qualifications and to get organised. The feminisation of poverty has to be countered by checking in advance what 

the gender-relevant effects of austerity measures and structural adjustment programmes will be as well as a 

gender compatibility assessment of employment, flexibilisation and liberalisation measures. The ILO conventions 

on industrial health and safety standards, social security and ecological safety, on equal status of men and women 

and of migrant workers are to be boosted. Private companies, and above all transnational corporations, are to be 


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made socially and ecologically responsible via re-regulation and codes of conduct. Self-determined, ecologically 

and socially integrative forms of economy at regional and local level that are beyond the capitalist world market 

economy have to supported. 

5) Securing livelihoods and biodiversity by resource and gender justice 

Sustainable and careful use is a method of preserving natural resources. Access to land, water, forests and 

biodiversity and control of these resources are the most important preconditions for securing the livelihoods of the 

majority of the population in the countries of the South. Most women in the South regard securing their social, 

natural and cultural livelihood as the central aspect to survival. While women hold considerable responsibility for 

the use of resources, they enjoy only little control of them. Privatisation of commons and public goods as well as 

patenting seeds and intellectual property deprives women of their resources, the cycles of local economies are 

disrupted and women’s indigenous knowledge is devalued. 

The privatisation of public utilities and infrastructure as well as basic public services, from garbage collection to 

water supply, creates new social disparities in access to resources and leads to more work in the care economy. 

Resource and gender justice have to be linked with poverty eradication and environmental protection. Women 

need land rights, rights of access to forests and biodiversity, recognition of their indigenous knowledge and a right 

to information and further education. Conserving biodiversity and protection against bio-piracy by agro- and 

pharmaceutical corporations are pro-active ways of securing livelihoods. Access to clean water is a human right, 

and water has to remain a public good. No privatisation of public utilities! 

6) Food sovereignty and health 

Health provides the foundations for sustainability, and it depends to the utmost degree on the environment and 

social conditions. Just like food, it is one of the core responsibilities of women. 

BSE has highlighted the life-threatening cul-de-sac of industrialised agriculture. Agro-poisons, the application of 

hormones and genetic engineering pose unacceptable health and environmental hazards. The pollution and overfishing 

of the seas, rivers and lakes as well as aquacultures maintained with high levels of chemicals lead to 

further food insecurity. At the same time, highly subsidised imports from the industrialised countries are 

torpedoing smallholder agriculture and their markets in Southern countries. 

A new direction in agriculture oriented on food and ecological security as well as regional cycles is in the interest 

of women as those who are responsible for food and health. Both the majority of women consumers and women 

smallholders reject green genetic engineering. In the countries of the South, the right to one’s own seed and the 

use of indigenous know-how is of utmost importance to the women farmers and their role in the local economies. 

However, the WTO agreement on trade related aspects of intellectual property rights (TRIPS) promotes the 

patenting of indigenous knowledge, seeds and genetically modified organisms by transnational corporations in the 

agro- and pharmaceutical industries. People in the South are to pay for their medicinal plants, which they 

themselves have bred as cultivated plants, after the pharmaceutical corporations from the North have had their 

use patented or have genetically modified them. The issue of patents for drugs as final products is resulting in 

expensive monopolies and is excluding more and more people from the basic right to health. 

The export subsidies of the industrialised countries for agricultural products are to be cancelled, and their markets 

are to be opened to products from countries in the South. Non-tariff trade obstacles must not undermine 

initiatives to open the markets of the industrialised countries. Exceptions from free trade and TRIPS rules are to 

be introduced in the WTO that guarantee food sovereignty in the countries of the South. The precautionary 

principle, e.g. protection from health hazards, has to be established in WTO agreements. The supply of affordable 

drugs to the poorer countries has to be ensured with licences. Ecological farming is to be promoted by a change in 

the agricultural policies. Forests, bodies of water and soils are to be protected against commercial overexploitation. 

No to patenting of living organisms! No to genetically modified food! 

7) Sustainability in urban, regional and traffic planning 

Urban, regional and traffic planning treats care work as if it were an unlimited resource. It is not aimed at 

accessibility of locations which are, at the same time, compatible with environmental and social needs, the 

qualities of public areas, freedom to move in spite of structural male violence or meeting housing requirements 

and the provision of decentralised infrastructure for everyday life. Instead, they create the compulsion to 

motorise, subject public areas to car traffic, necessitate an additional labour and back-up transport and hamper 

quality standards in supplies. The requirements of women resulting from their needs of coping with day-to-day life 

and their work in two economic areas are ignored just as much as rural areas and the urban periphery. 

Urban, regional and traffic planning which aims at avoiding traffic, as well as infrastructure and transport policies 

oriented on everyday life in society are a public responsibility. Binding minimum standards are required to prevent 

the privatisation of public transport from putting a strain on social conditions and the environment in the long run. 

Generating traffic at the expense of private households, e.g. through problematic entrepreneurial locational 

policies, has to be reduced by using regulatory policy instruments along the lines of the preventive and polluter 

principle. The myths about transport technology and high-speed transport are to be exposed. Impact and 


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compatibility studies aimed at reducing gender discrimination as well as gender budgets are to be introduced for 

all means of transport. 

8) Gender mainstreaming in climate protection 

Since Rio, climate protection has been right at the top of the international agenda for the environment. However, 

in the industrialised countries, it is turning into a plaything for power interests, serving above all as an instrument 

to identify loopholes in the agreements. Instead of haggling for percentages in CO2 reduction and instead of a 

mere sectoral perspective, more fundamental changes to existing economic structures and patterns of 

consumption are required. Accordingly, primary entry point in the industrialised countries would be the reduction 

of energy consumption in various fields of application (mobility, housing, production). 

North-South equity has been receiving more and more attention in the international debate on climate protection, 

while inequalities at national level, including gender discrimination, have so far remained ignored. One reason for 

this is that, throughout the world, women are extremely under-represented in the field of energy and climate 

protection. Like in all technology-oriented areas, there is a lack of gender-related data, analyses and research. 

However, what has been clearly established is the lower level of acceptance among women of high-risk 

technologies such as the use of nuclear power in comparison to men. In addition, the energy sector is 

characterised by a strong segregation. On the one side, there is the highly-valued (male-dominated) area of 

technical potentials to economise, and on the other, there is economising by behavioural patterns which tends to 

be valued less, but often results in an increasing workload for women. 

A gender-disaggregated data basis in the area of climate change has to be compiled regarding causes and 

responsibilities on the one hand, and the consequences and solution strategies on the other. Gender research in 

the area of climate protection, especially energy, is to be promoted, and insights already available on the genderspecific 

impact of, and preferences in, climate protection and energy concepts are to be systematically integrated 

into the international negotiations. However, much more fundamentally, a restructuring of production, consumer 

patterns and lifestyles among the consume oriented middle classes world-wide, but above all in the countries of 

the North, has finally to be initiated: nothing more and nothing less than what the industrialised countries already 

committed themselves to in Rio. 

9) The Local Agenda 21 and gender issues 

Over the past few years, the participation of women in the Local Agenda processes has been growing. Today, 

there are hardly any communities that can afford to neglect the “women’s issue”. However, women are 

subordinated to the category of “social issues”, and this is also the category they assign themselves to, which 

leaves the “hard” issues to men. Instead, the Local Agenda should really be a prime example of gender 

mainstreaming, of integrating a gender perspective into all political measures, processes and decisions. But this is 

not what is happening. On the contrary, it is (almost) exclusively women who are dealing with gender issues, 

while everyone else is carrying on with business as usual. 

The integration of gender issues into all thematic areas of the Local Agenda 21 must not depend solely on the 

goodwill of individuals but has to be specifically targeted. A political signal is needed. At the same time, 

networking and the exchange of experience among women active in the Agenda processes need to be promoted. 

Regional and national centres have to be created at which contents and structures can be discussed. 

10) Redistribution of social and environmental responsibility 

As a consequence of the restructuring processes taking place in the context of neo-liberal globalisation 

governments are increasingly withdrawing from their genuine social responsibilities. Public services are being 

privatised and either handed over to the market, or responsibility for them is passed on to the private households, 

which above all means to the women. There is a trend towards feminising social responsibility – ranging from 

bringing up of children to the care of Aids patients and looking after the elderly – as well as environmental 

responsibility – from sorting of waste (e.g. in Germany) to planting tree saplings in the countries of the South. 

Women function as airbags for the world-wide cutback in government social services. At the same time, the 

gender-specific division of labour among men and women is hardly changing. 

Concrete political measures have to be taken to counter the feminisation of social and ecological responsibility. 

Along the lines of social and environmental justice as well as the polluter principle, a compensation for costs and 

efforts has to be made among the various players in society, but also among nations at international policy level. 

There must be no separation of “efficiency for the men” from “sufficiency for the women”. 

11) Sustainability policy as structural policy 

So far, environmental, development and gender policy goals have not been integrated institutionally. The 

responsibility for environmental projects run by women is usually referred to the Equal Rights Offices. In sectoral 

development programmes in the South women have been mobilised as a cheap protection and cleaning gang 

without sectoral development being redesigned to meet environmental and gender requirements. Environmental 

protection is reduced to technological and eco-efficiency approaches, and end-of-pipe strategies. So far, social 

security concepts and women’s programmes have mainly been annexed to macro-economic programmes to 


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cushion the impact of economic crises and impoverishment. 

Policies for social and ecological sustainability have to be structural policies at all political levels and need to be 

established as cross-sectoral tasks. Sustainability strategies have to be integrated into macro-economic 

structures, international political programmes and concepts to eradicate poverty right from the start. 

Environmental protection, social justice and the dismantling of gender hierarchies have to be linked up already at 

the macro-level in terms of systematic institutional and content wise integration. Instead of imposing a universal 

concept of economic stabilisation and growth, country and region specific requirements and diverse contexts 

ought to be decisive for development and sustainability strategies. 

12) Concepts of nature and gender relations 

Feminist scientists criticise the relation between humankind and nature being based on a logic of domination and 

exploitation that shapes both the understanding of nature and the relation between society and nature as well as 

the natural and engineering sciences. This is precisely the causal element of today’s global environmental crisis. 

In the concepts of sustainability developed so far, these relationships with nature are hardly addressed, insights 

from a gender perspective are ignored, and, by and large, a blockade prevents the adoption of feminist 

approaches. 

Knowledge based on experience and research about the links between the concept of nature, the social and 

economic order and gender relations have to be integrated both into science and at political level. This is a 

precondition for sustainability policy to achieve a breakthrough with regard to social and gender discrimination 

and the destructive way in which nature and the environment are treated. 

13) Gender impact assessment and gender budgets as precautionary instruments 

Agenda 21 of Rio and the Platform for Action of the 4 th World Conference on Women demand that the impact of 

environment and development policy measures on women and men be assessed. The Gender Impact Assessment 

instrument was developed to identify potential effects of political decisions and strategies on gender relations. 

However, with regard to environmental policy and sustainability research, methods of establishing their impact on 

women and assessing gender-relevant effects have so far hardly been tested or applied. This also applies to the 

Gender Budget instrument, which is aimed at breaking down revenue and expenditure of government, local 

authority and institutional budgets in terms of how they relate to gender and analysing their potential to boost or 

weaken gender hierarchies. 

Gender Impact Assessment has to be applied with binding effect both in the development of sets of legal and 

political guidelines and in environmental and development research. Gender Budgeting should also be introduced 

at various levels as an instrument to establish transparency and support analysis and planning. Both instruments 

can operate preventively and contribute to restructuring politics and research on the environment, development 

and sustainability with a view to deconstructing gender hierarchies. 

14) Women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming 

Sustainable development cannot be achieved without the empowerment of women, in particular their participation 

in planning and decision making. This insight was gained at the UN Conferences in Rio de Janeiro and Beijing. 

There is still a “glass ceiling” for women in all environment and development related sectors. While they are active 

on a day-to-day basis at grassroots level, the more the level of action includes technical, scientific or political 

elements, the more it is dominated by men. 

Empowerment of women implies two aspects: on the one hand, participating in decision-making and planning 

processes and getting a share of the power to make decisions within political, economic and scientific institutions. 

On the other, scope for networking and co-operation enabling a gender-sensitive discourse on sustainability and 

the adoption of an autonomous position. 

Gender mainstreaming has to be established everywhere, both in terms of institutions and contents. The 

independent quest of women for gender equitable strategies for sustainability has to be reliably secured by 

financial and institutional resources. Networking of civil society at national and international level is indispensable 

in this context. This is why network projects on “global structural policy from a gender perspective” and “gender 

equity and environmental sustainability” have to be set up and financed at federal level. 

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ICT 

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ICT 

Free Software for Free Women 

Christina Haralanova 

New technologies are challenging the way we live, the way we conduct business, the way 

we educate ourselves and our children. Women from solidarity economy groups recognise 

the need to learn to use them as a tool in their work. But what about free software? Is 

there any relationship between solidarity economy and free software? 

The Free Concept: the Gender Law 

Joelle Palmieri 

We live in an age which is submitted to the impressive development of communication 

techniques and technologies, which effects spread out to the social, economic, political 

and cultural fields, and have serious implications on the very future of our democratic 

life. We observe an over-concentration of resources that reinforce the setting up of 

monopolies and private oligopolies in the sector of communication. This statement is very 

close to the fact that technological development is essentially developed like a full part of 

the globalization process. Information and communication represent an economic sector 

as such, with high benefit rates, which products must be given a price like goods. 

Statement on Communication Rights 

Vision and Context 

By World Forum on Communication Rights 

Communication plays a central role in politics, economics, and culture in societies across 

the globe. Information and communication technologies, together with the political will to 

implement communication rights, can provide vital new opportunities for political 

interaction, social and economic development, and cultural sustainability. The means to 

achieve these ends include universal access of all to the means of communication and 

information and to a diversity of media throughout the world. 

Gender and ICTs: Overview Report 

By Anita Gurumurthy 

BRIDGE 

New technologies in the information and communications arena, especially the Internet, 

have been seen as ushering in a new age. There is a mainstream view that such 

technologies have only technical rather than social implications. The dramatic positive 

changes brought in by these information and communication technologies (ICTs), 

however, have not touched all of humanity. Existing power relations in society determine 

the enjoyment of benefits from ICTs; hence these technologies are not gender neutral. 

The important questions are: who benefits from ICTs? Who is dictating the course of 

ICTs? Is it possible to harness ICTs to serve larger goals of equality and justice?

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Free Software for Free Women 

Christina Haralanova, Social Rights Bulgaria 

New technologies are challenging the way we live, the way we conduct business, the way we educate ourselves 

and our children. Women from solidarity economy groups recognise the need to learn to use them as a tool in 

their work. But what about free software? Is there any relationship between solidarity economy and free software? 

"Free Software is a means to stimulate local development; you can make it serve your own needs in your native 

language. It unites small communities with similar problems around the world, and Free Software helps them to 

work together, exchange contacts and experience, and build networks", explained Michele Dessenne, co-founder 

of Les Penelopes and general secretary of ATTACK-France, during the New Communication Technologies and 

Solidarity Economy Workshop at the WSF 2005. 

New technologies, and Free Software in particular, are new challenges to confront, but in the long run, these are 

useful in obtaining more knowledge, visibility, contacts, and connections. These were the conclusions from this 

workshop. 

"Free Software, and programs like SPIP (Software for Publishing and Sharing information online), are useful 

because they are simple, free of charge and they are a direct response to our needs", said Maria Angelina, a staffmember 

of CEDAC in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. "We have been active since 1985, but just recently we realised how 

powerful the new technologies can be." 

While in Brazil, where children were dying of hunger and where there are more than 20 million people who cannot 

buy shoes in their lifetime, women involved in solidarity economy from all over the country formed cooperatives to 

alleviate the increasing poverty. 21 groups of local producers joined these cooperatives. Iara da Rosa manages 

the Casa de Convivencia in Porto Alegre. In this shelter for street people, she organises computer training. She 

attests that it helps them to discover the power of communication and information technologies, and that such 

discovery became the turning point in their fight against poverty. They documented their efforts through a film 

and they provided copies to solidarity economy groups around the country. This was their way of sharing this 

"methodology" that is aimed at a more beneficial solidarity economy. Be the media, become the media! 

New technologies are not just computers - they also include radio, television and telephones. The purpose of using 

the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) implemented in the solidarity economy organisation is to 

help women to better sell their products, to organise themselves into movements, to exchange ideas and to learn 

new ideas. With this aim, Les Penelopes (France) set up six websites and produced four films about women 

involved in solidarity economy. These materials created a great impact when shown as examples to local 

communities. 

According to Maria Angelina who took part in the training organised by Les Penelopes in Porto Alegre in November 

2004, the strongest impact for them was to see the direct links on how ICTs are used in practice. "The result was 

obvious: women without any knowledge in computers still succeeded to make it with technologies, only after a 

couple of days of training." 

Les Penelopes use the Internet to exchange information among the different social movements. They use various 

forms of ICTs: one of the most powerful is the Women's voices - audio project for feminist internet radio 

(accessible on their website). Without Internet used as media, it was impossible for women from Africa, Latin 

America, Central and Eastern Europe and Asia to get together and exchange ideas. Les Penelopes are building 

networks which they coordinate through the Internet. "Our weapon is the Free Software, and SPIP in particular. 

SPIP serves our needs because it is very simple to use, and it is translated in local languages and adapted to our 

work", stated Perline, the technical assistant and ICT trainer of Les Penelopes. 

Social inclusion and digital access for all 

"Women in the past did not have access to technologies by cultural barriers. Now things have changed, but still, 

there are very few girls in the IT departments of the university", Iara da Rosa described the situation in Brazil. 

"Today, there are many women who manage very well with Free Software: it is not true that women cannot make 

it as well as men in the ICT field". 

"Solidarity economy provides social inclusion, while Free Software encourages digital and social inclusion. Free 

Software is offering us a new way of doing our work, where women, involved in solidarity economy network 

online, while in past they could network only locally, within the community" , said Loimar Vianna, the leader of the 

Free Software Women Project in Brazil. The project started in 2002, with an online discussion list on women and 

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Free Software. The breakthrough happened when together with Luna Nova, a Brazilian NGO, working with women 

on solidarity economy issues, they organised an ICT workshop. 

"The trainers and all the staff were all volunteers. All we wanted was to promote the inclusion of these women 

into the Free Software Movement and to help them exchange information", said Vianna. With a group of about 

100 women from the solidarity economy in Porto Alegre, they established a Free Software centre for women with 

free internet access. 

The solidarity economy groups are constrained by their physical distance and the different field of their work. 

Some women are working in regions, far from commercial centres, and the Internet is their only way to 

connecting to other groups, to sell their goods and to keep themselves updated with the latest news. This 

opportunity to empower networks should be taken advantage of! 

This article was initially published in the printed version of the Digit@all Future International Feminist Magazine 

(issue 2), during the media coverage of the World Social Forum (WSF) 2005, Porto Alegre. Author: Christina 

Haralanova, January 2005 

Source: 

http://www.socialrights.org/spip/article1233.html 




Joelle Palmieri, 

Les Penelopes 

In the context of liberal communications, how is it possible to provide the means to groups of women who are 

carrying economic, social, cultural and political alternatives to make visible their practices, their experiences and 

their know-how? How is it possible to break men and women inequalities? In what way can the ICts arm our 

resistance? How is it possible to articulate gender concepts and philosophies with free software? How does the 

“free” concept respond to gender needs? How does gender respond to the needs of the free concept? It is very 

simple… 

We live in an age which is submitted to the impressive development of communication techniques and 

technologies, which effects spread out to the social, economic, political and cultural fields, and have serious 

implications on the very future of our democratic life. We observe an over-concentration of resources that 

reinforce the setting up of monopolies and private oligopolies in the sector of communication. This statement is 

very close to the fact that technological development is essentially developed like a full part of the globalization 

process. In addition, information and communication represent an economic sector as such, with high benefit 

rates, which products must be given a price like goods, and tend to cancel any notion of public services with which 

communication has always been associated. 

The role of media 

In a time of huge concentrations, channels of weak contents and under-information, it is appropriate to stress that 

the media are rather in the stage of testing, attempt, unachieved concept and beginning. In order to look at it 

more clearly, let’s start with the word "media" in the singular form. A "media" is supposed to be in between, a 

means of communication, a link between transmitting and receiving information. It seems today that it is a 

vertical and tense line, with a single direction, from the top downwards and has a privatized shape... And these 

lines, or pipes, are to be filled as quickly as possible! For God sake, where is the "space-time", which gives the 

opportunity to elaborate one’s thoughts, refine one’s ideas, and express oneself freely... Where does the law of 

the market give place to the reader, the listener, the audience, named as such, i.e. in the masculine form (in 

French) by the holders of the informational power? There is henceforth no more space for imagination, innovation, 

expression and exchange. Anything that needs time. In such a situation, it is difficult to consider a press system in 

which the "consumer" should not be passive. We are thus in presence of tailor-made information; at some 

broadcasters’, the programs are set up from the initial "outlay", i.e. if Reebok invests, then a basketball program 

will be set up. In Southern countries, the situation is much more serious. In Africa or in the emerging countries 

like Brazil, the worst of television is poured in public or private channels: Northern models and references that 

have nearly nothing in common with the lives of women and men have increased. Much worse regarding 

newspapers, one is confronted to news that are not, because they have been truncated, chosen and chopped up. 

For new models 

It is mainly men who make choices, or rather impose them to their target groups, i.e individuals (females and 

males) who are considered as consumers and "non-thinkers". The numbers can testify. In her report on the 

question of women and media, as published in 1995 for the UNESCO, Margaret Gallaguer is formal: women are 

"visible, but vulnerable". As actors (or journalists), or as subjects, women are nearly non-existent. It is necessary 

to say that the selection among the editorial staff is stern. Men decide on issues, women make the reports but not 

on any issue. They are nearly excluded from the domains that concern economy, sport and politics. Many studies 

on this topic, including the studies of the Association of female journalists on general press, know that. From the 

beginning until they were given the right to exercise on the labour market, female journalists have been 

confronted to effective work and editorial barriers, decided by their editorial staff. As an unknown phenomenon, it 

is essentially women who become war reporters or are in the field, and this very precarious situation makes it 

extremely difficult for an "internal" promotion. Furthermore, the proposed issues, whatever they are, should not 

present a gender dimension. On the other hand, any issues on women, as victims or sport or show business stars 

are most welcome. Besides, "the female magazines remain a fief of depreciating pictures". 

Any attempts of news handling with a new gender perspective is often doubtful, and submitted to universalistic 

pressures, when it is not simply rejected to the rank of specialized press. For example, it is now common that 

even the very issue of feminism is the full subject of a magazine or a TV show. However, it is most often to mock 

this "rearguard" movement". Or, it is the basis for a discussion with a "feminist-alibi" on topics like cosmetics, 

love… while looking for a "counterpoint" as if, it was a contradiction from the start. And the same happens in TV 

shows or in "serious" documentaries on war, in which the geopolitical aspects of such or such part of the world, 

are full of males signatures and even though there was one female signature, she would have to use the males 

dialogue codes, i.e. universalistic and not the least sexually differentiated codes. The logics of exclusion is 

therefore double; at the level of women’s place within the profession as such and at the level of the news 



handling, in which the "male" vision is predominant. 

However, the proliferation and the diversity of sources, including Internet networks and not only agencies that 

prepare and sort out the information sources (like AFP, Reuters, BBC…), should allow the setting up of new 

models of news handling. The widening of the investigation field, the setting up of a medium that is finally 

streamlined and interactive, in which the "push", or what is known today, should leave room to the "pull", i.e. the 

endogenous contents carried out by the civil society. A new way to make new contents possible which take into 

consideration the social relations of sex and the global context of male domination. 

For a right to communicate 

It has been established like a universal statement that the vitality of democracy depends on the level of citizens’ 

involvement; this means that the different groups which compose society should be duly informed and able to 

express their particular points of view in order to contribute to the constitution of social consensus. This aspiration 

has been often denied notably because of the absence of democracy within the systems of communication. For 

example, many studies showed that the presence of the audience on TV sets is not an opportunity to give them 

the floor, but rather gives them the role of the accomplice of what is happening before their eyes without their 

approval. Another example is the creation of the cell phones’ "Sms"; they are obviously used to communicate little 

messages between friends, but in fact they have two other goals; spread out advertisement without the receiver’s 

consent and finance the pipes (10 times more expensive than the normal price), by moving between 0 and 1, 

which makes them profitable not only financially but also in terms of market, thanks to the collection of personal 

data for further marketing use. 

This situation requires that civil society includes in its agenda the Right to Communication and, at the same time, 

decides to promote initiatives, which goal is to control the communication tools and to develop responsible, free 

and complimentary media. Particularly, women and/or mixed organizations that approach gender, must take the 

opportunity provided for by the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) to bring to light particular 

analyses and practices. 

Information in a different way 

From the analysis of the above mentioned tendencies of "dominant" communication, and while paying particular 

attention to the women’s place and role? As victims of a double marginalization; as actors and as subjects of 

social, economic, cultural and political life and to the role of alternative initiatives. Nearly totally invisible. It seems 

appropriate to set up totally independent media tools in which information should be, not only to the service of 

citizens, but especially emerging from them. A type of information that claims diversity, solidarity, equality, 

horizontality and streamlining. 

It is today necessary to think information differently while stressing endogenous contents (or information) in 

particular. This means concretely that all the civil society actors, women and men, must not only have the 

opportunity to deliver their own contents. The shape that they use to communicate should also be considered as a 

full model that is complementary of the more classical professional (journalistic) news handlings. This strategy 

gives then the opportunity to approach the issues that are undeveloped in traditional media, and provide an open 

dimension to the circulation of information, and present specific contents according to the regions of the world, to 

create an exchange and know-how network. It gives mainly the opportunity to focus on gender, and notably the 

social relations between women and men, the barriers that gender inequalities represent for the development of 

peoples and societies, the alternatives carried out by women… As many prisms that give the opportunity to cancel 

sensationalism or news in brief. In order to give back an effective space to a real social, political and economic 

analysis of issues such as violence, nationalism, fundamentalism, militarism, peace… 

Contents of General Utility 

Furthermore, in the context of promotion of the contents that are at the public disposal, it is necessary to remain 

alert on matters of broadcasting control. This is possible if we create or maintain our own broadcasting networks 

and if we invest the decision-making centres where broadcasting is controlled, be it TV, radio or written press. 

This is a question of thinking information differently, according to the following principles: 

● the access to information is a fundamental right, 

● information is not a good, it must be free, 

● the reader, the listener, the viewer is not a consumer, 

● the contents must be endogenous. In this context, it seems justified to pay attention to a new way of 

editorial treatment that is organized in four directions: 

● to approach issues that are not developed in traditional media, 



● to propose a multimedia, streamlined and horizontal treatment of information (radio, written press, 

electronic press, TV) 

● to conceive nomadic, boundless, mobile media tools, 

● to put these tools in the hands of the contents’ "bearers", while breaking with professional corporatism 

● to set up relays, in different kinds of tools. These new ways of handling information give us the opportunity 

to consider a "star-shaped" information, in which each civil society actor/actress is in direct connection with 

the others. Thus, each interlocutor can bring his/her contents, and echo to the others’ while completing 

them and enhancing them. This structure helps to bring to light a collective richness at the international 

level. And the exchange of know-hows and experiences, the gathering of the means around a common 

content, the confrontation of individual, collective or regional situations, and especially their publication and 

their broadcasting, make disappear the geographical, economic and political barriers. 

In order to concretely implement these media tools, it is important to create a network of models and build up 

these tools on a different economic model, which will guarantee its continuity, by: 

● leaning on the concepts of solidarity economy (previously co-financed by the state and the civil society 

actresses/actors), 

● involving the territories (local elected people, regional administrators...), 

● keeping control on broadcasting, 

● using the ICTs, like a cheap technology, 

● giving impulse to the policies of access to the internet network, 

● using the philosophy of free software. 

Gender: a catalyst 

These public service tools must correspond, and not only respond, to the common interest. They must come from 

the people’s needs, otherwise they would be meaningless, and create public spaces of discussion in which the 

receivers, the emitters, the prescribers meet or come together in order to bring to light those needs. In this 

context, gender recovers all its relevance since women and men, according to their social, religious, ethnical, 

generational, sexually-oriented, etc. origins, will finally have the opportunity to express different needs and 

interests. First of all, it should reveal practical needs for women and for men, while keeping the statu quo of 

sexual division in work. Then, it should achieve transformation by initiating strategic needs/interests that are 

going to completely transform this gender relation into a more equal status. 

The free concept: future of gender 

Women represent around 80% of the poor and 67% of the illiterate. Most of them are also victims of a triple 

discrimination; they are women, the majority works in economic sectors that are not valued at the national level, 

social or informal, and most of them are marginalized in their social, geographical or political environment. Very 

often, they also carry economic, social and political models that are totally different from the most visible system; 

an unequal, discriminatory, with high financial benefit system. And yet, this paradox remains invisible. How come? 

For migrant women living in poor suburbs in France, black women whose degree is not recognized in Quebec or 

Senegalese female fishers coming from the surroundings of Dakar, with no literacy level, publicizing their 

practices and their analysis of the disparities and inequalities between men and women, corrupts the universalistic 

uses. It also reconsiders gender social relations such as the domination relations as inherited from patriarchy, 

colonialism and imperialism. And it defies a major taboo, women’s access to the public space, and becomes thus a 

major stake. Therefore, the use of free software becomes self-evident. Indeed, the word "free" refers here to 

freedom/liberty, and not to the price; this is a confusing language concept for Anglo-Saxons. More than twenty 

years ago, Richard M. Stallman, known as the "father" of this concept, set up the Free Software Foundation in 

order to launch the famous "GNU Project". His ambition was to give everybody the opportunity to use any 

software that was socially useful, and to facilitate its copying and modification, as easily as possible. He precisely 

defines four types of freedom/liberty for software users: 

● "be free to execute the software, for any uses (liberty 0). 

● be free to study the execution of the software, and to adapt it to your needs (liberty 1). To do that, the 

access to the open code is required. 

● be free to share copies, and help therefore your neighbour, (liberty 2). 



● be free to improve the software and publish your improvements, in order to provide the whole community 

with benefit (liberty 3). To do that, the access to the open code is required." 

Obviously, these notions sound mainly computing concepts, but they have been transformed since then in tools 

that are used by the majority to break up with all kinds of fractures (social, ethnical, sexual...). Furthermore, the 

GNU has become a legal basis entitled GNU/GPL (General Public License) which permits appropriation without any 

obstacles (for more information, see the GNU site). 

A common interest 

Besides, this philosophy gives the opportunity to develop transcontinental projects of new endogenous media, 

based on Icts, in order to give value to economic, social, political and cultural alternatives as carried by women in 

the world and to analyze gender disparities on a global scale. Indeed, free software are, most of the time, free. No 

need to spend money, no more "robbery" is possible, no more violations of the intellectual property law, because 

there is no patentability system. Their setting up is a common interest. They allow local adaptations, particularly 

in the language field. If only one individual shows a need, that is supported financially or not by a specific body, 

and immediately the software are translated into a language, a dialect. The opportunity that is given to very 

restricted, retired or isolated groups, and particularly women, to have access to information and publication is 

therefore unique. Furthermore, this brings up a new way to look at the relations among the developers of free 

software. Some are therefore collaborative, participative, simple, in constant evolution in order to satisfy these 

criteria and demand which are in increase. No other software owner is able to perform this work, because of the 

underlying philosophy of benefit that governs them. There are free software which give the opportunity to 

publicize any contents without any computer knowledge, ability or technique. Therefore, there are word 

processing or computer-assisted software, tabloids, image processing, sound… and Web publication software, as 

well as read/write mails, or Web surfing software. These software don’t require any financial investment. To use 

them, it is enough to possess or download an operating system on your computer, which will carry them; it is the 

case of Linux free as well and many others. Then, it is enough to download them from the W eb to use them out 

line. 

The technical dependence on Microsoft is then reduced to a few weak elements; the corporate sector, NGOs, or 

any body of the civil society which "subcontracts" its computing works and… the internet servers. The latter often 

don’t authorize the download for instance of free Web publication software. However, a few "non-ownership" 

solutions already exist for the civil society actors or internet servers, and are made available for the whole public. 

Then, like the four Stallman rules, the access to the users’ guides of these software are a full part of the freedom/ 

liberty that these software authorize. Like documentation, training can be permanent. There are electronic users 

or developers lists according to the level that give not only the opportunity to get new information of major 

improvements but also to get involved in them! And even though the internet connexion is not necessary, there 

are bridges between users and all those who have no access to the network. Concretely, if anybody downloads a 

word processing via the Web, he/she can copy it on an electronic support and send it to a neighbour, who will use 

it to publish a document, that he/she will print or orally re-transcript... So everything is planned within this 

"community" to go along with change. 

Multiply the related effects towards equality 

Therefore, these free software present the double advantage of demystifying the tools and developing the free 

access, included the multiplication of contents, without any restriction or obstacle, for a very low cost, and safely, 

in any language. This is very useful to break up the geographical, cultural, social and educational barriers. 

Bringing together knowledge, innovation, invention, success, good practices, becomes hence a commitment; it is 

a way to "understand each other" without imposing any model. The contents on gender reports and issues find 

particularly their meaning in this process. This participative philosophy gives the concerned people the opportunity 

to exchange experiences and know-how, as well as the existing obstacles and "structural brakes" in order to 

elaborate solutions and common strategies. As a collaborative philosophy, it multiplies the "leverage" effects, it 

sets up new dynamics, it encourages multiplication, diversity, as well as complementarity. As an interactive 

philosophy, it permits unlimited reactivity and accelerates the process of development and changes. Conceived in 

total complementarity with the Net, it ensures international visibility. Since less than five years, we have observed 

the development of websites, the setting up of oral ways of communicating for example, for diasporas and 

particularly women Iranians. It looks like a kind of virtual "room" in which internet users converge regularly at 

fixed hours to chat, and exchange their points of view thanks to operations of "sharing" contents - i.e. link up 

through automated ways, the multiplication of know hows such as research and iconographic expression, and 

broadcasting interviews in an audio shape… 

Besides, all the contents that are set up and put together can be "reconditioned" or "re-packaged" under more 

classical forms; paper, radio, television, or even plays. In this way, it multiplies the means of dissemination and 

opens new strategies that can go faster than traditional medias. So why do we still hide? What are all the groups 

of women waiting for to appropriate these new tools, especially those who are working on gender and feminists 

issues? The convergence of intentions and strategies of expression between the "free" concept and the different 

movements for equality between men and women do not need to be demonstrated anymore. Now it is up to us to 

act! 

Source: 

Women’s Information Technology Transfer © 

Regional Initiative of Women's Groups for Promoting ICT as a Strategic Tool for Social Transformation 



http://www.witt-project.net/article109.html 


Statement on Communication Rights Vision and Context 

Statement on Communication Rights 

Vision and Context 

By World Forum on Communication Rights 

Communication plays a central role in politics, economics, and culture in societies across the globe. 

Information and communication technologies, together with the political will to implement 

communication rights, can provide vital new opportunities for political interaction, social and 

economic development, and cultural sustainability. The means to achieve these ends include universal 

access of all to the means of communication and information and to a diversity of media throughout 

the world. 

Communication is a fundamental social process and the foundation of all social organization. It is more than the 

mere transmission of messages. Communication is human interaction among individuals and groups through 

which identities and meanings are shaped. Communication rights are based on a vision of the free flow of 

information and ideas which is interactive, egalitarian and non-discriminatory and driven by human needs, rather 

than commercial or political interests. These rights represent people’s claim to freedom, inclusiveness, diversity 

and participation in the communication process. 

Our vision of communication rights is based upon the recognition of the inherent dignity and the equal and 

inalienable rights of all people. 

While recognizing the great potential of communication in contemporary societies, we also draw attention to some 

of the problems facing full recognition of communication rights. The problem of political control and interference 

with freedom of expression remains a central concern. Along with media saturation comes a dependency upon the 

media for knowledge about the world, a dependency that is greater in times of armed conflict. At the same time, 

the influence of propaganda and censorship has never been so widespread. 

Communication has become big global business. Many of its products and services are shaped by commercial 

goals instead of considerations based on the common good. The global media market is largely controlled by a 

small number of giant conglomerates, endangering the diversity and independence of information flows. This 

threat to diversity is heightened by current trends in international trade negotiations, which risk subjecting 

‘culture’ to the same rules as commodities and undermining indigenous culture, knowledge and heritage. On the 

other hand, strict intellectual property regimes create information enclosures and pose critical obstacles to 

emerging ‘knowledge’ societies 

The exclusion of large numbers of people from the democratic political process due to the lack of effective means 

of participation is another challenge for communication rights. This problem is exacerbated by the expansion of 

‘around the clock’ powers to monitor and intercept communications, justified in the name of security but almost 

universally abused. 

New technologies and a more profound understanding of communication rights have the power to make 

information and knowledge more readily available to people everywhere and to transform social and political 

processes. However, much remains to be done for this to become a reality. Global communication remains far 

from universal, with most of the world’s people still excluded from meaningful access to communication, 

information and the media. 

Communication Rights 

With the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international community recognised the 

inherent dignity of all members of the human family by providing everyone with equal and inalienable rights. 

Communication rights are intrinsically bound up with the human condition and are based on a new, more powerful 

understanding of the implications of human rights and the role of communications. Without communication rights, 

human beings cannot live in freedom, justice, peace and dignity. The recognition of this universal human need has 

inspired us to set out a statement on communication rights based upon the key principles of Freedom, 

Inclusiveness, Diversity and Participation [*] . 

Freedom 

The core of communication rights is Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which proclaims: 

“Everyone has the right to freedom of expression and opinion; this right includes the freedom to hold opinions 

without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of 

frontiers.” This basic freedom is also recognized in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 



19), in other UN treaties, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Article 13), and in all three main 

regional human rights instruments (Africa, the Americas and Europe). 

Despite these guarantees, censorship remains a reality as humankind embarks on the 21st century. Political and 

commercial pressures on independent news reporting are ever-present and freedom of speech on the Internet is 

under serious threat in many parts of the world. The right to freedom of expression is also increasingly under 

threat from significantly enhanced State powers to monitor and intercept communications around the world. It is 

crucial that the international community adopts robust rules and mechanisms to secure effectively the 

confidentiality of private communications. It is therefore urgent that we renew global commitment to freedom of 

information and expression as “the touchstone of all freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated”, as 

stated in The United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 59(I), adopted at its very first session in 1946. 

Inclusiveness 

International human rights treaties include many provisions designed to guarantee inclusiveness, such as 

universal access to information and knowledge, universal access to education, protection of the cultural life of 

communities and equal sharing of advancements in science and technology. In the current global reality, however, 

large numbers of people are excluded from access to the basic means of communication, such as telephony, 

broadcasting and the Internet. Access to information about matters of public concern is also unduly limited, and is 

also very unequal between and within societies. True commitment to inclusiveness requires the allocation of 

considerable material and non-material resources by the international community and national governments to 

overcome these obstacles. 

Diversity 

Worldwide, existing forms of cultural, informational and linguistic diversity are seriously threatened. Diversity in 

culture, language and communication is as critical to the sustainability of the planet as the world’s biological and 

natural diversity. Communication diversity is crucial to democracy and political participation, to the right of all 

people to promote, protect and preserve their cultural identity and the free pursuit of their cultural development. 

Diversity is needed at a number of levels including the availability of a wide range of different sources of 

information, diversity of ownership in the media and forms of access to the media that ensure that the views of all 

sectors and groups in society are heard. 

Participation 

International human rights stress the importance of people’s participation in political processes which from the 

perspective of communication rights implies the right to have one’s views taken into account. In this context, the 

equal participation of women and the participation of minorities and marginalized groups is particularly important. 

Communication is essential to the processes of political decision-making. As the role of media in modern politics 

expands, this should not obstruct but rather support the participation of people in the political process through the 

development of participatory governance at all levels. 

Vision and Reality 

Communication rights remain for most of the world’s people a vision and an aspiration. They are not a reality on 

the ground. On the contrary, they are frequently and systematically violated. Governments must be constantly 

reminded that they are legally required under the human rights treaties they have ratified to implement, promote 

and protect communication rights. Communication rights are the expression of fundamental needs. The 

satisfaction of these needs requires a strong political will and the allocation of substantial resources. Lack of 

commitment to such resources serves only to deepen the global distrust of political institutions. 

At the same time, full implementation of communication rights cannot depend only upon governments. Civil 

society has a key role to play in terms of advocacy for rights, in terms of monitoring and exposing rights abuse 

and in terms of educating and popularising rights. 

Encouraging and facilitating people to assert these rights through different types of social action and to use them 

to realize the enormous potential of both the old and new technologies of media and communication, are vital 

tasks for all concerned people. 

We endorse this Statement as an expression of our commitment to communication rights and we further 

undertake to develop an International Charter on Communication Rights with the widest possible support as a 

common standard to which every individual and every organ of society should take action to achieve. 

Geneva, 11 December 2003 

Statment from The World Forum on Communication Rights, an independent civil-society led initiative, open to all 

seeking democratic, just and participative media and communication. Presented by professor Cees Hamelink the 

World Forum on Communication Rights December 11 2003, in Geneva, aims at gathering under the name 



"Communication Rights" a number of existing Human Rights related to information and communication. This 

statement is there to remind us that the majority of these rights are often ignored on the ground everywhere. The 

statement calls for a real practical application of these rights at all the levels. http://www.communicationrights. 

org/statement_en.html 

[*] The most relevant references to communication rights in international human rights instruments: 

On the principle of freedom: 

Freedom of Expression: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 19 International Covenant on Civil 

and Political Rights (1966), Article 19 

Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Article 13 

Protection of privacy: 

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 12 

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Article 17 

Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Article 16 

On the principle of inclusiveness: 

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Articles 19, 21, 28 

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), Articles 13, 15. Declaration of the 

Principles of International Cultural Co-operation (1966), Article IV (4). 

On the principle of diversity: 

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Articles 1 (1), 27 

Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (1995), Article 5 

On the principle of participation: 

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Articles 21, 27 

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Article 25 


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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 

Gender and ICTs: Overview Report 

By Anita Gurumurthy 

BRIDGE 

New technologies in the information and communications arena, especially the Internet, have been seen as 

ushering in a new age. There is a mainstream view that such technologies have only technical rather than social 

implications. The dramatic positive changes brought in by these information and communication technologies 

(ICTs), however, have not touched all of humanity. Existing power relations in society determine the enjoyment of 

benefits from ICTs; hence these technologies are not gender neutral. The important questions are: who benefits 

from ICTs? Who is dictating the course of ICTs? Is it possible to harness ICTs to serve larger goals of equality and 

justice? Central to these is the issue of gender and women’s equal right to access, use and shape ICTs. 

Access to new ICTs is still a faraway reality for the vast majority of people. The countries of the South, particularly 

rural populations, have to a significant extent been left out of the information revolution, given the absence of 

basic infrastructure, high costs of ICT deployment, unfamiliarity with ICTs, dominance of the English language in 

Internet content and indeed – lack of demonstrated benefit from ICTs to address ground-level development 

challenges. These barriers pose even greater problems for women, who are more likely to: be illiterate; not know 

English; and lack opportunities for training in computer skills. Domestic responsibilities, cultural restrictions on 

mobility, lesser economic power as well as lack of relevance of content to their lives, further marginalise them 

from the information sector. 

The ICT arena is characterised by the strategic control exercised by powerful corporations and nations – 

monopolies built upon the intellectual property regime, increasing surveillance of the Internet and an undermining 

of its democratic substance, and exploitation of the powerless by capitalist imperialism, sexism and racism. Within 

the ICT arena women have relatively little ownership of and influence on the decision-making processes, being 

underrepresented in the private sector and government bodies which control this arena. 

ICTs have brought employment gains, including for women. However, patterns of gender segregation are being 

reproduced in the information economy where men hold the majority of high-skilled, high value-added jobs, 

whereas women are concentrated in the low-skilled, lower value-added jobs. Work in call centres perpetuates the 

devaluation of women’s labour, and organisations in the information technology sector, as elsewhere, reward 

behaviour that is considered masculine. 

Some international organisations and civil society groups are engaging with issues that concern the 

democratisation of the ICT arena − from the digital divide and the right to communicate, to cultural diversity and 

intellectual property rights. Gender equality advocates have also been pushing for addressing the gender 

dimensions of the information society: integrating gender perspectives in national ICT policies and strategies, 

providing content relevant to women, promoting women’s economic participation in the information economy, and 

regulating violence against women and children connected to pornography on the Internet. The World Summit on 

the Information Society (WSIS) held at Geneva in December 2003, brought together the multiple stakeholders in 

the arena to address the challenges and possibilities posed by ICTs, although with mixed outcomes. 

ICTs have also been used by many as tools for social transformation and gender equality. For example: 

● E-commerce initiatives that link women artisans directly to global markets through the Internet, as well as 

support their activities with market and production information, are being tried today in many places by 

NGOs. 

● E-governance programmes have been initiated by some governments using ICTs to make government 

services more accessible to citizens by providing them electronically, in some cases with an explicit strategy 

to ensure these services reach women and others who face barriers to access. 

● Health educators have used the radio to communicate information related to women’s sexual and 

reproductive health. Possibilities based on the Internet are also being explored. 

● Information sharing and dialogues through email, online newsletters and List Serves between women from 

the North and South and among women in the South have also enabled collaboration and a convergence of 

effort on a global scale to push the agenda of gender equality. 

Such activities have been most effective where they go beyond issues of access and infrastructure to consider the 


Doc 

larger social context and power relations. Effectiveness and reach have also been enhanced by combining “old” 

technologies such as radio, with “new” technologies such as the Internet. 

Far-reaching changes towards gender equality and women’s empowerment in the ICT arena are needed at every 

level – international, national and programme. Engendering ICTs is not merely about greater use of ICTs by 

women. It is about transforming the ICT system. This involves: 

● Governments building ICT policies with strong gender perspectives and engaging with civil society and 

gender and ICT experts on these areas. 

● International fora such as WSIS being used to challenge northern and corporate dominance of the ICT 

arena. 

● Clear gender strategies being deployed through design, in the implementation and evaluation of ICT 

projects and programmes. 

● Collecting information with sex-disaggregated statistics and gender indicators on access to, use of and 

content of ICTs, on employment and on education. 

● Consideration of gender issues in: ICT/telecommunications policy; representation in telecommunications/ 

ICT decision-making; and the differential impact of telecommunications/ICTs on men and women. 

To make these happen, gender equality advocates need to storm the ICT arena in the untiring ways we have seen 

them engage in before. 

2. Inequities in the Information Society 

This section seeks to examine the political underpinnings of the global information society. Looking at the larger 

picture – the political and economic context of ICTs – is important to understanding who benefits, who does not, 

and why. Gender dimensions of this context are extremely significant. 

2.1 The Digital Divide 

The divisions between winners and losers in the global ICT arena are stark. This subsection offers some statistical 

analysis to illustrate inequities in access to ICTs. It also shows how the control of the ICT arena by powerful 

corporations, and the power relations between rich and poor countries, the state and citizen, men and women, 

determine access to benefits in the ICT arena. It highlights how, in the process of globalisation, the potential of 

ICTs is captured for furthering the interests of the powerful. 

In the information economy, wealthy countries and sections of society with the orientation, skills, income and time 

to access ICTs reap the benefits. Access to and strategic control of the ICT arena confer on powerful nations, 

corporations, groups and individuals alike, the privilege to influence the arena and gain from the innovation and 

change occurring at an extraordinary pace in the larger ICT environment. 

On the other hand, a disproportionate burden of challenges is borne by the majority. The digital divide, referring 

to the uneven distribution of benefits of ICTs within and between countries, regions, sectors, and socio-economic 

groups, signifies the uphill task facing developing countries and disadvantaged groups and sections in society 

(even in the developed countries) in their attempts to reap the benefits of the ostensibly level playing field that 

ICTs are supposed to provide. 

2.1.1 Inequalities in Access 

‘The so-called digital divide is actually several gaps in one. There is a technological divide – great gaps in 

infrastructure. There is a content divide. A lot of web-based information is simply not relevant to the real needs of 

people. And nearly 70 per cent of the world’s websites are in English, at times crowding out local voices and 

views. There is a gender divide, with women and girls enjoying less access to information technology than men 

and boys. This can be true of rich and poor countries alike.’ [1] 

UN secretary General, Kofi Annan 

Infrastructure gaps are reflected in telephone density figures, which show high levels of geographic disparity with 

113.4 phones per 100 population in the US and 7.36 in Africa. Telephone connections have historically been the 

backbone of Internet connectivity, and are therefore at the heart of the infrastructure divide. 

The infrastructure divide manifests itself in differential access to computers and the Internet. Asia and Africa lag 

far behind the rest of the world in this respect. In Asia, there are only 4.45 personal computers per 100 

inhabitants, in Africa 1.3. Even within regions, there are wide variations. For instance, in 26 out of 45 countries in 

Asia where data is available, Internet users constitute less than 5 per cent of the population. In South Korea and 


Doc 

Singapore, more than 50 per cent of the populations use the Internet, whereas in countries like Myanmar and 

Tajikistan, only 0.5 per cent of the populations are Internet users. 

It is also important to remember that Internet users, even within any country, are geographically extremely 

concentrated, and rural populations are mostly excluded. 

Income disparities are another key determinant of differential access. 70 per cent of Internet users belong to the 

top 16 per cent income bracket; and the bottom 40 per cent by income constitute only 5 per cent of all Internet 

users. 

Apart from location and income, language is another determinant of the digital divide. The predominance of 

English on the Internet is a barrier for most users globally. Speakers of non-European and indigenous languages – 

including a large proportion of women – tend to be left out of the information loop. Even among the educated, 

proficiency in the dominant European language of a region may not be such that the user feels comfortable in 

using the Internet for training or involvement in List Serves (Huyer and Mitter 2003). 

The information society divide is especially acute for women. This is discussed in detail later in this chapter. 

2.1.2 Inequalities in Ownership and Control 

The ownership of global ICT systems is alarmingly skewed. Globally, media ownership reflects multinational 

ownership patterns and mega-mergers. The monopoly of Microsoft illustrates the tremendous challenges for 

democratising software architecture and ownership. The few large corporate players – software and hardware 

corporations, telephone companies, satellite networks and Internet Service Providers − are driven purely by profit 

motives. 

The Internet has been seen as a potentially level playing field, a space in which all participants are equal. 

However, the fact is that the Internet is built upon the corporate control of information content and infrastructure, 

IP (Internet Protocol) addresses and domain name systems (necessary for a presence in the Internet), and 

technical standards which include communication protocols, mail and document formats, sound and video 

formats, without all of which there would be no Internet. 

Also, the democratic substance of the Internet is increasingly threatened, and individual liberties are under attack. 

Powerful corporate interests and some national governments are seeking to assert economic and political control 

respectively over the Internet to promote their interests. Many multi-national ICT giants are interested in 

garnering their monopoly to control “personal information” about their clients. The “war against terror”, it is 

widely acknowledged, has served as an excuse for the deployment of new technology as weapons of control to 

limit the right to privacy, and often to dissent. In countries like Vietnam and Tunisia, individuals have been 

arrested and some sentenced to prison terms for using the Internet for criticising the government or sharing 

information with overseas dissent groups. In mid-2001, the Ministry of Information and Communications (MIC) of 

the Republic of Korea (South Korea) adopted an Internet content rating system classifying gay and lesbian 

websites as “harmful media” and enforcing their blockage − all under the guise of protecting youth. [2] 

The growth of the Internet has coincided with the rise of the Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regime, within the 

framework of neo-liberal globalisation. New ICTs have the potential to alter knowledge-sharing dramatically. This 

means that the excluded can freely access information resources for empowerment. However, such potential 

threatens vested interests, who have earlier benefited by controlling information, and stand to lose enormously 

unless information is kept scarce. These interests have pushed for an intellectual property regime that is harsh 

and unfair. 

IPR is the key issue in the ICT sector today. Software monopolies such as Microsoft make huge profits by selling 

copies of software, thus incurring zero incremental cost of production. What is sold is only the license to use the 

software and not the software itself. This means buyers cannot make changes to the software as they may 

require. Advocates of free and open-source software counter this by promoting the sharing of software 

applications that can be modified by users. The open-source movement aims to provide an alternative to the 

existing intellectual property regime. 

2.1.3 Work in the Information Economy 

New ICTs are part of and influence the larger economic process of globalisation, which impacts men and women 

across the globe. In the new economy, ICTs have enabled new forms of work organisation and a new global 

division of labour. 

For developing countries, the ICT industry offers employment opportunities as jobs are relocated, but the current 

rules of the game in the information economy do not guarantee equitable growth. Global production and 

distribution processes, supported by ICTs, actually mean that most activity continues to be controlled by 

transnational companies (TNCs) based in the North. Specific activities do take place in the South, but only in 

limited domains, and concentrated in particular geographic areas (Sassen 1997). Most developing countries 

perceive the IT sector as an opportunity for rapid job creation. However, a majority of call centres and data entry 

facilities – the segments where employment increase is maximum − are located in few countries of the world – 


Doc 

India, Mexico, Philippines, Jamaica, and also increasingly in China. Even within these countries such facilities are 

geographically heavily concentrated in few zones. 

The projected development of this sector seems to be no different from the route followed by the long-established 

garment and electronics sweatshops – poor wages, poor work conditions, the absence of unions, little to no skill or 

technology transfer, deskilling of the workforce, absence of career growth, and feminisation of the low-end jobs. 

Poor nations compete with each other to attract transnational corporations in a race to the bottom (Costanza- 

Chock 2003, Bidwai 2003). 

It is important to remember that redressing skewness in access is possible with affirmative action; however, the 

issue of skewed ownership and control needs to be addressed by appropriate regulatory frameworks at 

international and national levels. Needless to say, vested interests − powerful Northern economies and 

corporations pushing Intellectual Property regimes disadvantageous to the South – pose huge challenges to 

building equitable regulatory frameworks. 

Women have entered the ICT arena, claiming jobs that technology is creating. However, as Hafkin and Taggart 

(2001) argue, in order to retain and build upon the employment gains associated with globalisation and 

information technology, women need to move into more technical or higher-level, better-paying jobs. For this, 

they need access to the educational and training opportunities necessary to equip them for the rapidly changing 

skill requirements. Policy should encourage girls and women to use ICTs early in education, and pursue higher 

studies in ICTs as well as technical careers − as scientists, researchers, administrators and educators. 

(…) 

Women will also need to confront gender-based obstacles: the greater demands on them for the maintenance of 

household and family and the discrimination that women in all societies face within work environments. In 

addition to policies that ensure gender equality at the firm level, within the ICT sector, a strong role for state 

regulation of job security, insurance, maternity leave, and healthy and safe working conditions is vital for gender 

equality in the information economy. 

Source: 

BRIDGE (development – gender) © 

(…) 

NOTE: The article is an excerpt from the BRIGDE PUBLICATION “Gender and ICTs – an Overview Report”. See the 

full text at: http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports_general.htm 

BRIDGE can provide further gender and development material in English, through websites or by contacting them. 

BRIDGE (development - gender) 

Institute of Development Studies 

University of Sussex 

Brighton BN1 9RE, UK 

Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261 

Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202 

Email: bridge@ids.ac.uk 

Website: http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge / 

[1] http://www.un.org/apps/sg/sgstats.asp?nid=695 

[2] See http://lists.village.virginia.edu/lists_archive/Humanist/v15/0212.html . 


Neoliberalism 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_neo.htm19-1-2006 13:15:18 

NEOLIBERALISM 

World Bank and Women’s Rights in Development 

AWID 

In recent years, factors that are considered “social issues” (e.g. gender, the 

environment) have become part of the dialogue around macroeconomics, aid and debt. A 

tendency remains, however, for the World Bank to focus first on market-based criteria 

and then to add on social policies. This “add on” approach can produce policies that 

impose additional burdens on women while failing to address their needs. For the World 

Bank to be truly accountable to women, it needs to open the dominant macroeconomic 

model up to debate and seriously consider reforming it or replacing it with alternative 

visions. Growth may be a necessary component in the elimination of poverty, but it is not 

sufficient on its own and may be accompanied by rising inequalities. 

Ten Principles for Challenging Neoliberal Globalisation 

By AWID 

Neoliberal globalization is one of the primary threats to women’s human rights and 

equitable, sustainable development that we face today. Every day and in almost every 

aspect of life, gender equality and women’s rights are affected by economic policy. 

Choices and opportunities regarding education, health care, employment, and childcare, 

for example, are all directly impacted by national economic agendas and international 

financial forces. Women therefore have a lot to lose when economic policies do not take 

gender discrimination and gender roles into account. At the same time, women’s rights 

can be advanced through economic policies that put their concerns, needs, and 

livelihoods at the centre of the analysis. 

Shape up or ship out: Why Millennium Goal No. 3 can not be achieved until the 

multilateral institutions stop imposing neo-liberal policy on the 

rest of the world 

By Rochelle Jones 

AWID 

Whilst undertaking research on macro-economic policy and the feminisation of poverty, I 

was struck by how many miles have already been walked, how many articles and books 

have already been written, how many task-forces have already been deployed, and how 

the policies of the multilateral institutions remain unashamedly as opaque and 

undemocratic as ever. The evidence and the research are astounding and date back to 

decades before now. Countless reports and articles have succinctly and systematically 

recorded and analysed the forces of neo-liberal globalisation and how they are destroying 

the livelihoods of people all over the world. 

Economic Globalisation and Paradoxes 


Technological development, market integration, and free movement of goods, capital, 

and labour have resulted in enormous opportunities for human development and the 

uprooting of many maladies of humankind such as poverty and hunger. Current trends in 

the world, however, indicate that the benefits of economic globalisation are unevenly 

distributed and that they stimulate discrimination and inequality. Thanks to neoliberal 

politics based on gathering profit at any cost, paradoxes in the form of bigger gaps 

between the rich and the poor are intensified.



Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) 

The World Bank is a powerful institution steering the international development agenda and instigating policy 

reforms that have important implications for the day-to-day lives of women and men in developing countries. This 

primer describes the World Bank, its governance structure and its new gender mainstreaming strategy. It 

concludes with some action suggestions for gender equality advocates. 

What is the World Bank? 

Originally established in 1944, the Bank is the world’s largest supplier of development capital and know-how, 

having provided more than US $17 billion in loans to its client countries in 2001. It is headquartered in 

Washington, D.C., U.S.A., and it has 100 country offices, in total employing approximately 10,000 staff. [1] At its 

core, the World Bank is engaged in three activities: lending, development research and economic analysis, 

and technical assistance. It provides funding from public sources for development programs in areas such as 

health, education and environmental protection, focusing on national legal, political and economic structures. The 

Bank promotes reforms designed to create long-term economic growth and stability, lending to governments and 

using the profits generated from the loans to finance its operations. It has recently promised to allocate more of 

its future financing to the poorest countries in grants (not loans) for social programs. 

The IMF 

The International Monetary Fund (“IMF”) is a partner of the World Bank, also established out of the 1944 Bretton 

Woods conference. It focuses on short-term balance of payments crises. Its three main areas of activity are 

surveillance of exchange rate policies, financial assistance to members with balance of payment problems, and 

technical assistance with respect to policies, institutions and statistics. In a nutshell, the IMF formulates economic 

policy based on the mantra “tighten your belt” and they have created (and enforce) a body of international 

monetary law. 

The World Bank, IMF and World Trade Organization strive for coherence in global economic policy and 

complement each other in their policies and activities. While coherence can at times be a good thing, we must be 

concerned about “cross-conditionality” as a triple threat to women. This can happen, for example, when structural 

adjustment conditionalities are used to promote trade liberalization or through “capacity building loans” that 

interlink the mandates and activities of the institutions. 

The World Bank’s original mission was to assist in the reconstruction of war-ravaged territories and to help 

establish a stable peacetime economy. The current poverty and development focus of the Bank is a substantial 

reinterpretation of its original mandate. 

Today, the stated mission of the World Bank is to “fight poverty for lasting results and to help people help 

themselves and their environment by providing resources, sharing knowledge, building capacity, and forging 

partnerships in the public and private sectors”. [2] The Bank has focused on women for the last two decades, 

although it has had primarily an instrumental “women in development” agenda, as opposed to a gender equality 

or women’s human rights agenda. 

How is the World Bank Governed? 

Officially, the Bank is “owned” by its 184 member countries. In practice, the Board of Governors and the Board of 

Executive Directors govern the organization; they approve loans and debt relief, and determine Bank policies. 

Votes are divided between the Executive Directors based on the number of shares held by each country (in other 

words, according to wealth and power). The United States has about 15% of the voting power and 8 

Western countries together hold over 50% of the total votes, actually representing many developing and 

transition countries on the Board. [3] 

Although most of the World Bank’s activities focus on the developing world, Northern countries lead the 

institution. By custom the head of the World Bank is always an American. It is usually male finance ministers and 

central bankers who represent their countries at the Bank. They tend to be closely tied to business and financial 

communities and as a result the policies of the Bank are often closely aligned with the commercial and 

financial interests advanced in industrial countries. 

Obviously, such an enormous institution is not homogenous. While a neoliberal economic orthodoxy may 

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dominate, many people inside the Bank have alternate visions and are working for change from within. The 

women’s movement must work simultaneously to support the efforts of those on the inside and also to push for 

changes from outside of the institution. 

How Does the Bank Operate? 

The primary activities of both the World Bank and the IMF are based around several key instruments. They are 

inter-linked and represent a logical trajectory of the history and ideology of these institutions. 

Poverty Reduction Strategies (“PRSs”): Likely due to significant external criticism of the lack of transparency 

and national ownership of economic policy reforms, the World Bank and IMF decided in 1999 that participatory 

poverty reduction strategies should provide the basis of their lending and debt relief. Each country must prepare 

— with the participation of civil society and consultation with World Bank and IMF experts — a Poverty Reduction 

Strategy Paper (“PRSP”). The PRSP is a comprehensive, practical plan for action with respect to national poverty, 

outlining the country’s overall development strategy and proposing policies in all areas. It is required to qualify for 

the HIPC Initiative. 

The Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (“HIPC”) Initiative: 

Under this initiative which was introduced in 1996, countries can apply to have their debt reduced “to a 

sustainable level” by their creditors if they are unable to make their debt payments and have a record of 

implementing World Bank/IMF-supported reforms. The HIPC Initiative is not a generous debt forgiveness 

program; it offers only limited debt reduction, conditional on the implementation of prescribed structural reforms. 

Country Assistance Strategies (“CASs”): 

The World Bank’s long-term relationship with a government is articulated in a Country Assistance Strategy. The 

CAS elaborates the Bank’s business plan and details the level and types of assistance to be provided in a country. 

According to the World Bank, the CAS is based on a country’s PRSP and prepared with the government in a 

participatory way. It is not a negotiated document however; any difference between the country’s own 

development agenda and the Bank’s strategy are highlighted but not necessarily significant in implementing Bank 

projects. 

What is Conditionality? 

A defining feature of the World Bank (and the IMF) is its use of conditionality. This means that loans, credits and 

project funding are given to countries with strict conditions attached. While all loans are expected to have some 

conditions (such as a repayment schedule), “conditionality” refers to a set of more forceful economic and 

political conditions that can turn the loan into a policy tool. 

Standard conditions (especially those associated with structural adjustment-type programs) are aimed at 

improving the efficiency of a country’s resources use in order to stimulate growth and stabilize the economy. 

Formal conditionality and development assistance programs are negotiated between the Bank and the 

government, however, the negotiations are very one-sided and conditions tend to be more-or-less standard from 

one country to the next. The Bank’s recommendations (which inform the loan agreement and become 

conditionality) include currency devaluation and other measures to promote trade liberalization, privatization of 

strategic sectors (such as energy, health and water), a reduced role for government, lower social spending, new 

user fees (e.g. for health, education and electricity), higher interest rates, and compression of wages. 

Conditionality applies not only to economic and financial matters; by adopting a “good governance” agenda, the 

Bank is able to undertake reforms in otherwise political areas such as freedom of the press, the design of court 

systems and the recruitment of civil servants. 

“… increasing gender equality is central to the idea of development as freedom,of expanding the choices and 

control that people have over their lives.” 

World Bank press release, 

December 2001 

Conditionality is problematic for several reasons. It is prescribed as a “one size fits all” model and does not 

respond to the specific needs or goals of different societies. It represents a large loss of independence on the part 

of governments. It is often based on political considerations and ideology. Most importantly, these mandated 

reforms have often produced further suffering, inequality and poverty within a country. 

Conditionality is often justified in terms of accountability — for a country to receive financing from a public 

institution (backed by foreign taxpayers) it must demonstrate that it will use the money responsibly and repay the 

debt in a timely manner. Corrupt governments are blamed for much of the debt of developing countries and 

therefore the Bank demands increasing accountability from borrowers/ aid recipients. Where, however, is the 

comparable accountability on the part of the Bank? 



The World Bank, Gender Equality and Women’s Rights 

It has been repeatedly demonstrated that economic restructuring is not gender-neutral or genderless. Some Bankendorsed 

structural adjustment policies have particularly negative impacts on women, for example: 

a) Women’s unpaid labour increases with the removal of subsidies on social services. When subsidized daycare 

is cut, for example, women provide free childcare for their families and neighbours. When medical services are 

cut, women care for those who would otherwise have been hospitalized. Inherent in structural adjustment 

programs and the dominant economic agenda is an assumption of the unlimited availability of women’s time and 

unpaid labour; women are seen as a resource to be tapped to promote the efficiency of the market and a solution 

to the shortfall in social services. [4] 

b) Removing food subsidies (which results in increased food prices) is a common tactic for reducing public 

expenditures. Devalued currencies also make imported food more expensive. Higher food costs tend to be borne 

by the woman in the household — she has less to feed her children and may compensate by eating only once a 

day herself or having protein only once a week. [5] 

As a result of such findings, the Bank has paid increasing attention to women and gender in development 

processes. In January 2002 the Bank attempted to consolidate its work in this area by releasing Integrating 

Gender into the World Bank’s Work: A Strategy for Action. [6] 

What is the Bank’s Strategy for Action Gender? 

Integrating Gender into the World Bank’s Work: A Strategy for Action is now the Bank’s internal gender 

mainstreaming policy. A key element of the strategy is the requirement of periodic multi-sectoral Country 

Gender Assessments (“CGAs”) from each client country. They should analyze the gender dimensions of 

development across sectors and identify gender-responsive actions for poverty reduction, economic growth and 

human development. Priority policy and operational interventions that respond to the CGA should then be 

implemented as part of the Bank’s Country Assistance Strategy. 

The Strategy for Action is a very positive development in that it formalizes and prioritizes many positive elements 

of the Bank’s gender strategies of the last decade. There are several reasons, however, to be cautious in our 

optimism regarding this report, including: 

• only the CGA is mandatory; no gender-responsive actions are required (for this reason it is a “selective or 

strategic mainstreaming approach”); 

• no rights-based targets are included; the strategy continues to focus on women as instrumental to the 

development process and focuses attention on gender issues in order to reduce poverty and induce economic 

growth, not to secure the rights of women or gender equality; 

• there is no requirement for civil society participation in the preparation of the CGA, in the identification of 

priority gender responsive-actions, or in the evaluation and monitoring of the outcomes; there is no requirement 

for information-sharing and transparency in either the implementation or the evaluation of this strategy; 

mechanisms for evaluation and monitoring were not released with the strategy (they are “under 

development”); and the status of the strategy is unclear (e.g. it is not an “operational policy” which is clearly 

mandatory within the Bank’s operations). This ambiguity may impact on the attitudes of Bank staff and 

governments towards the strategy and increases the possibility that it will remain a set of ‘promises on paper 

only’ because no solid rights, responsibilities or incentives are tied to it. 

The absence of women in economic policy formulation can only reinforce gender-blind policies. Given that all 

macroeconomic policy is gendered and neoliberal policy has distinct impacts depending on gender, class, age, 

education level and ethnicity, gender analysis within all policy and project design is imperative to guaranteeing 

women’s rights and ensuring that 

Accountable to Women? 

women benefit from development. 

Groups such as Women’s Eyes on the World Bank, Iniciativa Feminista Cartegena, Gender Action, the Gender and 

Economic Reforms in Africa program, Development Alternatives With Women for a New Era, Women’s 

Environment and Development Organization, and the Tanzania Gender Networking Program have been advocating 

for women’s rights and gender equality in World Bank projects and have proposed mechanisms to hold the Bank 

and other multilateral organizations accountable for many years. Their efforts have undoubtedly contributed to the 

Bank’s increasing focus on gender issues and women’s rights both internally and in their policy prescriptions. [7] 

As the following three issues reveal however, despite the progress that has been made, the World Bank continues 

to falter in terms of accountability to women. 



Participation: 

Participation is vital to a rights-based approach to development and is a key avenue for institutional 

accountability. Effective participation should be based on transparency, collaboration, learning, equity and 

flexibility. The World Bank requires some civil society participation in the PRSP process and invites public 

comment on its policies and procedures. Civil Society groups can also influence the institution through 

consultative groups including the External Gender Consultative Group, the Europe and Central Asia Region NGO 

Working Group, and the Joint Facilitation Committee. 

While the Bank requires civil society participation in processes such as PRSPs, there are no guidelines for either 

the quality or form of this participation and PRSP writers and Bank staff do not necessarily use the outcomes of 

the participatory process or implement changes in response to critical commentary. [8] 

This model of “participation” begs the question: is mandated civil society interaction about benefiting from 

the input of those who will be impacted by the chosen policies, priorities and targets, or is it a method 

to sell an already decided upon package of policies? [9] Similarly, is mandated participation genuinely 

representative, or are international organizations used as proxies for local stakeholders who are excluded from 

participatory processes? Furthermore, there are numerous factors which inhibit the ability of women, the poor and 

local non-governmental organizations to effectively participate in economic policy-making, including: time 

pressures, inexperience, cultural exclusions, political risks, and limited analytical, advocacy and research 

capabilities. Some groups also question the utility of participating in processes such as PRSP consultations, 

perceiving that participating may lend legitimacy to an illegitimate agenda. 

“Modern high-tech warfare is designed to remove physical contact: dropping bombs from 50,000 feet ensures that 

one does not “feel” what one does. Modern economic management is similar: from one’s luxury hotel, one can 

callously impose policies about which one would think twice if one knew the people whose lives one was 

destroying.” 

The Neoliberal Macroeconomic Model: 

Joseph Stiglitz 

(Former World Bank Chief Economist) 

Globalization and Its Discontents (2002) 

In recent years, factors that are considered “social issues” (e.g. gender, the environment) have become part of 

the dialogue around macroeconomics, aid and debt. A tendency remains, however, for the World Bank to focus 

first on market-based criteria and then to add on social policies. [10] This “add on” approach can produce policies 

that impose additional burdens on women while failing to address their needs. For the World Bank to be truly 

accountable to women, it needs to open the dominant macroeconomic 

model up to debate and seriously consider reforming it or replacing it with alternative visions. Growth may be a 

necessary component in the elimination of poverty, but it is not sufficient on its own and may be 

accompanied by rising inequalities. [11] Alternative approaches make explicit that all macroeconomic policies 

have social and gender content because they are enacted within a gendered set of distributive relations and 

institutional structures. The soundness of economic policy should not be judged by financial criteria or economic 

growth results but instead by whether it ultimately leads to social justice and gender equality. [12] 

Formal Mechanisms of Accountability: 

Human rights and gender strategies that lack mechanisms of accountability are of limited value. The Inspection 

Panel offers one potential avenue for accountability. It is an independent body established by the World Bank with 

the power to review Bank activities that have adverse impacts on the rights or interests of individuals because of 

a failure on the part of the Bank to follow one of its own operational policies or procedures. [13] This type of panel 

is encouraging but of limited value in terms of accountability to women since the Bank does not have 

enforceable policies or procedures on gender equality and women’s rights. 

Another avenue for women’s rights accountability could be developed through the internal human rights 

discussions ongoing at the World Bank. While the Bank has previously argued that its mandate does not include 

human rights and that it will not include women’s rights within its activities (although implicitly its loans, projects 

and policy advice impact on the rights of women throughout the world everyday), it has now opened a door by 

admitting that its mission is tied to the advancement of human rights and by proposing the development of a 

human rights strategy. Of course, whether the potential of this strategy for advancing women’s rights in 

development is achieved remains to be seen. 

Developing other mechanisms to ensure accountability with respect to gender, based on principles of 

transparency, responsiveness, flexibility, and democratic governance must be a priority for all international 

institutions. Human rights and gender equality reviews of CASs, project lending and programming 

would seem a logical starting point with respect to the Bank. 



How to Influence International Economic Institutions: 

● bring together solid research and effective advocacy strategies; 

● learn how the project/program cycle works from sympathetic insiders; 

● analyze project documentation using a gender, class, race and ethnicity analysis; 

● meet regularly with officials and employees — know the facts, provide alternatives, and use their language; 

● share your analysis and recommendations with the media; 

● keep up the pressure with more meetings and campaigns; and 

● demand access to information about programs, policies and loans that are in the works. 

Women Demanding Human Rights Accountability: 

Given the power and impact of the World Bank’s activities, it is impossible to work for gender equality, women’s 

rights and sustainable development without paying some attention to the policies and activities of the Bank. 

Feminist strategies to create sustainable and equitable economies take numerous forms: some are advocating for 

the abolition of the World Bank, others argue that its scope should be narrowed and its structures democratized, 

and still others contend that the Bank can play an important role in reconstruction and development efforts. We 

need to develop strategic short- and long-term strategies to influence the dominant economic agenda 

and to shape international governance. Here are a few ideas that can be adapted to local experiences and 

goals: 

● From billion dollar health care reform programs to forestry projects and financial sector reforms, large loans 

are being designed and implemented throughout the world without the input of the individuals they are 

meant to benefit. These programs need to be monitored from a gender perspective. Those with 

expertise in economics and gender analysis can provide the needed skills for the integration of gender 

analysis into projects and into CAS and PRSP documents. Furthermore, gender advocates can contribute to 

CGAs and work to ensure that the CGA recommendations are actually prioritized in the Bank’s lending and 

project design. 

● Advocacy around international financial institutions should not be confined to women of the South. Northern 

governments are members of the World Bank and Northern citizens should demand accountability and 

transparency of the institution through their government representatives. As members and “owners”, 

Northern governments can influence the Bank’s agenda and hold it to account for human rights 

violations and environmental degradation resulting from the projects it funds. Thus far, the West has driven 

the globalization agenda — it’s time to use this power responsibly to demand human rights accountability 

and gender justice. 

● When women’s rights are negatively impacted by World Bank funded programs, victims can request that 

the Inspection Panel investigate and hold the Bank to its own policies on indigenous peoples, involuntary 

resettlement and other issues. Moreover, women's groups can keep pressure on the World Bank to 

operationalize its promises to mainstream gender by adopting strong operational policies and 

monitoring procedures for gender. Bank staff are required to follow operational policies and the Inspection 

Panel can review their compliance. 

Gender advocates can join the voices of environmental and social justice activists all over the world 

demanding accountable and democratic governance. The women’s movement needs to ensure that gender 

equality is at the center of this agenda. 

AWID wishes to thank Elena Kochkina & Liliana Proskuryakova (Open Society Institute), Mariama Williams (DAWN 

& International Gender and Trade Network) and Elaine Zuckerman (Gender Action) for their helpful suggestions on 

this primer. All errors remain the responsibility of AWID. 


Women’s Rights and Economic Change 

Facts and Issues 

No. 5, October 2002 

Association for Women’s Rights in Development © 

L’Association pour les droits de la femme et le développement 

Asociación para los Derechos de la Mujer y el Desarrollo 

96 Spadina Avenue, Suite 401 

Toronto, Ontario 

CANADA, M5V 2J6 

T: (+1) 416-594-3773 

F: (+1) 416-594-0330 

E: awid@awid.org 

http://www.awid.org/ 



[1] “About Us” section of the World Bank website (www.worldbank.org). 

[2] “About Us” section of the World Bank website (www.worldbank.org). The “World Bank Group” actually 

comprises five institutions, operating under a common Board: The 

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International 

Development Agency (IDA), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the Multinational Investment Guarantee 

Agency (MIGA) and the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). For the purposes 

of this primer, we are focusing on the IBRD and IDA. 

[3] See Annual Report 2001. [accessible through the “About Us” section of the World Bank 

website: www.worldbank.org.] 

[4] D. Tsikata and J. Kerr (eds.), Demanding Dignity: Women Confronting Economic Reforms in Africa (The North- 

South Institute and Third World Network-Africa, 2000) page 7. 

[5] Ibid., and C. Moser, “Adjustment from Below: Low-Income Women, Time and the Triple Role in Guayaquil, 

Ecuador” in Afshar and Dennis (eds.), Women and Adjustment Policies in the Third World, (Macmillan, 1992). 

[6] See http://www.worldbank.org/gender/overview/ssp/home.htm. 

[7] See for example the World Bank Policy Research Report Engendering Development: 

Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources, and Voice (Oxford University Press, 2001). 

[8] A study by Elaine Zuckerman indicates that even if women have been able to participate in the PRSP process, 

the outputs of the participatory processes have seldom fed into the actual PRSP. See “Poverty Reduction Strategy 

Papers and Gender” (Background Paper for the Conference on Sustainable Poverty Reduction and PRSPs – 

Challenges for Developing Countries and Development Cooperation, Berlin, May 13-16, 2002). 

[9] See D. Elson and N. Çagatay, “The Social Content of Macroeconomic Policies” 28(7) 

World Development (2000), page 1352. 

[10] Ibid., page 1347. 

[11] D. Tsikata and J. Kerr (eds.), Demanding Dignity: Women Confronting Economic Reforms in Africa (The North- 

South Institute and Third World Network-Africa, 2000) page 7. 

[12] United National Development Fund, “Budgets as if People Mattered: Democratizing 

Macroeconomic Policies” (Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division, Bureau 

for Development Policy), page 10. 

[13] See http://www.inspectionpanel.org. 


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Ten Principles for Challenging Neoliberal Globalization 

”Facts and Issues” 

By Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) 

Neoliberal globalization is one of the primary threats to women’s human rights and equitable, sustainable 

development that we face today. These ten principles are starting premises for opposing this narrow economic 

agenda and devising alternatives. 

Every day and in almost every aspect of life, gender equality and women’s rights are affected by economic policy. 

Choices and opportunities regarding education, health care, employment, and childcare, for example, are all 

directly impacted by national economic agendas and international financial forces. Women therefore have a lot to 

lose when economic policies do not take gender discrimination and gender roles into account. At the same time, 

women’s rights can be advanced through economic policies that put their concerns, needs, and livelihoods at the 

centre of the analysis. Neoliberal globalization, which is the dominant driving force for economic policies 

throughout the world today, is therefore a crucial focus of gender equality advocates. 

What is Neoliberalism? 

Neoliberalism is a particular brand of economic theory that has gained prominence in recent decades, becoming 

the predominant ideology steering globalization, macroeconomic policy and political decision-making in much of 

the world. Primarily a response to the economic downturn and international debt crises of the 1970s, 

neoliberalism is based on an unwavering belief in “free markets”. It promotes competitive market 

capitalism, private ownership, “free trade”, export-led growth, strict controls on balance of payments and deficits, 

and drastic reductions in government social spending. This formula is assumed to promote economic growth; 

which is seen as the means and end to economic problems and poverty. Until recent decades, national 

governments were responsible for economic policies which affected their domestic economies. Yet since the 

1970s, political, social and economic processes have stretched across borders and the neoliberal 

project has spread throughout the world. 

In the 1980s, international financial institutions (IFIs) began to impose their economic prescriptions on countries 

that accepted loans or aid from them through “conditionality”, a central feature of structural adjustment policies. 

[1] While the programs of IFIs have evolved over the years, the neoliberal agenda remains the standard for what 

is considered “sound and prudent” economic policy. National Poverty Reduction Strategies of the World Bank 

continue to be framed around these types of policies. [2] In addition, international investors, donors, and trade 

organizations (e.g. the World Trade Organization) have increased powers of persuasion with respect to economic 

policies. Their overwhelming preference for policies of trade liberalization and investor rights has further solidified 

this vision of development and governance. 

Neoliberal economic globalization has not brought about equality or eliminated poverty; it has instead resulted in 

a concentration of wealth in certain parts of the world and in the hands of certain people. In most areas, 

marginalized members of society — especially poor women — have not benefited from neoliberal 

economic restructuring. For example, in many regions women are disproportionately suffering from disruptions 

to their local economies, from the continuing undervaluing of their work, and from the insecurity brought about by 

the increasing prevalence of casual and flexible jobs. Women are often the primary users of social services, they 

are frequently employed in the public sector and in service industries, and they lack access to capital, credit and 

property rights. All of these factors exacerbate the promotion of gender equality in this era of globalization. 

The System Needs to Change in at least Ten Different Ways 

Accounts in the media, by politicians, and in much of the literature imply that neoliberal globalization is 

irresistible, uncontrollable and inevitable. This is not true. We can influence processes of globalization and 

shape the policies and structures that govern our lives. The global popularity of the World Social Forum 

process is a key indicator that alternatives can be harnessed towards making ‘another world possible’. 

As gender equality advocates, we can look for biases in economic policies that undermine gender equality and 

work to address the economic inequalities that face women and other marginalized groups. Strategies and policies 

can not necessarily be generalized from one context to another. We can, however, articulate feminist 

principles to guide our analysis, our advocacy and our policy recommendations. Feminist principles 

(feminist in that they underscore equality for women through structural change) can be applied in various 

contexts, in accordance with the local needs, priorities and circumstances. 

“It seems utopian, but the world must recover its capacity for dreaming and in order to start, a new economic 


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1. Policy-Making Processes must be Participatory and Transparent 

paradigm is required… [3] ” 

Cecilia Lopez 

While national policymakers will often take credit for creating policies to boost the economy and many boast about 

taking stakeholders needs into account, it is always necessary to look behind the scenes to find out who is really 

calling the shots. In poor countries, especially those that rely heavily on development assistance and loans from 

foreign sources, policies are often primarily developed based on growth models and economic theories advanced 

by the IFIs and certain Northern universities. As a result, states that hold disproportionate power within the IFIs 

(most notably the United States) and Northern trained policymakers in ministries of finance play a central role in 

dictating the economic policies of developing nations, often with little direct knowledge of the realities and 

priorities of poor people within those countries. Furthermore, economic policies developed for one country are 

frequently applied to other countries with only slight modifications. Meaningful participation requires more 

than mere consultation. The country consultations that have been undertaken in conjunction with the Poverty 

Reduction Strategy process have been gender-blind, male dominated, and ineffective in terms of responding to 

local needs and perspectives. [4] Moreover, consultation processes have been used as instruments to legitimize 

economic policies imposed by donors. 

Economic policy is seldom based solely on technical calculations – the calculations and economic models should 

inform deliberative democratic processes where the policies are actually formulated. The voices of local people, 

particularly women’s rights advocates, therefore must be given real weight in all stages of policy development, 

implementation and evaluation. 

2. Recognize Diverse Experiences and Identities to Determine who Wins and who Loses 

Neoliberal globalization has been uneven, contradictory and complex. Some women have benefited from new 

opportunities brought about by processes of globalization, while many others are struggling to survive in the face 

of insecure employment, rising prices, reduced services and escalating poverty. Often it is those from 

marginalized groups, such as racial or ethnic minorities, indigenous people or poor women and men, who are 

negatively impacted by neoliberal economic policies. Gender, race and class analysis is therefore essential 

to both understanding the impacts of neoliberal policies and for developing alternative policies that 

put sustainable development and human rights ahead of profits. For example, prioritizing the needs of the 

most disadvantaged and discriminated against is one way to ensure that policies are just, empowering and 

transformative. 

“Multiple and radical resistances to neoliberalism are spawning alternatives in many places but, alas, these are 

being frustrated by institutionalized market fundamentalism. The challenge is to interlink there resistances into a 

truly global movement by all of humanity and multiply spaces where people’s alternatives that are grounded on 

democracy, diversity and inclusiveness could be debated, crafted and actualized with greater force.” [5] 

3. Transformative Economic Policies Must Address Power Dynamics 

- Josefa (Gigi) Francisko 

Neoliberal policies, in common with most economic theories, often do not address the power differentials that 

exist between “economic agents” (i.e. individuals) and within households. Policies that assume that men and 

women have the same access to and control of resources, the same ability to engage in paid employment and 

equivalent responsibilities in the home, will generally negatively impact women. Women may be unable to take 

advantage of new opportunities created by economic reforms; they may have increased burdens as a direct 

results of the new policies. Moreover, while poverty is interrogated and problematized, wealth tends to be 

unquestioned and herefore the inequalities which permit the accumulation of excessive wealth by certain 

individuals and institutions are not addressed. 

Gender equality advocates need to push for alternative economic prescriptions that address the root 

causes of power differentials in specific communities, whether they are cultural, economic, religious, 

social or otherwise. Examples could range from programs of land redistribution, alternative savings and 

investment mechanisms, nonmonetized exchange arrangements, and subsidized childcare, to global taxation and 

redistribution schemes (e.g. a “Tobin Tax”), debt cancellation, and reparations for past injustices. Assumptions 

about the roles and responsibilities of women, class and ethnic divisions, inequalities in the law, and skewed 

distribution of resources ultimately can only be rectified through holistic economic, social and political strategies. 

4. Account for Women’s Unpaid Work 

One of the biggest problems with many economic policies is their failure to account for women’s unpaid work. For 

many women, unpaid work, (including attending to children, cooking and small-scale farming) accounts for a large 

portion of their contribution to the economy. Together, unpaid housework, volunteering and community work is 

the single largest sector of all nations’ economies. [6] If women did not contribute their unpaid labour, the 

monetized economy could not function. The strength and well-being of the paid labour force is directly correlated 


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to unpaid care work, the bulk of which is carried out by women. Furthermore, economic policies that do not 

account for this unpaid labour are likely to have a detrimental impact on women by assuming that their ability to 

contribute unpaid labour is unlimited. Too much unpaid work and too little care are both detrimental to 

quality of life. [7] Therefore, when economic policies take unpaid work into account, communities can have 

better programs for food security, childcare, education, water and sanitation, and all the other essential elements 

that guarantee the well-being of households. 

5. Make the Links: Local,National, Regional and Global 

Trade liberalization, privatization of essential services, foreign investment promotion, and labour market 

flexibilization are all part of the same agenda. Activities in national ministries of finance, regional trading bodies 

and international financial institutions are all interconnected. While policy coherence is not well-developed 

between human rights institutions and financial institutions (in other words, economic policies are not 

necessarily in line with human rights law), coherence between financial institutions is well 

coordinated. 

In order to challenge the neoliberal agenda therefore, gender equality advocates must be sophisticated in making 

the analytical links between local, regional and global levels of economic policy making and their impacts. For 

instance, changing the conditions of Mexican women factory workers could simultaneously involve: workers 

organizing at the factory level to demand better working conditions; legislative changes and enforcement at the 

national level to require higher levels of protections for workers; using international mechanisms such as those of 

the International Labour Organization to guarantee the rights of workers; and advocacy at the international level 

to influence the provisions of trade and investment agreements that impact on working conditions. In terms of 

advocacy and activism therefore, we need to make the links in order to select the most strategic venues for 

raising our concerns. 

6. Protect Human Rights and Prioritize Equality 

Traditional economic theories are built around the model of a ‘male breadwinner’, that is, a full-time, life-long 

worker who supports his family. Those who do not fit into this norm are accorded lesser rights because they are 

seen as dependents. A focus on human rights, therefore, is important for women as it provides a counterweight to 

policies focused purely on economic growth and models which continue to assume that women occupy a position 

of dependency on men. [8] Pro-women, pro-poor alternatives to neoliberal globalization would 

acknowledge the equal worth and dignity of each person in their own right, advancing equality and 

human rights as a means of development. 

In the current system, many women are employed in informal and unregulated sectors, free trade zones, or do 

home-based work. Women are the majority of the small-scale farmers on the planet and also the majority of 

those employed in factories producing for export. Many are not protected by labour laws, are not unionized, and 

are isolated from their families, communities, and other women who share their experiences. Moreover, the 

evidence shows that women’s rights to food, to housing, to health care, and to political participation (to name just 

a few), continue to be violated the world over, the violations often resulting directly from or exacerbated by trade 

liberalization and investment policies. 

Instead of only analyzing impacts and developing social safety-nets after the fact, we need to institutionalize 

regulations and structures that will provide for the welfare and empowerment of women. Economic 

planning must therefore include economic and social policies that support the equitable distribution of resources, 

universal provisioning of essential services and the protection of human rights. 

7. Do Not Underestimate the Role of the Nation State 

Many neoliberal policies involve limiting state involvement in the economy, often through privatization of 

previously state-run enterprises including the provision of water, electricity, health care and education. A defining 

characteristic of the contemporary state is the subordination of social policy to the demands of labour market 

flexibility and competitiveness. Many contend that governments have lost their power in the face of IFIs and 

transnational corporations, but despite the shifts and structural changes that have taken place the state continues 

to play many important roles. As the manager of the domestic economy, the protector of marginalized groups and 

the voice of the nation in international institutions, national governments continue to be powerful actors in their 

own right. 

Governments have international obligations (including women’s human rights commitments) and responsibilities 

for redistributing income and developing action plans for eradicating poverty. They should not be allowed to ‘get 

off the hook’ by blaming all their woes on international actors. National governments are therefore important 

entry points for gender equality advocates, between local constituencies and international 

institutions. 

“Promoting gender-sensitive economic policies is not only about establishing safety nets. It is primarily about 

ensuring that there will be no need for safety nets. In this regard, a feminist approach would posit that sound and 

equitable policies require men and women to have equal access to, and control over, productive resources, equal 

participation in decision making, and equal distribution of the benefits of their work.” [9] 


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8. Align Goals and Indicators with Gender Equality and Women’s Rights 

- Zo Randriamaro 

Economic policies often aim at maximizing economic efficiency and growth, as measured by and indicator such as 

Gross Domestic Product. [10] Increased economic efficiency and growth are abstract concepts that say 

nothing about increasing human welfare, protecting human rights, or ensuring gender equality and 

empowerment. We therefore need to question the conventional wisdom of what constitutes “sound and prudent” 

economic policies. Shortsighted and narrow definitions of efficiency Do not give an accurate account, including 

how resources are distributed and the full costs of production. 

By articulating the goals of a policy and the indicators of success in terms of increasing equality, improving the 

lives of the most marginalized, realizing human rights, and achieving sustainable human development, policies 

that are pro-women and pro-poor will more likely be implemented. Indicators of progress must be tangible, 

concrete and meaningful. The end goal cannot be solely that more women are engaged in paid work. We must 

instead look to the types of jobs they have secured, the benefits they receive, their working conditions and their 

paid work. 

9. Hold Decision-Makers To Account 

Economic policies have often failed large segments of the population, including and especially women. By holding 

decision-makers to account for these failures, redress can be obtained for the ‘victims’ and better programs can 

be developed for the future. Actors that may be held accountable include governments, IFIs, private corporations 

and others. Accountability may be based on commitments to international human rights treaties, 

domestic constitutional guarantees or other regulatory frameworks, and also political processes. 

Developing and using accountability mechanisms that are accessible, transparent and effective are key strategies 

for guaranteeing women’s rights in this era of neoliberal globalization. 

10. There are Alternatives to Neoliberal Globalization 

Finally, it is important to remember that despite messages to the contrary, there are alternatives to the 

current dominant paradigm. Macroeconomic policy is not given or non-negotiable. Countries that do not follow 

the IMF-prescribed policy agenda do not necessarily have to suffer from poverty, insecurity and hyperinflation; 

there is no “one-size fits all” policy. We have feminist analyses of the economy – what we need now is to 

further strengthen advocacy efforts based on our analysis in order to bring about a more equitable, 

just world. 

These principles have been articulated in order to provide direction to gender equality advocates all over the world 

who want to oppose neoliberal globalization. As a check-list for evaluating local policies, a training framework for 

understanding globalization, a rallying point for campaigning and lobbying, or an empowering and unifying agenda 

for diverse social justice groups, these principles can assist us in developing global solutions to global problems 

because, as the poignant motto of the World Social Forum reminds us, “Another World is Possible”. 

Economic Terms Demystified 

Economic Growth: an increase in the amount of money flowing through a country’s economy. Promoting 

economic growth is the goal of much economic policy because it is often incorrectly assumed that economic 

growth is good for everyone. 

Efficiency: the allocation of goods and services such that no person can be made better off without making 

someone else worse off (or such that those who are made worse off can be compensated by those who are made 

better off). Efficiency is usually a goal of economic policies. An efficient allocation, however, does not necessarily 

require an equal or fair distribution of goods or services. 

Fiscal Policy: policy relating to government revenue, particularly taxation and spending. 

Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC): countries that have accumulated a large amount of debt during the 

1980s and as a result qualify for the HIPC debt reduction initiative of the World Bank and International Monetary 

Fund. 

Macroeconomics: refers to economic issues that concern the performance of the economy of a whole country, 

including the overall output and income of a country, unemployment, trade, interest rates, investment, and 

government budgets (as opposed to microeconomics which looks at the economic activity of individuals or small 

groups). 

Monetary Policy: the government policy that controls the amount of currency available in an economy. 

Neoliberalism: an economic theory which opposes state intervention in the economy and believes in the free 


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operation of the market. 

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): comprehensive action plans for combating national poverty. 

These are required by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order for a country to access 

development loans and aid. 

Privatization: occurs when services that were owned by the government are sold to private companies. When 

privatized, services such as health care, education and social services are provided by companies who aim to 

make a profit. A belief in the inherent superiority of profit-oriented production has lead to a drastic increase in 

privatization in recent years. 

Structural Adjustment: processes of reform imposed mostly on poor countries requiring that they export more 

products, privatize services, increase taxation, devalue their currency, and reduce the government’s role in the 

economy in order to stabilize their economies. In the 1980s, structural adjustment policies (SAPs) were imposed 

by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in over seventy developing countries. 

Trade Liberalization: the reduction of restrictions (including tariffs, quotas and regulatory standards) on the 

trade of goods and services across borders. 

Myth: Economics is pure science. 

Myths and Realities about Economic Policy 

Reality: Economics is often represented as technical and scientific, based on ‘truths’ from mathematics or 

statistics. However, economic policy is profoundly political and represents a certain set of subjective assumptions 

about power and the distribution of resources. 

Myth: Economics is gender-neutral. 

Reality: Traditional economic analysis can have devastating impacts on women because it does not take into 

consideration the gendered nature of our societies and the resulting gender differentiated impacts of economic 

policies. Women’s assumed status as secondary wage earners in the paid labour force results in women 

experiencing more poverty than men, for example. The privatization of public services increases women’s unpaid 

work as they take over where the public sector leaves off in terms of nursing the sick, educating children and 

caring for the elderly and those in need of assistance. And as companies cut costs by laying off employees, 

reducing salaries and using home-based workers, women are the most affected. Furthermore, the impacts of 

economic crises are more severe for women. Applying a gender analysis to economics reveals biases that exclude 

women and allows for the redress of economic inequalities that face women. 

Myth: Gender equality advocates do not have the expertise to engage with macroeconomic policy. 

Reality: Gender equality advocates come from all walks of life and are all affected by economic policies in their 

day-today lives. They are therefore capable of critiquing economic policies and of suggesting policy directions that 

would empower women. 

Who is Working Towards Economic Gender Justice? 

Many NGOs, civil society organizations, grassroots movements, academic institutions, and individuals all over the 

world are challenging the neoliberal globalization model from a gender perspective. Some organizations you 

might want to contact or become involved with include: 

African Women’s Economic Policy Network (AWEPON): 

http://www.awepon.org PO Box 33576, Kampala, Uganda 

Articulación Feminista Marcosur: 

http://www.mujeresdelsur.org.uySalto 1265, Montevideo 11200, Uruguay 

Development Alternatives with Women in a New Era (DAWN) 

http://www.dawn.org.fj Secretariat, PO Box 13124, Suva, Fiji 

Gender and Economic Reforms in Africa (GERA) 

http://twnafrica.org/aboutgera.asp Secretariat, TWN-Africa,9 Ollenu Street, East Legon, PO Box AN19452, Accra- 

North, Ghana 

Iniciativa Feminista de Cartagena: 

http://www.repem.org.uy/iniciativafc.htm Colonia 2069, CP 11200, Montevideo, Uruguay 

International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN): 


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http://www.igtn.org Secretariat, 1225 Otis Street, NE, Washington, DC 20017, USA 

International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights(ESCR-Net): 

http://www.escr-net.org162 Montague Street, 2nd Floor, Brooklyn, New York 11201, USA 

KARAT Coalition: 

http://www.karat.orgul. Karmelicka 16 m. 13, 00-163 Warsaw, Poland 

Maquila Solidarity Network: 

http://www.maquilasolidarity.org606 Shaw Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M6G 3L6 

Network Women in Development Europe (WIDE): 

http://www.eurosur.org/wide Rue de la Science 10,1000 Brussels, Belgium 

Third World Network (TWN)-Africa: 

http://www.twnafrica.org9 Ollenu Street, East Legon, P.O. Box AN19452, Accra-North , Ghana 

Women’s Edge Coalition: http://www.womensedge.org1825 Connecticut Avenue NW, Suite 800, Washington, D.C. 

20009, USA 

Women’s Environment and Development Organization(WEDO): 

http://www.wedo.org 355 Lexington Avenue, 3rd FloorNew York, NY 10017-6603, USA 

Women’s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ): 

http://www.wicej.org 12 Dongan Place #206, New York, NY 10040, USA 

AWID, Women’s Rights and Economic Change © 

Facts and Issues, No. 6, December 2003 

Written by: Renu Mandhane and Alison Symington 

Copyedited by: Jane Connolly 

Produced by: Shareen Gokal 

Design: Dana Baitz 

Editing in MS Word for Windows for the purpose of publishing in the Journal “Globalizacija.com”: Women’s Centre 

for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia 

See original paper at: 

http://www.awid.org/publications/primers/factsissues6.pdf 

The Association for Women’s Rights in Development is an international membership organization connecting, 

informing and mobilizing people and organizations committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable 

development and women’s human rights. A dynamic network of women and men, AWID members are 

researchers, academics, students, educators, activists, business people, policy-makers, development 

practitioners, funders and others, half of whom are located in the global South and Eastern Europe. 

AWID’s goal is to cause policy, institutional and individual change that will improve the lives of women and girls 

everywhere. Since 1982, AWID has been doing this by facilitating on-going debates on fundamental and 

provocative issues as well as by building the individual and organizational capacities of those working for women’s 

empowerment. 

215 Spadina Ave., Suite 150, 

Toronto, ON, Canada, M5T 2C7 

T: +1 (416) 594-3773 

F: +1 (416) 594-0330 

E-mail: awid@awid.org 

Web: http://www.awid.org 

[1] See AWID Facts & Issues No. 5, “The World Bank and Women’s Rights in Development”, for a more detailed 

discussion of conditionality. 

[2] See ibid. 

[3] Cecilia Lopez, (former Minister of the Environment in Columbia and member of Iniciativa Feminista Cartagena), 

Plenary Speech, AWID’s 9th International Forum on Women’s Rights in Development: Reinventing Globalization, 

October 2002. http://es.awid.org/forum/plenaries/day1cecilialopezspanish.html. 

[4] See Ann Whitehead, Failing Women, Sustaining Poverty: Gender in Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, Report 


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for the UK Gender and Development Network, May 2003. See also Elaine Zuckerman and Ashley Garrett, “Do 

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) Address Gender? A Gender Audit of 2002 PRSPs” (Gender Action, 

2003). 

[5] Josefa (Gigi) Francisco is the South-East Asian Regional Coordinator of DAWN and the Executive Director of the 

Women and Gender Institute of Miriam College Foundation in Quezon City, Philippines. 

[6] With the possible exception of the United States. 

[7] See Elson, D., and N. Catagay, “The Social Content of Macroeconomic Policy” World Development, 28:7 (2000) 

[8] Diane Elson (Professor, University of Essex), at the Conference “Women’s Access to the Economy in the 

Current Period of Economic Integration of the Americas: What Economy?”, Montreal, 23-26 April 2003. 

[9] “African Women Challenging Neo-liberal Economic Orthodoxy: The Conception and Mission of the GERA 

Programme”, Gender and Development, 11.1 (2003): 47. 

[10] Gross Domestic Product (GDP) measures all of the market transactions that take place in a country. 


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Shape up or ship out: Why Millennium Goal No. 3 can not be achieved 

until the multilateral institutions stop imposing neo-liberal policy on the 

rest of the world 

By Rochelle Jones 

AWID 

Whilst undertaking research on macro-economic policy and the feminisation of poverty, I was struck by how many 

miles have already been walked, how many articles and books have already been written, how many task-forces 

have already been deployed, and how the policies of the multilateral institutions remain unashamedly as opaque 

and undemocratic as ever. The evidence and the research are astounding and date back to decades before now. 

Countless reports and articles have succinctly and systematically recorded and analysed the forces of neo-liberal 

globalisation and how they are destroying the livelihoods of people all over the world. I don’t know how many 

passionate, compelling, tragic and simply shocking stories I have read over the past years that have spelled out in 

sophisticated detail that the system of economic globalisation imposed upon countries of the South has to be 

redesigned. We have visibly been working hard to have our voices heard. It is the United States government and 

the multilateral institutions of the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Trade Organisation 

(WTO) and Asia Development Bank – not to mention Export Credit Agencies of national governments and the 

profit-greedy multinationals – that have to now take action. 

Gender equality and freedom from the feminisation of poverty is enshrined in many international instruments, 

such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of 

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW – 1979), and the Beijing Declaration and Platforms that will undergo its 

ten year review at the end of this month. The recent UN Millennium Development Project (UNMDP) report also 

outlines some important strategic priorities in achieving Millennium Goal number three – Gender equality and 

empowerment of women. With such outstanding frameworks to work with, coupled with extensive research that 

shows clearly how people and especially women are suffering under the current neo-liberal system, why do 

women still constitute the majority of the poor? Why are women still not granted their full rights as human 

beings? 

Blind policy has been negotiated for too long behind thick walls that obscure women’s diverse realities. Freedom, 

liberty and human rights are all energetically advocated by those in powerful positions within the neo-liberal order 

(usually men), however, if they placed their ears close to the ground, they would hear the voices of the 

marginalised, muffled by their own dancing feet. I am not saying that women do not have any agency under these 

powerful institutions. On the contrary, women have made and continue to make important gains in terms of rights 

and equality. What I am saying is that if these milestones are to continue, the monopoly on power and knowledge 

that is held by the multilateral institutions and others has to stop. It is simply not fair. 

So what do we do as women and sisters who have passionately fought for a right to be heard, but constantly find 

ourselves in a position where the most powerful institutions in the world, supported by the most powerful state in 

the world, hear our voices, but fail to listen? We keep telling the truth until they do listen. 

Why Millennium Goal Number 3 will not be achieved unless the multilateral institutions shape up: 

Neo-liberal policy and the multilateral institutions that impose it play a key role in undermining sovereignty and 

perpetuating the feminisation of poverty. Institutions such as the World Bank, WTO and the IMF have eroded the 

ability of national governments to make decisions regarding economic and social policy, through the 

implementation of ‘globalisation from above’. Decision-making processes within the IMF and the World Bank are 

based on a system of investment. The more a country ‘contributes’ to the organisation, the more voting power 

they have. This undemocratic system of decision-making has resulted in countries of the North imposing neoliberal 

policies on countries of the South. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) solidifies neo-liberal policy 

convergence in the international political system by creating the rules governing international trade. Agreements 

are drafted by “The Quad” governments of the United States, Canada, Europe and Japan, and these draft 

agreements are then discussed by a group of representatives from 20-30 countries, with the smaller one hundred 

or so developing countries typically excluded. Policies are imposed upon countries as conditions to lending, 

whereby the neo-liberal mantra of trade liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation becomes the orthodoxy, 

undermining democratic processes and participation within the state, and resulting in cleavages between civil 

society and the government. The recent collapse of trade talks at Cancun in 2003, exemplifies how not much has 

changed in macro-economic policy since Seattle in 1999. 

Women, who already constitute the majority of the poor, feel the negative consequences of neo-liberal policy on a 

greater scale than men do. Millennium Development Goal 3 is to achieve gender equality and the empowerment of 

women. The latest UN Millennium Project (UNMP) task-force report on gender [1] identifies seven strategic 

priorities as the “minimum necessary to empower women and alter the historical legacy of female disadvantage 

that remains in most societies of the world”: 


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1.Strengthen opportunities for post-primary education for girls. 

2.Guarantee sexual and reproductive rights. 

3.Invest in infrastructure to reduce women’s and girls’ time burdens. 

4.Guarantee women’s and girls’ property and inheritance rights. 

5.Eliminate gender inequality in employment by decreasing women’s reliance on informal employment, closing 

gender gaps in earnings, and reducing occupational segregation. 

6.Increase women’s share of seats in national parliaments and local government bodies. 

7.Combat violence against girls and women. 

These seven priorities are intimately linked to macro-economic policy and in particular multilateral trade rules, in 

that “globalisation, trade liberalisation and the emerging coherence between international financial and trade 

institutions greatly impinge on the policy space at the national level [and yet] there is no policy interaction at the 

institutional level with regard to gender mainstreaming” [2]. Achieving these strategic priorities will require an 

increased focus from national governments and a significant diversion of funding from other areas, but according 

to UNCTAD [3], multilateral trade rules: “can limit the capacity of governments to apply policies in support of 

gender inequality”; contribute to “maintaining large wage differentials between male workers (mostly skilled) and 

female workers (mostly unskilled) despite increases in exports”; and contribute to widespread job losses for 

women via the removal of domestic support to small-scale farmers in countries of the South. Whilst these 

strategic priorities identify important areas of concern in regards to alleviating the feminisation of poverty, they do 

not specifically refer to the structural issues of inequality that are embedded within the practices and policies of 

the most powerful institutions in the world governing trade and development policy. These institutions “have 

added gender mainstreaming to their rhetoric, but have not changed their practices or their policies” [4]. 

Mariama Williams from the International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN) argues that within macro-economic 

policy, gender is relegated to “soft” areas that “must work to complement and offset the necessary adjustment 

costs of macro planning decisions and outcomes”. This means that “hard” areas such as agricultural liberalisation 

and tariff reductions are deemed gender neutral, whereas food distribution between men and women are analysed 

from a gender perspective [5]. This is a significant problem whereby decisions on neo-liberal policy are not only 

made through an undemocratic decision-making process that favours the rich countries over the poor, but they 

are made without any real consideration of gender. This simply reifies existing structural inequalities and results in 

a perpetuation of the feminisation of poverty. Taking a closer look at two of the priorities identified in the taskforce 

report reveals how neo-liberal policy convergence ignores gender concerns and exacerbates the difficulties 

faced by women. Strategic priority 4 is to guarantee women’s and girls property and inheritance rights. Land 

ownership is deemed important to empowering women both economically and socially, and means that women 

have access to direct benefits such as the use of crops and rights to their proceeds. There is also evidence to 

suggest that asset ownership can also protect against domestic violence [6]. The report asserts that there are few 

statistics on the magnitude of gender asset gaps, but that some reports conducted indicate that women hold a 

substantially lower amount of land ownership than men in countries throughout Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa 

and South and Central Asia. 

The right to ‘land ownership’ is an interesting way to discuss women’s relationship with the earth. It is estimated 

that women grow at least 59 percent of the world’s food, with women in Africa producing more than 70 percent of 

Africa’s food [7]. Clearly, women are key stakeholders in any trade agreements on agricultural products, yet their 

needs and interests are not taken seriously by the institutions that push for lower trade barriers, greater access 

for multi-national corporations and cash crop exports. The same could be said for intellectual property 

agreements. For thousands of years women have been looking after the nutritional needs of their families through 

subsistence agriculture, as well as the use of natural medicines, and now this indigenous knowledge is being 

increasingly “discovered” and patented by MNCs. Eco-feminist Vandana Shiva explains: “patents and intellectual 

property rights are supposed to be granted for novel inventions. But patents are being claimed for rice varieties 

such as the basmati for which the Doon Valley (where I was born) is famous, or pesticides derived from the neem 

tree which our mothers and grandmothers have been using for centuries. Rice Tec, a US-based company, has 

been granted Patent no. 5,663,484 for basmati rice lines and grains… The knowledge of the poor is being 

converted into the property of global corporations, creating a situation where the poor will have to pay for the 

seeds and medicines that they have cultivated, developed and used to meet their needs for nutrition and health 

care” [8]. 

Under the current neo-liberal agenda, women who produce food for their families are classified as unproductive, 

with only cash crops counting for productivity within the economy. Simplistic poverty reduction strategies such as 

export-oriented growth ignore the productive capacity of women in subsistence and community farming, and often 

destroy women’s productivity and self-worth when they are forced to change to cash crops for export, and are 

unable to provide food from subsistence agriculture for their families. Small autonomous producers are rendered 

invisible to the global economy when governments are forced to compete with giant agribusiness companies, and 

shift agricultural production to industrial monocultures [9]. 


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Coupled with increases in production for exports, neo-liberal policy advocates for a reduction of welfare services, 

higher charges for basic services and lower wages [10]. In addition to these barriers, there are rising production 

costs and decreasing commodity prices as a result of cheaper goods flooding the market. The right to land 

ownership, then, is rendered useless when women and their families are faced with rising costs they are simply 

unable to meet. Increasingly poor, many families are selling their land to investors, who either use the land for 

industry, or create large cash crops for export. The right to land ownership also disregards the reality of 

communal land. In Africa, for example, wherecommunal land tenure is still common, privatisation of this land for 

cash crops has been a major objective of the World Bank [11], with absolutely no consideration of the historical 

use of the land by women for subsistence farming. 

Many women are forced to find extra employment to meet rising costs, and because they are generally paid less 

than men, women usually find it easier to gain employment [12]. This channels them into the informal workforce, 

where they work as street vendors, domestic workers and in the service industry – perpetuating the gendered 

division of labour. 

Strategic priority 5 is to eliminate gender inequality in employment. According to the report, women’s status in 

the labour market is inferior to men’s in most countries of the world [13]. Women in countries of the global South 

continue to be found in low-skill, repetitive work in industries such as textiles and electronics and the informal 

workforce because of the many barriers to training and education that women face as opposed to men [14]. Job 

segregation in terms of gender is a major area of concern for the fight against the feminisation of poverty. 

Neo-liberal policy such as the removal of trade barriers, privatisation and deregulation is meant to foster a climate 

for foreign direct investment to jump-start stagnant economies and bring in foreign currency. MNCs are taking 

advantage of these environments to set up manufacturing and production facilities in countries of the South where 

there are large pools of cheap labour, flexible labour laws and tax incentives. This can have both positive and 

negative effects for women. On the positive side, the influx of MNCs entering the labour-intensive sectors of the 

South, such as textiles, footwear, data processing and service outsourcing has resulted in an increase in levels of 

employment for women in some countries [15]. The UNMDP report asserts, however, that in the last twenty 

years, “women’s overall economic activity rates increased… yet women’s status in the labour market remains 

significantly inferior to that of men’s worldwide”. Responsibility for this lies within neo-liberal policy convergence, 

which creates these ‘favourable’ environments for foreign investment, fails to take into account the different 

experiences of men and women, and focuses only on economic growth factors as development indicators, 

rendering gender implications invisible. 

Export Processing Zones (EPZs) or Free Trade Zones, have increased dramatically as a result of neo-liberal policy, 

and yet recent research shows that EPZs often fall short of their goals and their performance is erratic, despite the 

incentives offered by host governments. Some of the biggest problems arising from the rise of EPZs include 

environmental damage, poor safety and health standards, and labour rights abuses. The majority of employees in 

EPZs are women, and despite arguments suggesting that EPZs exist as a route for women to enter the formal 

employment sector where wages are often higher than in the informal sector, women face sexual harassment and 

discrimination in hiring, wages and benefits. 

There has been a wealth of research into the negative effects of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) on countries of 

the South, with some of the most compelling examples coming from John Pilger [16], an Australian journalist who 

has helped to expose some of the labour rights abuses and discrimination that women face when they are 

employed by some MNCs. Of course not all MNCs are guilty of labour abuses, but the climate of free trade zones 

or EPZs leaves it almost entirely up to the employer as to what regulations and standards they are going to 

impose. Under these conditions, and with the bottom line of every MNC being profit, labour rights abuses and 

lowered standards are inevitable. 

Whilst visiting an EPZ in Indonesia, Pilger describes a common scenario: “Posing as a London fashion buyer… I 

was given a tour of one such factory, which makes Gap clothes for Britain and America. I found more than a 

thousand mostly young women working, battery-style, under the glare of strip lighting, in temperatures that 

reach 40 degrees centigrade. The only air-conditioning was upstairs, where the Taiwanese bosses were… The 

women have no choice about the hours they must work, including a notorious ‘long shift’: 36 hours without going 

home. I was assured that, if I wanted to place a last-minute order, that was ‘no problem’ because ‘we just make 

the workers stay longer’” [17]. 

Indonesia was described as the World Bank’s “model pupil of globalisation” under the Suharto regime before the 

financial crisis. When he was forced to resign in 1998, he took with him approximately $10 billion dollars of the 

World Bank’s money, which is still being repaid by the Indonesian people. When Pilger interviewed the World 

Bank’s chief economist at the time, Nicholas Stern, he asked him to explain why the World Bank or IMF did not 

speak out against the regime, who was singled out by the UN Commission on Human Rights because of inequality 

and discrimination. Stern responded that “Indonesia’s economy grew as a result of integrating into the global 

economy… it was a dictatorship, so people didn’t have some of their human rights” [18]. 

Clearly the World Bank’s narrow focus on economic growth in Indonesia is an example of how this approach 

ignores the consequences of neo-liberal policy on people’s lives. The reality is that labour segregation and the 

‘race to the bottom’ in terms of wages in the workforce is perpetuated, not alleviated, by neo-liberal policy. The 

WTO Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, for example, which rested on a system of clothing export quotas for 

countries exporting to the European Union, Canada and the United States, expired at the end of 2004 and is being 


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phased out in 2005 [19]. From 2005, all WTO member countries will have unrestricted access to European, 

Canadian and US markets. Countries who previously had high quota allocations, such as Sri Lanka, will now have 

to become more competitive in the market. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) is 

concerned that an increase in competitiveness across the international textiles and clothing sectors, will result in 

further violations of labour practices as companies look to invest in countries where labour costs are low and 

labour laws are weak [20]. China is already showing signs of competitive advantage in this area of low-cost 

labour. 

So whilst the strategic priorities of the Millennium Development Project are obvious for achieving gender equality 

and alleviating the feminisation of poverty, they are unrealistic given the structural impediments of neo-liberal 

policy imposed on countries by the multilateral institutions. No-where in the UNMDP report does it mention 

embedded, structural inequalities in macro-economic policy, despite the intimate relationship between multilateral 

institutions and national policies. The feminisation of poverty is inextricably related to policies and decisions made 

inside the ‘Green Room’ of the WTO, and vetoes and conditionalities on lending decisions by the US and other 

affluent countries within the walls of the World Bank and the IMF. These institutions have no accountability in the 

area of gender or human rights, and if this continues, objectives such as the Millennium Development Goals, will 

be difficult to reach. 

It has become an imperative to wrestle back the agenda and investigate alternatives to economic liberalisation 

and neo-liberal policy convergence. This does not only involve reform of the international institutions that fortify 

the inequalities we see in the North and the South, but it involves a return to our Socratic right to question truth. 

Our reliance on mainstream political ideology is thwarting our ability to conceptualise truth and distinguish it from 

rationality. Problem-solving theories like neo-liberalism use the current structures as the framework for action and 

reify the existing world order with its accompanying power and wealth inequalities that reinforce these 

inequalities. Frameworks to alleviate poverty and to achieve gender equality are of no use unless they include a 

serious rethinking of the global economic system. 


Resource Net Friday File, Issue 212 

Friday February 4, 2005 


http://www.awid.org 

Notes: 

[1] UNMP Report 2005. Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and 

empowering women. Sourced from http://unmp.forumone.com/eng_html_02.html January 2005. 

[2] IGTN (International Gender and Trade Network) 2004. Statement of Mariama Williams: Roundtable Discussion 

on Mainstreaming Gender Perspectives into all Policies and Programs in the UN System. United Nations, NY, July 6- 

7, 2004. Sourced from: 

http://www.genderandtrade.net/Research/UNStatementMariama-07-04.pdf January 2005. 

[3] UNCTAD 2004. UNCTAD XI and the Gender Implications of the multilateral trading system. Round Table on 

Trade and Gender, 15 June: Press Release. 

[4] AWID (Association for Women’s Rights in Development) 2004. “Gender Mainstreaming: Can it work for 

Women’s Rights?”. Spotlight, November 2004: 3. 

[5] IGTN (International Gender and Trade Network) 2004. Statement of Mariama Williams: Roundtable Discussion 

on Mainstreaming Gender Perspectives into all Policies and Programs in the UN System. United Nations, NY, July 6- 

7, 2004. Sourced from: 

http://www.genderandtrade.net/Research/UNStatementMariama-07-04.pdf January 2005. 

[6] UNMP Report 2005. Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and 

empowering women. Sourced from http://unmp.forumone.com/eng_html_02.html January 2005. 

[7] Warren, K.J. 1997. “Taking Empirical Data Seriously: An Ecofeminist Philosophical Perspective” in Warren, K.J. 

1997 (Ed). Ecofeminism: Women, Culture, Nature. Indiana: Indiana University Press. 

[8] Shiva, V. 2001. “Globalization and Poverty”, in Bennholdt-Thomsen, V. Faraclas, N & Von Werlhof, C. (Eds.) 

There is an alternative: Subsistence and worldwide resistance to corporate globalisation. London: Zed Books. 

[9] Ibid. 

[10] Henshall Momsen, J. 2004. Gender and Development. London: Routledge. 

[11] Federici, S. 2001. “War, Globalization and Reproduction” in Bennholdt-Thomsen, V. Faraclas, N & Von 

Werlhof, C. (Eds.) There is an alternative: Subsistence and worldwide resistance to corporate globalisation. 


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London: Zed Books. 

[12] Henshall Momsen, J. 2004. Gender and Development. London: Routledge. 

[13] UNMP Report 2005. Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality 

and empowering women. Sourced from http://unmp.forumone.com/eng_html_02.html January 2005. 

[14] Ibid. 

[15] UNCTAD 2004. UNCTAD XI and the Gender Implications of the multilateral trading system. Round Table on 

Trade and Gender, 15 June: Press Release. 

[16] Pilger, J. 2003. The New Rulers of the World. London: Verso. 

[17] Ibid. 

[18] Ibid. 

[19] ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions) 2004. Behind the Brand Names: Working 

conditions and labour rights in Export Processing Zones. Available from http://www.icftu.org. December 2004. 

[20] Ibid. 


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Economic Globalisation and Paradoxes [1] 


Women’s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia 

“The net transfer of financial resources to developing countries has been negative each and every year since 

1997, according to what Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations, reported to the General Assembly in 

2002. In other words, money is being taken from the poor to give to the rich. The world economy is functioning 

like a reverse Robin Hood.” [2] 

“We believe that the main challenge we are facing today is to ensure that globalisation remains a positive force for 

all people in the world.” [3] 

Summary 

Technological development, market integration, and free movement of goods, capital, and labour have resulted in 

enormous opportunities for human development and the uprooting of many maladies of humankind such as 

poverty and hunger. Current trends in the world, however, indicate that the benefits of economic globalisation are 

unevenly distributed and that they stimulate discrimination and inequality. Thanks to neoliberal politics based on 

gathering profit at any cost, paradoxes in the form of bigger gaps between the rich and the poor are intensified. 

Key words: globalisation, neoliberalism, poverty, poverty feminisation, labour force feminisation, human rights 

based development. 

Introduction 

Despite more and more numerous theories and concepts about globalisation, one of the topics most discussed at 

the beginning of the 21 st century, agreement on a clear and generally acceptable definition of this phenomenon 

has still not been reached. Various authors approach consideration and analysis of this process from various 

standpoints and fields, such as economics, politics, political economy, sociology, culture, technology, 

communication, information, etc. [4] What is common to these approaches is the understanding that globalisation 

refers to the intensification of social and economic relations across state borders, the consequence of which leads 

to tighter and higher mutual impact of global and local events. In this paper, globalisation will, above all, refer to 

the economic aspects resulting from the economic integration of nations, regions, and markets characterising 

today’s world globally and regionally. 

Dominant political trends shaping economic aspects of globalisation include trade liberalisation, the deregulation of 

various activities of nations and other players, the privatisation of state functions and services, and the 

appearance and intensified impact of new powerful international players at the economic level, such as World 

Bank, International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation, transnational corporations, multinational 

companies, and informal groups such as G7 and G8. Basic trends that currently shape macroeconomics start from 

the neoliberal point of view, meaning complete freedom of movement of goods, capital, and services, the 

decrease in public expenditures for social services, deregulation in any area that may contribute to profit 

decrease, privatisation, and the elimination of the concept of public property. Globalisation is driven by neoliberal 

economic policy, which is the current political choice of international financial institutions, governments, and other 

international players. 

Globalisation and Poverty 

Statistical indicators and UNDP studies [5] in recent years indicate that the prevailing trend of economic 

globalisation resulted in the extension of the gap between the rich and the poor – both between developed and 

underdeveloped countries, and among particular social classes within individual countries and regions, including 

the richest parts of the world. The ratio of income between the top fifth of the world’s population according to 

income and the lowest fifth was 30:1 in 1960, 60:1 in 1990, and 74:1 in 1999. [6] In the period from 1979 to 

1997, the income of 60% of the world’s population decreased; 20% of the population achieved a modest income 

increase; the 20% at the top income levels achieved a drastic income increase. In 1999, 68-86% of the world’s 

gross domestic product, goods and services exports, and direct foreign investments, belonged to the richest 

group, while the lowest one-fifth achieved only 1%. In this year, the index of humane development applied in the 

UNDP Report of Humane Development for the first time decreased in 30 countries of the world, illustrating the 

trend of the increase of absolute poverty. 


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In the late 1990s, the 200 richest people in the world doubled the value of their property in only a few years. The 

income of the three richest people in the world exceeds the GDP of all of the poorest countries of the world with a 

total population of over 600 million. The richest 1% has more income that 57% of the poorest. In this period, the 

fifth of the world’s population living in the highest-income countries had: 82% of the world’s export markets – 

the bottom fifth just 1%; , 68% of foreign direct investments – the bottom fifth just 1%; 74% of world telephone 

lines – the bottom fifth just 1,5%,and were 93% of Internet users – the bottom fifth just 0,2%. On the other 

hand, 1.2 billion people live in extreme poverty. [7] 

Poverty as a Violation of Human Rights 

The analysis of globalisation’s effect on poverty first requires definition of poverty. Poverty used to be defined as 

the lack of material property or of resources for the acquisition of property. Today, poverty is viewed in much 

wider terms, which also include the lack of opportunities to achieve dignity in life, such as involvement in decision 

making and the availability of resources and mechanisms for achieving and protecting human rights. 

The concept of poverty is not explicitly included in the main international human rights conventions that are the 

basis of international human rights law. However, it is certain that poverty reduce the opportunity of people to 

enjoy their basic human rights. Illiterate or insufficiently educated people, who have no housing and inadequate 

food are unable to be involved in decision making regarding their destiny and in the rule of their country. The 

achievement of civil and political rights means much more than satisfaction of basic human’s needs; it includes 

the availability of information, education, health care, and ways to satisfy cultural needs. Poverty is not the 

problem of an individual and his/her (in)competence to “manage” but it is the violation of basic human rights, [8] 

which are the responsibility not only borne by a State, according to traditional understanding of human rights law. 

This responsibility is also borne by new international actors that have priority in making decisions and in managing 

global, national, and regional activities. These international actors include, for example, international 

organisations, transnational corporations, and international financial institutions [9] . The result of this prevailing 

concept is the formulation of the right to control transnational corporations in the third generation of human 

rights, which is a formulation contributed by the UN Sub-Commission for the Promotion and Protection of Human 

Rights, that also created, and in August 2003 adopted, the “Draft Norms of the Responsibility of Transnational 

Corporations and Other Business Enterprises Regarding Human Rights” [10] . 

Starting from the World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in 1993, the promotion and protection of 

human rights and basic freedoms have been considered to be UN priority objectives in accordance with UN 

objectives and principles, especially regarding international cooperation. From that date, the connection between 

the poverty and human rights has been acknowledged. The UN Committee for Human Rights and its Sub- 

Committee have started to support the human rights based approach to poverty. [11] The Committee on 

Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights expressed its regret that poverty reduction policies rarely take into account 

human rights dimensions of poverty, since such an approach may intensify and make strategies for decreasing 

poverty much more efficient. [12] The Committee adopted a wider concept of poverty, defining it as “human 

condition characterised by sustained or chronic deprivation of the resources, capabilities, choices, security and 

power necessary for the enjoyment of an adequate standard of living and other civil, cultural, economic, political 

and social rights. While acknowledging that there is no universally accepted definition, the Committee endorses 

this multi-dimensional understanding of poverty, which reflects the indivisible and interdependent nature of all 

human rights.” (para. 8). [13] 

In the context of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the Committee identified 

the rights that are directly related to decreasing poverty. Those are the rights to work, an appropriate living 

standard, accommodation, food, health, and education. Further, the Committee estimated that the basic elements 

of a successful strategy against poverty are those that create the basis of a normative framework of human 

rights: non-discrimination, equality, participation in public life, and responsibility. Banning discrimination and 

achieving the right to equality refer to all rights of individuals and marginalised and socially excluded groups. 

The above-mentioned presents only the beginning of UN activities to extend the understanding of poverty viewed 

in the context of human rights. Therefore, Special Rapporteurs, and independent experts have been appointed to 

research particular issues regarding poverty, such as extreme poverty, income distribution, the programmes of 

structural adjustment, and globalisation. 

Poverty Reduction as a Millennium Development Goal 

The UN have decided that the struggle against poverty is one of the basic activities of the UN, the international 

community, and UN member countries for the 21 st century. [14] One objective accepted is to decrease, to half of 

the 1990 level, the number of the poor suffering from hunger and living with less than USD 1 of income per day 

by 2015. In his last UN report on the achievement of Millennium Development Goals, Kofi Annan, UN General 

Secretary, emphasised that for the first time in its history humankind has the necessary resources and knowledge 

to reduce poverty and hunger; nevertheless, the realisation of this objective mostly depends on achieving fair 

development. [15] Despite the current trend of poverty rates decreasing in transitioning countries in contrast to 

rapid poverty increases in the 1990s, the point of concern is that poverty increased in 37 out of 67 poor countries. 

Accordingly to the average worldwide trend, hunger in the world is slowly but certainly decreasing; [16] 

nevertheless, reason for concern comes from the big regional inequalities and the fact that in the 1990s there was 

both a huge excess of food production and an increase in the number of underfed children in Asia and Africa (up 

to 50% in South-Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa). This is primarily the consequence of structural effects, 


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such as long-term economic and agrarian policies, the bad and subordinated positions of women, social 

inequalities, and endemic conflicts. [17] 

Globalisation, Banning Discrimination, and the Right to Equality 

In 2000 the UN Commission on Human Rights decided to nominate as Special Rapporteurs [18] to undertake a 

study on the issue of globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of all human rights. In their Report, they 

concluded that it was fairly evident that the phenomenon of globalization, the processes and institutional 

frameworks through which it was propagated, and its multifaceted nature have numerous implications for the 

promotion and protection of all human rights. This implies that there is a need for a critical reconceptualization of 

the policies and instruments of international trade, investment and finance. [19] 

Of course, it would be absurd to say that globalisation created inequality and discrimination. However, 

globalisation has caused global conditions of inequality and discrimination to worsen [20] . To confirm this 

statement, one only needs to see statistics [21] and analyse, for example, the use of the Internet as the indicator 

of resource availability and ask who is in the loop, as UNDP did [22] . Yet even if telecommunications systems are 

installed and accessible, without literacy and basic computer skills people will have little access to the network 

society. In 1995 adult literacy was less than 40% in 16 countries, and primary school enrolments less than 80% 

in 24 countries. Current access to Internet runs along the fault lines of national societies, dividing educated from 

illiterate, men from women, rich from poor, young from old, urban from rural. National Internet surveys in 1998 

and 1999 revealed that income buys access, ethnicity counts, educated, men and youth dominate. [23] This also 

refers to telecommunication presenting the framework for modern globalisation. Important characteristics of 

telecommunication use and availability are gender, language, geographical coordinates, and income levels. Apart 

from these indicators, globalisation also creates a gap between urban and rural populations and further 

contributes to the intensification of the gap between those who have and have not. In the areas with a majority of 

rural people, such as is the case on the African continent, the fact is that globalisation has not resulted in 

improvement of the quality of life. [24] 

Opening markets, removing customs barriers, and liberalizing trade do not guarantee that everyone will gain 

benefits from these changes. On the contrary, current trends and effects of these policies indicate that they 

benefit the big and rich (markets, states, regions, individuals, etc.) to the detriment of the small and poor 

(markets, states, regions, individuals, etc.). It is a paradox that growing integration, one of globalisation’s 

features, is of very little benefit to those who provide significant contribution to the creation of property and 

resources: workers and especially migrants. Today, migrants represent an “invisible state” within the European 

Union and the industrially developed countries of North America. Uniting the EU market has stimulated the 

mobility of labour in the entire territory of Europe. Despite the fact that EU member states’ economies are based 

to great extent on the use of this cheap, flexible, and available labour force, these workers are an unprotected 

population, whose rights are protected neither by the legislation of their states of residence nor by their home 

countries. Migrants are more and more faced with various limitations: they may not vote in local and national 

elections; they may not establish their associations; and in many countries they may not be employed in the 

public sector. [25] The lack of relevant legal protection increases the insecurity of work in formal positions; 

therefore, more migrants move from the field of formal work to the informal sector or to temporary and part-time 

jobs without any security regarding appropriate salaries and adequate safety at work. The fact that the majority of 

migrants do not belong to the white race clearly indicates the racial and discriminatory nature of this issue, 

invisible in the official policy of those countries [26] . 

Globalisation has not only reinforced traditional inequality between North and South, but also within the North, in 

the countries which are traditionally supposed to be the main beneficiaries of globalisation. In Canada, at the top 

of the UNDP human development index, the income of the 5 million poorest families decreased by 5% on average 

during the 1990s, while the income of the richest increased by 7%. Similar trends have occurred in Germany, 

Italy, and other developed economies, while Scandinavian countries face stronger pressures for decreasing 

expenditures on welfare and social activities. As for Western countries, poverty is most widespread and present in 

the USA. As many as 68 million Americans, i.e. every fourth one, lives in poverty; 2 million Americans are 

homeless; in the 1990s the income of the richest one-fifth of Americans increased by 83%, while the income of 

the poorest one-fifth decreased by 14%. [27] It is a paradox that increasing wealth and improvement resulting 

from globalisation and integration leads to growth in inequality and discrimination. 

Globalisation’s Impact on Women’s Positions 

The paradoxes of the globalisation are nowhere more apparent than in relation to the impact of globalisation on 

the gender relations and on the plight of women in particular. This is the observation that was particularly 

stressed in the Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact 

of globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights. [28] In order to analyse this impact, particular factors 

related to globalisation should be determined and observed regarding their impact on women’s positions, including 

isolation of other factors that also produce changes and effects, but are not directly related to globalisation. 

Numerous studies [29] in this field still unambiguously indicate that globalisation has impacted women’s positions, 

where the effects have varied depending on nation, region, and social class. The general impression is that the 

impact of globalisation on women has both positive and negative aspects. For example, the foundation of new 

factories in export-oriented branches may create new opportunities of women’s employment and thus create their 

income sources and basis to achieve economic independence. On the other hand, the significant increase in 

women’s share of the labour force in developing countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Philippines 


Doc 

has been followed by average salaries decreases, less favourable labour conditions, and rising insecurity, thus 

creating conditions for the increase of poverty. [30] 

Globalisation has both positive and negative effects on women in developed countries, too (Bakker, 1999: 32). 

Dominant policies that shape globalisation have been barely successful in stimulating economic development and 

decreasing inflation in many rich countries, while, on the other hand, they have contributed to growing income 

polarisation, social exclusion, and growth in unemployment rates. The decreasing role of state welfare and social 

security systems have resulted in the transfer of these roles from the public (governmental) sector to markets or 

families. This has gradually resulted in the increased burden on women to perform these activities, including a 

growing trend of transferring women from the formal to the informal economy. Economic systems based on profit 

often gain it at the expense of women’s labour. [31] In many studies, globalisation is also related to growing 

exploitation of women in the form of trafficking of women for prostitution, especially in the countries characterised 

by accelerated transformation in order to adopt a market economic model. [32] 

Thanks to the increased number of feminist researchers, it has been shown that all aspects of economic 

globalisation, such as international trade, unemployment, employment, global management, international 

resources, foreign debts, and poverty, have gender dimensions, i.e. that they produce different effects on men 

versus on women. This is reflected both in their economic and social positions in societies and families and in their 

opportunities for achieving and enjoying civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights and protection. 

One study by the UN has confirmed the fact that industrialisation under the umbrella of globalisation is oriented as 

much to using women’s labour as it is to exporting. [33] Women have taken over the labour market in the majority 

of countries that have accepted a liberal economic policy. The overall economic activity rate of women between 

ages 20 and 54 in 1996 approached 70% in paid work [34] . Among the newly industrializing countries, where 

manufacturing has been heavily oriented toward export, the share of women workers in such industries has 

increased substantially. [35] This is especially the case with export areas and special economic areas where labourintensive 

industries have moved into developing countries to find cheap labour thanks to foreign investments and 

free movement of capital. In branches, such as leather, textiles, footwear, and computer production, that require 

semi-skilled labour, investors have, as a rule, given advantage to women when employing people. At the same 

time, those are labour-intensive branches with low salaries. Compared to the growth of industrial products 

exported from the Northern, more developed countries, the employment growth recorded in developing countries 

had been proportionately greater in the labour-intensive, low-salaried industries. 

Racing to attract foreign capital, many countries, especially developing ones, decrease their legal minimum wage, 

working standards, and work safety, while also introducing tax deductions for investors that have negative effects 

on the baseline regarding the possibility for employees and job seekers to achieve economic and social rights. 

When creating comparative advantages that would attract investments, labour force costs decrease. States loose 

their standards in the field of labour legislation; therefore, full-time employment is more and more replaced by 

temporary and part-time jobs explaining this as labour flexibility designed to increase employment. The truth is, 

however, that such policies benefit large capital owners who in this way get facilitated access to cheap labour, 

cost decreases, and high profit gains. In this sense, a tighter connection is created between trade liberalisation 

and cheaper labour, which becomes mostly a women’s labour force. [36] 

The phenomenon of demand for a cheaper labour force results in the increase of internal and external women’s 

migration, and their vulnerability makes them easily available for exploitation, both in work and sexually. A high 

number of under-educated and rural women, especially young ones, migrates to towns and developed countries in 

search of work. Within a migrant population, which is already a marginalised social group, women make up the 

most vulnerable part for whom almost all mechanisms of human rights protection are unavailable. In Asia, where 

there are large population migrations, the ratio of women to men among Philippines migrants is 12:1, and among 

Indonesians it is 3:1. Many of those women are housewives, nurses, shop assistants, restaurant and shop 

workers, and entertainers in sex and other entertainment industries. Despite the fact that they get the 

opportunity to earn more than at home, these women are unprotected and exposed to high rates of exploitation 

and social and working insecurity. To high extent, this is facilitated by the countries that accept migrants, for they 

do not provide the possibility for enjoyment and protection of economic and social rights. The growth of the 

informal economic sector magnifies the problem that the traditional mechanisms protecting equality, rights, and 

benefits enjoyed by employees within the formal sector are not applied to those working within the informal 

economy. Insecure market conditions cause family incomes to decrease, often because men lose their jobs, 

putting more pressure on women to find or keep jobs in the labour force even when they prefer not to do so. 

Those who may not find a job within the formal economy, often because they do not possess relevant education 

and working experience, are forced to turn to the informal sector, where working conditions are even worse. 

Transnational companies who enter new markets characterised by high level of informal economy have found out 

that employment workers in temporary or part-time jobs significantly decreases their expenses. The result of this 

is another paradox of current globalisation: the growth of poverty among the employed. 

Conclusions 

The neoliberal model of economic globalisation further deepens historical and existing inequalities according to 

ethnicity, gender, , and economics within and among states, thus impeding the possibility of establishing 

sustainable and equitable development for all. Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO, 

stimulate the type of globalisation dominated by trade liberalism and the privatisation of everything, including 

services. Such a globalisation model and way of stimulating economic growth has resulted in the aggravation of 


Doc 

economic, social, and cultural conditions in which the most sensitive groups live, and it has contributed to the 

growth of poverty and social exclusion. [37] 

The related phenomenon of economic globalisation and poverty expansion is the increased insecurity of 

individuals, groups, and states in various domains: economic, financial, cultural, employment equality, social, 

health care, ecological, political, and personal. The liberalisation of finance, trade, investment, and technology 

since the 1970s has resulted in a faster capital flow than in any previous periods. It has resulted in unimagined 

economic and technological opportunities for individuals. At the same time, it has contributed to the creation of 

conditions where less people may enjoy the benefits of economic globalisation. Trade liberalisation produces a 

series of consequences such as: 

● Increased inequality among individuals, among regions, among nations and within nations, continuing 

poverty growth; 

● An increased level of people’s vulnerability due to social differences such as unemployment, poverty, and 

crime; 

● Increased opportunities for regions, nations, communities, and individuals not to enjoy the advantages and 

benefits resulting from globalisation; 

Unless care is taken to eliminate exploitation and discrimination, globalisation can result in the marginalisation 

and social exclusion of whole areas of the world and social groups such as women, the disabled, the aged, 

migrants, etc. While many people are benefiting from new communication technologies, new levels of wealth 

through increased investment, trade and capital flow, other are left behind, in poverty, effectively marginalized 

from the hopes that globalisation holds out. [38] 

The concentration of financial power results in the concentration of political power held by fewer people. The 

centres of decision making and creating world policy move from international institutions such as the UN to 

informal power centres, such as G7 and G8. For many authors, the solution is to move from neoliberal model of 

economy based on profit and market fundamentalism to human rights based development. [39] Why is this 

important? Because currently prevailing political trends shaping globalisation further deepen inequality, poverty, 

and conflicts, and thus disable sustainable development and the achievement of economic and social rights by a 

large majority of people. Many lose opportunities to take part in making decisions and controlling their own 

environments and resources. Unless the benefits of social and economic development are extended to all 

countries, a growing number of people in all countries and even entire regions will remain marginalized from the 

global economy. A review of the global economy as it functions within the framework of the policies of the 

international financial institutions will assist in establishing the extent to which an enabling environment 

supportive of the enjoyment of human rights exists. The global economy is one aspect in the creation of social and 

international order conducive to the enjoyment of human rights. A just, and efficient social order must also exist 

at the national level. Therefore, good governance is an essential element. [40] The basic principles that should 

provide this goal are: 

1. The principle of the priority of human rights: human rights must be the basic framework and objective for 

everything, for multilateral and bilateral investments, trade, and financial arrangements. 

2. The principle of non-retrogression: nations may not derogate or restrict international obligations concerning 

the achievement of economic, social, and cultural rights. 

3. The right to effective protection in front of a relevant forum. 

4. The rights of individuals and groups, especially affected or marginalised ones especially referring women, to 

make decisions. 

Human rights may not either be achieved or protected without appropriate national and international legal 

frameworks, including effective institutions and mechanisms at national and international levels and material 

resources. At the global level, this objective may not be achieved without designing and implementing 

mechanisms that would provide control and responsibilities for protection of human rights for all state and nonstate 

actors, including corporate responsibility of international financial institutions and multinational corporations. 

References: 

1. Bakker, Isabella. 1999. Globalisation and Human Development in the Rich Countries: Lessons from Labour 

Market and Welfare States, in: Globalisation with a Human Face, Background paper, Vol. II 

2. Beynon, J. and Dunkerley, D. (eds). 2001. Globalization: The Reader, New York: Routledge. 

3. Çagatay, N., Elson, D. and C. Grown (Eds.). 1995. World Development, Vol 23 No 11, Special issue on 

‘Gender and macroeconomics’. 

4. Global Fund for Women. 2003. More Than Money: Strategies to Build Women's Economic Power, Impact 

Report no. 1: Economic Opportunity Initiative 


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5. Smith, G. and Naím, M. 2000. Altered States: Globalization, Sovereignty and Governance, Ottawa: 

International Development Research Council 

6. ILO. 1996. Globalization of the Footwear, Textiles and Clothing Industries, Geneva: ILO 

7. ILO. 1998. Labour and social issues relating to export processing zones, Report for discussion in the 

Tripartite Meeting of Export-Processing Zone-Operating Countries, Geneva: ILO. 

8. ILO. 2002. ILO Activities on the Social Dimension of Globalization: Synthesis Report, Geneva: ILO. 

9. Karadenizli, Maria. 2002. «Instruments for Engendering Trade Agreements», Instruments for Gender 

Equality in Trade Agreements, July 2002. Brussels: WIDE 

10. Preliminary Report of the Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment of human rights, 

UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342 

11. Skogly, S. 2001. The Human Rights Obligations of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, 

London: Cavendish Publishing Limited. 

12. Social Watch. 2003. Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo, Urugvay: Social Watch 

13. Stichele, M. 1997. «Gender mapping the EU’s Common Trade Policy», A Women in Development Europe 

(WIDE) Report, Brussels: WIDE 

14. UNDP. 1999. Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. 



17. UNDP, UNOHCHR, Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway. 1998. Human Development and Human Rights, 

Report on the Oslo Symposium, Oslo 

18. UNIFEM. 2000. Progress of the World’s Women 2000. New York: UNIFEM. 

19. United Nations. 1999. 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and 

Work, United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8 

20. WIDE. 1999. Gender, Trade and Rights: Moving Forward. Brussels: WIDE. 

21. WIDE. 2000. From Seattle to Beijing+5: How Can Women’s Economic Human Rights be Safeguarded in Times 

of Globalization? The Impact of Macroeconomy on Women, Brussels: WIDE 

Temida © 2003 

http://www.vds.org.yu 

[1] Published in Serbian in the Journal of the Victimology Society of Serbia Temida No.4/2003: 15-22. 

[2] Social Watch. 2003. Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo, Uruguay, p. 9. 

[3] UN Millennium Declaration, I.5. (A/RES/55/2). 

[4] Beynon, J. and Dunkerley, D. (eds) (2001), Globalization: The Reader, Oxford University Press. 

[5] UNDP. 1999. Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. 

[6] Ibidem, p. 3. 

[7] Ibidem. 


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[8] Poverty and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Statement adopted by the 

Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, UN doc. E/C.12/2001/10, para. 1. 

[9] Further: Skogly, S. 2001. The Human Rights Obligations of the World Bank and the International Monetary 

Fund, London, Cavendish Publishing Limited. 

[10] To read more see: http://www.hrw.org/corporations/ 

[11] UN Committee on Human Rights Resolution 2001/31 (“Human Rights and Extreme Poverty”), UN Sub- 

Committee for Human Rights Resolution 2001/8 (“The Application of Existing Norms of Human Rights and 

Standards in the Context of Struggling Extreme Poverty”). 

[12] Poverty and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Statement adopted by the 

Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, UN doc. E/C.12/2001/10, para. 2 

[13] Ibidem, para. 8 

[14] A/RES/55/2 

[15] Implementation of the UN Millennium Declaration, Report of the Secretary-General, General Assembly, fiftyeighth 

session, Follow-up of the Millennium Summit, A/58/323, September 2, 2003, p. 9. 

[16] Ibid. p. 19. 

[17] Ibid. p. 10. 

[18] Mr. J. Oloka-Onyango and Ms. Deepika Udagama. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13 

[19] Ibid. para. 62. 

[20] Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of 

globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13), para. 26 

[21] UNDP. 2000. Human Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press; UNDP. 2003. Human 

Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press; Social Watch. 1999. No. 3; Social Watch. 2003. 

Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo. 

[22] UNDP. 1999. Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. pp.63-66. 

[23] “The typical Internet user worldwide is male, under 35 years old, with a college education and high income, 

urban-based and English-speaking – a member of a very elite minority worldwide. The consequence? The network 

society is creating parallel communications systems: one for those with income, education and – literally – 

connections, (…); the other for those without connections, blocked by high barriers of time, cost and uncertainty 

and dependent on outdated information (…) The voices and concerns of people already living in human poverty – 

lacking incomes, education and access to public institutions – are being increasingly marginalized.” Ibidem, p. 63. 

[24] Ibid. p. 62. 

[25] Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of 

globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13), para. 28. 

[26] Ibidem. 

[27] Data and statistics from: UNDP. 2000. Human Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press; 

UNDP. 2003. Human Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press; Social Watch. 1999. Report 

No. 3; Social Watch. 2003. Report 2003: The Poor and the Market. 

[28] E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13, para.30-40. 

[29] United Nations. 1999. World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, 

(United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8); UNIFEM (2000), Progress of the World’s Women 2000. New 

York: UNIFEM; WIDE (1999), Gender, Trade and Rights: Moving Forward. Brussels: WIDE 

[30] WIDE (2000), From Seattle to Beijing+5: How Can Women’s Economic Human Rights be Safeguarded in 

Times of Globalization? The Impact of Macroeconomy on Women, Brussels: WIDE 


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[31] Report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, special rapporteur for violence against women, their causes and effects 

(UN doc. E/CN.4/1995/42, para. 55). 

[32] Report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, special rapporteur for violence against women, their causes and effects 

(UN doc. E/CN.4/2000/68). 

[33] United Nations, 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, 

(United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8) 

[34] ILO(1996b), Globalization of the Footwear, Textiles and Clothing Industries, Geneva: ILO 

[35] United Nations, 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, 

(United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8), para. 103-104. 

[36] Karadenizli, M. 2002. “Instruments for Engendering Trade Agreements”, Instruments for Gender Equality in 

Trade Agreements, July 2002, Brussels: WIDE. 

[37] Further on the impact of the privatisation of services to the poor and women in: Social Watch. 2003. Report 

2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo. 

[38] Preliminary Report of the Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment of human rights, 

UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342, para 6. 

[39] Further: UNDP, UNOHCHR, Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, Human Development and Human 

Rights, Report on the Oslo Symposium, October 23, 1998. 

[40] See: Preliminary Report of the Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment of human 

rights, UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342; Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka- 

Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/ 

Sub.2/2000/13), 


Trade Liberalisation 

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TRADE LIBERALISATION 



Last month, the countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) met in Hong Kong from 

December 13-18, 2005 to revitalize and push forward the ‘Doha round’ of trade talks. 

Their challenge was to ensure that the needs of developing countries were kept at the 

core of the negotiating agenda, as was promised at the beginning of the round in 2001. 

After Hong Kong, most issues remain unresolved, and negotiations will continue through 

2006. 


By Charita Jashi, Ph.D. 

Liberalization of the world economy creates new opportunities to take full advantage of 

the market economy. The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the 

World Trade Organization (“WTO”) have a significance influence on the economic and 

social development in the world. The modern global marketplace is characterized by a 

high degree of monopolization. It is very difficult for the developing countries to access 

these markets. 

Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy: The Case of the 

Clothing Industry ‘Novitet’ 

By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. 

Neoclassical interpretations of globalisation mainly focus on the changes on the market 

and in the state and on their mutual relationship. In terms of trade, globalisation 

operates as trade liberalization, grounded in the ideology of free trade and the theory of 

comparative advantage. Thus, powerful international institutions such as IMF and the 

World Bank argue that reducing all barriers to trade in goods and services between 

countries will have positive economic effects on the development of countries and, 

therefore, will yield better living standards for the majority of their populations. 

Civil Society Protest in Geneva Against the WTO Corporate Agenda 

By Amandine Bach 

WIDE 

Hundreds of civil society trade campaigners from around the world gathered on 27-29 

July in Geneva during the WTO's General Council meeting. After the so-called July 

framework was agreed in Geneva last year, campaigners had decided to be in Geneva in 

July while the negotiations were taking place, to prevent a bad deal from being signed by 

developing countries. 

Women‘s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy 


The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade 

Organization (”WTO“) have important ramifications for economic and social development 

throughout the world. This primer describes the WTO and the relationship between trade 

policies and gender, and concludes with an agenda for action. 

Gender and Trade Indicators 

By Irene van Staveren 

WIDE Information Sheet 

Although we know that women are the majority of the poor and low skilled workers, 

there is very little known on the impact of globalisation on women. Partly this is because 

of a lack of gender disaggregated data in trade statistics, and partly because of a lack of 

gender awareness in economic analyses and models. In particular, the blind spot for the 

unpaid care economy prevents the study of links between trade and unpaid labour. WIDE 

therefore has developed a tool that will help to understand, measure and monitor the 

relationship between trade and gender. This tool consists of three sets of indicators,

Trade Liberalisation 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_lit.htm (2 van 2)19-1-2006 13:15:55 

which can be applied to any trading relationship between countries or trade blocks. 

Many Good Reasons for Women to be Against GATS 

By Christa Wichterich 

WIDE Briefing 

No doubt, the public sector must be reformed, as often it is inefficient, sick and corrupt 

and unable to guarantee basic rights and the provision of basic services to all members of 

society. But GATS and privatisation are not the right path to follow. We must look for 

alternatives and re-invent social thinking and solidarity. But for this we do not need any 

GATS.

Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy 

Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy: The Case of the Clothing Industry ‘Novitet’ 

By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D., The Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro 

In this paper*, I will explore approaches that could offer insights into the impact of globalisation and trade 

liberalization on Serbian women. I shall examine the effects of these changes on the well-being, earnings, and job 

segregation of Serbian women employed in the textile and clothing sector. 

Key words: globalisation, trade liberalization, Serbian clothing industry 

Introduction 

Neoclassical interpretations of globalisation mainly focus on the changes on the market and in the state and on 

their mutual relationship. In terms of trade, globalisation operates as trade liberalization, grounded in the ideology 

of free trade and the theory of comparative advantage. Thus, powerful international institutions such as IMF and 

the World Bank argue that reducing all barriers to trade in goods and services between countries will have positive 

economic effects on the development of countries and, therefore, will yield better living standards for the majority 

of their populations (World Economic Outlook, 1997). Although they promote the ideology of ‘free trade’, 

international trade is not free and fair at all. Increasing inequalities between the industrialized countries of the 

North and the developing countries of the South, as well as between rich and poor social strata within each 

country, plus some events in the world economy (like the Asian economic crisis), have brought social policy issues 

to the forefront of macroeconomic policy debates (Espino, Staveren, 2001). Even mainstream economists have 

begun to question the neoclassical belief in the efficiency of market liberalization and have replaced it with new 

approaches that emphasize social, structural, and human aspects of development (Sachs, 1998; Stiglitz, 2003). 

However, globalization has interrelated political, economic and socio- cultural dimensions that operate at the local, 

national, regional, and global levels. 

One aspect of globalisation is the changing position of women (Hutton & Giddens, 2000). The benefits and costs of 

globalisation and trade liberalization are differentiated between women and men, as well as among different 

groups of women (Pearson, 1998: 173; Joekes, 1987; Elson, 1996: 35-55; Standing, 1999: 583-602). [1] Trade 

policies are often implemented in a social context that discriminates against women (Elson, 1996) and that 

assumes that women will subsidize the formal economy through the care economy. [2] Thus, trade liberalization 

policies could contribute to raising women’s employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, but in theprevailing 

patriarchal culture in Serbia and male dominated decision-making processes, such policies could also increase 

gender inequalities. Controversy remains about the terms and conditions of women’s employment in exportoriented 

companies and about the gender share of benefits within the family. However, “…international financial 

institutions and trade agreements adopted between nations rarely take the gendered nature of globalisation into 

account” (Bell with Brambilla, 2002: 3). 

Globalisation, Non-transition, and the Textile Sector in Serbia 

The former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia [3] disintegrated through the war during 1991 - 1995. During 

the 1990s, the government of Serbia [4] was actively engaged in preventing and undermining economic 

development in order to preserve its power. This process, that I have elsewhere called ‘directed nondevelopment’ 

(Djuric Kuzmanovic, 1997), had devastating consequences in every respect - economic, social, and 

political. Serbia experienced destructive economic consequences: economic chaos (Lazic, 1994:10), political 

conditions of war and nationalism internally, and isolation from the external world. In 1992, after the imposition of 

the UN sanctions against Serbia, a closed economy was created, with no reference to the mainstream world 

economy and with absolute control of the flow of goods and money in the hands of the very few people in power. 

In 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia finished off whatever economic infrastructure was still in place. After 2000, with 

the change of government and opening to the outside world, Serbia finally re-entered the world economy. 

The concept of women’s emancipation was part of the official socialist theory. However, although the socialist 

Yugoslav ideology proclaimed gender equity and women’s right to employment, political participation, and 

education, it reproduced, at the same time, a patriarchal system of values and gender relations. The purpose of 

the women’s emancipation project was not the liberation of women. The concept of liberation would mean the 

destruction of the very patriarchal nature of society, and transformation at all levels, including sexuality, family, 

and household, as well as freeing women from all forms of oppression. The actual position of women in socialist 

Yugoslavia was much worse than was publicly represented, especially with regard to their economic position and 

political participation. 

The socialist women’s emancipation project never went beyond the ‘women’s question’ into the transformation of 

gender relations. Consequently, both images of women and women’s positions at various levels of society were 

highly ambiguous. Women shared equal legal rights with men in the spheres of education, employment, and 

political participation; and they had the right to divorce and abortion. However, the socialist state granted women 



legal equality while maintaining traditional gender relations and their related structures, both in families and in 

society. The de jure equality, moreover, could not lead to de facto equality, because the gendered social 

structures were either precluding women from assuming the rights they had been granted, or were marginalizing 

and ghettoising them when they did assume their rights. Thus, women in socialist Serbia were subordinated in the 

public sphere of economic firms and political institutions, as well as in the private sphere of the family (Markov & 

Stankovic, 1991). 

State-directed non-development and the increase in nationalism further contributed to gender oppression and 

feminisation of poverty (Opstine u Republici Srbiji, 1997: 124; UNICEF, 1997). On the one hand, deterioration 

occurred because of the overall worsening ofsocial and economic conditions in the country. On the other hand, 

assumptions about the ‘proper’ role of women (which were part and parcel of nationalist ideologies) contributed to 

the faster deterioration of women’s positions and to the exclusion of women from the public sphere, particularly 

after 1989. In Vojvodina in 1999, for example, women made up 55% of all unemployed, 56% among qualified 

unemployed, and 67% of unemployed with higher education. Recent research [5] shows that, including all types of 

work, women in Serbia work on average 75 hours per week, 15 hours more than the average in the West, and 

female life expectancy at birth is 7 years less than in Western Europe (Milosavljevic, 2001). In the mid-1990s, the 

average woman in Serbia spent 4.2 hours at work and more than 6 hours doing household work, caring for 

children, etc. (UNICEF, 1997). 

Clothing is not only important as a final commodity for consumption. The apparel industry is also very important 

as a labour-intensive economic sector to ensure employment. As a labour-intensive economic sector employing 

many women, production and international trade in clothing has a strong impact on women’s health, environment, 

and human development (Malhotra, 2003: 167). In Serbia, as elsewhere, clothing is a so-called female industry 

since it employs more women than men. The Serbian textile industry is typically very labour-intensive, paying 

traditionally low wages per worker (Korosic, 1983: 61) and employing a growing number of the female workforce. 

Together with the Leather and Shoe Industry, it makes up 12.2% of the total number of businesses in the Serbian 

economy and 13.8% of the total number of employees. It is estimated that 80% of those are women (Statement 

of Branislav Atanackovic, at the meeting of the Textile Board, Serbian Chamber of Economy, Belgrade, May, 

2002). [6] 

Literature identifies three main mechanisms through which a trade policy reform may affect the distribution of 

income: employment, price, and public provision (Addison and Demery, 1986). However, existing sources on the 

gender dimension of trade liberalization focus “on income and employment rather than consumption effects. 

Furthermore, they examine the impact of changes in export production rather than of import displacement” 

because it is “analytically less difficult than examining other aspects and data are more readily 

available” (Fontana, Jokes, and Masika, 1998: 5). In order to demonstrate globalisation and trade impacts on 

gender discrimination in employment, I will focus my analysis on non-wage gender discrimination, i.e. in job 

segregation and promotion. I will use the case of the factory Novitet as an illustration. 

Novitet produces male and female heavy clothing for both the domestic and international markets. However, the 

prevailing part of their production is export oriented, due to the loan contracts with Slovenian and German trade 

companies. These exports are female labour intensive. However, there is no disaggregated data about female and 

male productivity in the Serbian textile sector. 

I also take into consideration women’s unpaid work in the care economy and intra-household resource allocation. 

Females dominate the care economy, but these females also have to work to support their households and are 

thus subject to the classic ‘double burden’ and time poverty. I will look at the discrimination women have been 

facing in the company and, for some of them, even within the household, during 1990s. However, problems with 

data availability and gaps in the information disaggregated by gender in Serbian statistics, as well as time 

constraints, will be very limiting factors of my analysis. 

A starting analytical framework to study the links between trade and employment could be based on Hecksher and 

Ohlin’s (H-O) theory of trade. [7] The limitation is that the assumptions of full employment of resources and 

quickly adjusting markets are not too realistic. Labour market inflexibility, ideological, social, and structural 

factors, as well as non-price mechanisms in the Serbian economy largely prevent the response to changes in 

relative prices. Thus, for example, labour displaced in the declining sectors may not easily be re-employed in the 

expanding sectors because of inflexible employment and segmentation of the labour market. This aspect is 

particularly significant from the gender perspective. On the other hand, my analysis of intra-household allocation 

follows the heterodox alternative and some feminist cooperative, non-cooperative and bargaining models, which 

have highlighted the fact that resources within the household are not always pooled and have stressed the role of 

bargaining processes in determining women’s and men’s access to those resources (Cagatay, Elson, and Grown, 

1995; Appendix 4 of World Bank, 2001; Fontana, & Wood, 2000: 1173). Due to strong patriarchal relations in the 

Serbian society, it is realistic to assume that, within the ordinary Serbian household, the struggle over household 

resources is characterized by both conflict and cooperation, where women tend to have less bargaining power 

than men. 

Labour conditions in the Serbian economy used to be very different, and still are different, from the neo-classical 

concept of labour force flexibility and the concept of imperfect competition (Chhaschhi, 1999: 15). A labour 

market in Serbia – in the sense of a market where the price of labour is formed under the influence of supply and 

demand for labour - has not existed for over 50 years. Under the regime of ‘social ownership’, the socialist state 

proclaimed the ‘right to work’ and permanent ‘job security’ with a surplus of over 30% of employed workers as 



the consequence (Marsenic, 1999: 298). During the 1990s, employment adjusted to the decreasing level of 

economic activity through a sharp decrease in real wages, the increase of employees on leaves, more retirements, 

a large decrease in labour productivity in the formal sector, the increase of latent unemployment, and the 

expansion of the informal labour market.The Law on Work, introduced in December 2001, finally abandoned the 

ideal of full employment and introduced labour market flexibility. In the case of Novitet, over 200 workers, mostly 

highly qualified, lost or left their jobs during the 1990s phase of state directed non-development. Most of them 

were women, who found new jobs in the newly privatised clothing sector or in the informal private clothing sector, 

both working in their homes and outside their homes. 

The market disorder caused by the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s and 

the introduction of economic sanctions by the UN Security Council had many adverse effects on Novitet. 

Production decreased 35 - 40% and co-operation with foreign firms faded away. During this period, Novitet kept 

international business co-operation based on loan business only with one firm from Germany. Recently, after the 

beginning of the democratic transition of the country, such forms of cooperation started anew with some textile 

firms from Slovenia. The disintegration of socialist Yugoslavia radically decreased the supply of ready-made 

clothes. The Yugoslav apparel market lost legal assortments from Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. 

These loses were not replaced by new producers from the wider international market. At the same time, 

consumers from Serbia were stimulated (by significantly lower prices) to buy ready-made clothes, as well as many 

other items, on the black or informal market. [8] 

Gender Labour Inequalities in the Serbian Economy and in Novitet 

The basic characteristics of the Serbian labour market are its division into formal and informal (illegal, ‘black’) 

labour markets and the large wage disparities among workers with the same or similar qualifications in different 

economic branches of the labour market. Those branches that suffer discrimination, like the textile industry, have 

lower wages relative to the wages in privileged industries (Krstic and Reilly, 2000). Besides, an empirical analysis 

of wages in the Serbian economy shows an increasing gender wage gap: while in 1996 employed women earned 

15 % less than men, this gender wage gap increased by 2.6 % in 2000 (Krstic and Reilly, 2000). 

The situation in Novitet also illustrates these trends. Female workers made up 85% of the 759 workers in 1999. 

The number of women decreases at higher levels of the management hierarchy. Women mainly work in the 

production and trade divisions, mostly have low education, and are from poor worker or peasant family 

backgrounds. Regarding the age structure, 70% of them are between 27 and 45, with working experience 

between 10 and 30 years. In the production section, about 90% are women. Women can be found in great 

numbers only at the first level of control - as direct supervisors on production lines: they are heads of at least 4 

out of 6 production lines, and in the 32 shops, (Novitet has its own shops) there are 17 male heads and 15 

female. Shop assistants are by and large women. In upper management, there is only one female director of 

production, and she is the only woman in the company’s eleven-member Board of Directors (oral statement of the 

general director of Novitet, 1999; Sistematizacija radnih mesta, Novitet, 1999: 3). 

Theoretical H-O predictions of full employment of resources do not take into consideration structural 

unemployment, segmented markets, and their gendered effects. Under the circumstances of high unemployment, 

women are likely to be pushed out even from temporary, seasonal, and low-paid jobs. On the other hand, women 

accept low paid jobs and very poor working conditions because of the poverty that struck most ordinary Serbian 

families during the 1990s. They must also support their families as second bread-winners. There is strong 

pressure on them to participate in the labour market. In terms of intra-household relations, women tend to accept 

gender inequalities: more often than men they accept work in the care economy and enable men to ‘build their 

careers’ in paid jobs. 

Novitet’s workers’ average monthly wage in 2001 was about 75 euros while the average monthly salary in 

Vojvodina was 214 euros and in Central Serbia 174,5 euros (Sluzbeni glasnik Republike Srbije,[Official Gazette of 

the Republic of Serbia] 2001: 3-4). The wages at Novitet have been officially the same for women and men, and 

thus the non-wage indicators are more indicative of gender discrimination. The mechanisms of non-wage gender 

discrimination are widely represented in Novitet. Due to the gender division of labour in the Serbian economy, 

supported by patriarchal relations in the whole society, women are faced with vertical barriers at work and are 

already segregated in the low-paid sectors of industry and trade. Also, they experience non-wage discrimination in 

job promotion. There are clearly visible vertical barriers within the company through gender discriminatory 

employment practices regarding education. Out of almost 800 workers, of whom only about 25 are men, there are 

a handful of them (only 35) with 2-year college and full university degrees (Table 1). Although women with 

university and college education are more numerous than men (23 women versus 12 men), 50% of men with 

college degrees (3 out of 6) work in positions that require university degrees, while 80% of women with university 

degrees (4 out of 5) work in positions that require require only graduation from secondary school or a 2-year 

college (Pay Roll, Novitet, 2001; Systematisation of working places, Novitet, 1999). 

There is also obvious gender discrimination relating to maternity leaves. While on leave, some of the women could 

not use their holiday and holiday benefits. During 2001, there were 35 workers (about 5% of the total number of 

workers) in Novitet who did not realize their right to take a holiday, and 18 of them who did not realize their right 

to take a holiday were women on maternity leave. Only four women on maternity leave used this right. 

Nevertheless, this was related to the fact that the entire production unit where those four women worked was 

sent, as superfluous, on a compulsory holiday. 



There is a methodological problem in attempting to include the effect of intra-household allocation in my analysis; 

however, I can make some indications. I investigated gender patterns within five households where one or both 

members worked at Novitet. In all five households, I carried out in-depth interviews with both the husband and 

wife. The division of labour within these households is still placing a heavier burden on the women. The division of 

labour and dynamics within the households seem to influence opportunities and outcomes for the women’s 

employment outside the home. Apparently, women’s bargaining positions within the household were enhanced 

when they worked outside the home and were members of collective organizations. Nevertheless, further research 

in this field could give more specific results. For example, it would be interesting to examine how households 

redistribute resources in the face of competing preferences and unequal bargaining power among members and 

whether their employment opportunities and each spouse’s assets at marriage have differential effects on intrahousehold 

allocations, household-level outcomes, and individual-level outcomes (such as children’s education and 

clothing) (Quisumbing and Maluccio, 1999; Appendix 4 of World Bank, 2001). 

Can Globalisation’s Gender Effects be Changed? 

Gender analysis is important for understanding that trade liberalization has different effects on women’s and 

men’s employment and working conditions and on women’s unpaid labour. Even the World Bank promoted the 

view that economic globalisation and its neo-liberal policies have negative impacts on social welfare and social 

services such as health and education (World Bank, 2001). Governments’ reductions in subsidies to social services 

force an increasing number of women to provide unpaid work. However, World Bank justify its focus on gender 

issues by the fact that “gender inequality at home and in the market is also believed to result in women’s inability 

to respond effectively to incentives to increase their productivity” (Bell with Brambilla, 2002: 4). Also, the UN 

Report on the Role of Women in Development concludes that “globalisation has given rise to ambiguous and at 

time contradictory effects on gender equality” and recommends that national governments make their 

macroeconomic policies gender-sensitive and improve their regulation and coordination of the international 

economy (United Nations, 1999: 100). 

However, feminist economists broaden the neoclassical focus to incorporate the gender perspective into the 

efficiency and differential effects of trade (Fontana, Jokes and Masika, 1998). Firstly, this means understanding 

the inability of countries, sectors, and regions to capitalize on potential trade opportunities. Secondly, it means 

respecting the fact that the benefits of trade expansion can differ for men versus women and also among different 

groups of women (Espini and Staveren, 2001: 15). Feminist economists’ analyses show how important it is to 

“investigate if women acquire greater control over their income, make spending pattern changes, and if there is a 

reallocation of time between unpaid and paid work occurring as a result of their employment entry in the export 

trade sectors of the economy?” (Fontana, Jokes and Masika, 1988). This direction of analysis inspires my future 

work in this field. 

Some points, however, can be made already. An increase in textile manufacturing for export in Serbia could be 

easily associated with the feminisation of the industrial labour force (Joekes, 1987). An increase in wages in the 

Serbian textile industry, even in the short run, is not expected. It is more realistic to expect persistently low 

wages and cuts in the number of workers. My short analysis is only an illustration of those trends, which are 

clearly visible in this particular firm. Women remain lower paid, segregated in poorly-paid jobs and often deprived 

of work benefits guaranteed by law. In other words, the low-cost comparative advantage is predicated upon the 

unpaid care economy interlocking with a low-paid labour force. 

During the 1990s, due to the state-directed strategy of non-development, most of the households, companies, 

and people experienced a dramatic increase in poverty. This had a significant impact on the care economy in 

Serbia. Home-made goods and services were substituted for market goods due to the low purchasing power of 

households; there was a break-down of public provisions and social services, up to the point of increased need for 

care-work from female children. [9] The attack on paid maternity leaves and child subsidies and provisions (that 

used to be provided by government), that started at the beginning of Serbian transition, continues unabated. It 

leaves child care entirely to the family, and this – because of gender relations – means to the women. This 

“privatisation” of care, feminisation of nurturing, coupled with poverty, pushes women back into the private 

domain. The context of the unpaid care economy and low female wages further reduce market-based costs and 

thus improve the comparative advantage at the expense of women. 

The Serbian transitions lead to an increase of unemployment resulting from decreasing labour demand on the one 

hand and increasing labour supply on the other. In the situation of generally high unemployment rates, structural 

changes occurred in employment. These changes lead to greater availability of temporary, seasonal, and low-paid 

jobs. Women are likely to be crowded out even from such employment opportunities by unemployed men. 

Some positive effects of all these changes may be expected, but they will not benefit everybody. Besides, all these 

changes have their time lags. In the short term, unemployment will remain high and the salaries of workers low. 

Highly-educated and skilled women may still get new job opportunities in the newly expanding sectors. However, 

we can hope only for a few female winners among many female losers amidst the expected economic changes. 

Globalisation’s effects could be changed if powerful agents in companies, economies, and international markets 

follow the principles that housework and care are crucial parts of every economic system and that human welfare 

should be the central measure of economic success (FENN Seminar Report, 2002). The problems of Serbian 

governmental policy are its political instability, organization of the economy, and redistribution of social wealth. 

Its aims are to reduce the budget deficit and to achieve faster and higher growth rates, but not even this is 



consistently followed. Also, government could use some engendered measures to encourage domestic clothing 

industries and workers to export. 

Furthermore, government policy fails to emphasize gender equality in the monitoring and enforcement of labour 

standards, in enforcing equal pay and employment opportunities and legislation. There are no signs of either 

corporate or state responsibility for gender equality of labour conditions. However, the situation with the Serbian 

government is not only specific to Serbia, and thus emphasizes the need to engender governments. 

Finally, international organizations choose partners within the states with whom to implement programs for 

development and formulate the set of conditions under which the loans will be given. But they should evaluate the 

success of their trade policies in the sense of social justice and gender equality, i.e. trade contracts should include 

total social effects and differentiated effects on men and women. 

* Paper presented at the IAFFE Conference “Central and Eastern Europe: A Feminist Economic Dialogue on 

Transition and EU Enlargement”, January 21 – 22, 2005, Budapest, Hungary 

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Macroeconomics.’ 

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Djuric Kuzmanovic, T. (2002). Gender and Development in Serbia - From Directed Non Development to 

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Elson, D. (1996). ‘Appraising Recent Developments in the World Market for Nimble Fingers’, in A. Espino & I. 

Staveren (2001) Instruments for Gender Equality in Trade Agreements, GEM, WIDE, CISCSA, CIEDUR. European 

Union, Mercosur, Mexico. 

FENN Seminar Report (2002). Gender Tools for the Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on 

Globalization. The Hague: Institute of Social Studies. 

Fontana, M., Joekes, S., and Masika, R. (1998). Global Trade Expansion and Liberalization: Gender Issues and 

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Fontana, M., and Wood, A. (2000). ‘Modeling the Effects of Trade on Women, at Work and at Home’. World 

Development, Vol. 28, No 7: 1173- 1190. 

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Countries: Models, Methods and Policy. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press. 

Hutton, W., and Giddens, A. (2000). On the Edge. Living with Global Capitalism. London: Jonathan Cape. 

Izvestan ugovor o tekstilu sa EU? (Is Contract with EU on Textile Certain?) B92 Vesti, http://www.freeb92s@opennet.org/ 

(06.10.2004). 

Joekes, S. (1987). Women in the World Economy. Oxford University Press, Oxford. 

Kamal Malhotra ed. (2003). Making Global Trade Work for People. London, Sterling, Virginia: Earthscan 

Publication. 

Krstic, G., and Reilly, N. (2000). ‘Gender Pay Gap in the FRY’, Beograd, Ekonomska misao, No 3-4: 233-143. 

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Sociology). Novi Sad, Matica Srpska. 



Marsenic, D., Rikalovic, G. and Jovanovic Gavrilovic, B. (1999). Ekonomika Jugoslavije (The Economics of 

Yugoslavia). cetvrto izdanje. Belgrade: Ekonomski fakultet. 

Milosavljevic, M. (11.15.2001). Zene na sve spremne (Women are Ready for Everything). NIN (2655). 

Opstine u Republici Srbiji (Communities in the Republic of Serbia) (1999). Belgrade: Republic Statistical Bureau. 

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worldbank.org/gender/prr (10.06.2004). 

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27, No.3: 583-602. 

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New York: United Nations. 

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Table 1. The gender and qualification structure of workers with junior college and university degrees 

Male Female Sum 

University degree 6 5 11 

Junior college* 

degree 

6 18 24 

Total 12 23 35 

*Junior college, called higher school in Serbia, is a two-year tertiary educational program that ends in a degree; 

whereas, the university degree usually requires 4 or 5 years of study 

Source: Platni spisak Noviteta (Pay Roll of Novitet, December, 2001) 

Acknowledgements: 

I would like to thank Dr. Irene van Staveren, Dr. Dubravka Žarkov, and Dr. Haroon Akram-Lodhi for their useful 

and inspiringcomments on this paper. 

[1] Traditional neoclassical interpretations of globalisation mainly focus on the changes which take place on the 

market and in the state and on their mutual relationship. Until the 1970s modernization and dependency theorists 

agreed that industrialization marginalized women. After that time, the rapid incorporation of women into new 

export manufacturing sectors in South East Asia and Central America showed that industrialization, relying on 

cheap female labour as a comparative advantage, was both female and export led (Ruth Pearson, 1998: 173; 

Joekes, S., 1987). This process occurred under conditions of flexible and deregulated employment (Ruth Pearson, 



1998: 176) and global feminisation of labour. The growth of women’s share of industrial employment and the 

increasing flexibility of employment often reflect more the decline of jobs previously done by men and the 

weakening of their position rather than significant improvement in the occupational opportunities for women 

(Elson, D., 1996: 35-55; Standing, Guy, 1999: 583-602). It had an impact on women’s emancipation as well as 

on women’s support of the family. Providing jobs for women was an important means of including women in the 

development process in both the neoclassical and the Marxist traditions (Pearson, R. 1994). Also, the belief that 

globalisation leads to poverty feminisation and that poverty is most present in households led by a woman is 

widespread. However, such a picture of female households is to a great extent differentiated. A household is not 

homogenous towards marital status, old age and class position, race, and legal status. 

[2] It is widely assumed that women will produce, reproduce, nurture, and educate the workforce and carry the 

burden of caring work whether or not they have support from the state in the form of child care provisions, tax 

relief, grants, etc. 

[3] War began in 1991 in Slovenia. Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia separated later. The country 

that emerged, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, includes Montenegro, with 14% of the area and 6% of the 

population, and Serbia. Serbia produces about 95% of GNP (gross national product) and Montenegro produces 

about 5%. Montenegro has its own sovereignty, except for some elements of the Federal state, like the Federal 

Army. 

[4] Serbia is divided into three parts: The province of Kosovo (in the South, under NATO and UN protection since 

1999); the province of Vojvodina (in the North) and the central Serbian area. 

[5] This public opinion study was initiated by the organization "Veza i akcija" (Connection and Action) in 33 Local 

Communities in Serbia, excluding Kosovo, using a sample of 900 women. The aim was to give a basic picture of 

the social status of women in Serbia in order to improve their position. This research was finished in October 2001 

by Medijum Index Agency and Gallup International. 

[6] From the very beginning, the Yugoslav textile industry showed signs of imbalance and peripheral development, 

due to the different historical and socio-economic conditions of the region. After the Second World War, the 

situation in the textile industry worsened, as a consequence of the strategies of ‘forced’ industrialization and its 

development priority: heavy industry. Generally, the socialist development strategy from 1945 to 1965 was based 

on ‘forced’ industrialization, followed by an ‘import-substitution trade strategy’, with resistance of market and selfreliance. 

In 1965, the socialist state made the most significant turn towards the market, but did not question 

social property and made changes in development priority to ‘light’ industry, followed by an ‘export-oriented trade 

strategy’. This introduced the textile industry to a new period of development. The textile industry became a 

dynamic, fast-growing, export-oriented sector, influenced by the world economy: more than two-thirds of its 

capacity is dependent on import. 

[7] H-O theory assumes that “countries export goods which use intensively those factors of production that are 

relatively abundant at home and import goods which use intensively factors that are relatively scarce. Trade thus 

increases the demand for abundant factors, because of the expansion of export sectors, and reduces the demand 

for scarce factors, because of the contraction of import-competing sectors, with corresponding effects on factor 

prices” (Fontana, Jokes, and Masika, 1998: 5). This analytical framework “directly links trade to domestic demand 

and supply for factors, including various categories of labour ‘inputs’ … and ‘outputs’ (i.e. the consequences of 

trade-induced changes in wages and employment)…does not consider gender as an analytical category… and … 

important aspects of gender relations, such as women’s unpaid reproductive work and intra-household resource 

allocation” (Ibid: 6). 

[8] Besides the mass appearance of second hand clothes, the market was inundated with ready-made clothes 

made in Turkey, China, etc. While usually being of lower quality, they are usually much cheaper and often more 

fashionable than Novitet's products. Due to the increasing pauperisation of the population in Serbia, for the 

majority of people this became the only way to procure apparel. 

[9] The patriarchal household division of labour meant that female children took much more responsibilities in 

household work anyway but with increased poverty the burden of work also grew. 




By Amandine Bach 

Women in Development Europe (WIDE) 

Hundreds of civil society trade campaigners from around the world gathered on 27-29 July in Geneva during the 

WTO's General Council meeting. After the so-called July framework was agreed in Geneva last year, campaigners 

had decided to be in Geneva in July while the negotiations were taking place, to prevent a bad deal from being 

signed by developing countries. Even if no real move was made in the negotiations this year, the three-day event, 

organised by the Geneva Peoples' Alliance, offered civil society representatives the opportunity to discuss the 

main issues at stake in the negotiations. The civil society discussions took place in the context of plenaries on 

agriculture, NAMA (non-agricultural market access) and GATS (the General Agreement on Trade in Services) and 

in more specific workshops. While critically analysing the current positions of the different countries in the WTO 

negotiations, civil society made it clear that a human rights agenda should be at the forefront of the negotiations. 

On agriculture, while no new proposals that would seriously address the concerns of developing countries were 

put on the table in the WTO, the farmers' movement, farm workers, and consumer, environmental and other 

NGOs again raised the point that the WTO and free trade agreements ignore the obvious problems that women 

and men farmers face worldwide. They claimed that free trade rules have in fact imposed a plague of low prices 

on agricultural goods in every continent while disregarding the local and regional nature of farming and food 

systems. One way forward would be to get agriculture out of the WTO, so as to ensure the right of every country 

to have people's food sovereignty. 

On GATS, the main focus of the civil society discussions unexpectedly turned out to be mode 4, which allows for 

the cross-border travel and movement of company workers in the context of the delivery of services. While NGOs 

have a clear position on benchmarks in GATS, the implications of mode 4 are still an issue and need urgently to 

be debated. Mode 4 might be a deal-breaker in the run-up to Hong Kong, as some developing countries are asking 

for more substantial commitments in mode 4 (especially opening it up to include low-skilled workers). However, 

there was a clear agreement among civil society that the free movement of people should not be determined by 

global trade regimes. These are matters of fundamental human rights and should be determined and governed 

under principles and rules established by the UN Human Rights Commission and the International Labour 

Organization. 

Different actions took place in front of the WTO every day. WIDE representative Amandine Bach participated also 

in a Seattle-to-Brussels action staged in front of the EU representation in Geneva during a press conference given 

by Peter Mandelson, the EU Trade Commissioner. Under the common slogan 'Stop the EU corporate agenda', NGO 

representatives demanded that the EU halt its aggressive attempts to open up developing country markets for the 

benefit of European negotiations on industrial tariffs and services. This action aimed at denouncing the EC's 

development rhetoric and the EU's apparent good will in the negotiations while the EC is actually increasing the 

pressure on developing countries to speed up the negotiations. The EC's tabling of a 'non-paper' at the WTO at 

the end of June 2005 to change the modalities in the GATS negotiations, for example by establishing benchmarks 

for the quality of offers and the prioritisation of some sectors, shows strikingly that the EC's practice is not 

development-friendly, for it is totally contradictory to the flexibility and the bottom-up approach of GATS. WIDE 

will keep monitoring the EU position in the run-up to Hong Kong to ensure that no trade agreements will be 

accepted at the expense of women's and men's rights. 

Source: 

WIDE News N°8 - August 2005 


http://www.wide-network.org/ 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0046lit.htm19-1-2006 13:16:13




The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade Organization (”WTO“) have 

important ramifications for economic and social development throughout the world. This primer describes the 

WTO and the relationship between trade policies and gender, and concludes with an agenda for action. 

What is the WTO? 

The WTO is an international organization based in Geneva that was established in 1995. It was formed to oversee 

the series of trade agreements that had emerged from the “Uruguay Round” of negotiations on an international 

trade agreement called the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (“GATT”) and to implement a dispute 

settlement process regarding members’ rights and obligations under these agreements. As of January 2002, 144 

countries are WTO members. Government representatives of these countries steer the activities of the 

organization. [1] Officially the WTO is a member-driven ‘one-country one-vote organization’. In practice, however, 

there is a long-standing custom of decision-making “by consensus” and rich countries exert disproportionate 

influence within the organization. While some of the world’s least developed countries are not even 

represented in Geneva and have minimal capacity to participate in negotiating sessions, the richer countries have 

large staffs of trade specialists, lawyers and expert negotiating teams. Moreover, powerful transnational 

corporations have been successful in swaying trade policy to suit their interests. 

Why the push for international trade liberalization? 

Mainstream economic theory teaches that international trade is beneficial to all countries and their citizens. This 

belief is based on the idea of “comparative advantage“ — each country should focus on what it does best and 

trade for other products in order to reach the most efficient allocation of resources in the global economy and the 

highest levels of output and growth in all countries. It is assumed that trade leads to growth which in turn 

promotes national development and reduces poverty. While it is recognized that trade produces both “winners“ 

and “losers“ in every economy, the theory is that the “losers“ can be compensated from the net gains. The 

evidence, however, does not support these simplistic assumptions. 

Furthermore, the ”comparative advantage“ of some countries is their low wages, poor environmental regulations 

and lax labour standards. Comparative advantage based on the exploitation of women and the 

environment is incompatible with a human rights and human development approach, irrespective of 

the perceived economic benefit or efficiency for the country. 

The stated objective of the WTO is “to help trade flow smoothly, freely, fairly and predictably.” The original GATT 

was limited to facilitating trade in goods by eliminating so-called ‘trade barriers’ (e.g. quotas, tariffs) and 

articulating the basic principles of free trade (i.e. non-discrimination, fiscal and regulatory independence of states) 

[2] . The scope and power of the organization, however, has greatly increased. Today, the WTO’s reach 

includes issues of service provision, intellectual property, health and safety standards, and a vast 

array of products. It is now the primary actor in international trade, administering multilateral agreements, 

hosting negotiating sessions, handling disputes, monitoring national trade policies, and providing technical 

assistance and training for developing countries. 

With good reason, the WTO has been described as “the institutional face of globalization” and has been the focus 

of many so-called “anti-globalization” protests in recent years. The organization’s structure has been nontransparent, 

unaccountable, non-participatory, undemocratic, and imperialistic, and trade liberalization 

has become an ever-expanding end in itself. Furthermore, the WTO’s contribution to human rights protection and 

sustainable development is questionable. 

Why is gender analysis important? 

Case studies reveal that women’s time, labour, sexuality and health are at times exploited in the pursuit of gains 

from trade in various countries. In fact, some governments overtly appeal to sexism to increase their country’s 

trade revenues, for example, by using low wages of women as a basis to compete internationally in export 

industries or through campaigns to encourage married women to do home based work. Furthermore, men and 

women experience poverty differently and women do not have equal access to and control over resources, do not 

enjoy equal protection of human rights, and have distinct roles in terms of production and reproduction. For these 

reasons, women and men may benefit from or be harmed by trade policies in different ways. They may also 

respond differently to the economic incentives set up by the governments’ chosen strategies. Trade policy, 

however, tends to be gender-blind and silent about gender-specific repercussions. 



Consider the following examples: 

• Women’s unpaid work: Trade liberalization policies have pulled many women into the formal labour force and 

also affect the cost and availability of food, medicines, household goods, and social services. Each of these 

impacts can increase the demands on women’s unpaid labour — women may have less time available for 

reproductive work but simultaneously face greater demands to provide services. Unfortunately, studies show that 

men are not picking up the slack. 

• Women’s conditions of employment: Women are increasingly at risk of working in highly exploitative and 

dangerous conditions because trade liberalization tends to increase their employment in the industrial sector, in 

commercial agriculture and in export processing zones, which are characterized by low rates of pay and substandard 

conditions. Globalization has also fueled informal employment arrangements and subcontracting in 

female-dominated industries (such as food and garment production), threatening the security, status and rights of 

workers. 

• Gender inequality constrains productivity: Gender based inequalities (especially in education, health and 

training) hinder women’s abilities to take advantage of new opportunities created by trade liberalization such as 

skilled employment and entrepreneurial opportunities. This in turn constrains the “output response” to the 

economic incentives created by trade promotion policies and constrains the export capacity of the whole economy. 

[3] 

Gender analysis reveals that the relationship between trade and gender relations is complex and ambiguous. The 

question we need to ask is not whether trade liberalization is good or bad for women as a group, but 

how trade policy can contribute to the achievement of human rights for everyone and promote 

sustainable development in all societies. Gender analysis demonstrates how pushing forward with more of 

the same “one-sizefits-all”, gender-blind trade liberalization policies — which do not consider local social factors 

and human needs — will not remedy inequalities in the economy or eradicate poverty. The challenge is to 

implement policies that will. 

The laws that bind 

The rules of the international trading system (including the trading rules, conflict resolution mechanisms, etc.) 

currently reflect the power of rich countries and transnational corporations. These vested interests are apparent at 

two different stages: a) the making of the rules, and b) the implementation, enforcement and interpretation of the 

rules. The rules are contained in a set of agreements which have been elaborated in successive rounds of very 

political, intense and often biased negotiations between state representatives. This set of agreements includes the 

GATT, the Agreement on Agriculture, the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (“TBT”), the General 

Agreement on Trade in Services (“GATS”), the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights 

(“TRIPS”), among others. [4] 

Establishing the rules is only the first stage of the game however; the implementation, enforcement and 

interpretation of the rules is another matter altogether. While the agreements that make up the WTO system are 

the product of political negotiations, they become public international law once they are adopted. As international 

law they are enforceable, binding on states, and subject to the rules of international legal interpretation (as 

opposed to U.N. conference documents for example, which are aspirational but do not have the force of law 

behind them). In other words, international trade rules “have teeth”. This is at least in part because through 

the advent of the WTO, the international trade system was transformed from a political/diplomatic 

regime to a highly legalistic one. 

When a country is not following the rules, another country can bring a case against them in a court-like setting 

known as a dispute settlement panel. The panel makes a judgement as to whether the country is violating the 

law, and if so, orders them to comply with the law or face sanctions. This is not a negotiation; it is a litigation 

based enforcement system. The judgements can be appealed to the Appellate Body (sort of like a “supreme court 

of international trade”). [5] 

So for example, while the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (“CEDAW”) 

states that countries must grant women equal nationality rights with men (Article 9), many countries do not and 

there are few consequences for their defiance. In contrast, when a WTO member country does not meet the 

standards for the protection of patents mandated by the TRIPS agreement, or imposes a tax that makes locallyproduced 

products cheaper than foreign ones (prohibited by GATT Article 3), the countries who are harmed can 

bring a case against the defiant country and punish the offender for their breach. 

Untempered trade liberalization not only runs the risk of further marginalizing women from key activities in the 

national economy but may itself engender significant violations of women’s social and economic rights. 

Mariama Williams [6] 

The legal stature of these rules also means that if circumstances change or a government realizes that the 

provisions are not “a good deal” for their country, they can not simply back out of their commitments or negotiate 

different provisions. And unlike some other legal regimes (e.g. human rights treaties including CEDAW), states 

must accept the entire package of WTO rules or none at all. This is a major problem for developing and less 



powerful countries since they are less able to influence the formulation of the rules in the first place. 

Finally, the legal nature of the trading system is important because some of the most complex WTO agreements 

have important provisions that are subject to differing interpretations. While the words on the paper may be clear, 

how to apply them in real-life scenarios can be more difficult. In a dispute settlement proceeding, the “judges” 

interpret the rules based on the arguments put forward by the participants in the proceedings and principles of 

legal interpretation (much like in national constitutional litigation). Hypothetically, they may decide whether 

clothing produced under sweatshop conditions and sweatshop-free clothing must be treated as the same products, 

whether a pesticide ban is necessary for the protection of public health, or whether providing drugs necessary for 

the treatment of a pandemic at a low cost is “a circumstance of extreme emergency”. 

Legal imagination, not hard economics, determines these cases. While the answers to these questions may 

seem inconsequential, they can have huge impacts on the actions governments take and hence on the lives of 

women. 

What are the implications of this legal model? 

On the one hand, legal enforcement removes flexibility and the possibility of adopting trade policies that coincide 

with national development strategies. 

The mere threat of legal action may be sufficient to force a government to change their policies. The dispute 

settlement process also limits participation 

and transparency because only governments can act as complainants and defendants in the proceedings. 

Furthermore, effective participation in a dispute proceeding is very costly and requires specialized training. Finally, 

the legal forum focuses very narrowly on specific rules and facts, ignoring the broader context and full range of 

values and factors relevant to justice and development. Gender issues, for example, are usually not “legally 

relevant”. 

A strategic opening? 

On the other hand, as opposed to negotiations and ‘behind closed doors’ deals, the judicial setting at least 

formally places the parties on an equally footing and allows them to present their positions in front of formally 

impartial decision-makers. The judicial setting also provides an opportunity to develop the law and interpret 

provisions in ways that further a social justice agenda. In deciding whether a state is acting in a manner 

consistent with the rules, the panelists look at the relevant provisions and must decide what they mean in light of 

modern day values, the overarching objectives of the agreement (which often include environmental protection 

and human development), and the entire body of principles that constitute international law. Given the intensified 

advocacy around the WTO by women’s groups, we should consider potential of legal interpretation and dispute 

settlement proceedings to steer existing WTO rules pro-poor, pro-equality direction. 

The Post-Doha Agenda 

The Ministerial Conference is the WTO’s top decision-making body; it meets at least once every two years. 

Country representatives come together to negotiate new agreements and market access commitments, clarify 

existing agreements and set the organization’s agenda. The most recent Ministerial was in Doha, Qatar, in 

November 2001. The official outcomes were a 10-page Ministerial Declaration plus a declaration on intellectual 

property and public health (focusing on pharmaceutical patents, including HIV/AIDS medications) and a decision 

on “implementation” (i.e. the concerns of developing countries). [7] The mandate coming out of the meeting is 

several years of intense and complex negotiations with an ambitious deadline of January 2005 for a new set of 

agreements. Despite the official “development” focus of the conference, the outcomes fall far short of any 

development objective and were achieved by undemocratic, manipulative and biased processes. 

In light of Doha, analysts and activists from around the world are articulating an action agenda. Here are some of 

its components: 

• No new issues: The WTO’s mandate must be limited to trade issues. It is not the appropriate venue for issues 

such as labour, the environment, human rights, and competition policy. Other institutions (e.g. the International 

Labour Organization, the World Intellectual Property Organization and U.N. committees) should be given the 

resources they need to properly address these other issues. 

• New systems of governance and accountability: The WTO has been secretive, undemocratic and 

unaccountable for too long. Political will and creativity must be devoted to establishing structures for consultation, 

dialogue, and stakeholder involvement in decision-making and monitoring. Clear ground rules must be established 

concerning information sharing, reporting and stakeholder participation. Participation needs to be based on 

principles of transparency, collaboration, learning, equity and flexibility. Furthermore, governments need to be 

accountable to their own citizens for their actions at the WTO. 

• Judicial independence: The dispute settlement system needs to have complete independence from the WTO 

Secretariat, member governments and transnational corporations who may try to inappropriately influence 



outcomes. Dispute panelists and the Appellate Body must apply the full body of principles of international law and 

interpret WTO rules consistently with the objectives of equality and sustainable development. In addition, clear 

and fair procedures for the participation of non-governmental stakeholders, including NGOs, need to be 

developed. 

• Human development as the central guiding principle: We need to re-think the dominant model of 

international trade and challenge its underlying values and assumptions. Why not ‘co-operation’ instead of 

‘competition’ as a basic assumption, for example? Trade policy must be situated within the overall development 

strategy of a country and each country must have the flexibility and policy autonomy necessary to achieve their 

development goals. Trade liberalization can no longer be seen as an end in itself. The WTO should be evaluated 

according to its contribution towards poverty reduction, equality and sustainable human development. 

• Putting developing countries first: Imbalances in the WTO must be redressed and the needs of developing 

countries should define the WTO’s agenda. The negotiating and monitoring capacity of developing countries must 

be increased and mechanisms must be developed to hold transnational corporations accountable for their actions. 

Developed countries need to open their markets to the products of developing countries and grant them 

appropriate exceptions to liberalization commitments. Finally, developed and developing countries need to work 

together to redistribute opportunities in favour of the poor and women. 

• Gender analysis: We simply don’t yet know enough about the relationship between gender and trade policies. 

We need comprehensive gender analyses of current trade policies, specific WTO agreements, different sectors and 

the full range of trade-related issues. We need to determine when women stand to win and when they stand to 

lose from new trading relations and also how different trade-related policies impact on women’s empowerment. 

Researchers and women’s rights advocacy groups need to work together to articulate alternative, appropriate 

policies that guarantee women’s rights and contribute to a more just and sustainable world. 

Gender across the full range of trade issues: 

Trade between different countries is regulated by a large number of negotiated agreements, including bilateral 

agreements between two countries, multilateral agreements between groups of countries (including regional free 

trade agreements such as NAFTA, Mercosur, CARICOM, etc.) and also a group of agreements that fall under the 

umbrella of the WTO (most of which were the outcome of the 1986-94 ‘Uruguay Round’ of negotiations) [8] 8. 

These agreements are like contracts between the countries that sign them, granting each country certain rights 

and confining their actions to within certain limits. While these texts are almost without exception silent on 

gender, consider the following examples of gender issues in WTO agreements: 

GATS: The General Agreement on Trade in Services applies to service providers including banks, 

telecommunication companies, tour operators, health care providers, energy companies and education providers. 

This agreement has profound impacts on women who are the majority of workers in the service sector, on access 

to and availability of public services, and on governments’ abilities to regulate the quality of health care and 

education provided. 

TRIPS: The agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights sets out the rules of how intellectual 

property rights (including copyrights, trademarks, product names, industrial designs and “trade secrets”) should 

be protected when international trade is involved. Its ramifications include public health, food security, 

biodiversity, agriculture and traditional knowledge, all of which have gender specific impacts. 

Agreement on Agriculture: This agreement seeks to promote trade liberalization in the agricultural sector and 

is therefore of concern with respect to food security and small farms producing food for local consumption as well 

as to sustainable livelihoods of many female agricultural workers. 

SPS and TBT: These two agreements (Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures and Agreement on 

Technical Barriers to Trade) aim to promote the harmonization of domestic health and safety standards. Their 

potential implications for women’s health are immense. These agreements should also be of particular concern 

because they set very high standards for governments that wish to implement precautionary regulations to 

protect the health of their citizens or the environment and because they greatly expand the scope of governance 

by the WTO by condemning measures that are not discriminatory but are simply deemed to be excessive. 

How to do gender analysis of economic policies? 

• Examine what is happening to men and women separately in order to compare changes in their status and 

responses to the changes. Do not focus exclusively on women and girls. 

• Consider other variables such as race and class. Do not oversimplify by focusing exclusively on gender. 

• Consider all three spheres of work: reproductive work in the family/household, reproductive work in the 

community, and productive labour. Consider both consumption and service provision in each sphere. 

• Do not focus solely on quantitative measures. Consider issues of empowerment, well-being, cultural integrity/ 



identity, environmental integrity and the quality of reproductive work and nurturing. 

• Consider how economic policies impact on prices, the types and quantities of goods available, and the provision 

of services, and consider how each of these impacts on household incomes and quality of life. 

• Explore how gender relations and poverty impact on economic policy implementation and effectiveness. Explore 

why the expected positive benefits of trade liberalization do not materialize. 

• Choose appropriate indicators in empirical work, including human rights-based indicators and indicators related 

to everyday life. Obtain accurate sex-aggregated data which accurately reflects how resources are allocated 

between men and women. 

• Consider economic policies in their broader context, not in isolation, and highlight constraints imposed by 

women’s socially constructed roles. 



”Women‘s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy” 

”Facts and Issues”, No. 4, August 2002 



[1] See generally http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/thewto_e.htm 

[2] For definitions of trade terms, consult one of the many available glossaries or primers, including Oxfam’s at 

http://www.maketradefair.com/stylesheet.asp?file=08042002112446 and IGTN’s at http://www.genderandtrade. 

net/EconoLit/Literacy.html or a textbook such as M. Trebilcock and R. Howse, The Regulation of International 

Trade (1999). 

[3] N. Çagatay, Trade, Gender and Poverty, United Nations Development Programme: October 2001, p. 26-7. The 

author notes that although most dimensions of gender inequality (e.g. health, education, skills training, etc.) 

constrain a country’s productivity and economic growth, wage inequalities seem to actually boost economic 

growth in some industrial sectors faced by international competition. Pursuing gender-based wage differences as a 

country’s competitive advantage is not, however, consistent with a rights-based approach to development nor 

necessarily a sound long-term economic development strategy. 

[4] The full text of these agreements can be found at 

http://www.wto.org/english/docs_e/legal_e/legal_e.htm 

[5] The texts of the decisions and more information on how the dispute settlement process works are on the 

‘Dispute Settlement’ page of the WTO’s website: 

http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/dispu_e.htm 

[6] Mariama Williams is an AWID Board Member, affiliated with the International Gender and Trade Network and 

Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) 

[7] These texts can be found on-line at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dda_e/dda_e.htm 

[8] The full texts of these agreements can be found on-line at 

http://www.wto.org/English/docs_e/legal_e/legal_e.htm 


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Gender and Trade Indicators 

By Irene van Staveren 

WIDE Information Sheet 

The relationship between gender and trade (in two directions: from gender to trade and from trade to gender) is a 

new issue. Not for WIDE and a few other women’s organisations, which have been working on the topic since the 

mid-1990s. But it is certainly a new issue for governments, trade policy makers, the WTO, and for academic 

researchers. WIDE therefore has developed a tool that will help to understand, measure and monitor the 

relationship between trade and gender. This tool consists of three sets of indicators, which can be applied to any 

trading relationship between countries or trade blocks. 

The need for analytical tools 

Globalisation is characterised by growth in capital flows, labour migration, multinationals, and trade in goods and 

services. Research has indicated that costs and benefits of this global exchange of money, labour, and products 

are unequally distributed. North benefits more than South, skilled workers benefit more than low skilled workers, 

whereas the environment is a clear loser, as well as in many cases the poor. Although we know that women are 

the majority of the poor and low skilled workers, there is very little known on the impact of globalisation on 

women. Partly this is because of a lack of gender disaggregated data in trade statistics, and partly because of a 

lack of gender awareness in economic analyses and models. In particular, the blind spot for the unpaid care 

economy prevents the study of links between trade and unpaid labour. Moreover, it is difficult to distinguish trade 

effects from effects of global investment flows or macro-economic policies. And it is very difficult to distinguish 

effects of trade between two countries or trading blocks from effects of trade that each of these countries or 

blocks have with other countries or trade blocks. 

And the issue is even more complex. In the relationship between gender and trade, there are not only impacts of 

trade that work out differently for men and women. There seems also to be a relationship the other way around: 

effects from gender inequality on trade. 

Two examples of the complex gender and trade relationship: 

For South Asia, for example, industrial export success depends largely on wage discrimination of women. 

“Thanks” to the low wages paid to women (about 75% of men’s wages), countries like Korea, Taiwan and 

Singapore are able to export products against low prices. Literally, this makes the discrimination of women the 

motor of economic growth in South Asia. 

In sub-Saharan Africa, gender inequality also affects trade, but in a different way. In sub-Saharan Africa, there is 

a strong gender division of labour in agriculture. Women grow food crops to feed the family, and men grow cash 

crops to earn cash. To the surprise of the World Bank, agricultural exports remain low in Africa, despite many 

Structural Adjustment Programmes. It took years before the World Bank realised that the gender division of 

labour is the limiting factor for export growth in Africa. Female farmers refuse their labour to the cash crops of 

their husbands, because they do not receive anything in return, while their food production suffers from the 

expansion of cash crops on their plots of land. Hence, in the case of agricultural exports from sub-Saharan Africa, 

gender inequality reduces the success of trade. With more gender equality, exports would have been larger as 

well as more beneficial for women. 

These two examples show how complex the relationship between gender and trade is. In order to better 

understand how gender inequality and exports and imports affect each other, gender analysis of trade is 

necessary. Moreover, in order to formulate trade policies that benefit men and women, and in which gender 

relations support successful trade strategies that help sustainable development, gender analysis of trade is 

urgently needed. Such analysis however, is only possible with appropriate analytical tools. 

Tools for gender and trade analysis 

A gender analysis of trade requires at least two elements. First, data on trade and the social, economic, and 

political position of women relative to men. Second, a theoretical framework with causal relationships, costs and 

benefits, and direct and indirect relationships between gender and trade. A thorough gender analysis of trade, 

hence, is quite complicated and extensive. Most NGO’s have not enough resources to undertake such an elaborate 

study. And policy makers are often not interested in such an elaborate research effort. In order to address these 

problems, WIDE and partner organisations in Latin America have developed some quick and simple tools for a 

gender analysis of trade, which consist of three sets of gender and trade indicators: (1) situational indicators, (2) 

indicators of political will, and (3) dynamic indicators. 


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Most indicators can be expressed in symbols, consisting of an acronym (like U for unemployment) and a 

superscript to denote the value for females or males (f or m). The dynamic indicators also include the symbol D 

(delta), which means ‘change’, for example the change in an indicator over a period of five years. Some measures 

of gender inequality however, are already widely used and can be copied from the literature, such as the Gender 

Development Index (GDI), which is calculated for most countries, every year, by the United Nations. The GDI 

measures the extent of gender inequality in the level of human development of a country: the income, the 

educational situation, and the health status of the people. Each gender and trade indicator will now be explained 

below. 

1. Situational indicators 

This set of indicators describes the social and economic situation of women. These may refer to women’s labour 

market position, their earnings, and their access to schooling and credit. This category of indicators is not 

necessarily related to trade but provides a general overview of the position of women in a country, as a start for a 

gender-aware analysis of trade. 

Examples of situational indicators are: 

● The Gender Development Index published annually by the United Nations in the Human Development 

Reports: GDI 

● Female and male employment rates (L) and unemployment rates (U): L f , L m , U f , U m 

● Gender wage gap (difference in wages of men and women): w f /w m 

● Job segregation in the labour market (female dominance of some jobs, like nursing, and male dominance in 

other jobs, like engineering), with help of the Index of Dissimilarity: ID (the formula will not be given here 

but can be found in academic literature) 

● Unpaid labour time by women and by men: ULT f , ULT m 

● Share of export credit obtained by women: EXCR f /EXCR 

2. Political will indicators 

This set of indicators measures to what extent trade policy makers are willing to take gender concerns into 

account, and to what extent they actually include gender equality measures in the trade agreements they 

negotiate with a trading partner. The indicators of political will hence point at possible inconsistencies between 

trading partners’ gender policies and their trading policies. 

Examples of political will indicators are: 

● Social clauses including conditions of gender equality 

● Guarantee of basic labour rights as specified by the ILO, such as the freedom to form unions and the 

prohibition of discrimination 

● Share of women in official trade delegations (DEL) that represent the interests of trading partners: DEL f / 

DEL 

3. Dynamic indicators 

This set of indicators combines data presented under the first set of indicators, the situational indicators, with data 

on trade. The trade data include trade tariff reductions, trading volumes, trade direction (export surplus or import 

surplus), and a sectoral breakdown of trade (over agriculture, industry and services and sectors within industry 

such as textile production or automobile assembly). The dynamic indicators have another characteristic, 

expressed in their name: they are able to show changes over time. This is particularly helpful in order to monitor 

gender-trade links over the period that a trade agreement is operating. For example, the situation before an 

agreement could be compared with the situation five years after the start of intensified trade. The dynamic 

indicators hence, will show to what extent women gain or lose from increased trade. But they may also suggest to 

what extent existing gender inequalities, for example in wages or in employment, influence trade volumes and 

patterns. 

The technical formulation of the dynamic indicators is as trade elasticities. The concept of an elasticity is borrowed 

from micro economics, to indicate for example the change in demand for a product as a reaction to a change in 

the products’ price. If the relationship is elastic, its value is larger than 1, for example for haircuts: when the price 

of a haircut increases by 10%, many people will decide to cut their hair themselves or ask a family member to do 

so. Hence, the demand for haircuts may decrease a lot, say 20%. The elasticity is then calculated as follows: the 


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change in demand divided by the change in price: - 20% / 10% = - 2. If the relationship is inelastic, the value of 

the elasticity is smaller than 1 and can even be zero. For example, when the price of potatoes or rice increases by 

10%, many people will still buy these foodstuffs, since they have to eat anyway. They may instead buy less luxury 

food like meat or coffee. The decrease in demand for potatoes and rice then may be just 2%. The elasticity is then 

- 2% / 10% = - 0.2. In other words, the price of basic food does not have much influence on people’s demand for 

such food. 

Going back to trade elasticities, a low elasticity means that trade has little or no influence on gender equality, 

whereas a high elasticity means that trade does have an impact on gender equality. This impact may either be 

positive (the calculated elasticity will have a positive sign) or negative (the calculated elasticity will have a 

negative sign). The use of elasticities requires one condition: the denominator of the elasticity, that is, the trade 

variable, should be big enough to make sense. If the increase in exports or imports is just 1% for example, it is 

not so useful to use the dynamic indicators. 

Examples of dynamic indicators are: 

● Change in unemployment difference between women and men (U f /U m ) divided by the change in export 

(EX) and import (IM) volumes. When inelastic, it means that increased trade does not help to improve 

women’s relative unemployment situation. When elastic, it means that increased trade parallels either an 

improvement or a worsening of women’s relative unemployment situation: D(U f /U m ) / D(EX + IM). 

● Change in the gender wage gap divided by the change in export volume. When inelastic, it means that 

increased exports do not help to reduce the gender wage gap. When elastic, it means that increased 

exports parallel either an improvement or a worsening of the gender wage gap: D (w f /w m ) / D EX. 

● Change in women’s share of unpaid labour divided by the change in export volume. When inelastic, it 

means that increased exports do not affect the time women spend on unpaid labour. When elastic, it means 

that increased exports parallel either an improvement or a worsening of women’s share in unpaid labour: D 

(ULT f /ULT m ) / D EX 

Use of indicators: how? 

1. To assess consistency between gender policy and trade policy. 

The indicators of gender and trade can show to what extent trade policy helps or hinders gender equality. Also, 

the indicators suggest to what extent existing gender relations affect the success of trade. If it turns out that 

success in trade on the one hand and gender equality on the other hand are not moving in the same direction, but 

the one goes at the cost of the other, trade and gender policies are not consistent with each other. In particular, 

the situational and political will indicators are relevant to assess policy consistency. 

2. To assess gender effects of trade and trade effects of gender relations . 

The dynamic indicators of gender and trade can show the size of gender effects of trade and trade effects of 

gender. They point out the strength of the mutual relationship between gender and trade. These quantitative 

indicators can be presented as a gender analysis of trade, complementary to a conventional trade review which 

contains other quantitative indicators on the success of trade. Hence, they provide additional information for a 

trade review. An example for such an additional trade review is a Sustainability Impact Analysis (SIA), which is 

currently discussed in the EU, in order to assess environmental and poverty effects of trade. The SIA may provide 

an opportunity to include gender and trade indicators as well. 

3. To assess need for direct gender policy measures in trade agreements. 

In the case that the relationship between gender and trade as assessed under items (1) and (2) above turns out 

negative, the indicators may point out in what areas of trade policy and the policy process, direct measures should 

be taken in order to prevent such a negative relationship. Examples of direct measures to improve the relationship 

between trade success and gender equality are extra efforts to increase women’s access to export credit, or an 

increase in the number of women on trade delegations in one or both trading partners’ delegations. 

4. To assess need for indirect gender policy measures to accompany trade policy. 

Again, if the relationship between gender and trade appears to be negative, the indicators may also suggest areas 

for indirect policy measures to accompany trade policy. Such indirect measures are not part of trade policy, but 

belong to other policy areas such as labour market policy or social policy. Measures may be needed in order to 

compensate negative effects of trade and/or to improve the relationship between trade success and gender 

equality over time. An example of an indirect policy measure in the field of labour policy is the implementation of 

core labour standards in Export Processing Zones (EPZs). Core labour standards will help to prevent companies 

from discriminating against women in terms of wages, unionisation, or unequal hiring, promotion and firing 

practices. 


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February 2002

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Many good reasons for women to be against GATS 

By Christa Wichterich 

WIDE Briefing 

GATS is geared to the liberalisation of all service markets. Currently, about 160 branches of services are listed by 

GATS. They are comprising areas which are either already covered wholly by private providers or run mixed 

entities (private and public owned). They also include sectors covering basic needs which up to now are being 

administered exclusively by the public sector. This wide range includes insurances and the banking sector, traffic 

and telecommunication, energy and water supply, health care, education, culture, the construction sector, waste 

disposal, and tourism together with all social services e.g. services for the elderly and youth programmes. 

Through GATS all these services should be submitted to the WTO-principles of free market access and equal 

treatment of domestic and foreign suppliers, of private, public or non-profit providers. GATS lists four modes of 

trade with services: 

Mode 1: Cross-border supply (e.g. sending of goods, courier services, call centres, music videos on the internet, 

telemedicine, e-learning etc.) 

Mode 2: Consuming of services abroad (tourism or business travels abroad, medical treatment or education 

abroad, etc.) 

Mode 3: Business activities abroad (foreign direct investment, branches abroad, joint ventures, etc.) 

Mode 4: Temporary job migration (employees of transnational companies in different foreign countries, leasing 

and job procuring agencies which are sending people abroad under special conditions, etc.) 

Whoever speaks about services must not be silent about the role of women. The service sector is mostly a 

women’s domain all over the world: the female teachers in public schools, the nurse taking care of aged persons 

in private households for a meagre salary and without social protection, the housewife taking care of her family 

without any pay, the sex worker in a tourist destination, the tele-worker who is working via telephone in her 

kitchen. The scenario is huge and mostly invisible. In the EU more than 80 % of all working women are found in 

the service sector where they are either employed or “self-employed”. Wherever essential provisions are 

concerned, the public and the private sector are virtually going hand in hand with unpaid and informal women’s 

work. 

There are at least ten good reasons for opposing GATS, especially from the side of women: 

1) We are against GATS and the privatisation of public welfare services as it transforms education, health 

care, care of the elderly, water and energy supply, culture and mobility into commodities on the world market, 

just like cars, engines and computers. Essential provisions cannot simply be converted into a supermarket 

of products and services, sold at market prices. Education, health, water supply, social security and security 

for old age are public goods which form the common good of society comprising their human and social capacities 

and potentials for development. All members of society are entitled to enjoy these public goods based on their 

human and civil rights. GATS is converting public goods in commodities and thus undermines 

fundamental social rights. It is not geared to guaranteeing access to public goods as an entitlement. Rather it 

is giving access only to those who can pay. Commercialisation of essential provisions means that they are 

channelled to where the money is and not where needs or a legal claim exist. 

2) We are against GATS because through liberalisation and privatisation of public services not all members of 

society are receiving social care. The weak ones become losers of the game. GATS is undermining the 

principle of solidarity. As long as basic needs are covered by taxes and social security contributions, a redistribution 

or horizontal subsidising is taking place between healthy and sick persons, the young and the old, 

people with higher and lower incomes, people with a job and the jobless. Privatisation, the appeal to take over 

responsibility individually and the enforced contributions to private insurance companies are replacing solidarity 

with individual performance and individual purchasing power. At the same time, the money now paid for 

private insurance schemes is lacking in the public budgets. This in turn leads to budgets-cuts and a 

deterioration of public services. 

The same effect is caused by the rules on “non-discrimination” (National Treatment) of the GATS agreement. They 

require governments to give equal treatment to domestic and foreign providers as well as to non-profit and profit 

institutions in order to create equal conditions for competition. In case a government subsidises a community or 


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church-run hospital, then – according to GATS – it must cancel this subsidy or pay an equal subsidy to e.g. a US 

hospital chain in the same country. If a government supports education and health activities through women’s 

projects then it must give the same subsidy to profit-oriented education and health institutions which are not at 

all gender-sensitive. Thus public funds are re-distributed among private investors and profit-oriented providers 

while the public sector is continually impoverished. 

As GATS is torpedoing the principle of solidarity and the welfare state, it creates inequality in essential provisions 

instead of equality as well as insecurity of provisions for the weak who lack purchasing power. By kicking out and 

drying up the public sector through competition, GATS brings about a polarisation of the provisions and a twoclass 

system within the social services: on the one hand we find the profit-oriented, well equipped and well 

staffed service providers which charge a high price, on the other hand we find the public welfare system 

understaffed and poorly equipped. Women rely to a high degree on an affordable public welfare system, therefore 

they are the first to suffer from cuts in public funds and the corresponding deterioration of public services. 

3) We are against GATS because liberalisation is submitting all offers for the coverage of basic needs to 

competitive pressure. Public and private providers on the service market become more competitive by offering 

low wages and requiring high job performance. They are able to save expenditures by becoming ‘lean’, in the 

meaning of laying off or informalising employment, by making it more flexible or by outsourcing. The 

jobs created under these conditions, are often insecure, low paid and part-time employments. This is hitting 

women first, especially if they have a low level of qualification. Women who are forced to create their own job by 

forming a “one-woman micro-enterprise” rendering services, can only compete if they offer their workforce at an 

extremely low remuneration level. 

The pressure coming from competition enforces the on-going informalisation and deregulation of employment, the 

outsourcing and fragmenting of work and thus, stress at the workplace. This is not only the case in private 

corporations but also in the public sector. However, the State and the communities are not only important 

employers of women, but they are also the entities who implemented most of affirmative actions and equal 

opportunities measures for women. On the other hand, the private sector is mostly not willing to adopt 

positive discrimination of women or any quota-system. Those measures are considered as distorting free 

competition. 

WTO talks about marvellous job opportunities created through GATS. Certainly there will be more insecure and 

badly paid jobs in the service sector. And there will be fewer jobs with sufficient social guarantees and legal 

protection creating a secure livelihood. The pressure exerted on wage costs is growing. This development is 

taking place mostly in detriment of working women in the service sector. 

4) We are against GATS and the liberalisation of public basic needs because wherever health, education, water 

supply and social services must be placed on the market, work will be rationalised and efficiency and 

productivity sharply raised. Because this way profits are made. However, person-oriented and welfare services 

can only be rationalised in a limited way. Raising efficiency and productivity are limited by humanity itself. Body 

care, education, tenderness can not be accelerated endlessly. Therefore, as profitability is dictating, care work, 

being slow and expensive, is catapulted out of paid economy. But it is mostly women who work in this 

sector. This means that women are losing paid jobs. Nursing and other welfare services kicked out from the job 

market, are again taken up by women who then render unpaid services by taking care of sick relatives in their 

homes, who were sent home from hospitals only shortly after surgery due to “standardized norms”. Thus, 

liberalisation and efficiency required in the service sector are only shifting work from the paid sector into the 

unpaid sector. Women have fewer jobs securing their existence and more unpaid work. 

5) We are against GATS and the liberalisation of public services, because the main goal of private service 

institutions is profitability, all other objectives must be subordinated to the latter. They invest in areas where 

they can make profits. Unprofitable areas are left to the public sector. For instance, service companies are 

mainly investing in water supply systems in residential areas where people with high purchasing power are living. 

Private health insurance companies lure clients with low risk and high income. As women have a higher life 

expectancy they are a higher risk and must pay higher contributions than men. These selective company 

strategies are called “cherry picking”. Profitability is not only determining investment and target group but also 

the service itself: quantity is given preference over quality. This means as many surgery interventions as 

possible and using the most expensive medical equipment, high energy input, no matter whether this is 

ecologically feasible or not, water supply without considering neither quantity nor waste – without any interest in 

saving resources, because this would mean costly repairs of water pipes. Women try to compensate for the lack of 

quality health care or the lack of quality of drinking water supply by caring for sick relatives or by boiling water to 

reduce the risk of infections for their babies. Profitability has its social and environmental price. Therefore 

the provision of basic needs is certainly the worst place for profit making. 

6) We are against GATS because it is only geared to economic gains without considering social losses and their 

consequences. Accordingly, GATS does not show any gender sensitivity or concern about gender justice. 

One example is the further liberalisation of the tourist sector. GATS doesn’t consider the fact that many longdistance 

travels are made by sex tourists and business men, who take advantage of the growing number of 

prostitutes in countries where the governments see this revenue as a substantial contribution to stimulate 

economic growth. Another example of social ignorance shown by GATS is the temporary migration of highly 

qualified experts. Governments only see their remittances back home as economic gains, without considering the 

consequences, the drain of qualified persons from certain areas, such as the health sector, has on countries in the 

South. For the same economic reason – the remittances – governments in the South demand that the temporary 


Doc 

migration of less qualified persons should be included in GATS. This could turn into a kind of carte blanche for 

those private agencies, job placement institutions and touts, that are trading with women by pushing them in 

precarious jobs, exploiting them and converting them into prostitutes. GATS is not wasting any thought about 

this. It is blind to social and gender issues. 

7) We are against GATS because we do not believe that liberalisation of the service sector will bring great 

advantages in terms of development to Southern countries and eradicate poverty. On the contrary: the 

liberalisation and privatisation of the public sector in the wake of structural adjustment programmes has shown 

the preponderance of adverse effects. Trade in services – with the exception of tourism – is nearly exclusively 

in the hands of industrialised nations. The EU makes no secret of the fact that their main goal is the export of 

services by European transnational companies, for them GATS is “mainly an instrument for the benefit of 

enterprises”. Companies in the OECD countries are gaining most from liberalisation. The WTO says that 

countries in the South can decide freely what and where they want to liberalise. But the WTO knows only too well 

the real power relationships between OECD countries and the indebted Southern countries prone to crisis. 

Currently they are pressurised harshly in the bilateral negotiations. But we are also afraid that many governments 

of the South are only interested in economic gains, while they give no plugged nickel for the social price to be 

paid, especially by women. 

8) We are against GATS because it is hitting democracy in the face, just like all the other liberalisation 

agreements of the WTO. The negotiations, that are penetrating deeply into national politics, the common good, 

public property and the welfare of the individual, are held behind closed doors and not made transparent. 

The EU is negotiating on behalf of its member states without involving national Parliaments or the public in the 

decision making process. The most important decisions are devised by OECD-members and the governments from 

threshold or big market countries in the so-called Green Rooms. The smaller and weak states of the South and the 

East remain excluded and have not even the resources and capacities for participating in the whole lot of 

negotiations. On the other hand, transnational companies such as service enterprises from Europe, the US and 

Japan strengthened their lobbying capacities and were able to join the game in a focused manner. 

Even now more precise information about requests and offers of the governments are kept secret and declared as 

confidential matters, the planned negotiation rounds are not made public on time and the criticism forwarded by 

social movements and their demands remain unconsidered. An example: Due to massive public protests in 

Cochabamba, Bolivia, the privatisation of the water supply system was revoked showing very clearly the 

resistance of the people. Despite this, the EU is demanding that Bolivia should liberalise its water sector. 

Therefore the consultations taking place currently between the EU commission and various governments are a 

democratic farce. 

9) We are against GATS because the agreement is part of a “progressive liberalisation”. So far the EU has 

not offered any liberalisation measures in the areas of education, health and audiovisual services. However, the 

EU is pointing at the fact that the current offer might be modified and that it intends to do so. Liberalisation and 

privatisation are a creeping, step-by-step process. This is clearly shown by the fact that GATS includes a furtive 

new agreement on investment which is strengthening the rights of the investors vis-à-vis governments. 

At the same time it is debilitating governments’ right to regulate because they have to prove that the 

regulations are no trade barriers. The goal of the EU policy, “to strongly promote our own European interests” is 

clearly visible when looking at the fact that currently the EU is asking 72 countries to liberalise their water supply 

systems without making any offer in this area, in order to leave the terrain to European multinational companies. 

10) We are against GATS because it spoils the prospects for the future. GATS is a one-way street or a trap. It 

is almost impossible to revoke any liberalisation measures already taken or to suspend it for a certain 

period, e.g. in case of an emergency or crisis or when a government changes. Thus GATS becomes a economic 

power tool with its own rules and regulations which is subordinating democracy and national sovereignty of 

the states with their rules and regulations. Social and environmental standards, ecology and consumer protection 

can be sanctioned as “unnecessary trade barriers”. 

We insist on the idea that these quality standards must not be eliminated by WTO law. Social and gender 

justice, the provision of basic needs, environmental protection, human rights must be given 

preference over trade rights and commercial law. 

We insist on the democratic right of all persons to receive information, participate in a democratic process, and 

resist undemocratically made decisions. The requests and offers already sent out by the EU must be withdrawn as 

they were made without the participation of the public. Furthermore we think that the provision of basic needs 

must be subordinated to democratic decisions and to the subsidiary principle which implies that they should be 

realised at local level as far as possible. Communities and societies must be enabled to decide in an autonomous 

way and at any time how to organise their public services. Nobody and nothing must be forced to liberalise 

nor to privatise. 

No doubt, the public sector must be reformed as often it is inefficient, sick and corrupt and unable to guarantee 

basic rights and the provision of basic services to all members of society. But GATS and privatisation are not the 

right path to follow. We must look for alternatives and re-invent social thinking and solidarity. But for 

this we do not need any GATS. Therefore we will continue our struggle to oppose GATS and to commit 

ourselves to find alternatives offering social and gender justice. 


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A quick look at the GATS agenda 

General Agreement on Trade in Services 

❍ 1994 agreed within the frame of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 

❍ Came into force on 01.01.1995 

❍ November 2001: During the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha a new round of negotiations was agreed 

upon. 

❍ End of June 2002: Governments presented their requests for market access 

❍ End of March 2003: Governments presented their liberalisation offers 

❍ September 2003: mid-term reports presented to the WTO Ministerial Conference in Cancun, Mexico 

❍ End of 2004: GATS negotiations should be finalised 

Source: 

Women in development Europe © 



Privatisation 

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PRIVATISATION 



By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D. 

The issue of privatization has been a subject of intense global debate in recent years. In 

Africa, it has remained highly controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria 

has not been a popular reform. It has received so much criticism from labor, academia, 

and individuals. There have been numerous strikes against proposed sell-offs by unions 

fearing loss of jobs. While proponents of privatization see that aspect of economic reform 

as an instrument of efficient resource management for rapid economic development and 

poverty reduction… 

Public Goods – The Economic vs the Ethical Category 

By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D. 

The phenomenon of public goods has existed since the dawn of civilization, but their 

significance and the approach to them has been different in various historical, and 

especially socio-economic, stages of the development of civilization. This issue is 

becoming emphasized in the conditions of the occurrence of the New Economy (or Total 

Economy), especially in countries in transition. 


or 

A Case Study on the Impact of the General Agreement on Trade in Services 

(GATS) in Bulgaria - The Concession of Sofia Water Supply and Wastewater 

Services: Legal, Economic, Social and Gender Aspects 

By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D. 

By joining GATS the Bulgarian government had to start playing the GATS game and, 

subsequently, to follow its rules. GATS is the first multilateral agreement containing the 

commitment for a continuous liberalization of the trade in all services, essential services 

included, through binding rules. The aim of GATS is to increase international trade by 

removing any control and restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities, 

environment protection, existing social standards or laws which maintain the public 

monopoly on some services. 

Is Water a Public Good or a Commodity? 

Thoughts on water privatization and related issues for poor populations 

By Massan d’ Almeida, AWID 

More than 1.1 billion humans are indeed deprived of drinking water and 2.4 billion of 

health services. Already, more than half of the population in developing countries suffers 

from at least one of the six main water related diseases that kills more than five millions 

people every year, eleven thousands of whom are children who die every day, which is 

three to four times the number of victims of the World Trade Center attacks! How then is 

one to understand the deafening silence of the media and our own? 

Women and Water Privatization 

By Ana Elena Obando, WHRnet 

The increase of the global degradation of ecosystems, the excessive consumption of 

water, contamination and salinization of water-bearings, aquifers and dams, along with 

the impact of extreme poverty which has been worsened by privatization, are 

contributing factors to an environmental catastrophe. This has had profound effects on 

the availability of drinking water and, consequently, has led to the violation of the right to 

life, safety, food, health and education of billions of human beings. Water is a 

fundamental and inalienable human right and a common good that every person and 

institution of this planet should protect.

Privatisation 

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Public Goods – The Economic vs. the Ethical Category 

Abstract 

Public Goods – The Economic vs the Ethical Category 

By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D., Faculty of Economics, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro 

Property is theft. 

Proudhon [1] 

The phenomenon of public goods has existed since the dawn of civilization, but their significance and the approach 

to them has been different in various historical, and especially socio-economic, stages of the development of 

civilization. This issue is becoming emphasized in the conditions of the occurrence of the New Economy (or Total 

Economy), especially in countries in transition. Serbia & Montenegro is currently in the stage of general transition, 

which involves a dramatic process of transforming social into private property, with all the elements of the elitist 

process. During such a transition, it is necessary to explain and educate all the interest and social groups about 

the essence of public goods, as well as about the consequences of their uncritical, excessive and immoral 

privatization. This paper points to the very essence of public goods and their generally adopted classification with 

a special emphasis on the ethical, as opposed to the economic, dimension of determining the goods themselves 

and the approach to them. This is an obligation of present generations both for ourselves and for all future 

generations. 

Key words: public goods, ethics, awareness, public choice 

The phenomenology of public goods is as old as civilization in general. What is variable in relation to public goods 

is the awareness of them, the knowledge about them (cognition on a scientific basis) and the approach to them. 

An additional variable is the degree of organization in providing public goods at various stages of the development 

of civilization. 

Economic Genesis and Classifications 

Economics as a science started to develop intensively and to systematize its knowledge in the second half of the 

19 th and the early 20 th centuries. It is, therefore, a very young science, compared to mathematics or philosophy, 

for example. Its constitution and development are mostly related to the development of markets, exchange, 

money, and production as organized activities, etc. However, we shall all agree that human communities had 

existed and functioned even before the occurrence of economics as a science and of the elements of economics in 

the categorical sense. These communities used natural goods (natural resources) under some principles that we 

cannot call economic in the above sense. 

The primitive accumulation of capital, the development of trading capital, the beginning of manufacturing and 

technological inventions, and the formation of strong nation states made the economic processes complex and 

imposed a need to explain them. Furthermore, these conditions created a need that is considered more important 

today, the need to predict and project them. 

In terms of economics, in relation to public goods, the strongest influence was the occurrence and development of 

manufactured goods. That is to say the fact that public goods - in large numbers - acquired the characteristics of 

goods and all the features of commodities – use-value, exchange-value, and market price. Three facts cardinally 

contributed to this process: 

- Increase in the global population, 

- The scarce and limited character of natural resources, and 

- The developmental trend of economic sciences, especially political economics, supported by marketing and 

similar skills, and their turn from the objective (labor) theory of value to a subjective value theory, which meant 

opening the process of “creating” human needs. [2] 

Modern economic science defines and systematizes public goods starting from the most general division of all 

goods into private and public. Thus goods range from purely/completely private goods to purely/completely public 

goods. 

The basic economic characteristics of private goods are: 



- Users of private goods easily can be and are charged for their utilization; 

- The marginal production cost of goods is positive (equal or higher than the average cost); and, 

- In the acquisition (purchase and use) of private goods, consumers act by the principles of rivalry (if I do 

– you don’t) and exclusion (I paid – only I use). 

What is characteristic of public goods, however, is that: 

- It is practically impossible to charge for utilization because production cost is indivisible, so that marginal 

cost equals zero; and 

- What applies in their utilization are the principles of non-rivalry (both I – and you – and others) and 

non-exclusion (nobody can be prevented from use). 

Between these two (theoretically known as extreme) definitions of goods are the so-called transitional forms of 

goods, such as common pool resources (hunting grounds and pastures [3] ) or club goods (concert halls, sports 

halls or swimming pools). 

Another, not less significant, classification of public goods uses allocation criteria. According to these criteria, all 

public goods are divided into: 

- Global public goods (state borders are not obstacles for the inhabitants of other countries to benefit from 

these resources – such as biological diversity, tropical rainforests, and air); 

- National public goods (national defense and national parks); and 

- Local public goods (municipal parks and squares). 

It is the allocation criteria that introduce key economic categories (and related problems) into the system: 

- The category of ownership and 

- The category of rent (cost, i.e., benefit from utilization). 

The largest number of natural resources does not have an owner or is in a special ownership regime, (e.g. 

essential resources necessary for life - water, air, and biodiversity). This ownership regime is known as “res 

nullius” - nobody owns and nobody controls the resources. 

Unlike this regime, there are: 

- State ownership regimes (state-owned and controlled resources) and 

- Communal regimes (resources owned and controlled by groups of co-owners). 

The systems of ownership and rent (utilization cost) are the categories leading to problems and conflicts in the 

production and use of public goods. The most often addressed consequential issue is that of free riders, (i.e. rent 

dissipation) which ultimately leads to the “tragedy of the commons.” [4] Simplified, in the absence of price, access 

to public goods is not limited by anything so scarce resources are subject to an unlimited degree of exploitation. 

To prevent this drastically negative phenomenon, it is necessary to set utilization rules, especially through: 

- Legislation (or a regulation arrangement), which implies setting standards for participants regarding 

exploitation and imposing sanctions on those who break the regulations; 

- An arrangement (system) of utilization fees (based on the principle “the users pay”); 

- An arrangement of developed licenses, set by a competent authority (i.e. in exploiting marine fisheries 

and resources); and 

- Traditional resources based on awareness, responsibility, good practices, culture and tradition, without 

particular enforcement forms other than social values. 

From Ethics to Economics and Back 

History teaches that human communities at a lower degree of technical development had a higher awareness of 

the significance of public goods (e.g. drinking water springs), like the awareness shown nowadays by Swiss dairy 



farmers or animal rights activists. This simplified parallel leads to a conclusion that high awareness, and the 

related ethics, of the importance of public goods is immanent in those human communities that are extreme in 

terms of technical development – either at a very low or a very high level. 

What is it all about? It is obvious that this important issue is directly related to the level and degree of satisfaction 

of a person's need for goods. If a person is satisfied at the level of his or her personal needs his or her 

awareness of public goods is higher and vice versa. 

Let’s take a very simple example. You have your own car that you use daily to commute to work. In this way, you 

have solved and satisfied your own need to get to work and back home efficiently and comfortably, using all the 

benefits of your own private good (the car). At the same time, your have the possibility, of which nobody deprives 

you, to use bus, tram, train, etc. (i.e. public transportation) – as public goods. Many of your fellow citizens will 

use the public goods because they are entitled to them, because they do not own cars or because they do not 

want to drive their own cars. In this case, objective circumstances or motives for using public goods are 

completely irrelevant, and we all bear the costs of using public goods – paying the fares (if we ride on it) or taxes 

and fees used to finance the organization and functioning of public transportation. 

Another textbook example of public goods is a national defense system. Every citizen in the state has an equal 

right to security and safety of his or her life and property. In terms of organizational economics, production of the 

public good, national defense, is in the hands of the state, for which certain funds need to be provided. Financing 

defense is one of the most important state expenditures, and the awareness of it is widespread no matter how 

pacifist one may be. 

As a third example, during the summer heat, each person has equal (natural) need to cool down in the water. 

This need may be satisfied in various ways. They can, for example, go to the municipal swimming pool (a public 

good) or build their own swimming pool (a private good). They can travel to some of the appealing resorts where 

they will be using the swimming pool inside their hotel (a club good) or go to a public beach – depending on their 

needs, wishes or personal attitudes. Let us stick to the municipal pool. We may, but do not have to, use this 

public good. However, the awareness of the need for it will seldom cause protest if the municipal authorities use 

funds collected from the taxes we all pay (or should pay) to build (produce) a municipal swimming pool. The 

problem may arise if, at one point, the municipal authorities decide to sell the pool, as the new ownership form, 

guided by the logic of profit and the policy of pricing for the service of using the pool, will lead to the exclusion of 

certain people (first of all the poor) from the availability of this good for all citizens. 

Production of public goods is financed from public income. The players in this process are all the members of a 

community, at any organizational level – local, regional, national or federal. Nobody, therefore, is excluded from 

production or consumption (availability). Within these coordinates, a public good is an explicit economic category 

determined by other economic categories: income-expenditure, cost-benefit, production-consumption. 

In the above mentioned, as well as all other examples of public goods, however they may be categorized (as 

global, national, communal, common pool or club). What inevitably imposes itself is the concept of awareness 

(consciousness?) of the need for public goods and their production, as a per se necessity. This ontologism based 

on the concept of good (as opposed to bad) leads us into determining public goods as an ethical category. 

Where is the Lost Ethic? 

The ethical discourse of technology, with all its good and bad consequences, is rooted in the ancient tragedy, 

when the “machine” appeared as the intermediary between God and humans (i.e., natural resources and people) 

in its modern explicit meaning. 

It is not necessary nowadays to demonstrate particularly that technological process has led to an imposing extent 

of economic and any other type of progress in humankind. Similarly, it is unnecessary to demonstrate specifically 

that development has lead to a regression in many spheres of human life with very pessimistic prognoses for the 

future. 

Despite the facts and the knowledge of harmfulness of certain technological solutions, humans use them 

excessively and indiscriminately, turning in this process against themselves. Production of one resource (e.g., 

motorways, so that we can travel faster and more safely) necessarily destroys another resources (e.g., fertile land 

or forests). The awareness of a natural (public) good withdraws in this away before the (created?) need to rest on 

a distant shore of a sea or a lake or to do “business” quickly. Technical solutions and their role in the frantic 

satisfaction of generated rules, willingness to pay for them, and especially to make profit, bring us into a situation 

where we must once again “form” people's awareness of the gradual, but radical, “change of people's attitude 

toward nature, society, other people, the world and life, on the foundations of the new naturalized humanism and 

humanism in general,” [5] with the creation of the new value matrix. 

On the boundary between the industrial and the post-industrial epochs, perhaps the most important question of 

the civilization is: Does what I do benefit or harm the human in me and/or in other humans? Probably the solution 

to this dilemma, at the same time the most difficult, is creating needs appropriate to a person. Maybe it will tickle 

our imaginations to know why a person, a famous athlete or businessperson, hoards 10 - or more - best or fastest 

cars in his or her garage and lives in a house with several dozen rooms on an estate of several hundred hectares, 



even though it exceeds by far his or her existential needs. Can we imagine what would happened if he or she 

wished for, or could afford, and were willing to pay for, purchase and turn into his or her private good, Niagara 

Falls, Plitvice Lakes or the Tara Canyon? 

There are numerous examples showing how economics defeated ethics. Accumulation of private goods beyond the 

extent of a person’s needs is evidence of this and will persist as long as material private goods remain the 

measure of a person’s value. 

The Tara Canyon – Victory of Ethics over Economics – for the Time Being 

A recent idea of the Government of Montenegro to publish an Invitation to Tender for a dam and hydroelectric 

plant on the River Tara is the most typical example of how a purely public good nearly became a marketable 

economic (maybe even private) good. This infantile idea of the Government, fortunately, mobilized a wide front of 

conscious people, formally and informally organized groups, expert and non-governmental organizations. For the 

time being, the Tara will remain what it should be – a public good. 

At this point, we come to the key assumption for the preservation of public goods and their function – public 

choice. According to the theory of public choice (a separate, modern economic discipline), public choice is a 

“process whereby individual preferences are joined into common decisions.” [6] A democratic society (a mature 

one, of course) coordinates and appreciates the significance of individual values and tastes and establishes them 

by the principle “one person – one vote.” 

It is the sum of individual values and preferences, on the basis of the qualified majority, that directs and shapes 

(through its legitimate representatives) the frameworks and goals of policy in a community (state, region, local 

community) and nominates politicians as the reflection of the voters’ awareness. Conscious voters (educated, 

informed, responsible) will choose such representatives, and vice versa. Not entering any further into this equally 

significant issue, it is necessary to underline that in this way, by public choice, we, citizens-voters, actually 

establish our own system of values. For this reason it is necessary to open the widest possible front for educating 

and informing the population about public goods and their importance for us and especially for future generations, 

to whom we also bear huge responsibility. 

Translation from Serbian: Women’s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro 

Sources: 

1. Babi•, Mate (2001). Makroekonomija [Macroeconomics]. Mate d.o.o, Zagreb. 

2. Bojovi•, Viktorija (2004).“Javna dobra – karakteristike, formiranje tražnje za javnim dobrima i problem 

besplatnih korisnika” [Public Goods – Characteristics, Forming Demand for Public Goods and the Free Rider 

Problem] in Anali ekonomskog fakulteta u Subotici, Issue 12, 2004. 

3. Draškovi•, Božo (ed.) (1998). Ekonomija prirodnog kapitala [The Economics of Natural Capital]. Belgrade. 

4. Goodstein, Eban (2003). Ekonomika i okoliš [Economics and the Environment]. Mate d.o.o, Zagreb. 

5. Ili•, Bogdan et al. (2000). Politi•ka ekonomija [Political Economics]. Beograd. 

6. Maleševi•, Krstan (2004). •ovek protiv sebe – ogledi iz socijalne ekologije [Man Against Himself – Essays in 

Social Ecology]. Belgrade. 

7. Milenovi•, Božida (2000). Ekološka ekonomija [Ecological Economics]. Niš,. 

8. Samuelson, Paul, and William Nordhaus (2000). Ekonomija [Economics]. Zagreb. 

Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D., Professor at the Faculty of Economics, Subotica, University of Novi Sad, Serbia and 

Montenegro. Her fields of expertise are Economics of Companies, Menagement, and Environmental Economics. 

She is a co-author of three textbooks, published about forty articles and papers, and participated in developing 

about forty scientific and research projects. She is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal «Annals of the Faculty of 

Economics in Subotica''. 

E-mail: ljkomazec@eccf.su.ac.yu 

[1] Proudhon, Jean-Pierre, Qu’est-ce que c’est la propriété ? Recherche sur le principe du droit et du government, 

[What is Property? Or, an Iquiry into the Principle of Right of Government], 1840 



[2] According to the subjective value theory, the value of goods is determined by the desire of an individual (i.e., 

the attitude of an individual toward a commodity – what it means for him/her). If, for example, we like to follow 

fashion, we shall do anything to come into possession of fashion novelties, entering the consumer society whirl. 

[3] An example of communal goods is the utilization regime of pasture rights in Switzerland. Alpine pastures have 

been communal property for centuries. Overgrazing was prevented by associations of users who limited the 

allowed number of cattle. These associations have had a long-term, stable function and have transferred rights 

and responsibilities from one generation to another. The bases for their functioning are awareness of 

communality, trust and obedience to rules. 

[4] An irresistibly imposing association is that of the system of social property in the former Socialist Federal 

Republic of Yugoslavia. 

4 Krstan Maleševi•: •ovek protiv sebe – ogledi iz socijalne ekologije [Man Against Himself – Essays in Social 

Ecology] Belgrade, 2004, p. 59. 

[6] Mate Babi•: Makroekonomija [Macroeconomics] , Zagreb, 2001, p. 390. 


Is water a public good or a commodity? 

Is Water a Public Good or a Commodity? 

Thoughts on water privatization and related issues for poor populations 

By Massan d'Almeida, AWID 

Water is at the origin of life on earth. For a long time, it was considered an element. It was only in the eighteenth 

century that the physician Henry Cavendish conducted his analysis and discovered its double structure, a binary 

compound composed of oxygen and hydrogen. However, water can not be reduced only to what physicists and 

chemists may have to say about it. The biologists' stand point on the matter is just as interesting. 

"No living organisms can live without water in any of its forms. The reason why is simple: our cells, all living 

animals, ourselves included, live in an aqueous environment. Therefore, there are constant chemical exchanges 

through the membranes of our cells between the external environment composed of blood and interstitial liquids 

and the internal environment composed of various substances dissolved in water. Living organisms are first and 

foremost composed of water since there is water inside and outside of those cells." 

(Claude Villeneuve, Eau secours!) 

"We do not know the value of water as long as the well isn’t dry." 

(Thomas Fuller, Gnomologia, 1732) 

"Every eight seconds, somewhere in the world, a child dies from a disease related to shortage in drinking water 

and health services." 

(WHO, 2000). 

More than 1.1 billion humans are indeed deprived of drinking water and 2.4 billion of health services. Already, 

more than half of the population in developing countries suffers from at least one of the six main water related 

diseases that kills more than five millions people every year, eleven thousands of whom are children who die 

every day, which is three to four times the number of victims of the World Trade Center attacks! How then is one 

to understand the deafening silence of the media and our own? Especially since this 'water woe' is stupidly, 

recklessly and greedily imposed upon millions of us, as Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke's book eloquently 

demonstrates: "States have indeed agreed at the Johannesburg Summit, to grant access to drinking water and 

health services by 2015 to half of the population deprived of that access, however, this was accomplished at the 

cost of a non-recognition of access to water as a basic human right, contributing thereby to this public good 

becoming a commodity for the benefit of the water cartel." 

Water needs an ethic for action. It must be guided by precautionary principles and principles of mutual respect as 

well as by ideas of justice and solidarity. And so far, a binding human right to water has only explicitly been 

mentioned in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and only in the 

context of access without discrimination. Today, the right to water derives essentially from the binding norms of 

the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. In this regard, the right to water is derived as 

a precondition to the right to life, the right to food, the right to health and the right to housing. This stance was 

translated in the FAO's slogan for the World Food Day in 2002: "No food without water". 

Therefore, it is clear that whoever is concerned with the future of humanity must irrevocably ponder on the issue 

of water. Water, this "blue gold", has become an unavoidable issue. According to the UNEP, the global water crisis 

is the biggest challenge facing the international community and the drinking water crisis has the same dimensions 

and presents the same potential threats than climate changes. 

The need for a convention on water is not a tokenistic exercise separate from the emerging reality as stated by a 

few experts. Fundamental questions underline this call for a binding right, questions which need to be dealt with 

as quickly as possible. Is access to water a human right? Is water a public good, like the air we breathe or is it a 

commodity? Who can assume the right to open or close the water tap: a relevant authority, the population 

(through public authorities or governments) or the invisible hand of the market? 

Lack of financial resources is at the top of the list of arguments produced by the international community to 

explain why billions of human beings continue to live in unacceptable conditions, deprived of water. The estimates 

of additional private means required to reach the Millennium Goals vary greatly. The UNEP calculated that we 

would need up to 180 billions dollars per year while the World Bank is talking about doubling annual investments 

to reach 30 billions dollars. The report called "Camdessus" presented at the third Global Forum on Water in Kyoto 

is also based on this argument. The primary originators of this report were the Global Water Partnership and the 

World Water Council. It had been drafted by a financial expert under the responsibility of the former Director of 

the International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus and must be used as a reference for donors' future policies. It 

speaks again of mega projects such as those which have been implemented in the last few years in many 

countries with all the fatal social and ecological consequences that we all know. 


Is water a public good or a commodity? 

According to advocates for the privatization of water supply services, additional financial resources would need to 

be mobilized through the private economy. We know the numerous examples of indebted developing countries 

who are pressured by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to privatize their water services in 

order to obtain new loans. Reality shows without any ambiguity that the privatization of water supply services is a 

dead-end path even when financial arguments are used. 

The Millennium Goals will never be reached this way. Multinationals are only interested in providing water services 

to mega cities, in other words areas with a clientele of a certain level of buying power and where there are great 

opportunities for profit. Cases such as Manila, Maputo, Togo, South Africa, etc., demonstrate that multinationals 

have no concern about backing out of their commitments when gains do not meet their expectations. It is then 

the State who is forced to pay the consequences. Public-private partnerships that have been subjects of countless 

praises and have been highlighted again in the Johannesburg Action Plan are also leading down the wrong path 

and have not thus far contributed to solving the water crisis. 

Rather, the reality is as follows: the majority of people who do not have access to safe drinking water live either 

in rural areas or in slums. Another far-reaching consequence of water privatization is higher water bills and drastic 

measures that are taken by companies against customers when they are not paid on time. 

Water, basis of all life, remains without global and autonomous protection embedded in international law. An 

international convention on water could be one solution, offering the following benefits: 

● Rendering the right to water, like any human right, binding on legal grounds. 

● Guaranteeing the right to water to future generations. 

● Protecting water as a public good for humanity. 

● Prioritizing water provision and holding States accountable for the respect, protection and implementation 

of the right to water. 

● Preventing water from being privatized and for becoming a commercial good. 

● Granting priority to human rights to water as opposed to the international trade law (i.e. WTO). 

● Putting water sources, unconfined groundwaters, rivers and lakes under the complete protection of public 

international law. 

● Guaranteeing women’s access to water as a human right. 

● Protecting local and nations rights to water for indigenous peoples within international law. 

● Anchoring the traditional culture of water and locals rights (nomads', for example) to water within 

international law. 

● Ensuring that the population is a stakeholder and has its say, democratically, in the development of 

national and local strategies in water related matters. 

● Making available to all women and men legal ways internationally and nationally to claim the right to water. 


Resource Net Friday File, 

Issue 198 

Friday, October 8, 2004 

Association for Women's Rights in Development © 


* This article originally appeared on our French-language e-list Carrefour, Volume 3, Number 16, May 25, 2004. 

It was translated to English by Cécile Grégoire. 

References: 

1. Global+ Dossier N°2, April 2004 

2. L'Encyclopédie de l'Agora 

3. Business Africa 


Doc 

Overview 

Women and Water Privatization 

By Ana Elena Obando 

WHRnet (Women’s Human Rights Net) * 

The increase of the global degradation of ecosystems, the excessive consumption of water, contamination and 

salinization of water-bearings, aquifers and dams, along with the impact of extreme poverty which has been 

worsened by privatization, are contributing factors to an environmental catastrophe. This has had profound effects 

on the availability of drinking water and, consequently, has led to the violation of the right to life, safety, food, 

health and education of billions of human beings. 

Water is a fundamental and inalienable human right and a common good that every person and institution of this 

planet should protect. This resource is, like air, a heritage of humanity and must be declared that way. Water is 

not merchandize and no person or institution should be allowed to get rich from the sale of it. It should not be 

privatized, marketed, exported or transferred to a few multinational companies, which today already control 90 

percent of privatized water utilities. For the GATT, NAFTA and FTAA, water is a commodity, an investment, a 

simple service for commercial use and profit. 

Women are the most affected by this crisis. More than half of the 1.2 billion people who do not have access to 

water are women and girls. The IV World Women’s Conference of the United Nations in 1995 contains one chapter 

in its Action Plan about women and environment in which the right to water was incorporated, although it was not 

analyzed how the water shortage or contamination disproportionately affect women. 

However, later investigations, as the one sponsored by UNIFEM, have verified that “… in most developing 

countries women are responsible for water management at the domestic and community level. It was also 

estimated that women and girls use more than 8 hours a day traveling from 10 to 15 km. to transport between 20 

and 15 liters of water in each trip”. Men, especially in rural areas, do not play the role of getting or carrying water. 

Their relation with water has more to do with agricultural work, and with the storage of water. This gender 

inequality has implications in women’s daily life, from a rights based perspective, since the carrying of water not 

only causes them physical disorders, but also makes it difficult for them to get involved in activities such as 

education, income generation, politics, leisure and recreation. 

According to a WEDO report, “…Women use vegetation and forests-for medicinal plants, food and fuel, as well as 

for income generation-but these ecosystems rely on a healthy water supply. As the environment deteriorates, 

women's livelihoods become increasingly vulnerable.” For example “the availability and placement of toilets has a 

huge impact on women but in many communities women must walk a long distance to use facilities, often risking 

their personal safety-there is an increased incidence of sexual and physical assault when toilets are in a remote 

location. In rural areas where toilets may be unavailable, deforestation and loss of vegetation have forced women 

and girls to rise earlier and walk further in search of privacy. Toilets are also unavailable for vast numbers of poor 

women who work in urban centers. About 1 in 10 school-age African girls do not attend school during 

menstruation or drop out at puberty because of the absence of clean and private sanitation facilities in schools”. 

Together with this existing inequality and the consequent violation of almost all human rights, the World Bank and 

the International Monetary Fund have imposed the privatization of water services on several countries as a 

condition to grant them loans. This has serious consequences for the entire population, but for women in 

particular. Today many people in the world are advocating that water, as a basic right, be excluded from the WTO, 

FTAA and FTA negotiations. This is because the when water is legally considered a commodity, an investment or a 

service under international, regional or bilateral agreements, it violates the Agreement on Economic, Social and 

Cultural Rights and other International laws, and it also subjects the entire population of the world to a slow 

environmental genocide due to the lack of this resource. 

The Colombian researcher Mariela Adela Rivera-Santander highlights the consequences of water privatization “… 

In Cochabamba, Bolivia, water privatization has caused an indiscriminate rate increase of up to 200 percent, 

whereas in Conakry, Guinea, the increase has been 500 percent in only five years, resulting in a serious impact on 

the lives of displaced women, girls and boys. She explains how: “...in Colombia and the Philippines when water 

service is suspended due to nonpayment, women start using contaminated water again, which puts them at risk 

of having serious illnesses they also spend long hours carrying water, in addition to not being able to cover food, 

health or education expenses, since they are using that money to pay for the water service …” 

Everyone must share water world resources: Economic sectors, interstate jurisdictions and sovereign nations, 

while respecting the need for a sustainable environment. Women often have the responsibility of using and 


Doc 

managing water in the worst conditions, sometimes having to choose between eating or being able to rely on 

having water for daily chores. Time invested on securing water excludes them from participating in decisionmaking 

processes, advocating against poverty and improving their quality of life. Equal access to water and 

monitoring of water ecosystems to protect this resource and to prevent natural disasters is more than a necessity. 

It is an urgent human right that cannot be postponed. 

It is essential to reassess the economic, social and environmental roles of water and to recognize and value the 

women’s function as users and managers of water resources. We need to consider the sustainability of 

environmental resources in the planning, construction, operation and management of main water projects, to 

evaluate the social impact of the development of water resources, to reestablish the quality and protection of 

subterranean and surface waters, and to link water policies with other ecosystem policies from a gender 

perspective. 

Human Rights Mechanisms 

● The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights excluded water as an explicit right. Its explicit inclusion was 

believed unnecessary given its nature as a resource necessary for basic survival. 

● Nevertheless, the General Comment #15 on the Articles 11 and 12 on the right to water, adopted in 

November 2002 by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights explicitly recognized that water 

is a fundamental human right. 

The 145 countries that ratified this Agreement are obliged to progressively ensure that every person has access to 

safe drinking water, equally and without any discrimination. Obligation to respect this right requires that the 

States part of this agreement abstain from adopting any conduct that interferes with the enjoyment of this right, 

such as practices denying equal access to acceptable drinking water or illegally contaminating the water by 

dumping industrial waste from Government companies. The parties are obliged to protect Human Rights, avoid 

the interference of third parties in the enjoyment of the right to drinking water. This obligation requires that all 

parties adopt the necessary measures to guarantee the right to drinking water. 

● In the Convention for Eradicating Discrimination against Women (1979) is established that rural women’s 

health depends on adequate and non-discriminatory access to water. Other rights usually not associated 

with the right to water, but that directly affect women and girls, are the equal right to education and to 

political participation. 

● In 1995, during the Fourth World Women’s Conference (Beijing China), the Governments committed in the 

Beijing Declaration “to 

promote the knowledge and favor the investigation of women’s role, particularly in rural and indigenous 

areas, in watering, land management and cleaning up, by focusing particularly on the knowledge and 

experience of indigenous women”. 

● This right is also mentioned in the Children Rights Convention (1989), article 24. Documents about the 

Earth Summit , produced during the Rio De Janeiro meeting in June 1992. 

● The UN Millennium Development Goals 

● In the Ministerial Declaration of the Second World Water Forum , 2000 it was established that the best way 

to protect the planet's ecosystem is to consider women’s involvement in the planning process, thereby 

ensuring their participation in issues linked to water and land ownership. 

● The International Water Conference (Bonn, Germany) establishes that water policies and water 

management systems must be sensitive to gender issues. Any issues linked to water must deal with the 

division of labor –with or without remuneration- between men and women. Men and women must 

participate in the management of sustainable water resources exploitation and in the distribution of benefits 

in equal conditions. The women’s role in any sphere linked to water must be strengthened and their 

participation must be broadened”. 

● The World Summit on Sustainable Development (August 2002). 

● The Ministerial Declaration of the Third World Water Forum (March 2003) 

● The Declaration of San Salvador for the defense of the Right to Water . 

● Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to 

Human Rights . 

Facts and Figures 

· 2.4. billion people in the world, in other words two fifths of the world population, do not have access to 

adequate health. 

● 1.1. billion people in the world, in other words one sixth of the world population, do not have access to 

potable water. 

● 2.2. million people in developing countries are dying every year, most of them children, from diseases 

linked to the lack of access to clean drinking water, inadequate health and poor hygiene. 

● 6000 boys and girls die everyday from diseases linked to the lack of access to clean drinking water, 

inadequate health and poor hygiene. 

● The average distance a woman in Africa and Asia walks to collect water is 6 km. 


Doc 

● The weight of water that women in Asia and Africa carry on their heads is equivalent to the baggage weight 

allowed by airlines (20 kg). 

● In developing countries one person uses an average of 10 liters of water per day. In the United Kingdom, 

one person uses an average of 135 liters of water everyday. 

● When you flush the toilet, you are using the same water amount that one person in the Third World uses all 

day to wash, clean, cook and drink. 

● In the last ten years, diarrhea has killed more girls and boys than all people who have died since the World 

War II. 

● In China, Indonesia, and India, the people dying from diarrhea are double to those dying from HIV/AIDS. 

● The population of Nairobi, Kenya, pays five times more for one liter of water than does a North American 

citizen. 

● The Guatemalan a hand-washing initiative reduced 322,000 deaths from diarrhea in 1998. 

● 1.5. billion people in the world are suffering from parasite infections due to solid waste in the environment, 

which could be controlled with hygiene, water and sanitation. These infections can cause malnutrition, 

anemia and delayed growth. 

● In China, Mexico and Vietnam, communities are practicing ecological healthiness. 

Sources: 

Global Water Partnership, Understanding the Causes of Water Problems 

Marcelina White, ¿Cómo afectará el ALCA a la mujer? (“How Will FTAA Affect Women?”), Women's EDGE 

November 2003 

UNIFEM, Mujer, Medio Ambiente, Agua: Reflexiones sobre la promoción y protección del derecho de las mujeres al 

agua (“Women, Environment, Water: Reflections on the Promotion and Protection of Women’s Right to Water”), 

24 de marzo del 2003 

The Water Supply and Sanitation Collaborative Council, WASH Facts and Figures 

WEDO, Conexiones No Escritas: Diferencias de Género en Cuanto al Uso y Manejo del Agua ("Unwritten 

Connections: Gender Differences Regarding the Use and Management of Water”) 

World Water Development Report, El acceso al Agua como Derecho Humano (“Access to Water as a Human 

Right”) 



http://www.whrnet.org/docs/issue-water.html 

* WHRnet (Women’s Human Rights Net) is a project of the Association of Women’s Rights in Development 


Transition 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_tra.htm (1 van 2)19-1-2006 13:17:50 

TRANSITION 

Relevance of New Solutions: 

The Example of Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro 

By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D. 

The transfer of the global economy into the phase of New Economics more than ever 

gives significance to the issues of the relevance of new solutions being limited by time 

and the issues of the knowledge and skills of particular subjects required to deal with 

change successfully. The problem of changing patterns of successful functioning of the 

global economy and its subjects does not lie only in the strength of arguments and 

positions of the participants in the debate. 

Position of Women in Montenegro 

By Rosa Popovic 

During the past ten years Montenegrin economy underwent economic transformation, as 

well as serious social changes. This period is marked by the disintegration of former 

Yugoslavia, wars in the region, a large number of refugees and internal displaced persons 

(IDP's) who find shelter in Montenegro (at one moment they represented 12% of the 

total Montenegrin population, and that was actually the period of the greatest economic, 

social and political crisis). 

The Quintessential Step of Serbia and Montenegro towards the European Union: 

Facing Historical and Present Day Myths and Delusions 

By Ognjen Radonjic 

The European Union is the only rational future road to political and economic 

development for Serbia and Montenegro. At the same time, it is also a powerful 

guarantee of peace and stability in the region. Serbia and Montenegro is very far from 

the European integration processes at this moment. In order to make the process of 

accession faster and easier and at the same time to prevent eventual wars in the near 

and distant future, this study has the aim of revealing two extraordinary delusions on the 

part of Serbian people and present day national leaders. 

Women’s Rights in the Western Balkans: In the Jaws of the Free Market 


The transitional economies of the region have a number of common characteristics, many 

of these arising from their common experience of structural adjustment. The region’s 

SAPs, dictated by the IMF, have features familiar from previous SAP experiences in other 

regions, requiring removal of all obstacles to the international trade and foreign 

investments, prompt privatisation, labour market flexibility and reduction of all social 

costs. The new “transitional policy” abolished many of gained economic and social rights, 

and these social and economic turbulences have mostly negatively influenced 

marginalized groups, women being the majority of them. 

Economic Reform and Poverty: A Gender Analysis 

By Sally Baden 

BRIDGE 

Economic reform in many developing countries has been associated with stabilisation and 

structural adjustment programmes supported by international financial institutions 

(IFIs). As these have become more widespread and long term, concern has grown about 

the impact of economic reform policies on poverty. Evidence is not encouraging, with 

many countries experiencing increases in poverty under programmes of economic reform 

in the 1980s, or a worsening of income distribution, with a few exceptions. In recent 

years, however, it has become evident that the poverty in countries undergoing economic 

reform is not temporary in nature. Moreover, there is considerable evidence that 

adjustment policies themselves have contributed to increasing poverty. 

Invisible Workers: Women in the Informal Economy in Russia 

By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D.

Transition 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_tra.htm (2 van 2)19-1-2006 13:17:50 

The results of Russian quasi-reforms was deep economic crisis, break-down of the 

industry, decline of the production, deterioration of living standard of the population and 

mass unemployment. The lack of job, and livelihood opportunities drives labour force 

from the official sphere of employment into the informal economy. The feminisation of 

poverty and gender discrimination at the labour market are reasons why are women 

more likely than men to work in the informal economy.



The Example of Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro 

By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D., Faculty of Entrepreneurial Management, Bra•a Kari• University, Novi Sad, Serbia and 

Montenegro 

Abstract 

On the example of free zones in Serbia and Montenegro, the author addresses two theses. The first, by which 

even the best solutions do not last forever and have a limited period of relevance. The second, by which the utility 

of a new solutions is highly dependent on the quality of the environment and the subjects using it. 

Key words: free zones, Serbia and Montenegro 

Introduction 

The transfer of the global economy into the phase of New Economics more than ever gives significance to the 

issues of the relevance of new solutions being limited by time and the issues of the knowledge and skills of 

particular subjects required to deal with change successfully. 

The problem of changing patterns of successful functioning of the global economy and its subjects does not lie 

only in the strength of arguments and positions of the participants in the debate. The problem also lies in the 

knowledge and skills to adopt new solutions in a qualitative manner within the relevant period. 

In order to elaborate the above positions, this paper considers an unused possibility in Serbia and Montenegro. 

Knowledge, skills and coincidence have caused the institution of free zones not to yield expected results and 

effects during the period of high relevance. 

Free zones as a new, advanced institution in a socialist country 

The former Yugoslavia was a socialist country. Unlike other socialist countries, it had far more of the elements of a 

market economy. In the conditions at that time, it maintained a rich practice of foreign economic relations. A little 

less than one-half of total exports were placed in developed markets. Domestic practices included joint ventures 

and long-term cooperation with foreign partners. 

In such an environment, in the mid-1970s, legislation introduced the institution of free zones. Introduction of free 

zones was accompanied with strong media campaigns about their significance for further access of the domestic 

economy to the developed world, attracting international capital and transfer of international technology, for 

further growing exports and creating new employment in the country. A climate was being created in which the 

institute of free zones was represented as a condition for energizing further economic development. 

Nowadays, regretfully, we find that the institution of free zones in Serbia and Montenegro, and as far as we know, 

even wider, in the area of former Yugoslavia and its environment (Romania and Bulgaria) did not accomplish its 

mission. One exception is Hungary, which initially opted for and very successfully used the trading zones. 

Transitional changes in the country and liberalization of international trade and business sooner or later will raise 

the issue of relevance and further maintenance of free zones. 

Aim and basis of consideration 

The question asked in compiling this paper is: Why did an institution, which at the time of its introduction 

represented a modernization and liberalization of links between national and international economies, did not 

accomplish its mission? 

When answering this question, besides a decade of professional work on their development, I also wanted to rely 

on empirical data. Having asked the Association of Free Zones of Serbia within the Chamber of Economy of 

Serbia, I received the answer that there are no data and that the data are confidential. 

Free zones in the Republic of Serbia 

According to the data from the Internet [1] , free zones in the Republic of Serbia are located in Belgrade, Novi 

Sad, Smederevo, Kovin, Šabac, Subotica, Sremska Mitrovica, Prahovo, Sombor, Lapovo, Vladi•in Han, Ba•ka 

Palanka and Pirot. Most of these free zones have obtained establishing and working licenses, but factually, they 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0054tra.htm (1 van 5)19-1-2006 13:17:55


are doing very little or no business at all. We must point out that in the 1980s and the 1990s there was a lot of 

interest from numerous local governments and companies, mostly in underdeveloped communities, to establish 

free zones. It was a climate in which it was in to have one's own free zone. 

Definition of a free zone 

Under the Law, (Official Gazette of FRY, issues 81/94 and 28/96), a free zone is: 

● a part of the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), 

● enclosed area under Customs surveillance, regulated in terms of urban development and infrastructural 

equipment, 

● where, in the case of construction or business transactions, applicable regulations are the laws of the host 

country and the company's bylaws related to the administration of free zones. 

Enterprises managing free zones 

Free zones on the national territory are incorporated companies owned by local governments, banks, freight 

forwarding or transporting companies and other corporate entities. 

In the practice of domestic free zones, new shares were issued and new share capital was added in a very small 

number of cases. Otherwise, the assets of the free zones did not include the value of land in the free zone area. 

Free zones are administered by free zone managing enterprises. The range of activities of these enterprises 

includes: 

● introducing tenants to land and premises within the free zone area; 

● providing that investors and users of the free zone enjoy the privileges in construction and business 

provided by the law for the area of free zones; 

● managing the unobstructed operation of free zones; and 

● providing certain services to the users of free zones. 

Privileges for investment and business in free zones 

At the time of passing the first Free Zones Act, when there were numerous customs barriers to the import of 

goods on national level and when goods could be held under customs surveillance up to 60 days, free zones 

provided the possibility of keeping goods under customs surveillance for unlimited time. Otherwise, any transfer of 

goods from free zone area into the national market is subject to complete import procedure. One of the 

advantages in this procedure is that the free zone area included Customs offices. At the time of passing the first 

Free Zones Act, the Direct Foreign Investments Act did not provide, as it does today, the possibility for goods 

used for setting up a new enterprise or a jointly owned facility to be imported exempt from import duties. The 

Free Zones Act provides such a possibility. In the first Free Zones Act, the beneficiary of the free zone could have 

a foreign currency bank account and full freedom of its use. By the changes in legislation regarding foreign 

currencies, this privilege in doing business in free zones has lost significance. 

Changes and liberalization of legislation regarding foreign trade and foreign currency transactions of domestic 

subjects caused the dissipation of minor legislative privileges for investments and business transactions in 

domestic free zones. 

Services in free zones 

Inside the free zone areas, the Law does not allow retailing or rendering services to users who are outside the free 

zone area. It only allows wholesale between subjects located inside the zone and subjects outside the zone. 

In compliance with contracts with free zone managing companies, a body corporate may organize and render 

services inside the free zone area. As far as I know, such a possibility is not used in domestic free zones. On a 

daily basis, the free zone area includes a small volume of individual specialized services, so that anyone who is 

potentially interested faces the problem of their cost effectiveness. 

In a number of free zones, managing enterprises organize and render services of handling and storage of goods, 

as well as catering, for their users. 

Programs and contents of free zones 

In the 1970s and 1980s, domestic free zones were promoted as export-oriented production zones, although 

legislation did not define it anywhere. Namely, legislation allows organizing all industries and activities in the free 

zone area, with the exception of activities endangering national security and environment. 

Experience has shown that domestic free zones acquired a profile of free trading zones. Some stages of 



production were organized in a very small number of free zones, mostly assembly stages, employing no more 

than 10 workers per individual program. 

Strengthening trading and transporting operations in the free zone area has lead to direct competition between 

free zones and Customs zones and public storage facilities in the direct environment. 

Users of free zones 

The 1980s and 1990s were the time of frequent talks about the entry of multinational companies into the free 

zone areas. The practice, however, failed to live up to the expectations. An average free zone user may be defined 

as: 

● a small rather than medium-sized enterprise; 

● a domestic enterprise from the independently-developed private sector in the 1990s, or a foreign company 

registered in a neighboring country by our citizens; 

● an enterprise renting small premises for a shorter time, often using it to carry out a single or a few 

importing or re-exporting transactions. 

Foreign trade balance of free zones 

The legislature provided that free zones must have exports worth 50% of the value produced and services 

rendered in the free zone area over the period one year. Under the Law, if a free zone does not comply with this 

requirement over three consecutive years, this entitles the competent authorities to hand down a decision for 

withdrawing the permit to operate a free zone. 

Justification of organizing export-oriented production in free zone space is highly subject to dispute. Legallyprovided 

privileges for transactions in free zones do not stimulate export-oriented production. The legislature gave 

a high quality solution to the problem of temporary import for finalization or for export, or the issue of temporary 

import into the territory of the country. 

According to my information, the value of import in the 1990s exceeded the value of export, but the issue of 

implementation of the law was not raised due to the situation the entire country was in. Although I do not have 

the latest accurate information, I tend to conclude that the recent years have not seen significant changes in 

terms of the volume and size of foreign trade of the free zones. I believe that the share of exchange conducted in 

the free zones is below 1% of the country’s total foreign trade. 

Constructing and equipping of free zones 

By definition, free zones cover areas regulated in terms of urban development, infrastructure and equipment, on 

high-quality locations. It is true that in several cases free zones also have unregulated grounds in terms of 

development and equipment. The problems of development and equipment, as well as lack of interest in 

construction, have lead to the fact that only a part of the ground has been fenced and put to use. So far, local 

authorities do not comply with the legal provision under which land allotted for construction must be used for 

construction within a given period of time. 

The average area of larger free zones is several dozen hectares of land. Smaller free zones cover a few hectares. 

In the largest number of free zones, built business premises in the free zone regime include facilities that 

represent the initial investment capital of the free zone. 

Depending on the free zone, the areas of the built premises of standard dimensions range from 2,300 to 15,000 

square meters. These premises, owned by the managing companies are either rented or used by the owners 

themselves as storage space. 

The largest number of free zone management enterprises has not invested in further expansion of business 

premises. Only in the case of two free zones is there a recorded entry of foreign capital and construction of 

premises for their own needs. 

Rights of foreign investors 

The Free Zones Act allows for foreign investors to be shareholders of free zones. Most of foreign equity 

participation is limited to 49% of the value of the free zone's capital. This provision is one of the reasons for the 

lack of foreign interest in capital extension of free zones. 

In case of building within the free zone area, the investor is the owner of the facility and the tenant of the grounds 

upon which the facility is built. The maximum period of tenancy is 60 years. 

Factors contributing to failure of free zones to accomplish their mission 



companies in Vojvodina. She has published over 120 research and scientific papers.She is the author of one 

monography and three university textbooks, and co-author of one university textbook. She is affiliate of the 

Economics Institute in Belgrade and member of the Scientific Association of Economists. 

Contact: zduric@eunet.yu 

[1] Source: www.carinskatarifa.com/linkovi/slobodne_zone.htm 


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Position of Women in Montenegro 

By Rosa Popovic, Subregional coordinator of the Women's network of Southern Europe, International Confederation 

of Free Trade Unions, Montenegro 

Introduction 

During the past ten years Montenegrin economy underwent economic transformation, as well as serious social 

changes. This period is marked by the disintegration of former Yugoslavia, wars in the region, a large number of 

refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP's) who find shelter in Montenegro (at one moment they represented 

12% of the total Montenegrin population, and that was actually the period of the greatest economic, social and 

political crisis). 

Since the economic and political collapse of former Yugoslavia, Republic of Montenegro suffered the loss of 57% of 

the economic power it had in 1989 (GDP per capita was 3000 USD). Since 1999 it started recovering slowly, with the 

annual increase of approximately 2% in the past two years. In 2002 GDP was only 63% of what it was in 1989, which 

influenced the drop in the living standard of the population in Montenegro and resulted in the reduced social safety of 

the citizens. Transition was marked by national and international politics, economic shocks that resulted in serious 

deterioration of productive activity, increase in inflation, official unemployment and participation of the informal 

sector (gray economy) in the overall economic activity. In January 2002 Montenegro introduced Euro as the official 

currency. 

Montenegro is currently part of the state union of Serbia and Montenegro, with the common Parliament, President 

and Council of Ministers. Council of Ministers acts in five fields: foreign affairs, defense, international economic 

relations, internal economic relations and protection of human and minority rights. 

These common functions of Serbia and Montenegro will be financed jointly for both in the percentage of contribution 

of each republic to the national GDP. Although the two republics have some common institutions, they still define 

economic, fiscal and monetary policy independently. 

After the 1999 elections, Montenegro started the process of economic reforms, much earlier than Serbia. These 

reforms were aimed at stabilizing prices, reducing budgetary deficit and elimination of irregularities in trade. With the 

introduction of German Mark as an official currency there has been a significant drop in the inflation rate. 

Despite the ambitious reforms Montenegro is characterized by high participation of the public sector in the total 

number of employed persons, thus, there is a strong dependence on donor assistance and other forms of financing in 

order to cover the existing level of consumption and investment. Many state enterprises are still non-profitable and 

require significant state subsidies in order to survive. 

Most of the companies are privatized, many workers in those companies are dismissed, especially women. High 

unemployment rate is still present, and those who work have low wages. There is a large number of pensioners and 

their average benefit is low. All this resulted in the increase of poverty in Montenegro, which represents 12% of the 

total population (absolute poverty), according to the international standards. 

Real poverty in Montenegro is much higher than what is defined in the DPRS document (Development and Poverty 

Reduction Strategy of Montenegro). According to that project the following categories of the poor have been defined: 

1. 12,2% of the population is in absolute poverty as compared to consumption per person of 116 Euro per 

month; 

2. 36,4% of the population is economically vulnerable and poor as compared to the consumption per person of 

160,5 Euros per month; 

3. 9,1% of the population are in relative poverty, as compared to consumption per person of 105 Euros per 

month; 

4. 4,0% of the population is considered poor on the basis of inadequate nutrition. 

Source: Draft PRSP and ISSP – Living standard and poverty in Montenegro, 2003. 

Social position of women in Montenegro 


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There is no doubt that the position of women in Montenegro has improved since WW II. On the basis of the 

Constitution, women became equal to men in 1945, including the right to vote and be elected. 

In the self-management system women were recognized and respected in the society, but the traditional influence of 

men on the position of women in the family and society could still be felt. However, in that period women were more 

involved in politics and in other leading positions in the society, than today. In the past ten years, with the gradual 

introduction of market economy, social position of women in Montenegro deteriorated significantly. Not very many 

women occupied important positions, and men tried to push them out even more, thus, women became less and less 

represented in the decision-making bodies and their social status became almost problematic. Some people claimed 

that women are incapable of being managers, politicians, ministers, and that they do not know how to run business. 

However, the real situation is different. There is much more success in those businesses that are managed by 

women. Globally speaking, women are more efficient, socially more sensitive and more responsible than men. 

Despite all the positive characteristics, in this period of transition and reforms, women are more affected by all the 

changes than men. 

Position of women is best illustrated by the indicators of employment, unemployment and their participation in 

performing social and public functions, and similar. 

Republic of Montenegro has the population of 664.865 (June 30, 2002), out of which 51,8% are women. According to 

that, it should be expected that women participate with 45-48% in all the spheres of working and social life. 

Number of women in the Parliament of Montenegro was 7% in 1993, while it is 10,66% in 2003, which means that 

the participation of women in politics is slowly improving, which was definitely contributed to by women's NGO's, 

fighting for a better status of women in the society. 

In the Government of Montenegro there are 15,38% of women ministers, that is, two women are ministers – Minister 

of culture and Minister for foreign economic relations and EU integrations. For the first time in recent period a woman 

was elected State Prosecutor in Montenegro (this was reserved as a male position in the past). 

On the basis of case studies and data from the automobile dealer shops, 30% of women buy cars for themselves, 

while the remaining 70% of the customers are men (until 10 years ago it was a rare situation that a woman bought a 

car for herself). 

Also, on the basis of the case studies and data from the Real Estate Agency «AS» and Real Estate Agency ²Krstaš², in 

Podgorica, 20-25% of the owners of apartments are women, and this mostly involves smaller apartments. When an 

apartment is looked for, women are the ones who are consulted on the size, location, and similar, but after the 

purchase, men become registered owners. This is a reflection of tradition, where men are seen as the heads of the 

family, thus, the owners of real estate, as well. 

Due to the transformation of banks in Montenegro it was impossible to get any loan from them. In recent times, 

when the banks regained their position in the society, their status has been legally regulated, and they provide 

housing loans to citizens, with the payment period of 10-15 years, with a relatively high interest rate. Not very many 

women will be able to get a bank loan to build a house, buy an apartment, or similar, as they have no ownership over 

real estate, which is necessary as a mortgage for the loan. 

Statistical data by sex are not maintained for the above-mentioned activities, which creates difficulties in getting a 

real picture of the position of women in this respect, which, again, shows their status in the society. 

Education of women is, however, a good indicator of their status in the society. 

Education level among population above 25 years of age, by sex (data from 1991): 

Education Women % Men % 

No education 77,3% 22,7% 

Primary school finished 63,59% 36,41% 

Primary education 50,4% 44,6% 

Secondary education 42,3% 57,7% 

University education 36,66% 63,34% 

Unknown data for education 1,5% 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook – year 2000 

On the basis of this data it can be seen that the level of education of the population is continuously increasing, and 

the gap between men and women is reducing, as well as the illiteracy of the population. 

There is a very low percentage of illiterate population, especially in the population category of 10-34 years of age. 

However, education level among some population groups s still low, especially among the poor, who start primary 

school, but never finish it. 

Approximately 5% of the Montenegrin population is considered «educationally poor», which means that they have not 


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attended primary or secondary school. 

In the education system in Montenegro, that is, in the primary education, gymnasium, and vocational education there 

are 119.360 students enrolled. There are 7.485 teachers and professors hired for the teaching process, and together 

with the support staff this number goes up to 12.205 workers. 

Overview of the employed teaching staff in primary schools 

Table 1 

School year No of teaching staff 

1997/98. 4.885 

1998/99 4.895 

1999/00 4.978 

2000/01 5.001 

2002/03 5.115 

Source: PRSP draft 

These indicators reflect slight increase in the number of teaching staff in primary schools, by 270 persons specifically, 

in the period from 1997/98 until 2002/03. 

University education among women 

On the basis of official statistics received through the 1991 Census, women represent 36,66% of the total number of 

students who graduated from University. 

On the basis of the data of the Ministry of education for 2002, out of the total number of enrolled children into preschool 

institutions (11.432), primary and secondary schools (119.360) and the University (11.000), women represent 

56%. This is a big improvement in the education of women as compared to the past. 

Employed in education by sex 

Table 2 

Year Total no of the employed Participation of women in 

education (%) 

1978. 7.896 36,86 

1979. 7.909 36,20 

1980. 8.035 37.40 

1981 8.162 38,59 

1982 8.241 39,34 

1983. No data 

1984. 8.604 40,68 

1985. 8.644 40,75 

1999. 10.632 57,60 

2000. 10.825 59,30 

2001. 11.182 59,30 

2002. 13.206 53,30 

Source: Statistical Yearbook 2002 

Looking at the sex structure of education, it can be noted that more and more women are involved in the education 

sector. On the basis of the data from the Ministry of education and the Republican Statistics Agency, it can be noted 

that there is an increasing number of girls who finish primary schools (52,8% of the total number of students), both 

in cities and villages, and this is a significant improvement as compared to the past, especially in the villages. 

There are still cases in some villages where girls don't finish primary schools even though they have been enrolled, 

due to traditional and other views of their parents and the environment where they live. Luckily, this number is 

insignificant, so we have not presented any data on it here. With the increase of the standards in education coverage 

of female children with all levels of education and in all the communities will be higher. 

Position of women in the labor market 

One of the real indicators of emancipation of women in the society is their employment. In the post-war period of 

development one of the priorities in the society was faster employment of women. In the period 1948-1989, number 

of employed persons in the state sector was increased, among them there was an increasing number of women, thus 

in 1971 participation of women in the total number of employed persons was 28,2%, in 1982 – 35,5%, in 1989 – 


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38,7%, and in 1999 – 41,8%. 

General characteristics in the field of employment of women are positive in the long run until 1989 (if we look into 

the overall structure of the employed). 

In the past ten-year period there has been a reduction in the number of employees in the state sector, thus 

increasing specific problems of employment of women. 

In order to analyze more thoroughly the position of women in the labor market, it is necessary to say a bit more 

about the paid working hours of both sexes, especially of women. According to the Law on labor relations, paid 

working hours for both sexes, men and women, is 8 hours per day, which is 40 hours per week, where there is also a 

daily rest of 30 minutes during those working hours. This relates to full working hours of both sexes. There is no data 

on whether there is some overtime work performed, unless the company keeps such records in order to pay the 

workers accordingly. There is no research done in relation to the working hours on any grounds, so there is no data 

about it either. Currently performed census (November 15, 2003) contains this question working hours of the 

employed, so we can hope to get a clearer picture about that category in the near future. 

Working hours (for women and men – weekly) 

For men For women 

Paid work (weekly) 40 40 

Unpaid work – in the household 10 35 

On the basis of a case study, we have learned that women work 3,5 times more in the household (unpaid work) than 

men. This is a reflection of gender inequality within the family. 

Unpaid work is even less analyzed, and this primarily relates to voluntary activities and work in the household, and 

similar. In practice, there is a big difference between the unpaid work in the household between men and women. 

Women work 8-10 hours in the household on average, while men work 1-2 hours, which means that women work 6-8 

hours more in the household than men every day. This is primarily the result of the traditional relations in the family, 

and the view of the role of women. Even today (although not as much as in the past), men look at women as perfect 

for household activities, even in relation to upbringing of children. Younger generation of men and women change 

those views, luckily, and perform most of the household activities together, even the ones related to care and 

upbringing of children. Slowly, but safely, this work in the family performed by men and women together will become 

practice among young couples and this will contribute to the better position of women in the family and in the society 

in general. 

Voluntary, professional and social work exist among both sexes, but there are no statistical records kept in this 

respect either. Also, there are no statistical data on part time work, except for some data related to the work of the 

disabled of the II category (4 hours per day), which is regulated by the Law on labor relations. However, the new Law 

abolished that right and proposed a different solution for the position of the disabled. The new Labor Law provides for 

new forms of work, such as work at home, work for several employers, full time work, part time work, and other 

forms. It can be expected that these forms of work will be implemented in case of both sexes, but especially in case 

of women. Due to the non-existing practice and no statistical data in the sphere of labor on the basis of gender, no 

data can be presented here in relation to the position of women from the aspect of time of their work engagement 

involving paid or voluntary work. 

Employment (1992 and 2002) 

Annual average 

Year Total no of the 

employed 

Women % of women 

1992 135.587 53.046 39,7 

1993 130.948 52.238 39,9 

1994 128.797 51.083 39,7 

1995 125.399 49.492 39,4 

1996 125.194 48.996 39,35 

1997 121.278 49.035 40,4 

1998 118.273 48.252 41,3 

1999 115.328 48.180 41,8 

2000 113.784 48.725 42,8 

2001 114.440 48.335 42,2 

2002 113.827 45.474 39,95 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2000 and 2002 

Above-mentioned data show trends of reduction of employment in Montenegro in the past 10, that is, 11 years. In 

the period from 1992, when the employment was 135.587 until 2002, when the employment was 113.827, we can 


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note that there has been a reduction of 16,04%, or in numbers - 21.760 workers. The reason for it is a reduced 

scope of economic activity, changes in the structure of population (constant reduction in the number of workers in 

the industry is followed by an increase in the number of pensioners, but there is an insufficient number of registered 

workers in the private sector). Among the registered workers in the industry sector, there is an estimate that 11.000 

of them are technological surplus – workers who will be dismissed, as they are not needed in the company (some 

estimates say that their number is as high as 20.000). 

Generally speaking, in the above-mentioned period, the average number of employed women is 40% of the total 

number of workers. All the social, economic and transitional changes have affected the employment of women. 

Women have more difficulties in finding employment than men, especially now that most of the state owned 

enterprises have been privatized. A woman is still seen as a worker who will be more absent from work due to family 

obligations, who will take sick leaves to take care of family members, and the new employers don't accept that. This 

is hidden discrimination of women at the workplace, without any official records, but women and their families feel it 

as a big burden on their backs. 

Employment by sex in the period 1992 – 2002. 

(in percentages) 

Year % of women % of men 

1992 39,7 60,3 

1993 39,9 60,1 

1994 39,7 60,3 

1995 39,4 60,6 

1996 39,35 60,65 

1997 40,40 58,7 

1998 41,3 58,7 

1999 41,8 58,2 

2000 42,8 57,2 

2001 42,2 57,8 

2002 39,95 60,05 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2000 and 2002. 

This data clearly shows the inequality in employment of women and men, although female population in the total 

number of Montenegrin inhabitants participates with 51,8%, which is a slight majority. On the basis of the traditional 

division of jobs by sex, many posts are reserved in advance for men, usually according to the education level, 

tradition (such as the jobs of pilots, captains of ships, drivers, and similar). In recent times, these traditional barriers 

have been destroyed, and younger generation of workers is asking for changes, so now many jobs that used to be 

reserved for men are now open to women, which is encouraging (e.g. women police officers, miners, etc). 

Annual average employment in all ownership sectors by field of activity in 2001 

Total Women 

Annual average Annual average % of women in total no 

of employed 

Total 114440 48.335 42,2 

Agriculture, forestry and water 

management 

3698 1111 30,0 

Fishery 79 27 3,4 

Mining and stone excavation 4132 702 17,0 

Processing industry 26786 8622 32,3 

Civil works 5183 729 14,0 

Hotels and restaurants 6.549 3618 55,2 

Transportation and commun. 11515 3029 26,3 

Financial mediation 3097 2066 66,7 

Real estate activities 1200 515 42,9 

State administration and obligatory 

social insurance 

8790 4426 50,4 

Education 13206 7033 53,3 

Health and social work 9629 7843 81,5 

Communal and other services 4566 1847 40,5 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2002. 

Data analysis shows that women are mostly employed in the sector of health and social protection (81,5%), then in 

financial mediation – 66,7%, in hotels and restaurants – 55,2%, and in education – 53,3%. These activities are 


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typically female ones, thus women are mostly occupying these positions. 

There are some indicators that these relations will change in the future, with the change in tradition and position of 

women in the society, so women will become more involved in the activities that used to be predominantly male in 

the past. 

Employment by sex and type of activity in the period 1991 – 2001. 

Activity Year Total no of 

employed 

Textile 1991 

2672 

2001 

Metal sector 1991 

2001 

Education 1991 

2001 

Health and social work 1991 

2001 

Trade 1991 

2001 

Housing and communal activity 1991 

2001 

Tourism and catering 1991 

2001 

Financial technical services 1991 

2001 

Agriculture and fishery 1991 

2001 

Civil works 1991 

Transportation and 

communications 

Employment rate 

2001 

1991 

2001 

3000 

11750 

15320 

12292 

13.206 

9784 

9629 

14112 

10238 

3518 

4566 

8788 

6549 

3713 

3097 

6026 

3698 

7896 

5183 

13569 

11515 

Women % of working 

women 

1886 

70,58 

2703 

1803 

2153 

6116 

7033 

7128 

7843 

8168 

5687 

666 

1847 

4931 

3618 

2125 

2066 

3054 

1111 

1117 

729 

2540 

3029 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 1993. and 2002. 

80,1 

15,34 

14,05 

49,7 

53,30 

72,1 

In the past 10 years there has been a constant fall in the employment rate, which can be seen from Table 1. There is 

a significantly lower employment of men, with a bit higher participation of women, and the reasons can be found in 

the fact that many companies were closed, bankrupt, and similar, thus, many jobs disappeared and workers were 

dismissed. This is a characteristic of the period of transition, which resulted in many problems in the sphere of labor, 

such as the increase in the unemployment, especially among women. 

81,5 

57,9 

55,5 

18,9 

40,5 

56,1 

55,2 

57,2 

66,7 

50,7 

30,0 

14,1 

14,6 

18,7 

Year General unemployment rate Men % Women % 

1991. 33,66% 40,76% 26,48% 

2001. 27,44% 32,22% 23,96% 

Source: Some data are taken from the Statistical Yearbook (1993-2002), and some from the Employment Agency 

Employment rate was calculated by taking the number of employed persons in the analyzed period and dividing it by 

the number of inhabitants with the capacity to work (age 15-64). Official institutions (Statistics Bureau of 

Montenegro, Employment Agency of Montenegro) do not disclose the unemployment rate, but only the number of 

unemployed persons. This rate was calculated for the period 1991-2001. 

Wages of the employees in Montenegro are not statistically covered on the basis of sex, that is, there are no gender 

statistics in the companies where they work or at the level of the Republic. Practice shows that wages of women are 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0052tra.htm (6 van 15)19-1-2006 13:18:03 

26,3

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18% lower than the wages of men. During the past two years, average wage at the level of the Republic was not 

published. The last time it was officially announced was in June 2002, and it was 118,57 Euros. 

Average net wage by field of activity for 2001 

In Euro 

Total for the Republic of Montenegro 107,80 

Agriculture, forestry and water management 63,63 

Fishery 23,29 

Mining and stone excavation 129,63 

Processing industry 89,88 

Electricity production and processing 166,58 

Civil works 59,95 

Trade 74,79 

Hotels and restaurants 40,92 

Transportation and communications 128,54 

Financial mediation 186,54 

Real Estate activities 88,55 

State administration and obligatory social insurance 149,29 

Education 131,30 

Health and social protection 132,68 

Communal and other services 97,14 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2002. 

Wages in different fields of activity for the mentioned period are very low, and the Republican average is 107,80 

Euros, where 50% of these sectors have wages below the average, and 50% are slightly above the average wage in 

the Republic. 

Wage increase in 2002 was reduced and brought down to what is realistic, which during the year 2001, wage 

increase was partially financed by the significant international assistance, which positively reflected the position of 

the workers. In order to stabilize the economy, in 2002 the wage increase was reduced. This partially resulted from 

the reduced inflation rate in 2002, which came down to one figure number, and we can expect it to drop down even 

further in the medium term. 

Wage level, wage types and coverage of the consumer basket with the average net wage are some of the basic 

indicators of poverty in an economy. Average net wage estimates in Montenegro vary. According to the estimates of 

the Republican Statistics Agency, average wage in June 2002 was 118,57 Euros, while the ISSP from Podgorica 

estimated it to be 199 Euros. Coverage of the consumer basket with the average salary, according to the official 

statistics, for June 2002 was 46,72%, and according to ISSP wage coverage of monthly consumption of food and 

drinks of the population was 46,2% during the year 2002. These indicators show that the regular incomes are very 

low and hardly satisfy some 40% of the needs of the population, maybe even less than that, and due to that 

population is faced with a high poverty risk, which is usually mitigated by additional salaries from the informal sector. 

It can be concluded that a large number of workers have low wages and the worker is obliged to provide lacking 

funds through additional activities, either in the gray economy sector or in some other way, in order to satisfy basic 

needs of the family. 

Discrimination of women at the work place 

On the basis of indicators on employment of women, their low participation in the management structures in the 

companies and institutions, it can be noted that there is strong discrimination of women in respect to their 

professional promotion and other aspects of work, as shown by the following table: 

Vertical discrimination of women 

Profession Total no Women % Top positions-total Women % 

Medical doctor 1214 57,9% Directors of health institutions 9,7% 

Teachers in primary school 5.115 60% Primary school directors 13,4% 

Diplomats 49 37% Ambassadors (1 M) none 


Source: Ministry of education of the Republic of Montenegro 

Health Institute of the Republic of Montenegro 

Ministry of foreign affairs of the Republic of Montenegro

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This data shows open discrimination on vertical and horizontal levels, in respect to the managerial positions in very 

important fields, where women are mostly employed, such as health, education and similar. 

On the basis of data from Draft PRSP, only 7,2% of women perform managerial tasks in the companies where they 

work, which is an insignificant number as compared to the number of employed women with the managerial capacity 

in relation to the total population. Women are usually managers in small and medium size companies with the small 

number of workers, and with a low economic power, which means that these 7,2% shows that women are engaged 

only so that it cannot be said that they are ignored in this respect, and not because they are less capable of 

performing managerial jobs. 

Unemployment by gender 

Unemployment of the population with the capacity to work is a national problem in Montenegro. Employment Agency 

of Montenegro has 80.548 persons registered as unemployed. 

Main characteristics of unemployment in Montenegro are: unfavorable ratio of the employed and the unemployed, 

long waiting for employment, gender inequality in relation to employment possibilities, regional disharmony, high 

participation of youth in the number of unemployed, structural disharmony between the supply and demand of the 

labor force, high participation of illegal work and high participation of the workers who are no longer needed, that is, 

technological and economic surplus workers. 

According to the official records, from the aspect of relationship between the unemployed and the number of active 

inhabitants in 2002, unemployment rate in Montenegro was 30,4%, or 20,6% among men, and 40,6% among 

women. 

Permanent employment is one of the main characteristics in Montenegro. Thus, according to data from 1992, 82,3% 

of the unemployed are waiting for employment over one year, 59,2% are waiting more than 5 years, 25,6% are 

waiting over 8 years, while there are 62,1% of the unemployed with no work experience. According to the data from 

the Labor Force Survey, long-term unemployment is present in 86,9% of the cases as compared to total 

unemployment. 

Employment is usually awaited for 4 years in Montenegro. According to official statistics 24% of people below 25 

years of age are waiting for employment. Average age of the currently unemployed persons is 33. 

Labor market in Montenegro is characterized by a whole set of regional disharmonies in structural and dynamic 

sense. Thus, participation of the number of unemployed persons in the northern part of the Republic in total 

unemployment between 1993 and 2002 has gone down from 58,5% to 52,0%, and in the middle part it has 

increased from 42,5% to 45,3%, while in the southern part it has gone up from 13,0% to 17,5%. 

Increase in the number of the unemployed in the middle and southern part of the Republic as compared to the 

northern part is, primarily, the consequence of the migrations of the population, which is still ongoing. 

Participation of women in the total number of the unemployed (%) 

(Data from 1992– 2003) 

Table 1. 

Year Women % 

1992. 54,6 

1993. 58,3 

1994. 59,4 

1995. 59,3 

1996 60,3 

1997. 60,5 

1998. 60,1 

1999. 59,6 

2000. 58,6 

2001. 60,4 

2002. 60,6 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 1992–2002 

Data from Table 1 shows that in the past 10 years there has been a high unemployment rate among women. The 

highest unemployment rate for women is noted in 2002 – 60,6%, which is explained by the large influx of female 

labor force on the basis of technological and economic surplus workers in the companies that have been privatized 

and where women were dismissed from work, as well as a result of the natural increase in the number of female 

workers (coming out of school). In practice, women wait longer for employment than men. Causes of such a 

discriminatory status are multiple. 


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Unemployment by sex 

(1992 – 2002) 

Table 2 

Year Men % Women % 

1992 45,4 54,6 

1993 42,7 58,3 

1994 40,6 59,4 

1995 40,7 59,3 

1996 39,7 60,3 

1997 39,5 60,5 

1998 39,9 60,1 

1999 40,4 59,6 

2000 41,4 58,6 

2001 36,6 60,4 

2002 39,4 60,6 

Data from Table 2 shows the difference in percentages, related to the unemployment by sex, which can be 

interpreted in several ways. In order to reduce the differences between men and women in relation to the 

unemployment rate, it is necessary to achieve better family and social standard that would enable women to get a 

job more easily and to perform it more easily. Also, it is necessary to be more aware of women's problems, to create 

legal preconditions for gender equality, as well as to develop knowledge in the field of gender studies. 

It is necessary to develop services in order to assist the needs of modern working women (better family services, 

preschool institutions for children and institutions that care for the elderly, and similar). Also, it is necessary to 

eliminate discrimination at the time of employment and in promotion possibilities, sexual blackmail and other 

negative things. One encouraging fact is that there is an increase in the number of women entrepreneurs, which 

affects the unemployment of women, and there is also an increase in the number of women taking employment 

loans, and similar. 

One of the most important things is, surely, the introduction of adequate legal regulations that would sanction any 

form of violation of the right to work, on one hand, and that would stimulate responsibilities, as well as rights of the 

workers on the basis of employment, on the other hand. 

Characteristics and specificities of unprotected work 

Social and demographic characteristics of unprotected work 

Structure according to sex 

In the total number of workers in the informal economy, men participate with 50,74% and women with 49,26%. 

Age structure 

Most of the workers in the informal sector belong to the age group of up to 25 years old – 36,5%, and 44,4% of 

them belong to the age group of 55 years and above (according to the Survey on informal economy). 

Qualifications of the workers 

Most of the workers have primary school education – 47% of them, or have only vocational training as ordinary 

workers – 42,8%, while there are 11,5% of the workers with University education. According to profession, most of 

them are construction workers – bricklayers – 75%, then 50% of waiters, salesmen – 25,4%, and the lowest is the 

number of administrative workers. 

Territorial coverage 

The highest number of workers engaged in the informal sector is found in the southern part of the Republic – 39,4%, 

while in the northern part the participation of informal work is 21,3%. 

Sectoral coverage 

Looking at different sectors, it can be said that the highest number of informal workers is seen in the field of catering 

– 41,6%, civil works – 38,5% and trade – 25,7%, while the number is lowest in the field of transportation. 

Survey shows that there is a slightly higher number of men working in the informal sector – 33% than women – 


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28%. Then, younger workers of up to 25 years of age, as well as the older ones over 55 years of age are forced to 

work in this sphere of work for purely existential reasons. 

Main reasons for engagement in the informal sector are: 

- provision of funds for life 

- inability to find legal employment 

- long period of waiting for employment 

- loss of permanent job 

- insufficient salary at the legal job. 

Duration of employment in the informal sector 

Up to 2 months - 6,8% 

2-6 months - 16,1% 

6 months-1 year - 27,6% 

1-2 years - 14,6% and 

more than 2 years - 34,9% 

Salaries in the informal sector 

Salaries of the workers usually range from 100-200 Euro per month. A smaller number of workers (approximately 

20%) receive 200-300 Euro. Salaries are paid out regularly only to some 85,8% of the workers and these salaries are 

higher than the ones in the formal sector by approximately 30% (the difference is in the amount of taxes in 

contributions that are not paid to the state). 

Working hours vary. From 8-12 hours for 40,2% of the workers, more than 12 hours for 4% of them, up to 4 hours 

for 2,2% of the workers and from 4 to 8 hours for 53,6 of them. 

On the basis of the above-mentioned data it is clear that these workers are deprived of the basic labor and social 

rights, they are exploited by the employer, without any social security. 

In order to legalize this kind of work, that is, to reduce the number of problems related to registration of workers and 

payment of all the contributions for them by the employer, the state started an action and reduced taxes and 

contributions for the first year of employment of the newly registered workers. Government of Montenegro, as well as 

CITUM, will work on the implementation of certain measures in order to reduce the problem of informal work to the 

lowest possible level, as this is in their mutual interest. 

This is the way to make this a priority issue for the society and to include as many actors in the process of solving 

this problem as possible. 

Pensions 

In the Republic of Montenegro the right to pension is based on the Law on pension and disability insurance. In August 

2003 there were 89.750 pensioners (age, disability and family pensions), with the average pension of 112,87 Euros. 

The lowest age pension for the full number of years of work experience was 107 Euro in this period, and limited 

pension for a small number of beneficiaries (approximately 91 of them) was 403 Euros. In the structure of age and 

disability pensioners, there are 41.917 men and 23.038 women, which is 81,95%. 

Average pension of the age and disability pension beneficiaries is 129,29 Euros for men, and 106,52 Euros for 

women, or 21,37% lower for women than for men. 

Average age pension is 137,83 Euros, average disability pension is 99,66 Euros, and average family pension is 90, 87 

Euros. 

Family pension is awarded to the family of a deceased worker (spouse, children and other members of close family, 

in accordance with the Law), and it was not analyzed from gender aspect at this occasion. 

In the labor sphere, there are more men employed than women, thus there are more men as pension beneficiaries, 

and the situation is the same from the aspect of salary level. Higher salaries of men are later followed by higher 


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retirement benefits. Jobs performed by women are usually less complex than the ones performed by men, thus they 

are valued less from the aspect of salary calculation, and this results later in a lower retirement benefit. 

Level of retirement benefit is not sufficient for existence in case of most of the pensioners, thus the Republican fund 

for pension and disability insurance awards a number of pensioners with the lowest benefit one-time only financial 

assistance, from time to time, through the local associations of pensioners. There is no statistical data from the 

gender aspect in relation to this type of assistance, thus we cannot say how many women received it. 

According to some estimates, 10-12% of the pensioners provide the lacking funds for normal existence through the 

engagement in the informal sector. 

On the basis of the Law on pension and disability insurance, apart from pension, citizens have other rights, such as: 

financial assistance on the basis of physical disability of the worker in 8.269 cases, financial assistance for the 

disabled of the 2nd category on the basis of part time work (4 hours) for 689 workers, then disabled at work of the 

3rd category and there are 2.034 of them according to the register of the Employment Agency, and they are awaiting 

employment and in the meantime receiving financial assistance in the amount of 65% of the minimum wage, which is 

32 Euros monthly. 

These are the so-called derived rights, financed by the Republican Pension Fund. 

The analysis shows that the existing pension system does not provide adequate protection to the elderly and that it 

results in the unfair distribution of assets. Every society should decide what is the optimal level of redistribution of 

funds from the younger to the elderly, from the rich to the poor, from the capable to the incapable. Balance must be 

achieved between sufficient revenues for the elderly and sufficient assets in the hands of those capable of production. 

We need a balanced approach, in order to secure equal treatment of different generations, thus providing for 

minimum social security for those who can no longer work, and at the same time, to provide enough funds for 

economic growth and development. 

In the last few years, funds collected as contributions participated with 60% in the total revenues of the Fund 

necessary for the payment of retirement benefits, and the remaining 40% were provided from the Budget of the 

Republic. Due to that we have started the reform of the pension system and the new law was adopted (29.09.2003) 

on pension and disability insurance, which is much more restrictive than the previous one, and the implementation of 

this law will start on 01.01.2004. So, practice will show after some time what are the levels of protection of the 

elderly secured by this Law. 

Table 1 – Data on the number of the insured from 1992 – 2000 

Year 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 

No of the 

insured 

131.698 128.325 134.212 134.705 135.426 128.745 128.958 123.162 111.801 

No of 

pensioners 

71.039 71.552 72.656 74.782 77.421 80.747 81.752 83.102 84.726 

Source: Pension Fund 

The analysis shows that this big increase in the number of pensioners is a big burden for the economy, and at the 

same time it causes other consequences, such as evasion of payment of contributions, increase of gray economy and 

increased participation of pension insurance expenditures in GDP, etc. 

Table 2 – Number of pensioners, structure and average benefit for August 2003 

Total no of pensioners 89.750 112,87 

Age pension 37.011 137,83 

Disability pension 26.932 99,66 

Family pension 25.807 90,87 

Source: Pension Fund 

On the basis of this data it can be concluded that the age pension users are the most common ones, which was not 

the case in the past, where the largest group were disability pension users. 


Table 3 – Size of pension 

Average pension 112,87 

Minimum pension for full no of working years 107,00 

Limited pension (maximum) 403,00 

Source: Pension Fund

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According to this data it can be concluded that due to difficult economic situation in the past 10 years, there has been 

a sudden increase in the number of pensioners, in the way that many companies have used the institute of buying 

the remaining number of years until retirement for their workers, in order to release them, thus since 1990 

approximately 6.000 workers were retired on these grounds. At the same time, it can be concluded that there is an 

unfavorable ration of the number of pensioners and the number of workers of 1:1,3; there is also high participation 

of the expenditures of the Pension Fund in GDP – 17%, etc. 

Social support to women 

Coverage of children with preschool education and upbringing by age, for the age group 1-7 

Preschool network in Montenegro consists of 20 institutions. There are 175 children per building and 35 children in a 

group. There is a difference between different areas. Central part of the Republic is the most burdened one, and the 

burden is smaller in the northern part of the Republic. According to age, 90,8% of the kids are of the age 3-7, while 

9,2% are groups below 3 years of age (nursery). 

On the basis of the official data coverage of children from 1-7 years of age is as follows: 

1975/76 covered 7% of children up to 7 years old 

1982/83 ² 13% 

1999/00 ² 19,04% 

2000/01 ² 21,32 

2002/03 ² 22% 

Source: - Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook for 2002 

- Ministry of education of Montenegro 

Data shows that coverage of children with preschool institutions is slowly increasing. This is, primarily, due to the 

lack of space that is currently 1,89 m2 per child, while the existing pedagogical standards prescribe 8 m2 per child. 

Due to that, number of children in groups is much higher than the normative. Thus, there is still a big gap between 

the capacity of the preschool institutions network and the needs of the parents for this form of care for children. 

This low level of coverage of children with preschool institutions (nursery and kindergartens) reduced the possibility 

for higher employment among women, as many of them are not able to provide adequate care for their children in 

some other way. To be honest, in Montenegro, apart from the official preschool institutions network, there are a 

number of private kindergartens in the education system, for children between the age 3 and 7, but for a high 

compensation, which makes these services inaccessible to many parents. 

If we wish to secure higher employment of women in the future, it will be necessary to provide space for nursery and 

kindergartens, as well as to develop adequate social services, that is family support services. 

Children born in marriage or not within marriage structure (1993 – 2002.) 

In Montenegro we still have a patriarchal family and the institute of marriage is still traditionally respected as a form 

in which children are born. 

However, children born in marriage or outside such a structure are equal in their rights, thus, there are no problems 

from this aspect in order to achieve their legal rights. 

But, irrespective of the reasons that have caused to persons not to get married, children from these kinds of 

communities – non-marital ones are still faced with the lack of understanding of the social environment they live in. 

On the other hand, in recent times there has been an increase in the number of non-marital units in which children 

are born, which is a reflection of the change in tradition and change of the patriarchal view of the family in 

Montenegro. 

The data in the following table best shows the type of changes that are happening in the Republic in relation to the 

children born in marriage or outside such a structure. 

Children born in marriage or not within marriage structure 1993 and 2002 


Table 1

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Year Children born in marriage Children born outside marriage structure % 

1993. 8.057 865 10,73 

2002. 7.270 1.202 16,53 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency 

Data shows that in 2002 there were 16,53% of children born outside marriage structure, which is 54% higher than in 

1993, and this clearly proves that the occurrence of non-marital unit as a family model is slowly being accepted by 

the young couples. 

Number of single parents 

There is no data on the number of single parents, as the official statistics do not follow this. ISSP research of family 

situation, undertaken in 2003, shows that single parents represent 5,7% of the total population. These are mostly 

women as single parents, with one or two children that they have to care for, with the help of their families (parents, 

brothers, sisters and other members). 

Single parents have some assistance provided by the society through the system of social and child protection, which 

is realized as increased child allowance, or through material allowance for single parents if they have no other source 

of income. There are also some other forms of social care for children, such as free summer vacations, winter 

vacations, one-time-only financial assistance, free provision of school textbooks, and other. But, irrespective of all 

that, although they are present as a category in labor and social legislation, as well as in the General Collective 

Agreement in the part related to paid leave related to care for children, this is still not the adequate system of social 

protection of parents and their children. 

It can be expected that the reform of labor and social legislation reform that is underway will resolve the status of 

single parents in a quality way. 

Average number of children in families. 

There are no official statistics on this issue. There are some estimates and researches undertaken by some 

institutions in Montenegro. So, here is the data published by ISSP (Institute for Strategic Studies and Prognoses) – 

Household Survey, which shows average number of children (up to 15 years of age) in families in Montenegro: 

Roma 2.61 children per family 

Refugees 0.72 

IDP's 0.78 

Residents 0.57 

Total in Montenegro 0.61 

In order to analyze this occurrence in more detail, it is necessary to give more information about the birth rate in 

Montenegro. 

Birth and death rate in Montenegro per 1000 inhabitants 

Table 1. 

Year Children born alive Children who Birth rate Babies that die per 1000 

died 

of babies born alive 

1997 13,5 7,9 5,5 14,8 

1998 14,1 8,1 3,9 13,9 

1999 13,5 8,2 5,2 13,3 

2000 14,0 8,2 5,7 11,1 

2001 13,3 8,3 5,2 14,6 

Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook for 2002 

Analysis of data presented in Table 1 shows that the birth rate in Montenegro is still showing positive trend, although 

some municipalities show negative rate of population increase, such as Žabljak, Plužine, Šavnik, Cetinje and 

Andrijevica. 

Data collected on this issue shows that in 7 other municipalities in Montenegro there is a small birth rate, close to 

negative: Danilovgrad, Kotor, H. Novi, Pljevlja, Kolašin and Mojkovac. 


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So, more than one half of Montenegrin municipalities have a reduced rate of population growth right now. Contrary to 

them, in some municipalities this rate is much higher, such as in Rozaje (421 babies born, and 121 died). In other 

Montenegrin municipalities, in the northern and central part of Montenegro there are twice as many children born 

than those that die, which contributes to the increase in the population growth rate. In 2002 there were 8.494 

children born in Montenegro, while 5.524 persons died. On the basis of these indicators, population of Montenegro 

was increased only by 2.970 inhabitants last year. 

All this shows that Montenegro is faced with such a demographic process where the natural birth rate is at the edge 

of becoming negative. 

Population policy is an important question for every state; thus, statistics on birth rate are followed closely in order to 

maintain the optimal population growth rate. In that sense, certain measures of population policy are defined that will 

result in population increase, especially in the municipalities with the negative population growth rate. 

It is well known that with the lower number of child births every society becomes older and less capable to create 

new values. Thus, selfish views that one cannot provide enough funds to support one or two children, will result in a 

situation where those children will not be able to provide for better life of their own children tomorrow, as there will 

simply be no work force available. Renowned demographic experts, economists, sociologists and analytics say that 

the white plague is dangerous for every society, and it is storming through most of Europe right now. This trend is 

explained by the destruction of villages, tradition, destruction of families, increase in social pathology, difficult 

economic situation in the family and society in general. There are many persons who feel that the increase in white 

plague is also the result of giving women the right to interrupt pregnancy. 

All these reasons are present in Montenegro, as well, and must be solved quickly in order to avoid negative rate of 

population growth, which does not allow even for basic reproduction. 

Sexual harassment of women at the workplace 

According to positive legal regulations in Montenegro, problem of sexual harassment at work is not regulated by law, 

nor by any other bylaw, which is a big problem in relation to protection of women in the sphere of labor. 

It is a fact that Criminal Act of Montenegro regulates rape and mistreatment within marriage by a spouse and 

punishment is defined for such actions. However, in practice it is difficult to prove this, and to punish the offender. 

By the end of 2003 we expect to adopt changes and amendments of the Criminal Act of Montenegro, and the 

Association of working women »Woman Today« within CITUM will submit an initiative to the Legislative committee of 

the Parliament of Montenegro to add an article in the Criminal Act that would relate to sexual harassment of women 

at the workplace. We expect this initiative to be accepted by the responsible committee and the deputies in the 

Montenegrin Parliament. 

On the basis of the research undertaken by Center for entrepreneurship and development of Montenegro, related to 

the discrimination of women in the process of employment and at the workplace, obtained results show that there is 

sexual harassment at work. It is seen in excessive jokes made by men, in demands to dress provocatively, comments 

related to the way a woman looks, touching, a director insisting on having a meeting, in the form of letters, 

invitations and messages to women, following or spying on them, open invitations to have sex, and similar. These 

things happen in practice, but not to a great extent, thus, they should be prevented from spreading if not in other 

ways, than through legal regulations and criminal prosecution of the offenders. Case study based on visits to several 

boutiques, cafes, where primarily young women are employed, included interviews with employed women. The 

following questions were asked – Is there any sexual harassment at work, as well as blackmails? The answer was 

shyly presented to be YES, without an explanation, which proves that this occurrence is present in the sphere of 

labor, especially among private employers in the fields of catering, trade, where mostly young women are employed. 

If it happens that a case of blackmail or sexual harassment occurs at the workplace, this usually results in a person 

leaving that job, and the offender is not punished, and even the closest family of the young women is never informed 

about it. 

*** 

This research shows that the position of women in the labor market, in the society, and family is inadequate (bad) as 

compared to their contribution in all the segments of life and work. 

In order to change this situation to improve the position of women, it is necessary, among other things, to do the 

following: 

● To provide a higher level of family and social standard; 

● Education on gender equality at all education levels; 

● Adoption of legal regulations on gender equality; 

● Change of textbooks in schools, where women are treated differently than men (remove the stereotypes 

related to women as less valuable creatures); 

● Greater participation of women in the authorities (Parliament, Government, Trade Union, Judiciary, and 

similar); 

● Organize a campaign on relations between sexes – public debates; 

● Greater solidarity among women themselves (solidarity of all types); 


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● Encouraging women to achieve better status in the family, society, and similar, as well as a whole set of other 

activities. 

REFERENCES: 

Draft PRSP and ISSP – Living standard and poverty in Montenegro, 2003 

Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook 1992–2002 

Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook – year 2000 

Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook – year 2002 


Rosa Popovic, subregional coordinator of the women's trade unions network of Southern Europe, International 

Confederation of Free Trade Unions, president of the Employed Women's Association «Women Today» at the Trade 

Union, Montenegro. Obtained her BA at the Facutlty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade, Serbia. She has 

published a number of papers and articles. 


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The Quintessential Step of Serbia and Montenegro towards the European Union: 

Facing Historical and Present Day Myths and Delusions 

By Ognjen Radonjic, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro 

Abstract: Political stability goes together with economic stability. What is more, both are preconditions 

that must be fulfilled in order to provide fertile ground for economic growth and development in the 

future. Consistently, we think that the European Union is the only rational future road to political and 

economic development for Serbia and Montenegro. On the assumption that Serbia and Montenegro 

sincerely wants to join the European Union and to become a reliable ally of the international community, 

this study is pointing out two tasks that have to be accomplished at the very beginning in order to achieve 

this goal. The first is to face myths about the Serbs as “sinless Celestial people,” Serbian historical justice 

and self–victimization, and international conspiracy aimed to destroy the Serbian nation. The second is to 

create and activate as soon as possible political mechanisms that will provide undisturbed and smooth 

cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague. 

Key words: political stability, economic stability, myths, delusions, cooperation, European Union, 

international community, Serbia and Montenegro 

Introduction 

The European Union (EU) is the only rational future road to political and economic development for Serbia 

and Montenegro. At the same time, it is also a powerful guarantee of peace and stability in the region. 

Serbia and Montenegro is very far from the European integration processes at this moment. In order to 

make the process of accession faster and easier and at the same time to prevent eventual wars in the 

near and distant future, this study has the aim of revealing two extraordinary delusions on the part of 

Serbian people and present day national leaders. First is that Slobodan Milosevic (along with his former 

close political and military collaborators) [1] was a politician occupied with the welfare and the future of 

his country. Second is that Serbia and Montenegro is enjoying international credibility and trust at the 

moment that enables the present government to constantly delay fulfilling its obligations towards the 

International Tribunal in The Hague. 

A short historical background 

After the devastating WWII, enormous efforts have been made by the Western countries to 

institutionalize world peace and secure harmonized economic development worldwide through 

international political and financial institutions. The most prominent ones are the United Nations, the 

World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and 

Development, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and, later, the World Trade Organization. [2] 

Spontaneously, as time passed and war wounds started healing, nations realized that the ideals of peace 

and sustainable economic development were about to be carried out in the most efficient way by 

intensification of the world integration process. However, integration processes where largely slowed 

down after the biggest threat in history to the existence of humankind took place – the Cold War. The 

Cold War was a classical example of ideological clashes between the extreme political and economic elite 

movements in both Western and Eastern blocs. 

After those years living on the edge of a third world war, the Iron Curtain finally fell down in 1989 when 

communist systems collapsed. The end of the war threat and the achievement of peaceful consensus 

worldwide opened new opportunities for acceleration of the integration processes. [3] At the same time in 

1991, seemingly unexpectedly, so soon after the Cold War period had ended multiethnic conflicts in the 

territory of former Yugoslavia began. The conflicts escalated into violence and destruction where many 

innocent people were killed, tortured, imprisoned and left without homes and property. Terrible atrocities 

were committed. In order to punish war criminals, provide justice for war victims and prevent eventual 

new conflicts in the future, in 1993 the United Nations Security Council established the International 

Tribunal in The Hague. Cooperation with the International Tribunal is compulsory for all countries that 

took part in the wars. In other words, cooperation is a precondition for approval of financial loans and 

donations and for accession of Serbia and Montenegro to all political, military and financial international 

institutions including the European Union. [4] 

Serbian virtual reality 


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Political stability goes together with economic stability. What is more, both are preconditions that must be 

fulfilled in order to provide fertile ground for economic growth and development in the future. [5] Aware of 

this fact, Deputies of the House of the Republics of the Federal Parliament on 11 April 2002 passed the 

Law on Cooperation with The Hague Tribunal. [6] This law contains a provision about extradition of citizens 

of Serbia and Montenegro charged with committing war crimes. [7] During the pragmatic Serbian 

government under the leadership of assassinated Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, [8] the Law was enforced 

and cooperation with The Hague was not without difficulties but was satisfactory. 

At this moment, although the present authorities [9] are to a great extent aware of the need to cooperate 

with the international community, they do not show the will to do so. [10] At the same time, putting into 

effect full cooperation with the international community requires existence of national consensus 

concerning this issue. Unfortunately, at this moment Serbia does not have agreement because about 

thirty percent of the electoral body, mainly supporters of the former regime and its policies, are very 

hostile toward international ultimatums. In other words, they are strongly opposing “delivery to the illegal 

International Tribunal in The Hague of Serbian heroes and patriots, like former president Slobodan 

Milosevic, who bravely defended their country against numerous aggressors. [11] ” In addition, they have 

been pointing out that during the wars in former Yugoslavia, the international community was biased, 

supporting financially, politically and militarily only the Serbs’ enemies; whereas, on the other hand, 

Serbia was under heavy sanctions imposed by the United Nations. 

We think that there is no doubt that the international community has made some strategic mistakes that 

primarily resulted in a sharp drop in ordinary people’s living standards, thereby giving the Serbian 

oligarchy an excuse for leading such a destructive and dangerous policy. Furthermore, we think that the 

international community, probably unaware of the very complicated political situation in the country, is 

still making mistakes. More concretely, mistakes including imposing ultimatums and not practicing a more 

flexible approach in negotiations with current Serbian authorities concerning the arrest of persons who are 

accused by the International Tribunal of crimes against humanity. Nevertheless, in our view it is more 

important and beneficial for our country to face the tragic policy and irreversible mistakes, with all their 

deterrent consequences, which former Serbian authorities under the leadership of Slobodan Milosevic 

have committed. The main purpose of this action should not be simply to achieve eligibility for loans and 

financial support, but rather to condemn war crimes. In our opinion, this would be the first but at the 

same time the quintessential step towards European integration. 

Consistently, we strongly believe that Slobodan Milosevic (and the like) was not a political leader occupied 

with the welfare and the future of his country. On the contrary, the only thing he was worried about was 

how to seize power and later to keep it by all means. In order to dismiss the mythical delusion of part of 

the Serbian nation about unjustified allegations against him and his self-victimization and patriotism we 

will briefly turn to his style and the legacy of his ten-year reign: 

● He is the primary (but not the only) one who has to be blamed for violent dissolution of the Socialist 

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY); for civil war in Croatia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in Kosovo; 

and, as a result, for the Balkan’s hell during those painful years with numerous human victims who lost 

their lives, families, friends, property and homes. [12] 

● As a consequence, in 1992, the United Nations imposed very severe economic and military sanctions 

against the Federal Republic of (F. R.) Yugoslavia. In addition, F. R. Yugoslavia was expelled from all 

international political, financial and trade organizations. 

● His reign was strongly based on using cruel and severe repression measures against citizens of Serbia 

who did not support his policies. (Some of them were imprisoned and tortured, put under surveillance and 

bugged.) 

● He controlled media heavily, isolated Serbia from the rest of the world and, often fiercely and 

mercilessly, clashed with political opponents and independent journalists using all means of repression 

(secret and regular police, military intelligence and paramilitary formations like the Unit for Special 

Operations). [13] 

● HHJe and his clique usurped national natural resources, industrial and agricultural capacities, and old 

currency savings of citizens. 

● We experienced two hyperinflations [14] in a five-year interval that had a devastating influence on the 

Yugoslavian economy and investments, monetary, fiscal and foreign trade stability. The drastic drop of 

investments (especially in industrial production) caused a systematic and rapid depreciation of the popular 

wealth. [15] 


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● The living standard of common people sharply decreased to the level of Third World countries. In such a 

way, the average monthly salary in Serbia was 752 DM (Deutsche Marks) in December 1990, 21 DM in 

December 1993, 87 DM in December 1999, and just 70 DM in December 2000. In December 1990, only 

15% of families had an income of less than 100 DM per family member. In 1993, about 50% of families 

had an income of less than 100 DM per family member. [16] According to the 2000-2001 Report of the 

World Bank, in 1999 about 73% of the Serbian population had incomes less than 2 US dollars per day. 

[17] 

● Recorded GDP at current prices declined from about 28.5 billion US dollars in 1990 to about 9 billion US 

dollars in 2000. 

● In 2000, Yugoslavia’s external debt amounted to over 12 billion dollars. About 4.5 billion dollars of old 

foreign currency savings (internal debt) should be added to this amount. [18] 

Are these facts convincing enough to dismiss the delusion that “domestic traitors” are sending “national 

heroes” to The Hague? On the eve of Milosevic’s fall, we believed that the majority of the Serbian 

inhabitants were aware of his and his clique’s crimes, abuses, corruption and violent nature. It seems that 

we were wrong because today, five years later, a significant part of the nation still shows very hostile 

attitudes towards international institutions and politicians. Why is it so? Partly the answer derives from 

the second delusion, but this time, of actual present day national leaders. 

The second delusion we want to deal with is that present day government seems to think that Serbia has 

the credibility to defy the international community by refusing to arrest persons charged with committing 

war crimes. To be honest this is not a delusion, this is a hallucination. We do not want to put this delicate 

issue in some theoretical framework, because in our opinion we need, now more than ever, pragmatism 

and not fairy tales. Political forbearance under the slogan “problems will be solved by themselves” or 

“give us some more time to do our best” is incompatible with current international or Serbian realities. 

Consequently, the USA imposed partial financial sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro in January, 2005. 

[19] Is this our return to the past or the fact that members of the former regime have never lost their 

positions and power? It seems the truth is somewhere in between. 

This game with the patience of the international community irresistibly reminds us of Milosevic’s 

uncompromising attitude towards international diplomatic incentives and his unwillingness to cooperate 

and negotiate with the international community until it became too late. Similarly nowadays, instead of 

managing and solving luke-warm Serbian problems, the present government makes them more serious 

and complicated from day to day by expressing its irresoluteness and obvious lack of interest and 

initiative. The features of our current foreign policy are almost the same as they used to be during the 

1990s; In other words irrationality, formal legalism, arrogance, negation of international policy factors 

and the worst kind of political autism. So we firmly ask the present national leaders and the nation in 

general if they have not learned anything from the mistakes and failures made by the post-second world 

war communist leaders and their successors (Milosevic’s clique). 

Conclusion 

On the assumption that Serbia and Montenegro sincerely wants to join EU and to become a reliable ally of 

the international community, there are two tasks that have to be accomplished at the very beginning in 

order to achieve this goal. The first is to face myths about the Serbs as “sinless Celestial people,” Serbian 

historical justice and self-victimization, and international conspiracy aimed to destroy the Serbian nation. 

The main purpose of this act should be to condemn war crimes without reservations and finally to lay 

foundations for long term friendly relations with the international community. In our opinion it would be 

the first, but at the same time the quintessential, step towards European integration. The second is to 

create and activate as soon as possible adequate political mechanisms that will provide undisturbed and 

smooth cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague. 

Appendix: 

Macroeconomic and Country Risk Indicators 

Desirable levels of some economic quantitative indicators that must be reached in order for a country to 

be eligible for nomination for accession to the European Union are listed below: [20] 

● GDP per capita should tend toward the EU average value (about 9000 US dollars per year). 

● The minimum GDP per capita should be 6000 US dollars (USD) per year. 

● The current account deficit should be below 5% of annual GDP. 


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● Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) should be about 10% of annual GDP. 

● The fiscal deficit should not be more than 3% of annual GDP. 

● Public spending should not be more than 40% of annual GDP. 

● Public debt should not be more than 60% of annual GDP. 

● Foreign debt should not be more than 30% of annual GDP. 

● The unemployment rate should not be more than 10%. 

● The annual inflation rate should not be more than 5%. 

● The money market interest rate should be slightly above the annual inflation rate. 

Values of some economic quantitative indicators in Serbia 

Year 2003 2004 

GDP (USD millions) 18 984 21 643 

GDP per capita (USD) 2 531.2 2 885.7 

Current account deficit, before grants (% 

of GDP) 10.2 13 

FDI (% of GDP) 7.2 4.1 

Fiscal deficit (% of GDP) 3.93 1.7 

Public spending (% of GDP) 49 46 

Public debt (% of GDP) 71.9 60.8 

Foreign debt (% of GDP) 43.7 35.6 

Unemployment rate (%) 32 32.1 

Annual inflation rate (retail prices in %) 7.8 13.7 

Money market interest rate (%) a 11.05 14.85 

a Average weighted interest rate on commercial papers issued by the National Bank of Serbia. 

Sources: Bilten javnih finansija. Ministarstvo finansija, Republika Srbija, Beograd, Decembar 2004 (Public 

Finance Bulletin, Ministry of Finance, Republic of Serbia, Belgrade, December 2004) and Statisti•ki Bilten, 

Narodna Banka Srbije, Decembar 2004 (Statistical Bulletin, National Bank of Serbia, December 2004), 

www.nbs.co.yu 

As we can see, at the moment Serbia is rather far from reaching desirable levels of economic indicators 

(except for the fiscal deficit and the public debt). Consequently, as country risk rating indicators of the 

Coface Group [21] show, lack of political and economic stability results in low attractiveness of Serbia and 

Montenegro for foreign investors (intolerantly high investment risks). 

The country rating issued by the Coface Group measures the average level of short-term non-payment 

risk associated with companies in a particular country. It reflects the extent to which a country's 

economic, financial, and political outlook influences financial commitments of local companies. However, 

international trade actors know that sound companies can operate in risky countries and unsound 

companies in less-risky countries and that overall risk will depend not only on a company's qualities but 

also on those of the country in which it operates. 

Consistently, ratings are based on twofold expertise: 

● macroeconomic expertise in assessing country risk based on a battery of macroeconomic financial and 

political indicators and 

● microeconomic expertise that draws on Coface databases covering 44 million companies worldwide and 

50 years’ experience with payments in trade flows it guarantees. 

Coface Group ranks country ratings on seven risk levels: 

A1 The steady political and economic environment has positive effects on an already good probability of 

payment record of companies. Very weak default. 

A2 Default probability is still weak even in the case when one country's political and 


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economic environment or the payment record of companies is not as good as in A1-rated countries. 

A3 Adverse political or economic circumstances may lead to a worsening payment record that is already 

lower than the previous categories, although the probability of a payment default is still low. 

A4 An already patchy payment record could be further worsened by a deteriorating political and economic 

environment. Nevertheless, the probability of a default is still acceptable. 

B An unsteady political and economic environment is likely to affect further an already poor payment 

record. 

C A very unsteady political and economic environment could deteriorate an already bad payment record. 

DThe high risk profile of a country's economic and political environment will further worsen a generally 

very bad payment record. 

Source: Coface North America Group, http://www.coface-usa.com/ 

In January 2005 Serbia and Montenegro was ranked in the C risk level group as along with, for instance, 

Ethiopia, Chad, Mozambique, Kenya, Angola, Uganda, Mauritania and Niger. For comparison, Slovenia was 

ranked in the A2 risk level group along with Czech Republic and Hungary. Poland was ranked A3; Croatia 

was A4; and Romania and Bulgaria ranked B. [22] 

References 

Bilten javnih finansija. Ministarstvo finansija, Republika Srbija, Beograd, Decembar 2004 (Public Finance 

Bulletin, Ministry of Finance, Republic of Serbia, Belgrade, December 2004). 

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, www.federalreserve.gov 

Chomsky, N. 1999. “Profit iznad ljudi. Neoliberalizam i globalni poredak (Profit over People. Neoliberalism 

and Global Order).” Svetovi, Novi Sad. 

Dimitrijevi•, B. 2002. “Best Practices of EU Accession of Select Countries in Transition.” Policy and Legal 

Advice Centre, Beograd. 

G17 Plus, “Bela knjiga Miloševi•eve vladavine (The White Book of Milosevic’s Reign).” www.g17plus.org. 

yu/ 

Nikoli•, M. 2002. “The Tragedy of Yugoslavia – The Rise, the Reign and the Fall of Slobodan Milosevic.” 

Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden. 

Radonji•, O. 2003. “A View on the War, Dissolution and Economic Collapse. The Case of Serbia and 

Montenegro (1990-2000).” www.epunto.ch 

Statisti•ki Bilten, Narodna Banka Srbije, Decembar 2004 (Statistical Bulletin, National Bank of Serbia, 

December 2004), www.nbs.co.yu 

[1] Slobodan Milosevic is a personification of the tragic policy that was led by Serbian authorities during the 

1990s. This refers to all his former political and military collaborators within the territory of ex-Yugoslavia. 

April 2005 

[2] Of course, there are also opposite opinions. For instance, Noam Chomsky (1999) thinks that those institutions 

are nothing but the tools of powerful governments to force other countries to accept diverse agreements that 

enable multinational corporations to dominate the world by unlimited exploitation of their resources. 

[3] Today, world integration processes are commonly defined as the process of globalization. Naturally, it is not 

easy to define the process of globalization. This is because it involves numerous aspects, where the economic one 


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is surely the most important. Briefly, economic globalization is characterized by elimination of international trade 

barriers in order to promote free and fast flows of goods, services and factors of production. 

[4] However, cooperation is only a precondition. Another issue is the quality of the investments 

undertaken (naturally these investments are covered by foreign sources) in order to reach institutional 

and legislative standards necessary to enter the European Union. 

[5] For further discussion on quantitative economic indicators of convergence towards the European Union and 

the current position of Serbia and Montenegro, see the Appendix. 

[6] The Law was adopted under strong political and financial pressure exerted by the United States and Europe. 

[7] We must point out that the Law has a few controversial loopholes. For instance, the Law applies only to the 

individuals against whom indictments had already been issued. But full cooperation requires extradition of 

individuals charged with committing war crimes no matter when indictments are issued. 

[8] The reformist political leader of the Democratic Party, Zoran Djindjic, was assassinated in March 2003 in 

action named “Stop The Hague.” Some soldiers of the paramilitary formation Unit for Special Operations, several 

secret police agents and the members of the criminal organization, Zemun clan, are charged with committing this 

terrible crime. 

[9] The coalition government of the Democratic Party of Serbia (Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica), G17 Plus, the 

Serbian Renewal Movement, New Serbia and the Socialistic Party of Serbia ( Milosevic’s political party). 

[10] The present government's foreign policy strategy is based on the concept of “two-way cooperation with the 

International Tribunal” and “voluntary surrender of individuals charged with committing war crimes.” 

[11] The Croats, the Bosnian-Muslims, the Albanians and the NATO countries. 

[12] In essence, the civil war was the battle for redistribution of power, territory and resources between 

new authoritarian rulers that came to power mainly by inflaming national and confessional hatred. 

Milosevic, no doubt, had heavy influence on the drastic rise of tensions in the region by practicing his 

uncompromising style and intolerance. However, he was not alone. He initiated conflicts to which the 

Croatian, the Bosnian-Muslim and the Albanian leaderships reacted mercilessly and furiously. 

[13] A few of them were killed. The most prominent were former Serbian communist leader Ivan 

Stambolic (killed in autumn, 2000) and independent journalist Slavko Curuvija (killed in spring, 1999, 

during the NATO air raids). 

[14] Among other things, accumulated bad loans of well-connected banks and enterprises (so-called “political 

favorites”) were heavily financed through monetary expansion. In 1992, yearly inflation was 8993%, while in 

1994 yearly inflation reached a 15-digit number, 116 trillion percent. Only in January, monthly inflation reached 

313 million percent. 

[15] The average rate of investment in F. R. Yugoslavia was -20.1% in 1990; -12% in 1994; -3.7% in 

1995; -5.7% in 1996; 0.8% in 1997; and -2.2% in 1998. Source: G17 Plus, “Bela knjiga Miloševi•eve 

vladavine (The White Book of Milosevic’s Reign).” www.g17plus.org.yu/ 

[16] 

The 1 DM ranged from 0.47 to 0.7 of one US dollar during the 1990s. Source: Board of Governors of the 

Federal Reserve System, www.federalreserve.gov 

[17] At the same time, the percent of the population with incomes less than 2 US dollars per day was 

77.8 in Bangladesh, 84.6 in Rwanda, 2 in Slovenia, 2 in Slovakia, 2 in Czech Republic, 4 in Hungary, and 

10.5 in Poland. Source: Nikoli•, M. 2002. “The Tragedy of Yugoslavia – The Rise, the Reign and the Fall of 

Slobodan Milosevic.” Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden. 

[18] For more details, see Radonji•, O. 2003. “A View on the War, Dissolution and Economic Collapse. The 

Case of Serbia and Montenegro (1990-2000).” www.epunto.ch 


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[19] In our opinion, if persons charged with committing war crimes were true heroes and patriots they would 

surrender immediately in order to avoid threats to their country. 

[20] Desirable levels of economic quantitative indicators are not theoretically precisely defined. They 

represent opinions of numerous world economic experts for macroeconomics and transition. For example, 

see Dimitrijevi•, B. 2002. “Best Practices of EU Accession of Select Countries in Transition.” Policy and 

Legal Advice Centre, Belgrade. 

[21] Coface North America Group is a well-known credit insurance and country risk rating company. 

[22] For more details see http://www.coface-usa.com 


Women’s Rights in the Western Balkans 

Women's Rights in the Western Balkans: In the Jaws of the Free Market 


Women's Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro 

My presentation* will look at the macroeconomic trends in the Western Balkans region and their effects on 

women's rights, and then try to identify obstacles to women's economic and social position and openings to 

improve them. The story is basically one of the stripping away of human rights / women's rights to make our 

countries more attractive for investors. A great deal of energy is being put into attracting investment: for 

instance, on my way to this conference I noticed, in a recent copy of the Financial Times, two whole pages on 

Albania, all angled in such a way as to interest investors, together with several ads for foreign banks. 

The countries of the region are Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro, and Albania, 

with a total population of 24 million. GDP per capita was €2,380 in 2002, with only Croatia above the average; 

while foreign direct investment (FDI) has risen from 3.9% of GDP in 2002 to 5.4% in 2003. Superficially, the 

impact of FDI is visible in the large presence of foreign banks, but its main economic impacts are on domestic 

investment, employment and the balance of payments. Albania, Croatia and Macedonia are already members of 

the WTO, while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro are in the process of acceding to the 

Organization. The region enjoys duty-free access to the EU market, thanks to the asymmetrical trade measures 

granted since the end of 2000. 

Macroeconomic trends and their effects 

The impact of the international financial institutions (IFIs) is high in the region. They support the structural 

reforms through macroeconomic support and technical assistance. IMF programmes in are in place in all the 

countries, and the World Bank provides technical and financial assistance with a wide array of structural 

adjustment programmes (SAPs). The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) finances mainly 

private-sector development, although in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro it works mostly with 

the public sector. 

The transitional economies of the region have a number of common characteristics, many of these arising from 

their common experience of structural adjustment. Throughout the region, transition to the market economy has 

been delayed because of wars, armed conflicts, and exclusion from the international community during the 

periods of conflict. The region's SAPs, dictated by the IMF, have features familiar from previous SAP experiences 

in other regions, requiring: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Removal of all obstacles to the international trade and foreign investments; 

Prompt privatisation; 

Labour market flexibility; 

Reduction of all social costs. 

You can imagine who pays the price for all this economic turbulence! The example of Serbia and Montenegro 

serves to illustrate what is happening throughout the region. The transition to a full market economy in the 

country has been very rapid and unsettling. In the 1990s, Serbia and Montenegro had a state-led, quasi-market 

economy. In 2000, political changes led to economic changes and a SAP was started, geared to the development 

of a market economy based on privately-owned capital and trade liberalisation. A new wave of privatisation was 

introduced; even after failed exercises in privatisation 1990 and 1997, this is still seen as a panacea for all our 

economic problems. This round is based on tender privatisation, involving selling through tenders and auctions 

and capital transfer without compensation. 

The results anticipated from all this privatisation were: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

An efficient economy, guaranteeing economic growth and stability; 

A clear ownership structure; 

A functioning stock exchange; 

Strong corporate governance. 



However, this has not really materialised. At the macroeconomic level, the results so far include: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

70% state and socially owned firms and factories have been privatised; strategic industries (cement, oil, 

tobacco) are now owned by foreign companies and multinational corporations; 

New IMF loans have been granted, but they are only for debt servicing; 

The trade deficit has increased (US$ 3.2 billion); 

Large-scale bankruptcy of big banks and up to 34,000 socially owned firms has been announced. 

At the same time, the following effects on the population can be observed: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Increasing economic, political, social and personal insecurity; 

Increased corruption; 

Increased unemployment (the official rate is 31%, but the real level is much higher); 

People forced increasingly into participation in informal economy - up to 60%; 

Increased dismissal of workers (400,000 job losses were recently announced); 

Higher living costs; 

Loss of free or low-cost services in health, education and housing. 

All this, plus the consequences of the armed conflict of the 1990s, has generated rising poverty and polarisation of 

wealth. While the percentages of the population living in poverty have risen from 14% in 1990 to 35% in 2003, 

some 5% of the population have become extremely rich, profiting either from the economic upheavals or from 

war. The middle class has almost disappeared. Those in need of social protection include: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

1.2 million retired people; 

400,000 families beneficiaries of child allowance; 

14,.500 families beneficiaries of family sustenance; 

100,000 beneficiaries of food allowance (FAO); 

77,000 disabled persons. 

However, the budgetary support to underprivileged people has dropped from 16.7% (1995) to 11.7% currently, 

while a share of the budget in the social security funds has also fallen sharply from 22,2% to 13,3%. Social 

welfare support is provided mostly by donations from the developed countries. The result is poorer health care 

and quality of life for citizens. 

The transition represents a fierce attack on economic rights. New laws on labour and on employment abolished or 

decreased many long-established rights and entitlements. Full employment is no longer guaranteed, and 

introduced flexibilisation of labour, seen as an important feature of the economic reforms, means that many fulltime 

jobs have been replaced by part-time, temporary, seasonal and low-paid jobs. Since the mechanisms to 

regulate the private sector and force companies to fulfil their legal obligations to workers are weak and are not 

enforced, companies get away with many violations, such as non-payment of salaries and social security benefits, 

irregular contracting procedures, and so on. Labour inspection is weak, and the special courts that dealt with 

labour rights, which were free for workers, have been abolished; instead, workers claiming their rights must go 

through a very long, expensive and ineffective procedure in the regular courts. 

Meanwhile, social dialogue between the private sector, government, and workers is lacking. The trade unions are 

weakened and declining in influence; in fact, they hardly exist in the growing private sector, where employees are 

often blackmailed by employers not to organise trade unions. 

This situation is the same throughout the region. In Croatia, for instance, the average wage is enough to cover 

only 65% of a family's basic costs, while a third of employees receive the minimum wage. Pension and healthcare 

funds are facing collapse, and social differences are increasing. In Macedonia, poverty has increased fivefold since 

1991. 

The impact on women's rights 



Using Serbia and Montenegro again as an example, the following basic statistics give a broad picture: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Women are 43% of the labour force 

Women are 55% of the working population 

60% of university degrees are held by women 

90% of women have degrees in education 

58% of total number of refugees and displaced persons are women 

11% of members of the Parliament are women, and there are local asseblies that have no women 

members. 

Overall, the impact of the transition has not been good for women. The socialist gender ideology and gender 

equity is currently regarded as a part of the repressive socialist system that has been overthrown. These 

ideological changes influenced new legislation and deprived women of the incentives they had previously been 

granted by the socialist state. The new democratic governments now support women's right to stay at home. In 

this and other ways, the transition has encouraged a patriarchal ideology that pushes women back into the 

home. 

Thus, women are the first to lose jobs, particularly higher-level and better-paid jobs, and particularly in industry, 

as a result of privatisation. More and more women are working in low-paid industrial and service sectors, with a 

growing pay equity gap. Women's unemployment has increased, and at 26% it is higher than men's 

unemployment (20%), while there are decreasing opportunities to find jobs, especially for women over 40–45 in 

the private sector. The feminisation of poverty is thus gathering pace, as women have lost the benefits of previous 

social welfare system. Women are more likely than men to be exposed to poverty, because the support of children 

depends mainly or totally on women; and they are more likely to be poor in old age as a consequence of the 

higher unemployment rate and the gender-based income gap. With growing poverty, sex trafficking and domestic 

violence are increasing. The needs of many of the most vulnerable groups of women (Roma, rural, minority, selfsupporting 

mothers, elder, housewives, disabled) are invisible and unmet. 

Women's position in the economy is very largely as employees, on an increasingly insecure basis. At least twice as 

many men as women are employers, with women accounting for only 30% of employers (i.e. founders/cofounders 

of an enterprise or a shop). Almost no privatised firms have been bought by women. Women are impeded in 

becoming entrepreneurs by poor access to bank loans, capital and resources. Being underrepresented in the 

privatisation process, women were usually not informed of their rights. e.g. to free shares. 

As employees, moreover, women find their rights systematically ignored. Private-sector employers prefer to hire 

women, because they are considered to work harder, cause less trouble, and be readier to accept subordinate 

positions despite having greater expertise; they often perform jobs beneath their educational level. Employers 

also prefer to hire young women, so there are few or no jobs for women over 45. Many women work without a 

contract, without paid pension, social security or healthcare security, and without protection at work. 

Barriers to women's advancement 

In this context, there are a host of barriers to women's advancement. Underpinning them all is the persistence 

and strengthening of the dominant patriarchal society. Such barriers include: 

Rights 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Shortage of mechanisms and political will to protect and fulfil economic and social rights; blindness to 

women's concerns; 

Lack of respect of international labour and environmental standards, lack of transparency, and adequate 

legislation to regulate foreign investments; 

CEDAW and other UN Covenants ratified, but not implemented, no mechanisms, no national strategies for 

implementing them; 

Absence of gender-sensitive legislative mechanisms to protect women against discrimination. 

Development planning 

● 

● 

Development policies do not take gender concerns into account; 



● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Lack of gender awareness and awaraness of gender dimension of trade, unemployment, SAPs, poverty; 

Absence of adequate statistics; 

No national strategies for advancement of women; 

Underrepresentation of women in decision-making positions; 

Administrative barriers to development of women's entrepreneurship; 

Low participation of women in enterprise ownership. 

Social barriers 

● 

● 

● 

Continued gender segregation in education and professions, stereotypes and prejudices in education and 

media; 

Unrecognised unpaid work at home (4-5 hours more per day than men); 

Burden of child and elder care. 

Achievements and opportunities 

This list of barriers is daunting, but there have been some achievements and there are some opportunities for 

building on them. All governments in the region are now under pressure of the EU to harmonise legislative 

accordingly the EU standards and to adopt measures to promote gender equality and end sex-based 

discrimination, set quotas for women's political participation, and so on. The process of introducing law on equal 

opportunities between women has started. The process of building national, regional and local machineries for the 

advancement of women has also begun, thanks to pressure from UN agencies, the Organization for Security and 

Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the Stability Pact Gender Task Force and women's groups. Gender concerns are, 

in theory at least, integrated into the PRSPs. 

There are also openings and opportunities for advocacy by women's groups and human rights groups. Research 

on the gender dimensions of poverty and of macroeconomic issues such as trade liberalisation, SAPs, etc., is 

important and necessary. Housework and the care economy need to be taken into account in economic analysis 

and planning, and gender-sensitive indicators need to be designed. 

The development of pro-poor budgets and gender budgets is a key instrument for fulfilling women's economic 

rights. A new gender budgeting initiative in the CEE/NIS region launched in 2003 by the Network East-West 

Women is promoting strategies and activities to popularise gender budgeting as a tool for achieve gender equality 

in the labour market and employment and for addressing domestic violence, etc. 

Strengthening mechanisms for enforcing ILO standards will help to counter the growing discrimination against 

women in employment and entrepreneurship. Regional monitoring mechanisms (e.g. ombudspersons) could be 

set up to do this. Gender concerns should be integrated into development policies, within a general rights-based 

approach to development that includes women's rights. Women's organisations in the whole region are eager to 

develop this approach as a counterweight to the prevailing profit motive. 

* Presentation at the WIDE Annual Conference 2004 "Globalising Women's Rights: Confronting Unequal 

Development Between the UN Human Rights Framework and WTO Trade Agreements", Bonn, Germany, May 2004 

Published in the WIDE's Conference Report "Globalising Women's Rights: Confronting Unequal Development 

Between the UN Human Rights Framework and WTO Trade Agreements" 




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Invisible Workers: Women in the Informal Economy in Russia [1] 

By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D. 

Russian Academy of Sciences, 

Institute for Socio-Economic Studies of Population, Russia 

The results of Russian quasi-reforms was deep economic crisis, break-down of the industry, decline of the 

production, deterioration of living standard of the population and mass unemployment. The lack of job, and 

livelihood opportunities drives labour force from the official sphere of employment into the informal economy. 

This problem is critical for Russia due to the large scale of the informal sector and the role it plays in the economy 

of the country in the last decade. According to Goscomstat RF official data in 2003, 8 to 10 million people work in 

the informal economy. Approximately 15% of the active part of the population does not have any other sources 

for survival. What is more important, mostly all of them are hired workers with low salaries. 

The labour relations and employment are regulated in Russia by two federal laws – Labour Code (2002) and Law 

on Employment of Population (1991). National labour legislation does not take into account the realities of modern 

labour market. Workers in informal economy are neither recognized nor protected by these laws. As a result, 

current growth of activities in the informal economy has led to growing ranks of vulnerable, marginalized workers 

with no access to justice. The feminisation of poverty and gender discrimination at the labour market are reasons 

why are women more likely than men to be in the informal economy. 

Women and men involved in the informal sector do not even possess a minimal level of social guarantees. They 

do not receive annual paid leaves or payment for a temporary disability; their working day is not limited by set 

hours; women do not have right to a maternity leave or to support for child care. They do not have life and health 

insurance, so they are exposed to constant risk. They are also deprived of legal protection. On the other hand, 

they and their problems are invisible for the governmental officials and statistics. 

In Russia, according to Goskomstat statistics, the number of workers in informal sector in 2002 was same as the 

number of unemployed (each about 9 million persons). The government allocates considerable institutional 

(employment service) and material (benefits) resources aimed at solving the problem of unemployment, but there 

are no resources available at solving the labour and social problems of millions working in informal economy. 

Moreover, this problem is not recognised at the governmental level. These people and their problems are invisible 

for the law, government and society. Currently, there are no programs and projects in Russia, aimed at solving 

the social problems of men and women working in the informal sector of economy. 

The tendency of growth of informal sector has a global character, and everywhere poor women are involved in 

this type of activity more than men. But the specific of Russia is that women involved in informal sector have (in 

many cases) high level of education. There are former engineers, teachers, and etc. Our survey shows that 55% 

of men and women employed in informal economy have professional education (more then high school — they 

finished collage or university). Their entry into this sector is absolutely necessary, as it is often sole source of 

income for themselves and their families. Economic crisis, unemployment and open discrimination in the Russian 

labour market denied them the opportunity to attain the professional employment commensurate with their label 

of education. They have no other opportunity but to work in the informal sector, and they cannot reconcile their 

identity with such reality. 

The informal economy in Russia has different impact on the social and economic status of men and women. My 

study has shown that the problems faced in the informal economy first and foremost affected women. The main 

gender problems in the employment sphere include the growth of female unemployment, the difficulty of finding 

jobs, the discrepancy between the job specifications and the professional qualification, the dismissal of qualified 

women employees, barriers to carrier promotion, and so on. All these problems stem from gender inequality or 

discrimination against women in the sphere of employment and labour market. Unemployed women, especially 

divorced and single mothers, as families’ sole bread-winners, but also young girls coming into the labour market 

for the first time, agree to any work on any terms, including in the informal sector. These so-called “terms” 

include that women do not have the right to marry or to have children while they work. 

Factors of predomination of the growth of women’s informal work in Russia: 

● Economic crisis and reduction of the labour force in last decade in Russia (1990-2002) on 11 million 

workers; 

● Uneven reduction of the labour force with visible discrimination against women - as a result 7,5 million 

women lost a job in the formal sector of Russian economy (20% of women’s labour force) and only 3,5 

million of men (10% of men’s labour force); 

● High level of unemployment; 

● Gender discrimination at the labour market. 

The strongest influence on female labour force in Russian society today is discrimination in hiring practices that 


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pushes them beyond the labour market. On the other hand, a decline in the quality and standard of living 

demands their contribution to a family budget, since the family cannot make living on one salary. According to 

statistics, 2/3 of families with children where only one parent works live below the poverty level. Under these 

conditions, women choose various survival strategies, among which in the past few years is the work in the 

informal sector as the only means of possibility to realize their right to work and right to receive a salary. 

The liquidation of 7,5 million jobs for women in the last decade illustrates not only their position in the society, but 

also the deformation of the labour market. This is the biggest price that women pay for the Russian transition to 

the market economy. 

[1] Abstract of the paper presented at the IAFFE (International Association of Feminist Economics) Conference “A 

feminist economic dialogue on transition and EU-enlargement”, January 21-22, 2005, Budapest, Hungary 


Gender Equality 

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GENDER EQUALITY 

The Women’s Movement in Russia: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow 

By Zoya Khotkina 

The women’s movement in contemporary Russia exists as the social, cultural, and 

political activity of women’s groups and organisations, aimed at bringing together the 

interests of various social strata of women and bringing about a change in the system of 

gender relations. The Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation has officially registered 

over 600 women’s organisations. The women’s movement in Russia is one of the most 

active parts of the Third Section Movement, encompassing approximately 10% of the 

most active NGOs. 

The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality 

By Marijana Pajvanèiæ, Ph.D. 

The constitutional issue in the Republic of Serbia has been open for a long time now. The 

debate on the constitutional issue was initiated among experts as early as the moment of 

adopting the Constitution, and debate has continued. The constitutional debate has been 

conducted in stages, focusing on various constitutional issues. Constitutional guarantees 

of gender equality did not come into the focus of attention of the expert and political 

community until late 2004. Some other constitutional contents had been the object of 

interest until then. 

The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: 

What Considerations for Gender Equality? 

- EU Neighbouring Countries: the Western Balkans - 

By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic and 


WIDE briefing paper 

The privatisation process has lead to the abolishment of economic and social rights and 

inadequate protective mechanisms; a lack of respect for international labour and 

environmental standards; a lack of transparency. Moreover, there is no legislation on 

corporate responsibility. The need to make the economy attractive for foreign 

investments is being used as justification for all these legal changes. Of course, all these 

policies are not gender-neutral. Women have absorbed the shock of the adjustment by 

intensifying their unpaid work necessary because of budget cuts in basic public services 

such as education, social services, and health care. 



- EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union - 

By Zofia Lapniewska, Raisa Sinelnikova, Shorena Dzotsenidze, Halyna Fedkovy and 

Oksana Kisselyova, PhD 

The transition from centrally planned to market-based economies was based on 

privatisation, liberalisation and a strengthening of the financial and tax discipline of 

companies. These changes had serious implications for the redistribution of resources and 

budgetary spending. Price increases and an increase in foreign debt put pressure on 

national budgets resulting in cuts in public expenditures - including in health, education 

and family related benefits. The transition process had significant social impacts including 

destabilising the labour market and creating a class of so-called “new poor”. 

The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: 


- EU Candidate Countries - 

By Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D., with Plamenka Markova, Ph.D. and Genoveva Tisheva 

Structural reform, privatisation, attracting foreign direct investments and accession to the 

European Union in 2007 are the main priorities of the Bulgarian government - but the 

government is not taking into consideration the negative effects of globalisation on social 

protection, especially among vulnerable groups (women, young people, pensioners). 

Armed conflicts in the Balkans and financial constraints related to structural adjustment


http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_ror.htm (2 van 2)19-1-2006 13:18:38 

programmes have negatively affected the ability of the previous and the current 

governments of Bulgaria to promote social development through better safety nets. 



- EU Central and Eastern European New Member States - 

By Anita Seibert and Kinga Lohmann, with Jana Javornik 

The CEE countries share a common economic history of being centrally controlled until 

the end of the 1980s - including wages, prices of goods and services, and real estate, 

followed by the subsidisation of a great range of goods and services (and hence those 

goods were relatively affordable). At the beginning of the 1990s, the process of political, 

social and economic transition led to the privatisation of state assets and the integration 

into the global capitalist market. 



- EU Old Member States - 

By Elizabeth Villagómez 

From a women’s rights and a gender equality perspective, and indeed from a social 

protection perspective in general, there is growing evidence that social directives and 

guidelines from the EU are at odds with those ruling economic matters. It is undeniable 

that in some countries the social directives and guidelines have done much to introduce 

and accelerate an increased awareness and needed change with respect to women’s 

economic and social rights and gender equality in general. However, economic policies 

can work directly and indirectly against adequately guaranteeing these rights inasmuch 

as these policies assume gender neutrality when in fact they are gender blind. 

The enlarged European Union and its agenda for a ‘wider Europe’: 

What considerations for gender equality? 

By Mandy Macdonald 

WIDE Report 

Among the shared values the EU wants its new and future members and its neighbours to 

foment are democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. But do these values 

include gender equality? The European Commission’s 2003 Communication ‘Wider Europe 

- Neighbourhood: A new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern 

neighbours’ is silent on the subject. The hearing held by Women in Development Europe 

(WIDE) at the European Parliament on December 2, 2004 explored the potential for 

mainstreaming gender equality in key areas of national policy in the new member states 

and other Eastern European countries, and the extent to which the EU can help in this 

respect. The hearing followed up WIDE’s consultation on gender equality in EU accession 

negotiations held in 2003 in Brussels, and aimed to carry the discussion forward to the 

formulation of recommendations to be taken back to the participants’ national 

governments.

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The Women’s Movement in Russia: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow 

By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D., Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Russia 

1. What does Russian feminism (as the basis for a social movement) look like? 

The women’s movement in contemporary Russia exists as the social, cultural, and political activity of women’s 

groups and organisations, aimed at bringing together the interests of various social strata of women and bringing 

about a change in the system of gender relations. The Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation has officially 

registered over 600 women’s organisations. The women’s movement in Russia is one of the most active parts of 

the Third Section Movement, encompassing approximately 10% of the most active NGOs. 

To understand the originality of the contemporary Russian women’s movement, and to distinguish it from Western 

feminism, it is essential to give at least a brief overview of its historical roots. I shall present only the main theses 

on this issue and shall state a few historical fact and instances. 

Thesis one 

Russian feminism (as a theory) and women’s movement (as practice) were not “imported” to Russia from the 

West; rather than that, they had a deep historical tradition, dating back to the mid-19 th century. This means that 

Russian feminism is over one hundred and fifty years old, rather than fifteen, as argued by some Russian and 

Western specialists. Russia has had two great waves of feminism: 

● the first wave – from the mid-19 th century until 1930 and 

● the second wave – from the late 1980s to the present. 

The first wave of feminism in Russia (mid-19 th century until 1930) 

The beginnings of feminism in Russia are closely connected with the 19 th century liberation and peasants’ rights 

movement. (Serfdom was abolished in Russia in 1861.) It was the struggle for the peasants’ rights that actualised 

the issues of women’s status and rights in the Russian society. 

Western researchers are better informed about the Soviet-period feminism in Russia, associated with the name of 

Alexandra Kollontay, while being insufficiently familiar with the pre-Revolution stage of the first wave of feminism 

in Russia. But nowadays, owing to the efforts of modern Russian feminist historians, the scientific discourse has 

included a multitude of documents and theoretical texts of pre-Revolution (up to 1917) Russian feminists. These 

texts show how strong and efficient the women’s social movement was at the time and that it had a serious 

theoretical basis. 

The massive nature of the Russian women’s movement is illustrated, for instance, by the occurrence of the First 

Pan-Russian Women’s Congress in St. Petersburg in 1908. The Congress was attended by 1000 delegates from all 

over Russia (while the interest was even higher). They represented various types of women’s organisations from 

women’s fractions within political parties to charitable and proletarian organisations. The texts of their speeches 

show that the essential issues and problems discussed at the Congress were women’s social and political status, 

their economic status and the issue of paid work, participation of women in local government, the fate of 

democracy, women in Russia, etc. Obviously, the agenda of the Women’s Congress held a hundred years ago is 

still relevant! 

The maturity of the first wave of Russian feminism as a theory is evidenced by the following facts. For over ten 

years (1904-1917), Russia saw the publication of feminist magazines such as Women’s Gazette and Women’s 

Association containing serious articles (on the problems of women workers, on the participation of women in local 

government, on marriage, abortion, and prostitution), informative ones (on the work of political, provincial, and 

foreign women’s organisations), as well as theoretical articles (such as A. Kalymanovich’s “A Few Words on 

Feminism,” E. Kuskova’s “Women and Equal Rights,” M. Pokrovskaya’s “Prostitution as a Form of Violence against 

Women,” etc.). Even then, the theory of feminism was elaborated in two basic streams: egalitarian feminism and 

the feminism of diversity. The egalitarian stream was more popular and stronger, as the struggle for equal rights 

with men was the most relevant at that moment. However, the positions of the adherents of diversity feminism, 

with their idea of “equality in differences” were represented both in speeches at the Congress and in publication. 

Here is a quotation from a speech entitled “Women’s Self-Awareness as a Factor in the Restoration of the Society” 

presented at the Congress by Olga Sapir: “It is time to stop proving that SHE can be like HE: no! First of all, she 

must be herself and develop her own individual abilities.” 

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Thesis two 

In view of the above, my second thesis is that rights of Soviet women were not granted “from above” as argued 

by some Western and Russian authors. It was an act of realisation of the results of many years of struggling by 

Russian women for their rights. In 1917, women got all these social and political rights for which they had fought 

for over 50 years. Bolsheviks, who took power as a result of the October Revolution in 1917, cleverly used the 

women’s protest movement to win them over by giving them full social and political rights. 

Aleksandra Kollontay played a significant and tragic role in the process through which the traditions and ideas of 

the Russian women’s movement and theoretical first-wave feminism were discontinued, forgotten, and even 

banned in the Soviet era. Before the Revolution, she assured female workers that they have more common social 

interests with male proletarians than with “bourgeois feminists” (Kollontay, 1909). The protest of “proletarian 

women” that she lead against “bourgeois feminism” in Russia in the early 20 th century bears certain resemblance 

to the political protest of African-American feminists against “white feminism of middle-class women” that 

challenged Western feminism in the 1980s. 

In the early 1920’s, Kollontay also strove to abolish and ban all women’s organisations apart from women’s 

sections of proletarian organisations. Established at her initiative after the 1917 revolution, trade unionist and 

territorial Women’s Councils and Women’s Sections were called in to perform the tasks of work (as the country 

was initiating its industrialisation and needing labouring hands) and political mobilisation (as the Bolsheviks were 

reinforcing their power). Still, when Women’s Sections tried to widen the scope of their activities and started to 

gain control over the work of the government bodies and the budget – they were banned. It means that 75 years 

ago our grandmothers made the first steps towards gender budgeting. Unfortunately, they were prevented; 

otherwise, we would have found it much easier to work today. 

Here is an extract from the agenda of the Women’s Section of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party for 

1928/29: 

"Supervise the work of trade unions, co-operatives, Councils for the Improvement of Women Workers’ Lives; 

supervise the work of the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education in improving the lives of peasant 

women, and also how much the federal and local budgets of the country have reflected the measures for the 

improvement of living and working conditions of the “Easterners” (women from Central Asian republics)." 

The document is kept at the RCCHDNI Archives and was published in E. Kostyusheva’s “Women and Feminism” in 

Women’s Issues in the Context of National Culture (Materials of the International Congress at the Nevsky 

Language and Cultural Institute, St. Petersburg, 1998, p. 48). 

The establishment of Stalin’s totalitarian regime lead to the destruction of all forms of civil activities and, in the 

early 1930s, to closure of Women’s Sections. It was announced that the “women’s issue” in the Soviet Union was 

resolved and, accordingly, no women’s organisations were required. 

Over the following 60 years of Soviet rule (from the mid-1930s until the mid-1980s), the women’s movement in 

Russia was practically non-existent. In 1944, for the purpose of propagating the achievements of Soviet women 

abroad, the government formed the Soviet Women’s Committee. It, however, did not encompass solving the 

practical problems of Soviet women. An attempt was made in the late 1970s to publish a dissident women’s 

magazine Maria for which Tatiana Mamonova and her colleagues were exiled from the USSR. In the mid-1980s, 

Gorbachev proposed reinstatement of Women’s Councils, which were controlled by the Party and, in most cases, 

were purely ceremonial in character. The Iron Curtain and Soviet censorship gave practically no opportunity for 

information on the development of feminism in the West to reach the country. 

A new era in Russian feminism (late 1980s to the present) 

The beginning of a new era in Russian feminism is associated with the period of glasnost and perestroika. 

Women’s NGOs as a phenomenon of social life emerged in the late 1980s. 

The activities of new feminist organisations in Russia in the 1990s and their critique regarding the “solution of the 

women’s issue” in the Soviet Union are rather well-known in the West. This information is considerably welldistributed 

owing to the active work of the Moscow Centre for Gender Studies. They introduced to Russia in 1991 

and 1992 the First and Second Independent Women’s Forums in Dubna, and they published in English the book 

Women in Russia: A New Era in Russian Feminism which I co-authored. 

Nearly 600 women’s organisations exist in Russia now but only 5-10% of them declare themselves to be feminist 

organisations. The activities of all other women’s organisations are connected with the following (by rate of 

occurrence): 

● human rights, women’s social security, reproductive rights, committees of soldiers’ mothers, etc.; 

● educational and training organisations for women and related programmes, including university centres and 

programmes of Women’s and Gender Studies in the universities; 

● information work (production, storage, and dissemination of information; women’s archives and libraries; 

information centres and programmes, including the women’s portal http://www.owl.ru); 


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● work with the public and services for women (emergency centres for women, legal and psychological 

consulting, public reception offices, etc.); 

● family assistance (organisations of single mothers and mothers with many children, mothers of disabled 

children, work with minors, charity work for poor and other children); 

● women’s entrepreneurship (associations, clubs, and programmes); 

● feminism, research, resource, and training centres; 

● political activities (parties, women voters’ clubs, organisation and active participation at rallies, actions, and 

picketing); and 

● women’s creative organisations and associations, and women’s SMIs (mass media). 

There are several women’s organisations in Russia that either form a wide regional network or are networks 

themselves. They usually work in several directions. For example, the Information Centre of the Independent 

Women’s Forum connects about 100 organisations; the Consortium of women’s NGOs (1998) connects 85 

organisations; the Union of Women of Russia (former Soviet Women’s Committee) registered in 1991 formally 

comprises 94 regional departments; and the Women’s Movement of Russia (1996) has 59 regional departments. 

The peak of activity of the second wave of feminism in Russia can be placed in the mid-1990s. In this period 

(1993-95), the Duma (the Federal Parliament of Russia) included a faction of the “Women of Russia” advocating 

the interests of women in the country’s highest legislative body. Moreover, 1995 was the time of preparation and 

occurrence of the 4 th World Women’s Conference and NGO Forum in Beijing. At the Beijing Forum, Russia was 

represented by more than 270 women (delegates and women from NGOs). In comparison, in Nairobi in 1985, the 

Soviet Union sent only 10 people, mainly men from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 

Enriched by the experience of active participation in the women’s movement in the late 1990’s, Russian 

researchers started their active involvement in empirical research, as well as in introducing feminism into 

university curricula. The Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, together with regional universities of the Russian 

Summer School on Gender Studies in 1996-98, contributed greatly to unification and consolidation of Russian 

feminist-oriented research. I was the Director of the first three summer schools (Valday-96, Volgga-97, and Azov- 

98). This initiative was accepted then by universities; and, since 2000, such schools have been operating regularly 

in various regions of Russia. 

The end of the 1990s in Russia can be regarded as the institutional phase of gender relations studies as a 

scientific and educational stream. Not only at certain Russian universities, this was the time when the research of 

gender relations was introduced as a compulsory university standard for experts in social work and sociology. 

The results of the development of Russian research of gender relations became more obvious at the beginning of 

the 21 st century. There was a real boom in publications on gender relations; dissertations on this topic are being 

presented all over the country; and hundreds of qualified university instructors have been educated. At Russian 

universities, hundreds of students write their graduation papers on and thousands of students attend courses in 

the history and theory of feminism. This is all contributing to the process of establishing knowledge in this field 

and wide dissemination of feminist ideas in Russia. 

2. How and why is Russian feminism different from Western feminism? 

The first thing to mention is that feminism is theory and practice that has emerged and developed as a response 

to women’s social demands. Thus, if real problems faced by women of the East and West, white and non-white, 

rich and poor, from various countries and cultures are not the same, then their “feminisms” are different as well. 

According to Russian feminists Anna Temkina and Elena Zdravomyslova, these differences are ontological, 

political, and gnoseological. 

In ontological terms (as the experience of the relationship between masculinity and femininity), the Russian 

system of gender relations is essentially different from the Western one. The experience, practices, and 

deprivation of the Soviet “working mother” differ significantly from the situation of an economically dependent 

American “housewife,” and this is why the issues of oppression, conceived in the West through the prism of 

“patriarchate,” are not quite apparent in Russia. 

Among the political factors determining the different character of Russian feminism, one must first highlight the 

change of the political system as a whole and the occurrence of public discourse in the real sense of the word, as 

the possibility of dealing with a problem whose solution is the interest of the civil society rather than of the 

government. The second factor is the emergence of the women’s movement. Originally, the Russian women’s 

movement was diversified into two streams – the post-Soviet women’s movement (Women’s Councils) – and the 

feminist faction. In accordance with those, two streams of research and education developed as well – feminology 

(vaguely similar to Women’s Studies) and more radical gender studies of feminists. It must be pointed out that 

now such a clear-cut distinction no longer exists, neither in the Russian women's movement nor within the groups 

of researchers and university lecturers. 

The gnoseological factors also affected the specific character of the formation of feminism in Russia because all 

other scientific approaches and theories were banned and tabooed during the era of dogmatic Marxism. Analysing 

barriers to spreading feminist philosophy in Russia, researchers argue that the Soviet scientific discourse saw the 

discontinuation of the theoretical tradition that had formed a basis for feminist critique and that was characteristic 

of feminist gnoseology and the Western women’s movement. 


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In connection with the significant differences in the contemporary socio-economic situations of Russia and of 

Western countries, Russian feminism and women’s movement are naturally targeted toward solving their own or 

others’ social tasks and cannot imitate the traditional Western institutions and patterns of social relationships. As 

the philosopher Irina Zherebkina believes, not only Russia but also the entire East European region was definitely, 

in this context and in the eyes of Western analysts, the cultural “other,” unharmonised with Western-type 

democracy. This exotic “other” was hardly comprehensible to Western feminists. This is why, for example, they 

could not hear what East European women wanted to tell them at the NGO Forum in Beijing in 1995 about ethnic 

wars, the lack of basic human rights, unemployment among women, the rise in violence, control of women’s 

bodies and reproductive ability, sexism, and the emergence of new forms of social inequality. However, in the 

documents of the Beijing conference, the transition of former Communist countries to democracy was termed a 

“completed” and “relatively peaceful” process. The reality of women of the East European region was 

characterised by the West with terms of categorical imperative: the ideology of democracy must transform your 

lives for the best; if you claim the opposite, then it is your personal feeling that nobody is interested in 

(Zherebkina, p. 11). 

But as the Russian proverb goes, “there is no bad without good.” The disregard shown by the international 

women’s movement for the problems of women in countries with transitioning economies, on the one hand, and 

real development of Russian gender studies, on the other, have given impulse to the active study of feminist 

heritage in Russia, not only that of Western origin but of genuinely Russian origin as well. In various towns and at 

universities, the 1990s saw the beginning of active study of the historical heritage of the first-wave Russian 

feminism. 

Russian feminism of the first wave is currently actively studied and taught at universities, first of all by Svetlana 

Aivazova and Natalia Pushkareva (the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow), Irina Yukina (Nevsky Institute in 

St. Petersburg), Valentina Uspenskaya (the University of Tversk), Olga Hazbulatova and Olga Shnirova (Ivanovsky 

Institute), etc. Owing to their publications and lectures on these subjects, modern researchers and activists of the 

women’s movement, as well as students, have not only found a lot of new information on the history of feminism 

in Russia, but also have gotten an opportunity to read texts by Russian feminists of the first wave. 

3. What barriers in Russian society and politics have prevented feminism from developing as a 

movement? 

The barriers in the Russian society and politics that have prevented feminism from developing as a movement are 

similar to those in other countries – gender stereotypes; sexism; and the absence among women of the material, 

governmental, and institutional resources necessary to build a more humane, gender symmetrical, and just 

society; however, additional barriers exist in Russia. Concentrated ideological pressure through SMIs (mass 

media), religion, and literature pertaining to the propagation of the traditional wife-and-mother role for women, 

does not allow Russian women to realise the true status of work and the importance of their own roles in the 

contemporary society. The process of democratisation and market “quasi-reforms” in Russia and other East 

European countries is a men’s project. It has targeted appropriating former state property rather than improving 

the quality of life. 

The dramatic situation of Russian women is reflected in the fact that now they are forced to protect the rights and 

guarantees that they already had under the Communist regime but that were lost for them in the process of 

liberalising state policy: the rights to free medical services and free education, financial assistance for mothers 

and cheap kindergartens, reproductive rights (e.g., free abortion), and the right to work. Even more today, the 

Russian women’s movement has been forced to fight for what already had been acquired ten years ago. For 

instance, the national mechanism of gender equality was formed before the Beijing Conference, in the form of: 

1. The Committee for the Issues of Women’s Rights in the Russian Federation, headed by the Deputy Prime 

Minister, whose decisions were mandatory and executive (dissolved by Decree no. 215 of the Government of the 

Russian Federation, dated 16 April, 2004); 

2. The Committee for the Issues of Family, Women, and Demography, within the Ministry of Labour and Social 

Development of the Russian Federation (but the Ministry of Labour has not existed since 2004 so there is no 

Committee either); and 

3. The Committee for the Issues of Family, Women, and Demography, working with the President of the 

country since 1994 (which disappeared in 2000 with the election of President Putin). 

This endless “Sisyphean task” of continued endeavour to achieve what already had been achieved and then was 

wasted is by all means a clearly visible feature of the modern Russian women’s movement. 

Barriers preventing the development of the women’s movement in Russia can be divided, conditionally, into three 

types. These are barriers of society, of state policies, and of women themselves, as outlined below. 

1. The most significant barriers at the level of society are: 

● the traditionalism of Russian society and the wide incidence of sexism and gender stereotypes in it; 


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● underdeveloped civil society; and 

● sharp social segmentation of the Russian society and differentiation of social groups. 

2. Barriers created by state policy include: 

● abolishing the national mechanism of gender equality in early 2000 (i.e., formal governmental and 

executive structures for protecting women’s interests and promoting their status in the Russian society); 

● neglecting the interests of male and female populations in forming basic social policies (e.g., priorities in 

solving the social problems of military and law enforcement personnel) – actions which place many 

women’s social problems outside the focus of attention of state structures; 

● weakening state control in the implementation of legislation, forcing the women’s movement to fight for the 

implementation of laws securing women’s rights because Russian legislation is harmonised with 

international standards of gender relations but de facto they are not implemented; 

● failing of masculinised governmental structures to implement anti-discrimination laws (e.g., in the late 

1990s the Duma (90% men) voted against legislation to prevent domestic violence; for the past five years, 

the Duma has failed to pass the law on “state guarantees of equal rights, and freedoms and equal 

opportunities for men and women in the Russian Federation”); 

● lacking coherent state policy on women’s relations (i.e., the demographic policy is the only relevant one 

clearly articulated and institutionalised at the state level but its existent form implies control of women’s 

reproductive function and sexuality); and 

● initiating only “decorative” and declarative state-level activities (i.e., announcing the significance and 

importance of women’s issues for state policy, while the Government and the Duma are doing nothing even 

in cases of open and intolerable breeches of women’s rights, like discrimination at work and domestic 

violence). 

3. Barriers at the level of women themselves and within the women’s movement: 

● the Russian women’s movement should not be called massive because its major segment encompasses 

educated, politically-active, middle-class women (e.g., academic researchers, professors, and students 

from university circles), while mass surveys show that almost one-half of women are unaware of the 

existence and work of women’s organisations; 

● there is a lack of models, programmes, and concepts of development of the women’s movement in 

perspective; and 

● many representatives of the women’s movement lack clarification or acceptance of the basic theses of 

feminist theory, which frequently gives rise to conclusions about “bad” feminism and “good” gender 

relations. 

In comparison with the mid-1990s, nowadays Russia is obviously experiencing a decline in the women’s 

movement. In view of this, I would argue that the situation in the Russian women’s movement needs to be 

considered not only as something separate, but also in the context of overall processes occurring today in the 

global women’s movement. 

As Seyla Benhabib wrote 10 years ago, “We do not know, in fact, what this general feminist ‘we’ means, but it is 

sure that today we should not feel a nostalgia for expired integrity in the women’s movement, because it is the 

healthy pluralism of viewpoints and practical strategies that expresses the various aspects of the modern women’s 

movement” (Seyla Benhabib, ‘From Identity Politics to Social Feminism’, p.29. In: David Trend, ed., Radical 

Democracy: Identity, Citizenship and the State. NY: Routledge, 1996). 

4. Are there any strategies that would help a feminist movement to develop? 

Despite the above mentioned problems and barriers, in the past 15 years, the Russian feminism of the second 

wave has accomplished a lot! The main achievement is that basic ideas and notions of feminist and gender 

theories have become part and parcel of the life of modern Russian society. They have transformed considerably 

public discourse and public awareness of the population and decision makers. Such notions as gender, 

reproductive rights, and sexual harassment have been brought into scientific usage and have become known not 

only to specialists. In discussions about the status of Russian women, the discourse about women’s “rights” is 

used actively now alongside the discourse about women’s “problems.” The taboo has been lifted on public 

discussion of such topics as discrimination of women in the sphere of politics, labour, and family violence. Now 

many Russians and decision makers understand that these are not personal problems of separate women but are 

social and political problems of the society. 

Thousands of militia and local administrative officers, judges, and journalists have had training in Russia and 

abroad in the issues of prevention of violence against women. Gender expertise of legislation at all levels, 

programs of political parties, statistics, media, textbooks, and now also budgets, have become practiced widely in 

Russia. Methods and results of gender expertise are published in books, web sites of women’s organizations, and 

a women’s portal (http://www.owl.ru). These are available to everyone. 

The process of reproduction of gender knowledge and specialists is making good progress through development 

and implementation of university programs on women’s and gender studies, as well as through publication of 

books and articles plus defence of dissertations and students’ diplomas on gender issues. We witness a real boom 

of publications on gender issues. In the directory Gender Studies in Russia and NIS: Who is Who, prepared by me 


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in 2000, there were about 2000 titles of books and articles, but by now the number of publications on gender 

issues has tripled. 

The women’s movement is making a substantial contribution to development of the civil society in Russia when 

the Government is pursuing the policy of monetization of children’s and pensioners’ privileges. Women’s 

organizations have established public consulting offices that provide free consultations with lawyers and 

psychologists. These services are used widely by women in regions. They express a high opinion of the work of 

women’s organizations (Saratov, Smolensk, Syktyvkar, Murmansk, etc.). A network of crisis centres and hot lines 

for women has been established across the country and is successfully operating now. 

A professional expert community of highly skilled specialists has been created in the field of gender studies, whose 

reputation is recognized both in Russia and abroad in international organizations. For example, my colleagues 

from Moscow Center of Gender Studies, Olga Voronina, Marina Malysheva, Elena Ballayeva, and Marina 

Baskskova, are experts of UNDP, ILO, UNIFEM, World Bank, and other international organizations. I, myself, am 

an expert of UNDP and a consultant to ILO in gender and related areas. 

Regional women’s movements are successfully preparing and promoting women to oblast, city, and municipal 

legislative bodies. For example, in such regions as Yekaterinburg, Murmansk, and Snezhinsk, 30-40% of local 

authorities are women. Over ten years, Russian women’s information networks have been working successfully to 

disseminate information about the women’s movement in Russia and worldwide, about workshops and 

conferences, as well as about new publications, calls for grant proposals, and experiences and achievements of 

organizations and women in Russian regions. 

During all 15 years, the Russian women’s movement of the second wave has been working in hard conditions, 

when the advanced ideas of gender equality were moved forward despite the traditionalist policy and ideology 

imposed on women and society. Therefore, we are deeply grateful to the international women’s community for the 

great moral and material support rendered to us. Financial support from the West made it possible to carry over 

60% of our projects and programs conducted by the Russian women’s movement in these years. 

At present the activity centres of the women’s movement are moving more and more from the centre to regions 

and from large-scale mass events and actions to intricate everyday work at the local level. While in Moscow the 

low-skill government is pursuing anti-popular and anti-gender policy (for example, monetization of privileges, 

liquidation of the National mechanism on women’s affairs), at the local level women are making efforts to ensure 

successful and fruitful work to solve many social and political problems of women, including by promoting women 

to power. For example, in Syktyvkar there is a Women’s Chamber successfully working, and in Yekaterinburg and 

Veliky Novgorod are Women’s Parliaments; and no serious political and economic decision can be taken without 

their participation. 

Regretfully, these local women’s activities have not been investigated and conceptualized by Russian feminist 

science. This is partly due to domination of the liberal-democratic egalitarian orientation of the Russian feminist 

discourse; it is more sensitive to examining drawbacks and to being critically minded, but is not quite fit for 

analyzing and summarizing the policies of “small actions” and positive practices. Yet, the results of the local 

activities are mostly appreciable and effective at the level of women’s everyday lives. 

This strategy of “small actions” of women and women’s organizations that show themselves in everyday practices, 

rather than in large-scale events, was called “constructive feminism” by a researcher from Syktyvkar, Svetlana 

Yaroshenko. The main work on changing the society and women’s consciences has been started by the women’s 

movement, and no “barriers” can stop it. Therefore, today we have not to “struggle” but to act and create 

constructive feminism – every day, everyone in her own place – and we shall change the world for the better! 

Translation from Russian: Women’s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro 

REFERENCES: 

Alexandra Kollontay, The Social Basis of the Women’s Questions, 1909. See at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/ 

kollonta/works/1909/social-basis.htm 

E. Kostyusheva, ‘Women and Feminism’, in Women’s Issues in the Context of National Culture,Materials of the 

International Congress at the Nevsky Language and Cultural Institute, St. Petersburg, 1998, p.48 

Seyla Benhabib, ‘From Identity Politics to Social Feminism’, p.29. In: David Trend, ed., Radical Democracy: 

Identity, Citizenship and the State. NY: Routledge, 1996 


Doc 




Marijana Pajvancic, Ph.D, Law School, University of Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro 

1. The Constitutional Process in Serbia: Contents and the Progress of Constitutional Debate 

The constitutional issue in the Republic of Serbia has been open for a long time now. The debate on the 

constitutional issue was initiated among experts as early as the moment of adopting the Constitution, and debate 

has continued. The constitutional debate has been conducted in stages, focusing on various constitutional issues. 

Constitutional guarantees of gender equality did not come into the focus of attention of the expert and political 

community until late 2004. Some other constitutional contents had been the object of interest until then. 

The search for new constitutional solutions began after a phase of critical consideration of the 1990 Constitution, 

which brought about a lot of criticism concerning this constitution. The first incentive to the discussion on new 

constitutional solutions for Yugoslavia was a project by a group of authors, Proposal for a New Association of the 

Republics of Former Yugoslavia. [1] 

The initial debate was conducted on the most important open constitutional questions and constitutional 

principles, which are the foundation of the basic constitutional consensus. This is further evidenced by the studies 

on individual constitutional issues [2] and constitutional projects published between 1995 and 2000: A Draft 

Constitution of Serbia; [3] The Constitution of the Regional State of United Serbian States, [4] Constitutional 

Principles for a Democratic Serbia. [5] After the year 2000, this theoretical debate was substituted by a debate on 

specific constitutional issues, [6] and more specific definition of the contents of constitutional principles and the 

most important constitutional institutions. [7] The experts’ attention was focused on two groups of issues: the 

concept of the new constitution and vertical power sharing. 

Interest in constitutional issues grew in 2003, with the commencement of work on the new Constitution of Serbia. 

The discussion was focused on four constitutional projects that were the objects of particular attention: 

Constitutional Solutions for Serbia and Yugoslavia, [8] Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia, [9] A Model of 

the Constitution of Serbia, [10] and The Basic Principles for a New Constitution of Serbia. [11] Four groups of 

questions were differentiated during the debate: [12] the basic principles and definition of the state, human rights, 

organisation of government, and territorial organisation. 

The third phase began in 2003. It was marked by the commencement of work on the preparation of the new 

Constitution of Serbia at the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. During the work on changing the 

Constitution, the Democratic Party of Serbia specified their views, previously stated in The Basic Principles for the 

New Constitution of Serbia, in a document Draft Constitution of Serbia (2003). A different party, Democratic Party 

submitted another Draft Constitution (2003), while some political parties supported the fundamental ideas stated 

in the projects elaborated by expert groups. [13] . The first attempt at adopting the new Constitution of Serbia 

resulted in a failure. The work of the Constitutional Committee [14] was discontinued by the dissolution of the 

National Assembly of Serbia in late 2004. 

When work on the preparation of the Constitution was recommenced in Serbia, the attention was focused on eight 

constitutional projects. [15] Three of the eight projects were prepared by political parties, [16] two were the work 

of expert groups gathered by NGOs, [17] one was the original work of a professor of constitutional law, [18] and 

the most recent proposals were submitted by the Government of Serbia and the expert group formed by the 

President of the Republic. [19] Gender aspects of these eight alternatives are discussed in section two of this 

paper. 

A brief overview of the constitutional debate so far points to the conclusion that no serious attention has been 

paid to considering the ways in which general constitutional guarantees of gender equality are to be provided in 

the future Constitution of Serbia. We find this issue important because it refers to the constitutional status and 

human rights of the citizens of Serbia, so it will be the object of our particular attention. 

A democratic constitution is legitimised by consensus, not only of political actors of the constitutional process, but 

also of the widest circle of citizens on the most important issues comprising the basis of the community in which 

they live. The constitutional process and the adoption process of a constitution should make it possible to reach a 

consensus on the fundamental issues of a political community’s structure and of the position of citizens in it. 

Serbia needs a new constitution that would constitutionalise the framework of democratic transition and, within 

this framework, would set the rules providing and specifying the constitutional principle of gender equality. 

Adopting a constitution means defining the new identities and the institutional framework of future new communal 

life. This applies not only to all individual citizens, but for the political association as well. A constitution is not only 

a fundamental but also a founding act - legislation which legally formalises decisions enabling the existence of 



citizens and of the state in a manner of constitutional democracy. The status of individuals and the nature of the 

political association will depend on which principles and criteria the constitution makers choose in approaching 

these and the related questions. 

For the new Constitution of Serbia to meet all these requirements, the constitutional process must equally include 

men and women. As early as the time of the French Revolution and the preparation of the Declaration of the 

Liberties and Rights of Man, Olympia de Gouge (1775-1793) warned in the Declaration of the Rights of Women 

and Citizens that female citizens had the right to participate actively in creating and adopting a constitution: “The 

Constitution is null and void if the majority of citizens comprising the Nation did not participate in adopting it.” Led 

by this principle, we state our willingness to participate in the constitutional debate and the process of preparing 

the new Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. 

2.Constitutional Solutions of Gender Equality in the Projects of the New Constitution of Serbia 

In this section, we point to the fundamental solutions and the manner of setting up gender equality in the eight 

constitutional projects that were the focus of special attention from the expert and political communities. These 

can be used as sources for new constitutional solutions. 

A Proposal for the New Constitution of Serbia by Belgrade Centre for Human Rights starts from the 

international standards of human rights. Guarantees relevant to gender equality include: equality before the law; 

the right to equal legal protection without discrimination; [20] prohibition of direct and indirect gender 

discrimination; the right to marriage with free consent of future spouses; equality of spouses entering, during, 

and ending marriage; protection of the family, mother and child; the right to the lawful state pregnancy and postnatal 

benefits; health care for children, pregnant women, and senior citizens, if not provided on other grounds; 

and affirmative action as required to achieve equality, special care, and advancement for people in inequitable 

positions so they can enjoy human rights fully under equal conditions. 

Although the authors of the project are trying to use gender sensitive vocabulary, they do not do it in full. [21] The 

policy of equal opportunities is not established as a right and an obligation of the state. Reasons for prohibiting 

the work of a political party do not include gender-based discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred 

and discrimination. Parental rights are not provided as equal rights and obligations of father and mother. Special 

rights after childbirth (maternity leave) are guaranteed only to mothers, not to fathers. The right of decision 

regarding procreation is not specifically guaranteed. 

A Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia by P. Nikoli•, Ph.D. guarantees equality of all before the law 

including citizens in terms of gender; availability of all jobs and positions under equal conditions; the right to fair 

wages and equal remuneration for work of equal value without difference; special job safety and special working 

conditions for women, youths and invalids; mandatory social security for all employees and members of their 

families; the right to health care from public revenue for children, women, and senior citizens not receiving those 

benefits on other grounds; special care for families, mothers, children, and minors without parents; marriage with 

free consent of the future spouses; equality of the spouses in marriage; free decision of the spouses regarding 

procreation; parents’ rights and obligations to support, raise, and educate their children. 

The project uses gender sensitive vocabulary [22] inconsistently. Measures of affirmative action are not provided 

separately. There are no specific provisions regarding indirect or direct discrimination. The policy of equal 

opportunities is not established as a constitutional right and obligation of the state. Reasons for prohibiting the 

work of a political party do not include gender based discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and 

discrimination. The right to decide regarding procreation is guaranteed only to married spouses, not those in 

common law marriage. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not guaranteed specifically. 

A Project of the Constitution of Republic of Serbia by Forum Iuris guarantees human rights originating from 

international standards. In accordance with the principle of social solidarity, it stipulates that it is the obligation of 

the state to actively undertake measures of economic and social aid to citizens and social groups who are in 

underprivileged position for various reasons. Such measures must be aimed at removing economic an social 

barriers to achieving equality of rights; equality before the law; equality in the protection of freedoms and rights; 

equality of parents in parental rights and responsibilities; the right to marriage; equality of men and women 

entering, during, and ending marriage; marriage based on free consent of future spouses; citizens’ rights to enter 

public service under equal conditions and to perform political functions; the right to equal opportunities and equal 

treatment in choosing employment; employment without gender-based discrimination; special rights for women, 

youth, and the handicapped; the right to equal remuneration for work of equal value without any difference; the 

right to personal dignity at work; right of employed women to the protection of maternity; the right to equal 

opportunities and equal treatment of employment versus family responsibilities; obligations of the state and 

employees to take legal measures in terms of labour rights; availability of all forms of education under equal 

terms; the right to shelter from gender-based persecution; and obligatory state-provided health care for children, 

pregnant women, and the elderly, if they are not receiving those benefits on other grounds. 

The authors of this proposal use gender-sensitive terminology. [23] The proposal does not explicitly stipulate 

prohibition against direct and indirect discrimination and does not explicitly provide the possibility of undertaking 

affirmative action measures. The policy of equal opportunities is not established as a general obligation of the 

state, except in the case of the principle of social solidarity. Reasons for prohibiting the work of a political party do 

not include gender based discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and discrimination. The right of 



decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically 

guaranteed. 

A Draft Constitution of Serbia submitted by the Democratic Party also starts from the international human 

rights standards. It prohibits gender based discrimination; restrictions on human rights under the pretence that 

they are not constitutionally guaranteed; and forced labour, explicitly defining whether sexual or economic 

exploitation of disadvantaged persons is considered forced labour. It guarantees the rights of equal legal 

protection without discrimination; shelter from gender-based persecution; men and women of the age of consent 

to marry and to have a family; the pregnancy and post-natal support and care for mothers during the lawful 

period; special protection of the family, mother, and child; and parents and guardians to educate their children 

according to their religious and moral beliefs. It stipulates equality before the law; the possibility of introducing 

affirmative action measures; equality of spouses entering, during, and ending marriage; and special health care 

for children, pregnant women and senior citizens, if not received on other grounds. 

The authors of the proposal have striven to secure gender sensitive vocabulary [24] but this rule is not followed 

consistently throughout the text. Some important rights are not provided, for example, the rights to decide 

regarding procreation, to maternity or paternity leave, to equality of the mother and the father in parental 

responsibilities, to special workplace safety for pregnant women and mothers, and to equal remuneration for work 

of equal value. Special care and support are guaranteed only to mothers during pregnancy and post-natal periods, 

while the right to this support and protection after childbirth is not guaranteed to the father. Reasons for 

prohibiting the work of an association include only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and not gender based 

discrimination. It does not stipulate equal opportunities policy as an obligation of the state. 

A Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia prepared by the Democratic Party of Serbia guarantees human 

rights starting from international standards in this field. The proposal specifically guarantees the rights to equal 

legal protection without discrimination; marriage; parents and guardians to develop their children according to 

their religious and moral beliefs; support and protection of mothers in pregnancy and the post-natal period; and 

health care from public revenue for children, pregnant women and the elderly not receiving those benefits on 

other grounds. It prohibits direct and indirect gender based discrimination and forced labour, explicitly defining 

sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged people as forced labour. It guarantees equality before the 

Constitution and the law and equality of spouses entering, during, and ending marriage. It guarantees equality of 

parents in their rights and responsibilities to support, raise, and educate their children and the possibility of 

revoking or limiting the rights of one or both parents in the child’s interest, by court decision and in accordance 

with the law. The proposal stipulates affirmative action measures to achieve full and effective equality of persons 

or groups in really unequal positions to other citizens; special workplace safety and special working conditions for 

women, youths and invalids; marriage based on free consent of men and women; stimulation and help by the 

Republic of Serbia to parents in deciding on procreation; and special protection of the family, mother, and child 

guaranteed by the Republic of Serbia. 

This proposal does not follow the standard demanding that the vocabulary of legislation be gender sensitive. [25] 

The proposed Constitution does not include the obligation of the state to implement an equal opportunities policy. 

Special protection and support is guaranteed during pregnancy and the post-natal period only to the mother, 

while the right to this support and protection is not guaranteed to the father. The right to maternity/paternity 

leave is not specifically guaranteed. There is no guarantee of social security and protection for pregnant women 

and mothers. Reasons for prohibiting the work of an association include only racial, ethnic and religious hatred – 

not gender-based discrimination. There is no explicit prohibition against expressing gender-based intolerance. The 

right of asylum is not specifically guaranteed. 

The Constitution of Serbia proposed by the Liberals of Serbia also starts from international human rights 

standards and specifically stipulates the rights to equal legal protection without discrimination; to the lawful state 

support and protection for mothers during pregnancy and post-natal periods; and for parents and guardians to 

educate their children according to their religious and moral beliefs. It prohibits gender based discrimination and 

forced labour, considering sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged persons to be forced labour. It 

stipulates equality before the law; special protection of the family, mother, and child provided by the society and 

the state; and special healthcare for children, pregnant women, and senior citizens not receiving those benefits on 

other grounds. It guarantees the possibility of taking measures of affirmative action. 

This proposal does not respect the standard demanding that the vocabulary of legislation should not be 

discriminatory. [26] It does not explicitly stipulate the forms of discrimination (indirect and direct). The proposed 

Constitution does not include the obligation of the state to implement an equal opportunities policy. Special care 

and support is guaranteed during pregnancy and post-natal periods only to mothers, while these rights are not 

guaranteed to fathers. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically guaranteed, nor are social security 

and protection for pregnant women and mothers. Reasons for prohibiting the work of an association include only 

racial, ethnic, and religious hatred – not gender-based discrimination. There is no explicit prohibition against 

expressing gender-based intolerance. The freedom of decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed. 

Two draft constitutions will be the subjects of our special attention. They are the Draft Constitution of the Republic 

of Serbia prepared by the Government of Serbia, and a proposal by an expert group gathered by the President of 

the Republic. The reason for this is that these proposals came from persons who are entitled, under the current 

Constitution of Serbia, to submit proposals for adopting a new constitution. 



The Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia prepared by the Constitutional Committee of the 

Government of Serbia contains both general provisions on gender equality and several special guarantees 

regarding gender equality. General provisions that should be mentioned include direct application of international 

law and constitution in the national law (Article 17), and explicit constitutional prohibition against direct and 

indirect discrimination (Article 19). These provisions enable direct application of all universal and regional 

conventions and standards, both general and specific to gender equality. In addition, the draft constitution 

includes the prohibition against discrimination, among others, on the ground of gender; and, in accordance with 

international standards, specifically emphasises direct and indirect discrimination as the fundamental modalities of 

discrimination (Article 19). Positive discrimination (Article 20), which includes regulations, measures, and 

activities, is a new concept of the constitutional system, contributing to the elimination of discrimination. 

Among particular provisions specifically concerned with gender equality, we point would point out: prohibition 

against trafficking of human beings (Article 25); prohibition against sexual exploitation, which, by explicit 

constitutional provision, is considered as forced labour and subject to prohibition as such (Article 25); equality of 

husband and wife (Article 60); guaranteed freedom of decision regarding procreation; parental rights (Article 63); 

constitutional guarantees of special care for the family, mother, and child (Article 64); and special health care for 

pregnant women (Article 66). The proposal, however, does not use gender sensitive vocabulary, nor does it oblige 

the state to implement equal opportunities policies, which are international standards in this area. There is no 

explicit guarantee of the free consent of spouses before entering marriage or of protection of single parents. A 

general provision enabling positive discrimination is not specifically stipulated by the draft constitution, nor is that 

content specified in relevant chapters. 

A Proposal for a New Constitution of Serbia by an expert group [27] formed by the President of the Republic 

also contains general guarantees and specific rights regarding gender equality. This proposal is characterised by 

the use of gender sensitive vocabulary in accordance with international conventions (CEDAW). Among the general 

provisions, the fundamental principles of the proposed constitution guarantee equality of men and women (Article 

15) and oblige the state to implement an equal opportunities policy (Article 15). The general provisions in the 

chapter on human rights guarantee the direct application of international law as well as direct application of 

constitutional provisions on human rights (Articles 23 and 24). Those general provisions also prohibit 

discrimination (Article 25) and list direct and indirect discrimination as forms of discrimination, while measures of 

positive discrimination are provided as instruments to eliminate discrimination (Article 25). In addition, among the 

general provisions on human rights, this proposal includes provisions which indirectly protect constitutional rights 

from possible restriction or elimination that may occur by the interpretation of constitutional guarantees which 

would “imply the right of the state, group or individuals to take action aimed at abolishing a constitutionally 

guaranteed right or imposing restrictions greater than those permitted by the Constitution” (Article 26), and 

explicitly prohibits placing restrictions on human rights under the pretence of their not being guaranteed by the 

Constitution (Article 28). 

The proposal also contains several special guarantees specifically concerned with gender equality including 

prohibition against sexual exploitation, which is considered as forced labour (Article 34). Matters of gender 

equality in family relations include guarantees of free consent of the spouses when entering into marriage (Article 

49), equality of spouses in marital relations (Article 49), special protection of mothers and single parents (Article 

63), and equality of parents in parental responsibilities (Article 63). In the political area, guarantees concerning 

gender equality are explicitly guaranteed measures of positive discrimination in the elections, both parliamentary 

and local (Article 57) and the guarantee to at least one seat as the Vice President of the National Assembly for the 

underrepresented gender (Article 97). 

This overview of constitutional solutions specifically concerned with the general constitutional principle of gender 

equality points to ten general conclusions: 

1. Although there is a noticeable attempt to use gender sensitive vocabulary in the highest legal act of the 

state, it is done with only partial success. Only two of the projects pay attention to this aspect using both genders 

of the noun “citizen” in the preamble, while only one uses this vocabulary consistently. 

2. Most of the proposals guarantee equality of men and women, either by positive norm or by prohibiting 

gender based discrimination. There are specific guarantees of equality before the law as well equality in the right 

to the protection of freedoms and rights. Some of the projects lack the definitions of forms of discrimination 

(indirect or direct). It is noticeable that causing gender-based intolerance or hatred is not prohibited, nor is 

gender-based discrimination listed as a reason for prohibiting the work of a political party or citizens’ organisation. 

In both cases the prohibition only applies to racial, religious, and ethnic intolerance. 

3. All projects, except one, lack the provision on the obligation of the state to implement an equal 

opportunities policy. 

4. Measures of affirmative action are provided as a possibility in most of the projects, and the discontinuation 

of these measures is connected to achieving the goal of these affirmative action measures. 

5. The freedom of decision regarding procreation is guaranteed by most of the projects, but it is noticeable 

that its contents are determined differently. In some projects, it is guaranteed by a general provision. In others, 

the decision regarding procreation is the parents’ right. 



6. Most of the rights guaranteed by project proposals concern the special care for women in their reproductive 

roles (mothers and pregnant women in pre- and post-natal periods). Still, none of the projects specifies, for 

instance, the right to paid maternity (or paternity) leave for the employed. Also lacking is the guaranteed right to 

social security for parents (men or women), especially single parents having children up to a certain age. Despite 

the obvious attempt in some projects, they are not fully successful in emphasising the rights and responsibilities 

of both parents in relation to their children. For instance, the rights to health care and special post-natal care are 

guaranteed only to mothers, not to fathers. Only one of the projects explicitly stipulates the funding source for 

this form of health care (public revenue), which is especially significant for the possibility of effective 

implementation of the right. There is no guarantee whatsoever of rights of single parents. Some rights are 

guaranteed by the general norm that requires further specification in order to be implemented effectively (e.g., 

the provision under which families, mothers and children enjoy the special care of the society and the state). 

7. It is obvious that the authors are trying to provide special forms of protection for employed women. 

Although in this respect there could be some more decisive guarantees, these are definitely the most completely 

regulated guarantees, now formulated in the form of blanket provisions (e.g., rights could be formulated as the 

employer’s responsibility). It is significant that only a few proposals contain an explicit provision regarding the 

right to equal remuneration for work of equal value. Only one of the projects explicitly guarantees the right to 

equal opportunities and equal treatment in the choice of profession and employment without gender-based 

discrimination. 

8. The right to education is guaranteed in all projects as a general right enjoyed by every person. Yet, there 

are certain differences regarding education levels (e.g., whether it includes only primary education or all 

educational levels). Wording should be unambiguous, and the right should be guaranteed for all levels of 

education, as equal availability to all levels of education. 

9. Equality of future spouses when entering marriage, freedom of decision of future spouses about entering 

marriage, and their equality during the marriage and at its dissolution are guaranteed by all projects. 

10. In some projects, sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged persons is considered to be forced labour 

prohibited by the Constitution. These are definitely solutions to be supported, and they should find their place in 

the future Constitution of Serbia. 

All of the above speak in favour of the need to approach the constitutional matters regulating the equality of men 

and women in a responsible and careful manner. This is because the Constitution remains the fundamental 

framework defining the contents of the constitutional principle of equality and the source of accompanying 

regulations, notably laws regulating this matter more specifically. Therefore, it is important to have a Constitution 

with a firm and clear guarantee of equality of women and men and with a reliable guide for legislative activity. 

3. Gender Equality and The Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms 

The legal reference framework for the constitutional arrangement of gender equality in Serbia is represented by 

two types of legal sources to be borne in mind when writing the Constitution. One source is international legal 

sources and the other is the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms as an act of national 

legislation. This is why we shall make a brief overview of these documents. 

Specific proposals of constitutional norms for the new Constitution of the Republic of Serbia start from the 

international human rights standards established in international conventions. Especially important are those 

ratified by the competent authorities of the Union of Serbia and Montenegro and specified through the practice of 

international institutions for human rights protection and the generally accepted rules of international law. 

Specific proposals especially refer to constitutional guarantees of gender equality and prohibition of indirect and 

direct discrimination and the obligations of the state and the government to implement an equal opportunities 

policy. Another important provision is for closer definition of the contents of the gender-equality principle in 

individual spheres of social life, especially in the spheres of economics (e.g., work and employment) and politics 

(e.g., the principle of equal participation of women in electoral and appointed positions). Also vital are 

establishment of the possibility of taking affirmative action measures to eliminate actual inequality and protection 

of the right to gender equality (e.g., the right to protection, tools, and procedures). 

When stipulating the principle of gender equality, it is necessary to bear in mind the general and regional 

international standards in this field. They are contained in ratified international conventions. [28] They are 

operationalised specifically through the practices of international bodies in charge of the implications of these 

standards and of international institutions in charge of the protection of human rights. These standards need to be 

implemented in the new Constitution of Serbia. 

In addition to the above, it is necessary to point out the guarantees regarding the principle of gender equality 

stipulated by the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms. Provisions in the Charter relevant to 

constitutional solutions of the gender-equality principle include several guarantees. These are prohibition against 

direct and indirect discrimination (Article 3, Paragraph 3); affirmative action measures (Article 3, Paragraph 4); 

prohibition against placing restrictions on human rights under the pretence of their not being guaranteed by the 

Charter (Article 8); guarantees of acquired rights (Article 47, Paragraph 1); the right to marriage based on the 



free will of the spouses (Article 9, Paragraph 1); equality of spouses entering, during, and dissolving marriage 

(Article 9, Paragraph 1); special protection of mothers and children (Article 40); special health care for pregnant 

women (Article 45); and the right to asylum based on fear of gender-based persecution (Article 38, Paragraph 1). 

However, the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms does not include some significant 

guarantees of gender equality that represent international standards. Thus, the Charter does not meet the 

standard demanding that legislation, especially the Constitution as the most important legal act, should be written 

in gender-sensitive vocabulary. We shall quote a few examples to illustrate. The right to vote is enjoyed by 

citizens, but the noun is only in masculine-gender form (Article 33, Paragraph 2); The right to participate in 

decision-making in all public affairs is guaranteed to citizens, but the noun is only in masculine-gender form 

(Article 33, Paragraph 1). The right to citizenship is guaranteed to citizens, but the noun is only in masculinegender 

form (Article 35). 

The Charter also contains good examples of gender sensitive vocabulary that should be used as a model. For 

instance, every person has the right to establish newspapers and other means of public communication (Article 

30, Paragraph 1); every person enjoys the freedom of association (Article 32, paragraph 1). 

The Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms does not guarantee some rights or freedoms of 

special importance for effective implementation of the constitutional principle of gender equality. Unlike other 

rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, without guaranteeing these rights, the principle of gender 

equality remains at the level of a programmatic constitutional norm without effective and direct implementation. 

In the area of constitutional protection of family and marriage, there are no guarantees to equality of spouses in 

marriage. There are no provisions regarding the principle of equal responsibilities of parents in bringing up 

children and for rights and responsibilities to children. Freedom of decision regarding procreation is not 

guaranteed. In the area of political rights, there is no explicit guarantee of equal opportunities for both genders to 

participate in political life and public government, nor of equal representation of men and women in all elected 

and appointed positions. Reasons for prohibiting the work of a political party do not include gender-based 

discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious intolerance and hatred, etc. In the area of work and employment 

there are no guarantees of the right to equal remuneration for work of equal value, to availability of each job 

under equal conditions, to equal opportunities for professional advancement and training, etc. In the areas of 

social security and health care, there are no provisions for some important rights connected with the production of 

reproductive rights that would point to the special care of the state in the area of reproductive rights such as the 

right to maternity and paternity leave; special rights to social and health care for single parents (fathers and 

mothers) with children up to a certain age; special rights to financial security during the unemployment period for 

single parents (fathers and mothers) with children up to a certain age; and the right to health care for household 

workers, etc. 

4. A Point of View to the A Constitutional Framework to Provide Gender Equality in the New 

Constitution of Serbia 

The remaining section of the paper will contain the author’s specific proposal regarding gender equality and 

specific stipulations of this fundamental constitutional principle in the future Constitution of Serbia. The Preamble 

to the Constitution should be written with the noun “citizen” in both grammatical genders. [29] 

In the introductory part of the Constitution, among the fundamental principles underlying the Constitution, it is 

necessary to include provisions on equality between women and men and on the obligations of the state to 

develop an equal opportunities policy and to undertake special affirmative action measures towards this goal. The 

wording of the constitutional provision could read: “The Republic of Serbia provides for equality of citizens of both 

genders. It promotes the equality of women and men by developing the policy of equal opportunities, including 

special measures of affirmative action (positive discrimination).” [30] 

The part of the Constitution regulating freedoms and rights should include several important guarantees, so as to 

provide the following: 

● Guarantees of an attained level of rights. The wording of this norm could be, “The attained level of 

human and minority rights, individual or collective, may not be reduced. This Constitution shall not abolish 

or amend any rights or freedoms acquired by way of confirmed and publicised international treaties.” A 

similar guarantee is contained in the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Liberties; whereas, 

there are no such guarantees in the Draft Constitution of Serbia; therefore, they should be included. 

● Prohibition against restricting and minority rights under the pretence that they are not 

guaranteed by Constitution. The wording of this norm could be, “It is not permitted to restrict human 

and minority rights guaranteed by generally accepted rules of international law, adopted and ratified by 

international treaties and laws, under the pretence that they are not guaranteed by Constitution or that 

they are guaranteed to a lesser extent.” Such a provision is contained in the Charter on Human and 

Minority Rights and Civil Liberties (Article 8). The Draft Constitution does not contain this prohibition as an 

important guarantee of human rights; therefore, and it should be incorporated into the new Constitution of 

Serbia. 

● The right to effective judicial protection of human rights guaranteed by the Constitution and 

international law. The wording of the norm could be, “Everyone shall have the right to effective judicial 

protection in cases of infringed or denied human or minority rights guaranteed by generally accepted rules 



later on this is not done consistently, nor is there a general remark that nouns are to be understood as referring 

to both genders. 

[25] E.g., articles 1, 2, 12, 13, 16, 50, 51, and 55. 

[26] E.g., articles 1, 2, 5, 7, 9, 43, 54, and 57. 

[27] The expert group included Prof. M. Gruba•, Ph.D.; Prof. V. Dimitrijevi•, Ph.D.; Prof. M. Pajvan•i•, Ph.D.; Prof. 

D. Popovi•, Ph.D.; O. Nikoli•, Ph.D.; V. •eri•, M.Sc.; S. Bulaji•, M.Sc.; S. •ipli•, M.Sc.; and R. Žarevac, M.Sc. 

[28] The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948); the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (1952); 

the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966); the International Covenant on Economic, Social 

and Cultural Rights (1966); the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 

(1967); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979); The Convention 

on the Nationality ofMarried Women; Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and 

Registration of Marriages; the Convention on the Equality of Women and Men (1988); The Conclusion of the 

Conferences in Strasbourg (1986), Vienna (1989), Rome (1993); the conclusion of the Fourth Conference on 

Women (Vienna 1994); Beijing documents 1995 (Parliamentary Declaration, Platform for Action) the Council of 

Europe Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy (1997); the 

Universal Declaration on Democracy (1997); the final document of the Interparliamentary Conference in New 

Delhi (1997); the final document of the Interparliamentary Conference on Security and Cooperation in the 

Mediterranean (2000); the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; 

the Charter on Fundamental Rights in the European Union (2000); the document adopted in Bucharest (2001); 

the International Labour Organisation Convention 3 Concerning the Employment of Women in Pre-natal and Postnatal 

Period; ILO Convention 45 Concerning the Employment of Women on Underground Work in Mines of All 

Kinds; ILO Convention 89 Convention Concerning Night Work of Women Employed in Industry; ILO Convention 

100 Concerning Equal Remuneration for Men and Women Workers for Work of Equal Value; Maternity Protection 

Convention no. 103; ILO Convention 111 (1958) Concerning Discrimination in Respect of Employment and 

Occupation, etc. 

[29] See the documents of the Interparliamentary Union – especially the agenda for correcting the current 

discrepancy in the participation of women and men in political life (Point B IV / Paris 1994) stipulating that 

language used in legislation must not be gender blind and recommending that states revise their constitutions and 

eliminate vocabulary that tends to advocate gender stereotypes. 

[30] The basic principles especially guarantee the protection of three categories of citizens: subjects of the 

Republic of Serbia living abroad, members of the Serbian nation (Article 13), and ethnic minorities (Article 14). 

We believe that the introductory section of the Constitution should also specifically stipulate equality of women 

and men, and especially the policy of equal treatment. This is supported by the comparative constitutional 

practice and international documents (Articles 3 and 4 of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of 

Discrimination against Women; the Final Document of the 4 th UNO Conference on Women, Beijing 1995; 

Paragraph 3 of the Charter on European Security; Sections A and B of the Declaration on Equality Between 

Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy, Istanbul 13-14 Nov. 1997; Article 17 of the Directive 

of the Council of Europe No. 78 of 27 Nov. 2000, etc.). 

[31] E.g., Articles 4 and 7/1 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; 

Point 14 of the Final Document of the Interparliamentary Conference, New Delhi, 18 Feb. 1997; Section A of the 

Declaration on Equality between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy, Istanbul, 1997; 

Section C-III, Point 104 of the Universal Declaration on Democracy, Paris, 1997; Strategies G-1 and G-2 of the 

Final Document of the Interparliamentary Conference, Marseilles, etc. 

[32] E.g., Article 11, Paragraph 1, of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against 

Women; Strategies G-1 and G-2 of the Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental 

Criterion of Democracy, Istanbul, 1997; Convention 111 of the International Labour Convention – prohibition of 

discrimination against women in employment and occupation; Article 23 of the European Charter on Fundamental 

Rights no. 364/01 of 7 th November 2000; the European Charter on Social Rights, etc. 


The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe: 



- EU Neighbouring Countries: the Western Balkans - 

By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD, Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, and 

Mirjana Dokmanovic, Women’s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro 


Short description of the region 

The countries of the region, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Former Yugoslav Republic (FRY) of Macedonia, 

Serbia and Montenegro, with a total population of 19,6 million, belong to the least developed countries in Europe. 

The average Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in 2002 was 1.544 Euro ranging from 710 Euro in Kosovo 

to 2.055 Euro in Serbia and Montenegro. Albania and Macedonia are members of the World Trade Organization 

(WTO); Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro are in the process of joining. These Western Balkan 

countries are also progressing towards EU membership within the framework of the so-called Stabilisation and 

Association process. 

Macroeconomic overview 

Transition to the market economy has been delayed because of armed conflicts and exclusion from the 

international community during the periods of conflict. The region’s Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), 

dictated by the International Monetary Found (IMF), are similar to other SAPs in that they require the removal of 

obstacles to international trade and foreign investments, the privatisation of public services, labour market 

flexibility and the reduction of all social costs. The countries of the region are characterised by political 

uncertainties and weak institutions. Moreover, they are struggling to transform their economies. The dissolution of 

the former Yugoslavia and associated hostilities and conflicts, followed by sanctions, cut off important markets 

and transit routes to all the countries. This, plus the Kosovo crisis and the NATO intervention in 1999, have 

severely crippled economic activities and engendered a high level of uncertainty in all the successor states. As the 

economic system was designed to foster close ties among the republics, its dissolution has magnified the 

downward spiral of economic activity. 

Albania Bosnia and FYR Macedonia Serbia and Kosovo 

Herzegovina 

Montenegro 

GDP per capita 

in 2002 

1602 1383 1971 2055 710 

Year: 1998 2003 1998 2003 1998 2003 1998 2003 2000 2003 

Real GDP growth 

% 

12,7 6 15,6 3,5 3,4 3,0 6,7 3,0 21,2 4,7 

Trade balance % 

of GDP 

-22,8 -22,8 -48,4 -36,6 -14,4 -17,2 -13,1 -25,1 -184 -88,8 

Foreign debt In 

billion EUR 

0,9 1,2 - 1,8 1,2 1,3 9,0 12,2 - - 

FDI in million 

EUR 

40 135 100 282 105 41 101 1063 - - 

FDI % of GDP 1,5 2,7 2,9 4,9 3,3 1,0 0,8 5,8 - - 

Unemployment 

% 

17,8 14,9 37,4 41,0 34,5 36,7 27,0 30,0 - - 

Poverty rate [1] 25,4 19,5 10,5 - - 

Corruption rank 

2003 [2] 

92 70 106 106 

Source: European Commission, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, The Western Balkans in 

transition, Occasional Papers no. 5, Brussels, January 2004 

Impact of EU policies on the region 

In 2000, within the framework of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (SPSEE), the World Bank (WB) and 

its main regional development partners adopted a report on a comprehensive approach to development for South 

East Europe (SEE). The report outlined how quickly the SEE countries and their private sectors should move 

towards trade integration with the EU [3] . Domestic sector reform priorities have been put in place including the 

implementation of privatisation and structural reforms as well as policies to encourage Foreign Direct Investment 

(FDI), to eliminate labour market inefficiencies and reduce rigidity in labour market legislation, to promote trade 



liberalisation, and to reduce the size of the public sector and overall level of public spending. 

Most of the experiences of moving from a communist/socialist regime and state-led economies to free market 

economies have been negative. The effects have included increasing poverty, insecurity, unemployment, crime, 

and corruption; a vanishing middle class; and new economic and political elites arising from amongst war 

profiteers and former communist leaders. Furthermore, there is a widening gap between the poor and the rich. 

Registered unemployment is very high as much as 36% in Serbia and Montenegro. However, real unemployment 

levels are believed to be much higher - possibly as high as 55% in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Decreased 

opportunities for employment are also leading to a ‘brain-drain’ of young educated people as they seek 

opportunities elsewhere. 

The privatisation process has lead to the abolishment of economic and social rights and inadequate protective 

mechanisms; a lack of respect for international labour and environmental standards; a lack of transparency. 

Moreover, there is no legislation on corporate responsibility. The need to make the economy attractive for foreign 

investments is being used as justification for all these legal changes. 

Of course, all these policies are not gender-neutral. Women have absorbed the shock of the adjustment by 

intensifying their unpaid work necessary because of budget cuts in basic public services such as education, social 

services, and health care. The costs of the care economy and other reproductive costs are not included in the 

national income outputs and thus they become invisible. This is just one example of the negative effects of the 

SAP and how it impacts women’s lives. With regard to gender equality in the economic sector, two other issues 

emerge: the extent to which a gender bias exists in the shift to the informal market; and the increased pressure 

on women’s time, with its negative effect on their health and welfare. 

As the state has retreated from its role as a social institution and public expenditure is reduced, so too the tax and 

benefit systems have been objects of region-wide reforms. The general trend has been to maintain the individual 

as the unit for taxes and benefits, and use an individual’s employment history to determine benefits and 

entitlement levels. But the employment history of women is more likely to have been interrupted and shorter 

which means they are more adversely affected. Across the region, pension systems are also being reformed with 

substantial erosion in the value of the benefit paid to all recipients. Men will benefit more than women from both 

these reforms and will gain more in terms of total benefits. 

Common characteristics in the region regarding gender equality issues 

The economic and social status of women is declining. This is due to: 

● A re-patriachalisation of the societies, pushing women from the public sphere and labour market (paid 

work) to the private sphere (family and child care); 

● High levels of bankruptcy leading to the dismissal of workers; 

● Increasing unemployment and flexibility of labour market; 

● Cuts in social services and public spending; 

● The abolishing of economic and social rights gained; 

● A reduction of workers’ rights and protection laws plus weakened trade unions; 

● The horizontal and vertical segregation of women in the labour market; 

● The increasing shift of the labour force, particularly of women, from a formal economy to informal 

economy; 

● The fact that women are more ready than men to accept unfavourable working conditions, often in the 

informal economy. 

● Women have been excluded from the privatisation process: very few women are owners of enterprises; 

they tend more often to be employees rather than employers. 

● Women own less land, and other assets. 

● Poverty is becoming increasingly feminised. Those most vulnerable to poverty such as self-supporting 

mothers, rural women, minority women, the elderly, Roma, housewives, are the least visible. 

● Women are often excluded, isolated or removed from decision making. This can be seen in the decreasing 

number of women in parliaments and in decision making positions. Women are also excluded from the 

peace negotiations and stabilisation processes. 

● Discrimination and violence against women are both increasing. Despite the adoption of many of the acquis 

international commitments to secure equal opportunities for women these are not respected de facto. The 

principles of gender mainstreaming are widely acknowledged but implementation lags behind. Laws and 

other measures are inadequate to eliminate discrimination and violence against women. 

● There is a lack of research on women’s position in society, their position in the labour market, the level of 

violence against women, and the impact of economic and social policies on women’s livelihoods. In addition 

where data is available it is rarely gender disaggregated. 

● Gender sensitive budgeting does not exist or, as in the case of Serbia, has even been rejected. 

● Policy makers and the public lack gender awareness. 

Impact of EU legislation on gender equality issues 

The harmonisation of domestic legislation with EU legislation has been beneficial for women, as it has meant 

adopting and developing laws, legal measures and mechanisms for protecting women’s rights and empowering 

women. As part of the EU membership process, all the governments in the region have started to develop and set 



up national machineries for advancement of women [4] and adopt laws on equal opportunities of both sexes [5] . 

The governments have set quotas for women’s political participation; and women’s concerns relating to their 

position in the labour market and their access to resources are integrated into the Poverty Reduction Strategy 

Papers (PRSPs). In spite of these achievements, de facto gender equality is far from being realised. In all 

countries of the region, the governments give priority to the managing of the economic and political situation, 

with gender issues being a much lower priority. In addition, implementation of the adopted legislation is slow and 

inconsistent. 

Recommendations for policy change 

To the EU institutions 

● To promote a human rights/women’s rights based approach to development, and to create a social Europe, 

not one focusing purely on profit and economic growth. 

● To analyse the impact of EU policies on the neighbouring countries from gender and human rights 

perspective, and to develop policies that would create opportunities for economic development and well 

being for all people in all the European countries. 

● To take appropriate measures and develop a long-term policy aimed at promoting rule of law, gender 

equality, social justice and human rights in all the European countries, including the EU non-members 

countries, in order to build a new Europe without borders, wars, conflicts, poverty, unemployment etc. The 

achievement of this goal is not possible without the elimination of the existing gap between the EU 

members and non-EU members. 

● To support comparative research/analysis of past accession processes and how the EU enlargement has 

influenced the neighbouring countries (looking at unemployment, poverty, migration of workers, living 

standard, cross-boarder crime and sex-trafficking, etc.). The EU also needs to look at how the isolation/ 

exclusion of the EU neighbouring countries influence the EU (e.g. in terms of wage levels, labour markets, 

unemployment). 

● To include gender perspectives and gender assessments of the EU policies in all agreements and 

negotiations with the EU neighbouring countries. 

● To support and encourage women to put forward their candidacy for the European Parliament elections, and 

to promote women’s interethnic cooperation within parliamentarian and non-parliamentarian frameworks. 

● To develop corporate responsibility mechanisms that would oblige enterprises and corporations to protect 

human rights and provide safe working environments. 

● To urge governments in the EU neighbouring countries to interact with and support women’s NGOs and 

create sustainable national structures/mechanisms for the advancement of women. 

● To support national governments to implement and regularly assess gender mainstreaming policies, 

including gender budgeting as a tool for monitoring and assessing the differentiated impacts of EU policies 

on women and men, and for supporting gender equality objectives. 

● To establish a European agency on advancement of gender equality and women’s rights. This agency 

should have enforcement powers. 

● To take measures to engender macroeconomic and trade policy decision-making. This should include 

identifying the impacts of current policies and programmes on different groups of women and men; 

addressing gender power relations; and recognizing the care economy as a component of the formal 

economy. 

● To support national governments in Europe to stop the current negotiations in the framework of the 

General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). The privatisation of social services and public goods will 

increase poverty in all EU and non-EU member states. 

To the national governments in the Western Balkans 

● To include gender mainstreaming and gender equality issues in all domestic legislation. 

● To adopt and implement effective equal opportunity legislation. Sufficient financial support should be 

provided to support the implementation of this legislation. 

● To integrate gender issues into all national strategies (economic development, employment, poverty 

reduction, access to training, education, health, etc.), with special attention to the most vulnerable groups 

of women. 

● To develop a National Strategy for Advancement of Women based on commitments to the CEDAW, Beijing 

Platform for Action, ILO conventions and the EU directives and recommendations. 

● To secure adequate representation of women in the parliaments and decision making positions, as well as 

in the conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. 

● To introduce and implement sex-disaggregated data in the analysis of the impact of economic, trade, social, 

pension, health, education etc. policies. To formulate indicators to measure gendered impact for reporting, 

monitoring and policy change. 

● To reject the transition model based merely on economic growth and profit; to avoid “copy-paste” 

programmes and strategies dictated by the International Financial Organisations in creating healthy 

environment for economic development and democratisation of the countries, without taking into 

consideration the particular economic and political context and needs and interests of families, women and 

men. 

● To analyse the consequences of joining the EU from gender perspective. 

This infosheet was produced with the financial assistance of the European Commission, DG Education and Culture. 

The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official 





[1] World Bank Group, 2004 World Development Indicators, 2004 

[2] Table 1: Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2003 

http://www.transparency.org/cpi/2003/cpi2003.en.html 

opinion of the EC or of WIDE. 

[3] Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, The Road to Stability and Prosperity in South Eastern Europe - A 

Regional Strategy Paper, 1 March 2000. With the World Bank (WB) and cooperation with its main development 

partners in the region (European Commission (EC), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (ERBD), 

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), European Investment Bank (EIB), Council of 

Europe and Council of Europe Development Bank) it looked at the speed of acceptance for trade integration with 

the EU was the SEE primary goal in moving forward. 

[4] For example, the Secretariat for Labour and Gender Equality at the Executive Council of Vojvodina, the 

counselling body at the government of Serbia, the office for gender equality in Montenegro. 

[5] For example, in the Serbian province of Vojvodina the provincial parliament has recently adopted a Declaration 

on Gender Equality. 


The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union 



- EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union - 

By Zofia Lapniewska, NEWW-Polska. With the contribution of Raisa Sinelnikova, Counterpart Alliance for 

Partnership, Belarus; Shorena Dzotsenidze, Center for Women and Development, Georgia; Halyna Fedkovych, 

Women’s Perspective, and Oksana Kisselyova, PhD, Liberal Society Institute, Ukraine. 


The Russian Federation and the fourteen Newly Independent States (NIS) - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, 

Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Moldova, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan - 

form the region of EU neighbouring countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union (FSU). Three of them - 

Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia - are already European Union (EU) member states. This report analyses the situation 

of women in the remaining eleven countries, with a special focus on Belarus, Georgia and Ukraine. 

Belarus Georgia Ukraine 

Population 

GDP per capita 

9.89 million 4.7 million 47.7 million 

(USD) (2003 

est.) [1] 

6.100 2.500 5.400 

World Trade 

Organization 

(WTO) 

membership 

status [2] 

EU relationships 

Foreign Direct 

Investment (FDI) 

inflows 

Observer status since 

September 1993. 

The EU-Belarus 

relations are regulated 

by the 1997 General 

Affairs Council 

conclusions [3] on 

Belarus. 

84 million Euro (0,7 

percent of GDP) [4] 

Member since June 2000. 

EU-Georgia cooperation: 

the EU will aim at ensuring 

a coordinated use of all 

available policy and 

assistance instruments and 

focus on three key areas: 

(1) Promoting rule of law, 

good governance and 

respect for human rights 

and democratic institutions, 

(2) Reducing poverty, 

targeting assistance to the 

most vulnerable groups, 

especially in rural areas, (3) 

Enhancing stability and 

security through confidence 

building measures aimed at 

the prevention and 

settlement of internal 

conflicts and actions in 

favour of affected 

populations. 

Unemployment level 2.7% (2002) (women 1.69%) 17% (2001 est.) [1] (women 

11.80%) 

Overview on common macroeconomic tendencies 

Observer status since 

November 1993. 

EU relations with Ukraine 

are based on the 

Partnership and Cooperation 

Agreement (PCA) 

which entered into force in 

1998 for an initial period of 

ten years, and on the EU’s 

Common Strategy of 1999. 

Technical assistance has 

been provided since the 

early 1990s in support of 

the transition process 

towards democracy and 

market economy, through 

the TACIS programme. 

Ukraine has been 

considered a priority 

partner country within the 

European Neighbourhood 

Policy (ENP). [5] 

USD 165.4 million (4,9% of GDP) USD 693.0 million (1,6% of GDP) 

3.7% (2003) [1] (women 2.53%) 

The transition from centrally planned to market-based economies was based on privatisation, liberalisation and a 

strengthening of the financial and tax discipline of companies. These changes had serious implications for the 

redistribution of resources and budgetary spending. Price increases and an increase in foreign debt put pressure 

on national budgets resulting in cuts in public expenditures - including in health, education and family related 

benefits. The transition process had significant social impacts including destabilising the labour market and 

creating a class of so-called “new poor”. In one decade (1988-1998) the poverty rate in Central and Eastern 



Europe (CEE) and the NIS region increased by 19% and now the percentage of the population living below the 

poverty line is 27% in Ukraine and 54% in Georgia [6] . The present economic conditions have forced many 

unemployed people to emigrate - most of these have been women. Over the last 13 years the Georgian 

population decreased by 20% and various estimates state that today between 3 to 7 millions Ukrainians are 

working in foreign countries. Another significant trend is the shift from formal to informal work. According to a 

World Bank survey informal work in Belarus generates 48.1% of the gross national income. The shadow economy, 

corruption and smuggling form critical obstacles to democratisation in the region. 

Gender equality - Common characteristic in the region 

In spite of the economic and political differences, one common feature of all the countries in the region - 

supported by a wide range of research and data [7] - is the worsening position of women and the reduction of 

their economic, social and political rights. The reasons for this deteriorating situation include: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Women shifting from the public sphere to the private sphere, to traditional gender roles within 

the family and the household. 

A revival of patriarchal values and prejudices against women have led to this shift. The changes in practices 

and attitudes are further discussed below. 

The increased vulnerability of women to poverty. 

The adverse economic and social conditions in the countries have particularly affected women, who today 

constitute the largest number of the poor, powerless and disenfranchised. The region has experienced the 

rising feminisation of poverty and unemployment, as well as increased prostitution and trafficking in women 

and children within and across borders. Women are more vulnerable to poverty as their reproductive and 

family responsibilities increase (as a result of the reduction in social services and cuts in social budgets) 

and as they lack opportunities to participate in formal economic activities. The most vulnerable are single 

mothers, divorced women with children, rural women, elderly single women, disabled women, mothers 

having disabled children, and unemployed women. Moreover, the economic and social position of women 

has worsened as discrimination increases, as they are excluded from decision-making, and because 

ownership of assets by women is very low. During the Soviet period Ukrainian women held very few partyleadership 

positions or managerial positions. Once privatisation began, this meant that men inevitably 

ended up controlling more assets than women. Women in Ukraine own no more than 5-7% of privatised 

assets. The share of women in the labour market is declining. Women continue to be seen as secondary 

income earners partly because of their domestic and care roles. In 1994-2000 women made up 80% of the 

discharged workers in Ukraine [8]. The negative effects of the economic structural adjustments pushed 

women out of the formal labour market into the informal economy and into their own, mostly small, 

enterprises. In Belarus for example, more than 60% of shuttle traders and street vendors are women. In 

Belarus women can legally become entrepreneurs, as can men. However, this opportunity is rarely taken 

up. Women own only 5% of small and medium enterprises (SME); they often have less start-up capital 

than men, and they have limited access to finance and credit for business operations and expansion. It is 

even more difficult for women in rural areas to own their own business. 

Increased discrimination and horizontal and vertical segregation of women in the economic 

sphere. 

Despite their relatively higher education (more than 57% of working Ukrainian women and 58.5% of 

Belarusian women have higher education), women are still discriminated against in the labour market and 

face more difficulties than men in accessing stable and well paid jobs. In Ukraine, despite the fact that 

equal pay for both sexes is guaranteed by the Constitution and the Labour Code, the average nominal 

salary of women is 17% less than the average salary of total labour force, and constitutes only 65% of 

men’s salary. In Belarus the ratio of female to male monthly earnings is 80.9%. Georgian wages of 

employed women in total are more than 1.5 times less than men, and the proportion remains the same for 

the average net income of self-employed women/men. The gender wage gap is a result of the 

concentration of women working in low paid sectors, the lack of women in top management positions, and 

discrimination through lower pay for equal value work. This demonstrates that high female participation 

rates are not sufficient to guarantee gender equality in the context of a patriarchal society where caring 

activities remain primarily the responsibility of women, and where women continue to be seen as secondary 

income earners. 

Under-representation in politics and decision making positions. 

Women are underrepresented and even excluded at all policy levels. In Belarus, although 62.8% of the 

employees in governmental bodies are women, only 10.4% hold management-level positions. The cabinet 

includes only 7.3% women, while in the legislature there are 23.7% women. In Georgia, the situation is 

similar with women now holding only 22 out of 230 seats in Parliament. This is a very slow rise from the 14 

women that held seats in 1995. In Ukraine women represent 75% of civil servants but there are very few 

women in senior positions. And when women do rise into management positions, they tend to be at the 

lower levels of management • 68% of the managers of the lowest category are female, only 7% of womenmanagers 

can be found in the highest category. 

Reforms of the social security scheme, cuts in social services, health, public services, 

privatisation of health institutions, childcare institutions. 

Ukraine has undertaken significant restructuring of its social security programs with resultant negative 

impacts on women. Following the requirements of the structural adjustment programmes, welfare state 



● 

institutions and provisions were adjusted to be ‘compatible with a market economy environment’. As a 

result, the majority of public pre-school childcare institutions have been closed or sold and women are now 

facing difficulties combining work and motherhood. Private childcare is inaccessible for many families as it is 

unaffordable, state childcare allowance stays miserably low and as a consequence, women are forced to 

stay at home and take care of children. Since 1994 national expenditures on the public health sector in 

Ukraine have been cut at least four times, making medical and health services less accessible for many 

people, particularly for unemployed, poor, rural, and elderly women. The shift to a chargeable healthcare 

system has created overwhelming difficulties for the majority of the population; the tariffs for medical 

services often exceed the family budget; and access to free medical services is limited. As a result, the 

morbidity of the population has rapidly risen in the region. 

Lack of legislation on gender equality and protection from discrimination, accompanied by a lack 

of effective mechanisms for monitoring and implementation. 

The countries within the region differ with regard to their formal acceptance of the Convention on the 

Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the (non)existence of National 

Action Plans (NAP) and machineries for the advancement of women. What they do have in common, 

however, is a large gap between the declared de jure and the de facto gender equality. Ukraine is signatory 

to the CEDAW, but does not have a NAP based on the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA). While many of the 

provisions in the Ukrainian Constitution are designed to be favourable for women, they are in fact 

discriminatory. Civil servants in the state employment centres and departments of family and youth lack an 

understanding of gender issues and the importance of gender equality. In addition, they lack the necessary 

legal provisions to support the elimination of discrimination against women. Belarus is not a signatory to a 

number of key international human rights conventions, but has recently signed the CEDAW. Gender 

segregation in the labour market is reinforced by the lack of equal opportunity legislation. However, 

national mechanisms have been put in place to implement a policy for ensuring gender equality and the 

elimination of discrimination against women, and a NAP has been drafted. 


To the EU institutions: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

To develop mechanisms to facilitate the sharing of best practices (within EU member countries and with 

countries and institutions outside the EU) to illustrate where gender equality has played a significant role in 

addressing poverty and social exclusion. 

To facilitate a common framework for the promotion of gender equality. This should include training, 

learning and creating long-term strategies based on core values, knowledge and skills. 

To ensure that EU-supported projects implemented in the region are based on gender equality and that 

they take necessary measures to reduce gender disparities and promote equal opportunities. 

To assist national governments to develop employment and social policies based on the European 

Employment Strategy and the European Social Policy. 

To assist with projects focussing on development, not only on humanitarian aid. 

To facilitate the closer collaboration between (national and local) governments and non-governmental, 

grassroots and community-based organisations in the region. 

To the national governments and institutions: 

● To adopt a Law on Equal Opportunities of Both Sexes; to integrate gender equality in all legislation; to 

adopt and/or develop National Action Plans for the advancement of women followed by effective 

implementation and monitoring measures, including affirmative actions. 

● To promote equal opportunities of women and men via the establishment of national gender machineries at 

national, regional and local levels. 

● To introduce and implement affirmative actions programmes and policies aimed at increasing the 

participation of women in the national parliaments, the governments and the ministries, the judiciary, and 

local decision making bodies, as well as eliminating obstacles for the advancement of women in all spheres 

of the public life. 

● To make efforts to raise gender awareness of state officials and the judiciary through education and 

training, financially supported by the state; to improve and promote the court system as a mechanism of 

protection from discrimination. 

● To make efforts to harmonise domestic legislation with EU legislation; to integrate the EU gender equality 

directives into domestic legislation and policies. 

● To conduct and financially support an analysis, in cooperation with NGOs and business representatives, of 

the main constraints to economic development and gender equality; to initiate a public dialogue on key 

findings and develop a framework for state action over the next three years to be monitored by the EU 

institutions and national NGOs. 

● To fund women's economic development initiatives aimed at developing economic strategies and 

opportunities for women. 



● To stop the further abolishment of the social welfare system and cuts in public spending in the areas of 

education, health, child care, and other social services; to develop a social care system, including the 

improvement of state pre-school childcare systems at the local level; to take efforts to stabilise the 

economies by reviewing the budgetary allocations and improving the tax system, instead of cutting 

spending for social services. 

● To review, control and limit the liberalisation and privatisation of social services and public goods. 

● To change the taxation law to take into account the number of children in a family; and to provide statefunded 

financial compensation for working mothers for childcare services. 




Women in Development Europe (WIDE) © 


----------------------------------------- 

[1] The World Factbook: www.cia.gov. 

[2] WTO Statistics Database: www.wto.org 

[3] More information on EU-Belarus relations is available on the European Commission website: 

http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/belarus/intro/index.htm. 

[4] Country Strategy Paper National Indicative Programme, Belarus 2005-2006, Adopted by the European 

Commission on 28 May 2004: 

http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/belarus/csp/csp05_06.pdf. 

[5] For more information: http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/ukraine/intro/index.htm. 

[6] Country Strategy Paper 2002-2006, National Indicative Programme 2002-2003, Ukraine. 

[7] UNECE, Economic Survey for Europe 2003 no. 1, ‘Some aspects of labour market performance in Eastern 

Europe and CIS, Geneva, 2003; UNECE, Employability Policies in the Transition Countries: Issues, Good Practices, 

and Policy Options, Regional Symposium on Mainstreaming Gender into Economic Policies, 28-30 January 2004, 

Geneva; Dokmanovic, M. (ed.), Transition, Privatisation, and Women, WCDHR, Subotica, 2002. 

[8] Human Rights Watch report, 2003: “Women’s Work: Discrimination Against Women in the Ukrainian Labour 

Force” 


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- EU Candidate Countries - 

By Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D. 

with the contribution of Plamenka Markova, Ph.D. and Genoveva Tisheva, 

Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria 

The European Union (EU) membership candidate countries are Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. All of them 

are situated in South Eastern Europe (SEE) but they are culturally, economically and socially very different. This 

paper does not examine Turkey as it is at a very different stage with respect to membership of the EU. As a part 

of the accession process these countries will take on board a different set of values, commonly included in the 

concept of the European Social Model, with its emphasis on employment, equality, social protection and social 

dialogue. 

Bulgaria: Population: 7.8 million; Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of USD 2.538. Bulgaria lags far 

behind EU countries, including the new member states, in per capita GDP with an average monthly income of 120 

Euro. The discrepancy between economic growth and living standards in Bulgaria is obvious. Bulgaria’s corruption 

index has risen from 2.9 in 1998 (compared to 4.6 for Poland; 5.0 for Hungary and 3.0 for Romania [1]) to 4.1. 

Since November 2002, when Bulgaria was invited to join the NATO, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has increased 

four times and is expected to be 2.5 billion Euro in 2004. 

Croatia: Population: 4.7 millions. 

Romania: Population: 22.41 million. 

Turkey: Population: 67.8 million. 

All four countries candidate countries are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO). 

Overview on common macroeconomic tendencies 

Romania and Bulgaria began the process of transition to the market economy at the end of 1980s. Croatia’s 

process of transition was delayed by several years due to armed conflicts and the break up of former Yugoslavia. 

All three countries show a trend of high growth for this last period. The average growth of all the eight SEE 

countries is 5.1 % for 2003 and 4.5% for 2004 [2]- but their GDP is still much lower than in other EU member 

states. The real GDP per capita for 2002 for the all the eight SEE countries was USD 6.372,50 compared to USD 

26.047 for the fifteen old member states and USD 11.906,10 for the new member states. 

Bulgaria and the other candidate countries (excluding Turkey) have many common characteristics. This has 

allowed us to draw many conclusions and arguments for the region based on information from and the experience 

of Bulgaria. 

Bulgaria joined the WTO as of 1 December 1996 and has signed onto every multilateral trade agreement annexed 

to the Marrakech Agreement from the date of accession, without recourse to a transitional period. The country has 

also accepted as a single undertaking the three major agreements - the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs 

(GATT), the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property 

Rights (TRIPS). Prior to this, until 1991, Bulgaria belonged to the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance 

(COMECON) and practised state monopolisation of foreign trade. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the 

World Bank (WB), as in many other countries, promoted trade liberalisation as an essential element of Bulgaria’s 

structural reform and financial stabilisation package. 

Facing the challenge of deregulation and abandoning the socialist planning and centralised system, the Bulgarian 

government took too long to find a form of regulation that would stimulate competition and as a result enterprises 

have been exposed to the chaos of a hazardous post-communist market. Bulgaria’s difficulties have been 

compounded because it joined the WTO as a developed country, which meant that structural reforms had to be 

conducted in a framework of fully liberalised markets and exposure to strong international competition. Trade 

liberalisation can only correct trade imbalances and reduce foreign debt if the national economy is healthy and 

competitive. Instead, the unrealistic terms on which Bulgaria joined the WTO have jeopardised the country’s 

structural reforms and they have had a negative impact on crucial sectors of economy, in particular industry. 


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Shortly before joining the WTO Bulgaria began the process of EU accession, which has also entailed structural 

reforms in order to comply with EU standards. The establishment of a free market economy is a core EU 

requirement for a country and its citizens to be able to operate within the liberal European market. The positive 

aspect of the EU accession for Bulgaria is that the process imposes high environmental and social, including 

gender, standards. The Bulgarian government has had to respond to the double challenge from the EU and the 

WTO of carrying out structural reforms and raising social and environmental standards. 

The Bulgarian government is now involved in a complex dual process. In its pursuit of liberalisation as required by 

GATS, the Bulgarian government has had to provide extensive market access to foreign suppliers of services in 

sectors, such as business, research and development, information technology, transport and tourist services. But 

because of the EU accession, the government is bound to a large extent by the common trade policy of the Union, 

and therefore has had to harmonise its position regarding the liberalisation of trade in services with that of the 

EU. 

EU accession, economic restructuring and liberalisation [3]and their impact on gender equality 

Structural reform, privatisation, attracting FDI and accession to the EU in 2007 are the main priorities of the 

Bulgarian government - but the government is not taking into consideration the negative effects of globalisation 

on social protection, especially among vulnerable groups (women, young people, pensioners). Armed conflicts in 

the Balkans and financial constraints related to structural adjustment programmes have negatively affected the 

ability of the previous and the current governments of Bulgaria to promote social development through better 

safety nets. 

Unemployment is a main concern of the region [4]despite clear signs of improvement in Bulgaria and Romania. 

SEE countries have seen a deterioration in employment security and social protection. Employment growth and 

quality remain core issues to be addressed. Gender discrimination is another serious issue - women still encounter 

greater difficulties than men in securing decent work with equal wages; in obtaining adequate social protection; 

and in being able to participate in social dialogue. Unemployment often affects women more acutely than men and 

gender segregation in employment is widespread, with women tending to be concentrated in low-paid occupations 

and sectors. The employment rate of women in Bulgaria (38.4 % compared to 46.8% of men in 2003) is still far 

from the ambitious goals set at the Lisbon Summit. From the first quarter of 2004 to September 2004 

unemployment rate fell from 13.3% to 11.74%. Despite that, the analysis of the data of the State Employment 

Agency shows that from 1990 women’s unemployment is higher than men’s. 

Bulgaria does not receive funding from EU programmes such as PHARE [5]for gender equality issues and no 

accession funds have been allocated to gender issues [6]. At the same time Bulgaria’s domestic labour, social 

security and non-discrimination laws have been harmonized with the European Community law, including 

directives regulating equal opportunities for men and women and gender issues, such as non-discrimination based 

on gender, equal remuneration of men and women, elimination of sexual harassment at the work place as well as 

paid and unpaid parental leave for both parents or grand parents [7]. Formally the government is able to declare 

compliance with the EU standards of gender equality. However, NGOs and trade unions have revealed gross 

violations in all sectors, especially in relation to the principle of equal remuneration especially as this relates to 

private small and medium size companies. Problems of enforcement and implementation of the adopted new 

labour and anti-discrimination legislations are common for all the countries under review. 

The negative consequences of privatisation of formerly state-owned property and liberalisation of public services 

have led to the violation of labour and social security legislation by both Bulgarian and foreign investors. Such 

violations include low salaries, forced and unpaid overtime, non payment of social and health security instalments 

by the employer, etc. 

“Podkrepa” Labour Confederation estimates that around 65% of Bulgaria’s population live in moderate to serious 

poverty. The trade union states that the most vulnerable groups in the current economic situation are families 

with children, long-term unemployed, old people and the disabled. Muslims and the Roma also find it very difficult 

to meet even their basic needs for physical survival. And poverty is growing among women-headed households 

which comprise 21.4% of households in Bulgaria and their number continues to increase partly because of the 

higher life expectancy of women. Of women-headed households, 64.9% live in absolute poverty and they are 

poorer than male-headed households. For women, balancing their roles as breadwinners and primary caretakers 

has become especially difficult. As state support for families shrinks, especially for single mothers, more 

responsibility is shifted to individuals, who, in turn, appear to rely more heavily on kinship systems and local 

support networks. 

The average monthly earnings for women as a share of male earnings in Bulgaria in the public sector is around 

69%. The government claims that women earn less because they have different levels of education and 

qualifications and they accrue shorter working records, often as a result of family responsibilities. All major 

amendments to the Labour Code in the past four years are reported to be in response to a need to increase labour 

market flexibility, but it is the women that have been most adversely affected. 

During the transition period differences in opportunities and income levels became more pronounced and had a 

negative effect on the social and economic status of women. Women traditionally have had very limited access to 

financial resources for independent economic activity and today there are no targeted programmes or affirmative 

action policies to increase the access of women to credit or finance to try and narrow the gap. 


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Opportunities to acquire industrial or real estate property or to make any profits apart from salaries were 

restricted in socialist times. As a result the majority of Bulgarian citizens lack the financial means to participate 

actively in the case-by-case cash privatisation. Lack of clear, consistent regulations and control over the 

privatisation process has meant effectively that privatisation of the existing state and municipally owned assets 

has occurred behind closed doors and in a very un-transparent manner. 

To sum up, trade liberalisation and related structural adjustment policies in Bulgaria have resulted in: 

● 

● 

● 

● 

● 

Substantial impoverishment of the population. Despite the lack of specific gender disaggregated data, it is 

clear that women are more likely to be victims of poverty. 

Substantial loss of social benefits for women during the transition period. 

A number of budget constraints that combined with further liberalisation has resulted in a new social 

security system with built-in inequalities. 

Job insecurity, unemployment, systematic and in some cases gross violations of employment rights and 

gender discrimination, as well as a rise in female participation in the informal economy. 

The privatisation of basic services. Women are more adversely affected by the privatisation of basic 

services as they are the main beneficiaries of services as health, social security, social assistance and other 

social services. 

Gender equality legislative and mechanisms 

Well-functioning and transparent regulations and institutions have not been established in Bulgaria: the 

ombudsperson for equal opportunities was not supported by the Parliament Act on equal opportunities; a 

commission against discrimination was not included under the Act on Protection against Discrimination (in force 

since 1 January 2004); and the envisioned consultative body on gender equality - the consultative council on 

equal opportunities - was not approved by the government. 

However, the Employment Agency has started the project ‘Back to work’ for the period 2003-04 aimed at 

promoting real gender equality through interim affirmative measures for access to employment [8]. Other 

projects incorporating affirmative actions include the ‘New professional qualification in the field of information 

technologies and computer networks’ [9]and the ‘Promotion of independent economic activities of women in child 

care services’ [10] . These projects should be evaluated as a first step to articulate a unified strategy on gender 

equality in Bulgaria. During 2004, the first EU funded governmental project was implemented in the field of 

gender mainstreaming. In addition, a special unit on equal opportunities was created in the Ministry of Labour and 

Social Policy. 

Romania and Croatia are further ahead on gender equality in terms of legislation and institutional frameworks. 

Both countries have gender equality acts. Romania adopted a National Action Plan for equal opportunities in 2000 

and established a commission for equal opportunities within the Economic and Social Council. Croatia has a 

deputy ombudsperson on equal opportunities and a national office on equal opportunities. In addition a 

commission on gender equality was established in the government, which approved a National Policy for 

promotion of gender equality. Despite this institutional progress, the effectiveness of these bodies need to be 

improved and the level resources allocated to them need to be increased. 

Conclusions 

The Bulgarian government would like us to believe that its sole priority is the harmonisation of domestic 

legislation on equal opportunities for men and women with EU standards. However, it ignores the obligation to 

take measures, including affirmative action interim measures, to guarantee the real equality of opportunities for 

men and women. Transposing the acquis communautaire in Bulgarian domestic legislation is not enough to 

declare that gender equality objectives have been reached in Bulgaria, and that the state has no further 

obligations to promote and protect gender equality through state policy and programmes initiated and funded by 

state agencies. The above mentioned projects are not enough to promote an integral strategy on equality and 

equal opportunities for women and men. In order to guarantee proper implementation of the new standards, 

further strengthening of the capacities of labour administration is needed, particularly a mechanism for labour 

inspection and a properly functioning and effective legal system. 



● 

The EU institutions should monitor closely the implementation of the new adopted standards on gender 

equality and exert pressure on the government in the region to adopt a consistent gender equality policy 

and gender mainstreaming approach. 


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To the national governments: 

● 

● 

Institutional mechanisms for gender equality should be established. Where they already exist, guarantees 

for their effectiveness should be given and they should be supported by appropriate and sufficient personal 

and financial resources. 

Additional budgetary resources should be allocated to monitor the effects of liberalisation and EU accession 

on gender equality. 






--------------------------------------------- 

[1] The higher the index, the lower the level of corruption in the country. For example, the three top countries – 

that is, those with the lowest levels of corruption - are Finland – 9.7, New Zealand – 9.6 and Denmark -9.5. 

[2] For comparison the growth in the 15 EU countries for the same period is respectively. 0.8% and 2 %. Source: 

UNECE 2004. 

[3] For this part information is from: Genoveva Tisheva, Irina Moulechkova. “Structural Reform versus Social 

Development”, Social Watch, N 4/2000; Genoveva Tisheva, Plamenka Markova, Irina Moulechkova “European 

Union: Opportunity or Marginalisation”, Social Watch, N 5, 2001; “Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! or A case study on 

the impact of GATS in Bulgaria, A BGRF – WIDE publication, 2004. 

[4] For 2002 the unemployment rate for 7 SEE (without Turkey) is 17.2 %, compared to 7.7% for the old member 

states and 14.8 % for the new member states. Source: European Commission 

[5] The PHARE programme is one of the three pre-accession instruments financed by the EU to assist applicant 

countries of Central and Eastern Europe in their preparations for joining the EU. 

[6] Information received from the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy, Division for Equal Treatment of Men and 

Women in Labour Market. 

[7] For the first time parental leave for both parents has been introduced. 

[8] http://www.az.government.bg/elmnt1/el_16/Proekti/Project%201.htm 

[9] http://www.az.government.bg/elmnt1/el_16/ProjPCWom.htm. 

[10] http://www.az.government.bg/elmnt1/el_16/Proekti/Project_2.htm. 


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- EU Central and Eastern European New Member States - 

By Anita Seibert and Kinga Lohmann, Karat Coalition, Poland. 

With the contribution of Jana Javornik, 

Institute for Macroeconomic Analyses and Development, Social Analyses and Development Department, 

Slovenia 


Eight of the ten new European Union (EU) member states that joined the European Union on 1 May 2004 are from 

the Central and Eastern European (CEE) states: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, 

Slovakia, and Slovenia. Basic economic indicators show some significant differences between the countries. The 

Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita ranges from USD 7.809 (Latvia) to USD 17.762 (Slovenia). This is still is 

below the GDP level of the ‘old’ EU member states. Before rising to the current level, GDP in all the countries in 

the region dropped significantly during the 1990s. In the early 1990s the inflation rates increased dramatically 

and came under control only in 2000. All CEE states are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO). 


The CEE countries share a common economic history of being centrally controlled until the end of the 1980s - 

including wages, prices of goods and services, and real estate, followed by the subsidisation of a great range of 

goods and services (and hence those goods were relatively affordable). At the beginning of the 1990s, the process 

of political, social and economic transition led to the privatisation of state assets and the integration into the 

global capitalist market. The countries applied a variety of privatisation strategies from a gradualist approach 

(Slovenia, Hungary and Czech Republic) to shock therapy (Poland). Price and wage liberalisation followed. The 

transition to the market economy has eliminated the shortage of goods and ‘alternative’ economies, led to the 

disappearance of about 10-30% of jobs, and resulted in the erosion of services such as childcare and social 

protection related to motherhood. These countries are now characterised by mass unemployment, poverty, and 

economic inequality between the ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ in a region accustomed to relative equality. 

Foreign capital flowed into the region following privatisation. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a 

significant role in the economic development of the countries [1]. While FDI rates vary between each country in 

the region, in early 2000 the Czech Republic, Hungary and Estonia had the highest rates in the whole of the EU. 

One of the outcomes of the socio-economic changes was the creation of a capitalist class. Unfortunately few 

women managed to join this class and of those that did most of them gained access to assets through family 

connections (as wives or daughters of the ‘new’ capitalists) rather then independently. For example in Hungary in 

2004 only 3 women were listed among the top 100 richest Hungarians. In Poland, women currently constitute 

more then 1/3 of company owners, but these companies are predominantly very small firms which do not 

generate significant economic and political power. Nevertheless this illustrates that women were able to take 

advantage of the changing economic situation, even if, economically, they still lag behind men. 

Common characteristics regarding gender equality issues 

The EU enlargement process has had an impact on gender equality policy and implementation, but it has been 

difficult to assess the depth of the effects until now. Gender (in)equality is a political issue and political choice. 

Accession to the EU has not led to significant changes in gender equality in the CEE countries because of the 

choices made by the governments. One of the reasons for this is that in order to achieve gender equality, gender 

justice has to be incorporated into all policies (both at the EU and national levels). This document briefly describes 

how this has not been undertaken or achieved with special reference to labour market and social policy. Two case 

studies from Poland and Slovenia illustrate these points. 

It is important to understand that the new EU CEE member states share a joint history of Soviet domination 

(except Slovenia, which was a part of the former Yugoslavia). This has affected their economic, social and political 

conditions - and the position of women in all these countries. The EU needs to recognise the shared history and 

characteristics of the CEE states as it addresses issues of gender. At the same time, the differences between the 

eight CEE states should not be underestimated. 

A policy of gender equality in official policy during the pre-transition period did not result in the practice or 

implementation of gender-friendly policies. While women had guaranteed access to employment, education and 

political participation in most of the CEE states, the provision of services such as childcare and social security did 

not fully compensate for the traditional division of labour. The already disadvantaged position of women was 


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exacerbated by the transition process. The deterioration was caused not only by the macroeconomic changes but 

also by strengthening of patriarchal values into policy by various political formations in the eight countries. In 

Poland this is particularly worrying due to the political power of the Catholic Church supporting conservative views 

and policies. For example, the Church plays a leading role in the reproductive rights arena, resulting in laws and 

policies preventing women from taking control of their fertility and sexuality. 

Many citizens of the CEE states see EU membership as an opportunity to counteract the negative impact of the 

transition from being a centrally planned economy to becoming a market controlled economy. This is particularly 

the case in relation to gender issues, as the EU accession process required the introduction of new laws and 

policies focusing on and addressing gender issues. However, reaching certain levels of economic development was 

also one of the requirements of becoming an EU member and this was given priority over social issues. The post- 

1989 economic transition fused with macroeconomic adjustments associated with the EU accession process and 

therefore, some of the recent negative changes to the economic situation of women can be linked to the EU 

accession process itself. 

Case Study 1: 

Poland - EU policy and the situation of Polish women in the labour market 

In Poland, as in other EU CEE member states, the reforms associated with the introduction of a free market 

economy and to meet EU economic criteria had negative impacts on the socio-economic position of many women 

and led to a monumental increase of the gap between the wealthy and poor. 

The disadvantaged economic situation of women is largely related to their position in the labour market. It needs 

to be understood that the position of women in the labour market is not exclusively linked to the economic 

situation of the country or employment policies alone, but to all policies including those focusing on social 

services, security and reproductive rights. Poland joined the EU with the highest unemployment rate of all the new 

member states. Despite historically having almost the same level of unemployment of women and men, the 

situation of women in the labour market is now much worse than that of men. The participation rate of women 

has dropped from 54% in 1992 to 48% in 2002. Women tend to be discriminated against due to their assumed 

reproductive responsibilities; they have problems reconciling work and family responsibilities caused by a lack of 

affordable care services; they tend to remain unemployed for longer periods then men; and when they are 

employed they are rarely economically independent due to the gender wage gap. 

Country Unemployment rate 1995 in % Unemployment rate 2003 in % 

Women Men Women Men 

Czech Republic 4.8 3.4 10.1 8.4 

Estonia 8.9 10.2 9.9 10.2 

Hungary 8.7 13.3 5.5 6. 

Latvia 18.0 19.7 10.6 10.1 

Lithuania 13.1 12.3 

Poland 14.4 12.1 20.0 18.6 

Slovakia 13.7 12.6 17.8 17.2 

Slovenia 7.1 6.1 

EU 15 average 11.7 8.9 9.0 7.4 

Table 1: Source Eurostat, World Bank 

EU membership required a number of legal and policy changes that has provided new opportunities for Polish 

women. For instance, the availability of funds to target gender issues in a country where social expenditure is 

largely restricted to very limited financial support to the most disadvantaged groups, is an innovation. No 

immediate improvement, however, should be expected as the administration struggles to implement projects and 

is resistant to innovative methods of addressing these issues. 

Further, the lack of specific recommendations/requirements in EU policy focusing on social policy allows 

governments to cut budget expenditure on social provisions - this predominantly impacts the poorest women. An 

example of this was the elimination of the child maintenance fund in 2004 and its replacement with a smaller, flat 

rate payment available to unmarried custodian parents which led to a skyrocketing of divorce among the poorest 

groups of society. 

The European Employment Strategy is now reflected in documents produced by the government and programmes 

focusing on (re)integration of women in the labour market are being implemented. These programmes are 

important not only for their impact on women but also because they challenge the belief that equality already 

exists and that additional targeted policies are not necessary. One example is Program Equal, which explicitly 

focuses on equal opportunities of women and reconciliation between family and professional life. It is a pilot 

programme that will soon be implemented simultaneously in Poland and other EU countries. 

Generally, there is not enough emphasis on effective social policy. The government focuses on economic policy 

but not in such a way that guarantees long term growth which will benefit society as a whole. It is also important 


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to note that social issues, including gender issues, are not addressed unless specifically required by the EU. An 

example of this is Poland’s response to the Lisbon Strategy. So far the Lisbon Strategy and its recommendations 

for childcare have been largely ignored, with debate around it focusing almost exclusively on economic growth. 

Still, the Lisbon Strategy is an important, if inadequate tool for NGOs focusing on gender justice. 

Case Study 2: 

Slovenia - Women in the labour markets and the European Employment Strategy 

In Slovenia labour market shifts and challenges have resulted in a declining labour force regardless of sex. An 

analysis of the unemployment rate by sex over the whole transition period shows that the previously held 

advantage of women did not last long. In 2000, women comprised 50.7% of the unemployed; in 2003 their share 

had risen to 52.8%. Further trends will greatly depend on the future restructuring of employment activities. The 

gender pay gap in Slovenia (10.2 percentage points in 2002, SORS) is also significantly smaller than the EU 25 

average. At the end of the 1990s various programmes of active labour policy were in place in Slovenia, but it was 

not until the late 1990s that actions targeted women. 

Before questions of gender equality came increasingly to the fore of attention of international organisations and 

associations, the prevailing and generally accepted perception of gender equality in Slovenia was that all had 

already been achieved in the former political system and that equality between women and men was fully 

established. For that reason, over the last 10 years, the most considerable improvements in the area of gender 

equality were achieved in the legislative area. The main legal mechanisms of promoting equal opportunities are 

now provided in three acts: the Parental Care and Family Cash Benefits Act, the Equal Opportunities Act and the 

Labour Act. These have not been (fully) implemented. 

The Development of the Labour Market Strategy through the year 2006 states that the achievement of gender 

equality in the labour market is one of its long-term objectives. The National Action Plan for Employment is a 

fundamental programme document for the implementation of policies in the labour market. Yet, this does not 

indicate a real shift in the implementation and enforcement of gender equality as there is no process of laying 

clear grounds and setting high standards of achieving gender equality in the labour market. The Ministry of 

Labour, Family and Social Affairs has, however, in accordance with the European Employment Strategy, developed 

a system of labour market indicators which can now be monitored with regard to gender. This provides a means 

to monitor disparities between women and men in the labour market and plan future measures for guaranteeing 

equal opportunities for both genders. Moreover, the implementation of the EQUAL Community Initiative 

programme is intended to achieve objectives in this area. In 2004-2006 only theme 8 (Reducing the Gender Gap 

and Supporting Equality at Work) is planned to be carried out. 

One of the main challenges to promoting gender equality in the labour market is the elimination of both horizontal 

and vertical segregation as well as correlated pay gaps. Slovenia has not yet put gender mainstreaming as a tool 

or strategy into practice nor does it fully understand the principle of gender mainstreaming. It rather argues for 

gender neutrality, which is too often understood as not taking gender dimension into consideration at all. 



● 

● 

● 

● 

EU strategies addressing the position of women in the labour market should be revised to respond more 

effectively to the situation in all eight new EU member states from the CEE region. This includes the 

European Employment Strategy, the Lisbon Strategy and the Social Policy Agenda. 

Social concerns and social policies should be given greater emphasis within the EU policy context. The EU 

should ensure that social policy is given priority and is effectively monitored. 

Policies targeting the poorest of women, and responding to the realities and needs of women in the new 

member states should be developed at the EU level. 

The principle of gender mainstreaming should serve as a standard tool in shaping and developing policies to 

include the gender perspective into the process of all policy development. For this to work gender 

mainstreaming needs to be understood and supported by the CEE countries. 

To the national governments: 

● 

● 

Increasing women’s participation in the labour market is a necessary condition for achieving gender 

equality, but it is not a sufficient one. Gender equality in the labour market also requires major 

improvements in the nature of jobs, their quality and the conditions of work. 

National governments should not only focus on economic policy but also on social policy. The two policies 

have to be closely linked and should not contradict each other. Gender equality objectives should be 

integrated in all policies. 


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-------------------------------- 

[1] Except in Slovenia. 


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- EU Old Member States - 

By Elizabeth Villagómez 

Almenara Estudios Económicos y Social, S.L. Spain 


Prior to the European Union (EU) enlargement in 2004, there were fifteen European member countries now 

considered the ‘old’ EU. The old EU or ‘Western Europe’ consists of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, 

Finland, Portugal, Spain, France, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden and United Kingdom. 

Except for Greece, Portugal and Spain, all of these countries have a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of greater than 

USD 25.000, ranking them amongst the most developed and the richest of countries both at the European and the 

global level. They are also amongst the most highly ranked countries in terms of the Human Development 

Indicators as developed by UNDP. All of the countries are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and all 

have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and 

various conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO). 


From a women’s rights and a gender equality perspective, and indeed from a social protection perspective in 

general, there is growing evidence that social directives and guidelines from the EU are at odds with those ruling 

economic matters. It is undeniable that in some countries the social directives and guidelines have done much to 

introduce and accelerate an increased awareness and needed change with respect to women’s economic and 

social rights and gender equality in general. However, economic policies can work directly and indirectly against 

adequately guaranteeing these rights inasmuch as these policies assume gender neutrality when in fact they are 

gender blind. 

The gender implications are many as nation states restructure themselves, reform their tax and benefit systems 

and decentralise operations. Many of these countries are already characterised by inequalities within the systems 

and institutional discriminatory practices. Many of the EU mandated structural changes result in the continued cutbacks 

of social services or their privatisation. This seriously diminishes women’s possibilities to access and 

maintain their footing in the labour market as they struggle to reconcile their work and private life. The 

assumption that the household will absorb the shocks that these changes provoke continues to assume specific 

gender roles, in particular the unpaid care work of women. Macroeconomic stability, or at least a good part of it, 

can thus be credited to women’s unpaid work. 

Given the importance economic growth is granted in reaching convergence targets and in achieving greater 

welfare for all members of society (what neo-liberal terminology calls the trickle-down effect), it has to be noted, 

that economic growth alone does not fully guarantee economic development, nor welfare and much less gender 

equality. Under the Swedish presidency of the EU in 2001 a paper on Gender Equality and Economic Growth was 

prepared where it was clearly established that gender equality and economic growth is a two-way street. There 

are at least two issues which must be addressed in order to reinforce this relationship: pay differentials and the 

tax-benefit systems. The setting, design and finance of these two issues are closely related to the goals and 

objectives for economic convergence in the EU. The “trickle-down” effect will not reach the wider population 

without planned and targeted policies that address baseline inequalities. This has been demonstrated in many 

countries outside the EU who have followed this flawed neo-liberal advice. 

Macroeconomic policy and its gender impact 

The stability and convergence programmes that have been in place since 1999 for all the fifteen old EU member 

states make up the main core of macroeconomic policy across the EU. Although a Council Regulation ((EC) No. 

1466/97) sets out the essential elements of these programmes, they are not homogeneous in design and practice, 

but they “should show the medium-term objective of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) as being achieved and 

maintained in accordance with the budgetary recommendations in the broad economic policy guidelines.” 

Therefore, having ceded the main elements of monetary policy to the Central European Bank (except in those 

countries outside the Euro zone), budget or fiscal policy then becomes the main macroeconomic policy 

instrument. Fiscal reforms must strike a balance between increasing incentives to business to invest and 

increasing household incomes to consume which are based on tax reductions and reducing social services. These 

social services, in particular, are crucial for women’s employment as can be demonstrated by a recent EU 

parliament study which points out that for the fifteen old EU countries there is a clear link between higher levels of 

taxation and higher participation of women in the labour market. 


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There is growing recognition that macroeconomic policy plays an important role in affecting living standards and 

economic opportunities for the population in general and women in particular. This provides the rationale for the 

introduction of a gender perspective into government budgets. According to Elson, (2002) there are costs 

associated with lower output, reduced development of people’s capacities, less leisure and diminished well-being 

when macroeconomic policy, through its different instruments, increases inequalities instead of reducing them. 

Increasing access to resources and opportunities has, consequently, positive economic effects. This is particularly 

true for women and other members of the population that endure inequalities. A gender impact assessment of all 

policies is yet another instrument that should be used regularly by governments. 

Budgetary discipline is often another way of talking about cut-backs in government spending, particularly with 

regards to social services, education, health and culture as well as human resources in the government, an area 

where in general a large proportion of women work. Statistics show, that expenditure on social protection and 

other benefits as a percentage of GDP has fallen - social expenditure can therefore not be blamed for growing 

deficits. 

These policy choices contrast with increasing expenditure in other areas such as military or security, particularly 

after September 11. The choices made by governments thus respond to political and not just purely economic 

arguments. If economic growth indeed makes the cake larger, the partitioning of the cake is a discretionary 

exercise. Commitments to CEDAW and to the protection of human rights must be given at least the same level of 

importance as commitments to NATO or to the fight against terrorism. 

The level of social expenditure on benefits related to childbirth, child-raising and dependency (long-term care) 

shows a positive relationship with women’s activity and employment rates. The recommendation is given that 

member states with lower employment rates should increase expenditure on these benefits, especially through 

better provision of child and adult dependent care services at affordable prices. While at an individual level, there 

is a negative relationship between taxes, especially income tax and female employment, at an aggregate level 

there is a positive relation between the average tax level and the employment rate for women. In other words, 

countries with higher taxation levels are those with a higher percentage of working women. This apparent 

contradiction is explained by the positive effects that targeted public expenditure can have on the demand and 

supply of female labour. Higher taxes allow a higher public expenditure in services such as health, education or 

social services - areas that traditionally employ many women. But also, importantly, higher tax levels are 

associated with more and better social infrastructures, especially with regards to childcare and dependent adults, 

areas that favour women’s labour supply and affect women’s ability to take work outside of the home. 

It is also important to highlight that women continue to be over represented in low-wage positions and in jobs 

that have less than favourable conditions of employment (for instance temporary, part-time, and informal 

positions often in un- or under-regulated sectors of the economy). Improving these wages and conditions could, 

through increased productivity, improved taxing revenues, higher consumption, etc, advance the process of 

achieving convergence. This is also relevant in understanding the gender dimensions of trade. Systems which 

continue to treat women as secondary income earners and assume that they have access to another, often higher 

male-related income in effect perpetuate the problems of women exiting the labour market, receiving lower hours 

and pay, and undertaking undeclared work, as households calculate that the extra income from women’s work in 

effect results in higher taxes for the household unit. 

The participation of women in the labour market has not been fully taken into account in any of the reforms, plans 

and pacts that affect fiscal and social security reform issues. And these reforms have not resulted in equal pay for 

men and women. The principle of equal pay, that has been included since the Treaty of Rome, has not been 

enforced. Indeed, only five of the fifteen old EU member states have consistent data showing a narrowing of the 

gap - the rest show stagnation or a widening of the gap. 

Internal market and trade 

As recently illustrated in Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, cuts to social services or reforms to social 

protection systems are not easily implemented. In this respect, the Bolkestein initiative (proposal for directive COM 

(2000) 507 final 2000/0260 (COD)) later approved as a directive, has failed to take into account the gender 

implications of occupational pensions. It is also clear that directives affecting the free movement of persons, 

services and goods across the EU still fail to recognise and identify gender dimensions and implications. Also, the 

trend to privatise social services connected to these occupational schemes will impact adversely on women’s 

ability to access resources. 

The most recent publication of Employment in Europe points more to the benefits than to the costs of outsourcing 

and globalisation on European employment. An obvious policy question would be how to increase women’s access 

to the better jobs and how to protect women stuck in the lower paying, less protected jobs, those that are more 

likely to be outsourced to third countries. It can therefore be seen that the downward trend in employment growth 

highlighted in the previous section, is affected by both globalisation and growing government deficits. 

Employment, gender equality strategies, social protection and social inclusion 

The objectives of EU social policy seem to run contrary to the objectives of economic policy particularly when 

looking at the distribution of income, social exclusion and equality, and on quality of employment. Although 


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unemployment has decreased over the past 10 years (from 10% to 7% in EU15), and the employment and 

poverty reductions strategies at EU level make coordinated and some targeted efforts to address the needs of 

those who are excluded or at risk, there are still persistent shortfalls and gaps in particular for women. 

The improvement in economic conditions and access to health and education are not sufficient to close gaps 

created by inequalities and discrimination in the access to the labour market where most social benefits are 

obtained. Furthermore, the higher percentage of women, particularly those over 65, under the relative poverty 

threshold (60% of median equivalised income) reinforces the idea that closing the pay gap and improving the 

participation rates of women in the labour market throughout their lifetime is crucial to prevent poverty later in 

life. The many benefits of paid, declared work reiterates the importance of reforming systems in a way that take 

women’s reproductive role into account. At the same time, policies must be put in place to encourage an increase 

in men’s participation in social reproduction, particularly in the care of children and other dependents. Pension 

reforms that do not take this into account will be detrimental to women. 

Brief comment on the EU Constitution 

The constitutional text has, for some, meant a lower standard in the equality legislation that has already been 

achieved. However, Article II-23 as it stands states that equality between men and women must be ensured in all 

areas, including employment, work and pay and that the principle of equality shall not prevent the maintenance or 

adoption of measures providing for specific advantages in favour of the under-represented sex. Therefore, both 

mainstreaming and positive action remain as the basis for moving forward with gender equality. Given that 

member states have already made commitments to women under international conventions such as CEDAW, the 

Constitution would be a stronger document if these commitments were expressly mentioned. It should be noted 

that the Constitution does, in effect challenge these commitments as it is based on a patriarchal social and neoliberal 

economic model, neither of which advances the position of women. 


● There must be implicit recognition by the Directorate General for Economic and Financial Affairs of the 

gender dimensions of the stability and convergence programmes, particularly around appropriate mediumterm 

budgetary targets. Gender budget analysis and gender impact analysis of policies, as tools mentioned 

in the Community Framework, should be moved forward more decisively. 

● There is an urgent need to address the question of coherence: Economic policies need to be in compliance 

with women rights and gender equality issues. 

● In the context of on-going reforms to tax and social security systems, the European Commission (EC) and 

the European Parliament must encourage member states to do away with the last vestiges of malebreadwinner 

models that discourage women from active participation in the labour market. WIDE 

recommends collective responsibility and horizontal subsidising. 

● The effects of globalisation phenomena such as outsourcing should be analysed by the EC through a gender 

lens. Particular attention should be paid to the fact that women are concentrated in low-paying jobs with 

less than favourable employment conditions. 

● National Action Plans for employment and for social inclusion should continue to strengthen the gender 

dimension of both analysis and the corresponding measures to address inequalities. In this sense stronger 

language on affirmative action should be included in addition to the gender mainstreaming approach taken 

and the references to specific problems such as the pay-gap and reconciliation of work and family life. 

● The provision of social services and public goods must be guaranteed - the EC should take measures to 

encourage member states to protect and to ensure access to public goods and social services for all, and 

discourage privatisation and commercialisation in the interests of private companies and international 

corporations. 

● The EC should take measures to eliminate the gap between the adopted gender equality legislation and its 

implementations in the area of employment and equal pay; this includes the need to build and strengthen 

mechanisms and institutions responsible for monitoring the progress of implementation of relevant 

legislation. Moreover, the monitoring needs to be linked to the general process of the European 

Employment Strategy. 

● The EC should urgently take the initiative to eliminate the neo-liberal, patriarchal and militaristic structure 

of the European Constitution and to integrate a rights-based approach to development that will ensure 

equal access to resources and rights for all. 

● The EC should take measures to eradicate poverty by strengthening social policies and economic rights 

instead of further weakening them. 






---------------------------- 

[1] A Report on Gender Equality and Economic growth, Åså Löfström, University, S-Umeå. 

[2] European Commission Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, European Economy Nº 3/2002, 


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Opinion on the content and format of stability and convergence programmes (2001 code of conduct). 

[3] European Parliament, Women’s Human Rights Committee. Social Security Systems in the EU and their Impact 

on Reconciling Family Life and Work Life, prepared by Almenara Estudios Económicos y Sociales, S.L. 

[4] Diane Elson (2002) “Integrating Gender into Government Budgets within a Context of Economic Reform”, in 

Gender Budgets Make Cents, Commonwealth Secretariat, Gender Affairs Department, London 

[5] Op. cit. 

[6] Here the choice lies between horizontal equity principles, in other words equality on tax treatment for families 

with the same capacity to pay, and neutrality to the civil status of individuals. The choice of an individual tax 

system or of a joint tax system means to a great extent choosing one or the other. 

[7 ] EGGE – EC’s Expert Group on Gender and Employment, “The Gender Pay Gap and Gender Mainstreaming Pay 

Policy”. 

[8] Directive 2003/41/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 3 June 2003. On the activities and 

supervision of institutions for occupational retirement provision. 


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The enlarged European Union and its agenda for a ‘wider Europe’: 

What considerations for gender equality? 

By Mandy Macdonald 

Women in Development Europe (WIDE) Report 

On 1 May 2004 ten new countries joined the European Union (EU): Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, 

Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. Four more countries - Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and 

Turkey are now sufficiently advanced in the negotiations for EU accession to be classed as candidate countries. 

Further back in the queue are the countries now known as EU ‘new neighbours’ - those countries in the Western 

Balkans and the Former Soviet Union (FSU) which now border upon the ever-expanding EU and are being 

encouraged by it to adopt values and policies consonant with those of the EU - but without any guarantee of 

accession in the short term. 

Among the shared values the EU wants its new and future members and its neighbours to foment are democracy, 

respect for human rights and the rule of law. But do these values include gender equality? The European 

Commission’s 2003 Communication, ‘Wider Europe - Neighbourhood: A new framework for relations with our 

Eastern and Southern neighbours’ is silent on the subject. This hearing held by WIDE at the European Parliament 

(EP) explored the potential for mainstreaming gender equality in key areas of national policy in the new member 

states and other Eastern European countries, and the extent to which the EU can help in this respect. The hearing 

followed up WIDE’s consultation on gender equality in EU accession negotiations held in 2003 in Brussels, and 

aimed to carry the discussion forward to the formulation of recommendations to be taken back to the participants’ 

national governments. 

Forty invited participants from 12 European countries met in the European Parliament building in Brussels. They 

included Members of the European Parliament (MEP) and their researchers, members of staff from two relevant 

European Commission Directorates (DG Enlargement and DG Employment), feminist researchers from a number 

of countries, and WIDE staff. The meeting was especially pleased to welcome two representatives of the Provincial 

Secretariat for Labour, Employment and Gender Equality of the Serbian province of Vojvodina, whose provincial 

parliament adopted a Declaration on Gender Equality in 2004. 

The hearing was facilitated by Bettina Musiolek of the Protestant Academy of Meissen, and the opening speech 

was given by Elisabeth Schroeder, Member of the Parliament (MEP), Green Group, who hosted the meeting. Two 

pairs of presentations were made, interspersed with work in small groups, so as to alternate information-sharing 

with discussion and practical strategising. 

Outcomes of the Hearing 

Two consistent themes emerged in the four presentations and the discussions: the gap between policy and 

legislation and its implementation, and the need to intensify international networking. Concerns were expressed 

that the ever-expanding EU is more concerned with economic growth and the maintenance of ‘secure’ borders 

than with social and gender justice for all its citizens, even though there is clear evidence from all the regions 

represented at this hearing that even the largely formal equality enjoyed by women under the socialist regimes 

has been swept away on a rising tide of feminised poverty and renewed patriarchy. Where there is legislation to 

address gender equality, it is often not implemented or enforced, and participants were keen to dialogue with 

representatives of the EU on ways in which it could influence the governments of their countries in this respect. 

Civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are struggling to move the gender equality agenda 

forward, and there have been some notable successes, but inadequate resources put a strong brake on their 

efforts. In this context, international networking among NGOs and women’s movements is proving invaluable, and 

participants urged governments to cooperate in the same way both among themselves and with civil society. 

These themes formed the basis of the strategic discussions held in the four working groups and are reflected in 

the recommendations put together by the groups and presented at the conclusion of the hearing. 

Recommendations 

1) New EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe 


● EU strategies addressing the position of women in the labour market should be revised to respond more 

effectively to the needs of new member states as well as regional, social and economic differences between 

women in old member states. 


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● The EU institutions should increase the capacity and role of civil society and facilitate its participation in 

existing EU-related bodies, by providing funds and expertise, simplifying the procedures for civil society 

participation, and making the existing mechanisms more visible. 

● The EU institutions should effectively monitor the implementation of gender-specific policies and 

recommendations, and should develop specific mechanisms to do this. 

To national governments: 

● Gender budgeting should be applied to EU funds received by national governments, and to national 

government budgets. 

● Policies to address the drop in activity rate for women in the new member states must be implemented. 

● The role of civil society in policy-making processes, including gender mainstreaming, should be 

strengthened and institutionalised. 

To EU and national governments: 

● Ensure that national equality bodies play a meaningful role in monitoring gender-related issues, including 

gender mainstreaming. 

● Promote cooperation between decision-makers in old and new EU member states, so that the Central and 

Eastern Europe (CEE) new member states can benefit from best practice across a range of countries. 

● Policies and laws introduced, in particular those referring to gender equality, should be specific to country 

situations, and should not be merely based on a blueprint designed for the old EU states. 

2) EU candidate countries 


● Monitor the gap between policy/legislation and implementation, and exert pressure on governments in the 

region to adopt a consistent gender equality policy and gender mainstreaming approach. 

● Gender should be mainstreamed effectively through PHARE assistance, training, and publications. 

● Strengthen the demand that gender mainstreaming be taken into account by appropriate departments in 

the European Commission when designing and planning programmes and projects, using mechanisms such 

as gender markers (OECD) or gender evaluation guidelines. 

● There should be greater transparency in EU expenditure on gender-related matters. 

● Ensure that at least 40% of those participating in high-level and other meetings on accession between the 

EC and the candidate countries are women and 40% are men. 


● Be more proactive in dialogue with civil society. 

● Be more proactive in promoting gender-mainstreamed projects. 

● Establish institutional mechanisms for gender equality. Where these already exist, guarantees/ indicators 

for their effectiveness should be given and they should be supported by appropriate and sufficient human 

and financial resources. 

● Additional budgetary resources should be allocated to monitor the effects of economic liberalisation and EU 

accession on gender equality. 

● Consider the possibility of refusing offers of funds which come accompanied by identifiable World Bank 

conditions. 

3) EU neighbouring countries in the Western Balkans 


● Promote an approach to development based on human and women’s rights rather than one focusing only 

on profit and economic growth, and develop an economic model which is open not only to productivity but 

to production of social value. 

● Make space in the European Structural Funds (ESF) for the neighbouring non-EU countries. 

● Promote the sharing of experiences among countries by greater networking in civil society; support such 

networking with adequate resources. 

● Educate/lobby policy-makers on development and implementation of gender equality legislation and 

instruments. 


● Support women’s activities in the region. 

● Integrate gender perspective and women’s needs and interests in the reforms of pension system, social 

security, etc. 

● Make a gender analysis of economic policies. 

● Make space for a gender-responsive social economy. 


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4) EU neighbouring countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union 


● Use their power and influence in Eastern Europe to promote and monitor human rights. 

● Support NGOs and civil society for public dialogue. 

● Support cooperation between CEE/NIS governments and new member state governments and civil sector 

(especially women’s NGOs). 

● Put pressure on national governments to ensure that border regimes do not discriminate against people 

living in border areas in terms of mobility of workers etc. 

● Facilitate and support the creation of programmes/projects promoting equal opportunities in CEE/NIS 

countries. Projects should aim at long-term, sustainable development, including capacity building for local 

populations. 

● Revise the European Employment Strategy (EES) to take account of the situation of Eastern European 

Former Soviet Union countries. 


● Observe human rights in general and women’s rights in particular. 

● Develop and execute legislation on gender equality and establish gender machineries at local, regional and 

national levels. 

● Raise the gender awareness of government officials through education and training, and resource this 

activity adequately. 

● End cuts in public spending on core services such as education, health, water; adopt a more gradual 

approach to economic reform. 

Full Report has been recently published and is available at: WIDE, rue de la Science 10, 1000 Brussels, Belgium 

phone: ++32-2-545.90.70 fax: ++32-2-512.73.42 




Engendering Macroeconomics 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_ram.htm19-1-2006 13:19:58 

ENGENDERING MACROECONOMICS 

Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics 

By Diane Elson, PhD 

A feminist alternative would make social reproduction the dominant domain, with 

production and finance acting to serve it. The macroeconomic policy objective would be 

decent work for all, with an equal sharing of unpaid work between women and men, 

supported by public policy which recognises the importance of this work. In analysing 

how to move to this alternative from where we are no, we argue that feminist 

macroeconomics will need to build on and extend heterodox macroeconomics, while 

challenging neoliberal macroeconomics. 

Introduction to Feminist Economics: 

Household, Market and State 

By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD 

Gender is a complex category using economic structure, symbols and identities to 

express culturally and socially constructed differences between men and women. Decision 

on who is to generate income outside family and how the family income is to be allocated 

are strongly gender structured and based on power relations. They greatly influence not 

only the relations within households and enterprises, but also market relations and the 

state’s economic policy, and thus the total economic and social development of any 

national economy. 

Briefing Paper on the ‘Feminisation of Poverty’ 

By BRIDGE 

The term the ‘feminisation of poverty’ originates from US debates about single mothers 

and welfare, dating from the 1970s. Recently there has been much discussion, in both 

academic and development policy circles, of the phenomena. However, there is little 

clarity about what the feminisation of poverty means, or about whether such a trend can 

be empirically verified. The feminisation of poverty has been linked to firstly, a perceived 

increase in the proportion of female-headed households (FHHs) and secondly, the rise of 

female participation in low return urban informal sector activities, particularly in the 

context of the 1980s economic crises and adjustments in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin 

America.



Diane Elson, PhD, Professor, University of Essex (UK) and Senior Scholar, Levy Economics Institute, Bard College, 

(USA) 

In this presentation I will discuss some of the ways in which mainstream macroeconomics has been extended by 

gender analysis; and some of the ways in which feminist economists, taking heterodox macroeconomics as a 

starting point, are seeking to challenge mainstream macroeconomics. 

I want to distinguish between extending the mainstream paradigm and challenging the mainstream paradigm. The 

paradigm can be extended by adding new features, filling in gaps, and replacing simple assumptions by more 

complex assumptions. I think that feminist economics can be more ambitious than that. We can and should seek 

to challenge the fundamental assumptions of the mainstream. And begin to develop alternative forms of analysis 

and policy. 

I will draw upon the macroeconomics I learned as a student in Oxford, at St Hilda’s college in the late sixties; a 

macroeconomics witch drew inspiration from Keynes, Kalecki, and Marx; and was grounded in an appreciation of 

the importance of institutional context and of history. I would particularly like to salute the women who taught me 

macroeconomics at Oxford, especially Nita Watts, Fellow of St Hilda’s College. I will also draw upon the research 

of the International Working Group on Gender and Macroeconomics, and informal international network of women 

and men, co-ordinated by Niluer Vagatay, Cren Grown, Rania Antonopolous, Sergy Floro and myself. The Group 

produced two special issues o World Development (November 1995 and July 2000) and has for the last two years 

organized a summer school on gender, macroeconomics, and international economics at the University of Utah. 

I will define the scope of macroeconomics broadly, to consider analysis that looks at the economy as a whole, as 

distinct from microeconomics, which analyses the economic behaviour o individuals, households and enterprises; 

and meso economics, which analyses the operation of mediating institutions such as markets and state agencies. 

Feminist economics has, to date, produced more analysis of the operations of economies at the micro and meso 

level. The programme for the 2004 IAFFE conference contains many more sessions on micro and meso economics 

than on macroeconomics. Nevertheless, there is a growing body of feminist research that has produced the 

following critiques of mainstream macroeconomics: 

● 

● 

● 

mainstream macroeconomics is gender blind It is based on an incomplete understanding of how economies 

work. This promotes the introduction of policies which disadvantage women, especially poor women; 

macroeconomics should recognise and incorporate the unpaid domestic work that is vital for social 

reproduction (the reproduction of the whole society, including the day-to-day and intergenerational 

reproduction of labour power); 

macroeconomics should incorporate gender inequality variables. 

Feminist economists have done empirical and conceptual work to incorporate social reproduction and gender 

inequality variables in macroeconomic analysis. So also have some mainstream economists. I will discuss 

examples of each. 

Mainstream macroeconomics that incorporate gender analysis 

We learnt in a Conference presentation by Irene van Staveren that macroeconomists in the Netherlands have 

incorporated the unpaid domestic work of caring for family members in the model that is officially used to analyse 

macroeconomic policy. They have modelled the supply and demand for this labour in much the same way as the 

supply and demand of paid work, with one important exception. The performance of unpaid work is assumed to 

generate utility for the provider as well as for receiver; but the performance of paid work is assumed to generate 

utility only for the receiver. Irene challenged this on the grounds that both paid and unpaid work can generate 

both utility and disutility for the provider; and there is no good reason to assume that unpaid work uniquely 

generates utility for the provider. Because women so often do unpaid care work out of love, does not mean that 

they always love doing it! 

Another area in which mainstream economists have engaged with gender is in the analysis of the determinants 

and benefits of economic growth. World Bank economists David Dollar and Roberta Gatti have run cross-country 

and time series regressions and come to the conclusion that growth is food for gender equality and gender 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0027ram.htm (1 van 4)19-1-2006 13:20:05


equality is good for growth. In other words, all i sfo the best in the best o all possible worlds. But Dollar and Gatti 

examine only a restricted range of gender inequality variables, focusing on education and not on the labour 

market. This is in line with the major focus of the World Bank policy advice which argues that investing in the 

education of girls promotes benefits for all. World Bank economists have also incorporated gender into the model 

of the small dependent economy that underpins the design o structural adjustment models. Collier treats gender 

as a market imperfection that hinders the reallocation o female labour from the production of non-tradables to the 

production of tradables in low-income sub-Saharan African economies. Gender is in this view a barrier to 

successful structural adjustment. 

Gender as a market imperfection also provides the theoretical framework for recent research by Black and 

Brainard at the US National Bureau for Economic Research on the impact of international trade on the gender 

wage gap in the USA. They find that import competition has reduced discrimination against women in the US 

labour market, a result given considerable prominence by Jagdish Bhagwati, Professor of Economics at Columbia 

University, in his recent book on the benefits of globalisation. 

Contrasting examples of feminist macroeconomics 

Feminist economics that challenges the mainstream dose not see gender as just another market imperfection. It 

takes a more structuralist view of economies, as incorporating persistent asymmetries in power and knowledge. 

Stephanie Seguino finds no convulsive evidence to support the view that women do better in countries that grow 

faster. Moreover, using cross-country and time series regression analysis she finds evidence that gender 

inequalities in the labour market has facilitated economic growth in semi-industrialised countries. Underpinning 

this last result is a more structuralist model in which low female wages stimulate industrial investment, in a 

profits-led process of growth. 

Sandy Darity offers a different understanding of gender in a low-income Sub-Saharan African economy. He 

models gender not as a market imperfection but as a relation of power which structures how the agricultural 

sector responds to structural adjustment. He brings to light the contradictory interrelation between gender and 

structural adjustment. If women have sufficient bargaining power to resist demands on them to supply more 

labour to produce export crops controlled by their husbands, there will be a weak supply response to structural 

adjustment policies. If they do not have sufficient bargaining power and do re-allocate their labour from locally 

consumed food crops, which they control, to export crops which their husbands control, then there is a more 

elastic supply response in tradable production, but food security is likely to suffer and the nutritional status of 

women and children may deteriorate. 

A number of feminist economists have a very different take on gender wage gaps and globalisation. Ebru Kongar 

mounts a direct challenge to the work of Black and Brainard. She acknowledges that the gender wage gap has 

narrowed in the USA in the period of increased import competition, but points to a very different explanation: not 

reduction of discrimination against women, but a process in which import competition has resulted in downward 

pressure on male wages, and downward pressure on female employment in tradables Kongar’s model does not 

assume that labour markets clear rapidly and that full employment is the norm. 

Gunseli Berik finds that gender wages gaps worsened in South Korea and Taiwan in the period of expansion of 

manufactured exports while improving slightly when there was a contradiction of manufactured exports, due to a 

decline in male wages. 

From the real economy to the capitalist money economy 

A limitation of all of the analysis discussed so far, whether mainstream or feminist, is that it abstracts from the 

specificities of capitalist monetary economies. It is grounded in ‘real economy’ models, in which finance is not 

specifically modelled. It is therefore of limited help in responding to the challenge issued to me by a former 

finance minister of Chile, in the summer of 2002: “I can see how gender analysis can be useful to Ministers of 

Education and Health, and even Ministers of Agriculture and Industry, but I do not see why it is relevant to 

Ministers of Finance. It would not have helped me when I was Minister of Finance”. 

To respond to that challenge, one needs to bring finance specifically into the analysis. Korkut Erturk, Nilufer 

Cagatay and I have been working together on ways on doing that. We propose and analysis based on the 

interrelation of three domains: finance, production and social reproduction. All three domains are considered to be 

‘bearers of gender’ in the sense that they are structured through social relations which are gendered, implicitly, if 

not explicitly. We propose an understanding of the macro-economy in terms of the interrelation of these domains. 

In the period of the Keynesian consensus (1950s and 1960s), production dominated, with social reproduction and 

finance at the service of production. This was founded upon heterodox macroeconomics. It was not assumed that 

economic agents would automatically respond to price signals emerging from markets in ways that produced 

growth and full employment. International trade and financial links were managed in the service of the objectives 

of full employment and national development. Social reproduction was articulated to the other domains through 

systems of wage determination, social protection social insurance (for the formal sector); and systems of 

patronage and clientilism (for the agricultural and informal sectors); all o which were based on the assumption 

what men were the breadwinners and women were dependent housewives who would carry on doing the 

necessary unpaid work without any support from public policy. Feminist analysis re-emerged towards the end of 



this period to challenge the articulations that placed women in a position of dependency. Ministers of Finance did 

not see the relevance of this analysis because they assumed that the unpaid work would be done regardless of 

their policies, and their attention focused on the medium term dynamics of how to maintain the appropriate level 

of aggregate demand to ensure full utilization of the capacity of the paid economy. 

Since the mid ‘70s this has been overturned and the Washington Consensus has emerged, putting finance in the 

dominant position, with production at the service o finance and social reproduction at the service of both. The 

Washington Consensus assumes that economic agents will respond to price signals emerging from markets in 

ways that produce full employment and growth. Economic problems are assumed to set mainly from public 

policies which distort prices. Thus international trade and finance must be liberalized. it is recognised that markets 

may be imperfect and incomplete, so there is some role for public policy to make markets perfect and complete. 

This has resulted in changes of the articulation of social reproduction and production, demonstrated in some detail 

for the case of Australia in a Conference paper by Ray Broomhill and Rhonda Sharp. Social reproduction is 

increasingly articulated to the other domains through individuals participating in ‘flexible’ labour and credit 

markets. However, much of the male breadwinner mode of articulation persists for poor people. In better-of 

households unpaid domestic work has been replaced by paid domestic work, often done by migrant women. But 

the system is still heavily reliant on the unpaid work of women in poor and average households; and it is still 

largely assumed that this work will be done regardless of public policy. Finance Ministers do not see the relevance 

of gender analysis because they make this assumption; and because they are too busy dealing with the very short 

run dynamics o the domain of finance, in which lage movements of currency can move in and out o a country 

overnight. 

A feminist alternative would make social reproduction the dominant domain, with production and finance acting to 

serve it. The macroeconomic policy objective would be decent work for all, with an equal sharing of unpaid work 

between women and men, supported by public policy which recognises the importance of this work. In analysing 

how to move to this alternative from where we are no, we argue that feminist macroeconomics will need to build 

on and extend heterodox macroeconomics, while challenging neoliberal macroeconomics. 

Heterodox macroeconomics points to intrinsic limits to the ability of the money mechanism to co-ordinate capital 

accumulation that set from within the money mechanism itself, in the context o a necessarily uncertain world. 

Feminist heterodox macroeconomics shares the starting point that monetary contracts are necessarily incomplete 

and contradictory; that, to use Polanyi’s language, money is a fictitious commodity that ultimately rests on nonmarket 

relations for its value. But feminist heterodox macroeconomics also insists that the domain of social 

reproduction also constitutes an unsurpassable limit to the ability of the money mechanism to co-ordinate capital 

accumulation. 

The fact that social reproduction is not co-ordinated by markets and is not governed by the profit motive is not 

the result of purely contingent problems of missing and imperfect markets that could be remedies by extending 

and improving markets. The absence o markets and the profit motive in this domain is an essential aspect of the 

functioning of a capitalist monetary economy. Such an economy is based on the large scale availability of free 

labour, both free from servitude and free from access to the means of production, except via the sale of labour 

power. Commercialisation of the production and nurture of human beings does of course take place in capitalist 

economies (surrogate motherhood for cash, babies for adoption via sale, paid care services) but production of 

people on the same basis as the commercial production of chicken, pigs and cows would call into question the 

whole operation of a free labour market and the legitimating myths of capitalist monetary economies. Polyani 

went some way to identifying this problem when he referred to labour as a fictitious commodity. Contracts in a 

capitalist money economy are necessarily incomplete nof only because of the characteristics o the domain of 

finance, but also because of the characteristics o the domain of social reproduction. 

Moreover the capitalist monetary economy adjust not only through “forced savings,” in which poor consumers are 

priced out of markets for consumption gods, but also through “forced unpaid labour” in which social norms lead 

women and girls to attempt to maintain family consumption by doing more unpaid work to produce non-market 

substitutes. There are limits, however, to the ability of women and girls to do this. Beyond narrow limits, 

substitution is not possible, with the result that human capabilities and social networks deteriorate. This reduces 

the productive capacity of the economy. This is indeed a problem for Finance Ministers, but if the rules of 

international trade and finance force their attention to be focused on the problems of the next 24 hours, they will 

not have time to consider the problems of the next 24 years. The fast dynamics of hyper-liberalised finance tend 

to obscure the slower dynamics of social reproduction. 

This is changing in some parts of the world, as major changes take place in the organisation of social reproduction 

through the ageing of the population structure in the North and the ravages of HIV-Aids in many countries of the 

South. 

Heterodox macroeconomics recognizes that economic growth and fluctuations are not independent, and that 

fluctuations in demand lower the overall productive capacity o the economy. They have not yet recognized that 

changes in the domain of social reproduction also lower the overall productive capacity of the economy. More 

work needs to be done to develop quantitative feminist heterodox analysis that would reveal the significance of 

these interactions. In the Conference session on feminism and post-keynesian economics, Haroon Akram-Lhodi 

made the interesting suggestion of doing this by building on the work of Kalecki. Feminist macroeconomics can 

also build on the work of Marx, who recognized that the problems of capitalist monetary economies cannot be 



reduced to insufficient aggregate demand, and stem from the dynamics of production that is governed by profit. A 

feminist macroeconomics can show that the dynamics of production that is NOT governed by profit (ie social 

reproduction) is also relevant. 

Feminist macroeconomic policy 

Feminist economists are beginning to work on alternative policies. For instance, valuable work has been published 

by Isa Bakker and Brigitte Young on the critique of macroeconomic policy rules (including balanced budget laws, 

asymmetric inflation targets for central banks, rules on debt to GDP ratios and budget deficit to GDP ratios). 

Caren Grown and Stephanie Seguino have produced a paper on a feminist-Kaleckian approach to policy. We must 

build on this work to show in what ways a feminist approach goes beyond the alternative polices proposed by 

heterodox macroeconomics. This, for me, is the appropriate task of extension and completion, while seeking to 

undermine the paradigm of mainstream macroeconomics. 

Note: 

This piece originally appeared in 'Feminist Economics Challenges 

Mainstream Economics' edited by Bina Agarwal, Special issue of the newsletter of 

the International Association for Feminist Economics, Vol.14, No. 3, 2004 

International Association for Feminist Economics © 


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Introduction to Feminist Economics: Household, Market and State 


Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia 

Summary: This paper addresses the feminist perspective in economy and the significance of gender relations 

governing the allocation of resources at household, market and state levels. Gender is a complex category using 

economic structure, symbols and identities to express culturally and socially constructed differences between men 

and women. Decision on who is to generate income outside family and how the family income is to be allocated 

are strongly gender structured and based on power relations. They greatly influence not only the relations within 

households and enterprises, but also market relations and the state’s economic policy, and thus the total 

economic and social development of any national economy. 

Key words: gender methodology and indicators, household resource economy 

Feminist methodology and gender indicators – definition and methodology 

The entire economic science is about answering the key question: how limited resources are distributed, allocated 

and used by people in economy not only at global level but also at macro- (national) level, meso- (sectoral and 

local community level) and micro-levels (household, company, individual). Despite the pronounced absence of 

people at the level of macroeconomic theory and measurement, economic science is built on assumptions of 

rational individuals and natural reproduction, according to which women’s work is infinitely elastic, and the belief 

that all factors are relatively equally mobile. 

The analysis of economy in a feminist sense is based on understanding unequal power relations between men and 

women and the need to transform the current power relations towards gender equality. Feminist economics 

identifies gender inequalities within economy, defines gender objectives for economic policy and develops gender 

indicator necessary to observe how gender objectives are being achieved. Feminist economy redefines economy 

from the viewpoint of gender as an analytic category and its relation to other identity categories such as racial, 

class and gender orientation, comprising and demonstrating the governing hierarchies and privileges in economic 

and social systems. 

Gender affects economy, but economy also affects gender relations – such as different positions of men and 

women on labour market – labour market segregation makes it less efficient, and is based on the gender 

assumption of ‘appropriate’ jobs for women. Using gender as an analytic category, one considers inequalities that 

occur between men and women in the private and public spheres of their action. Gender inequalities between men 

and women stem from their different social roles and unequal power relations (such as work invested in care). 

Feminist economics is a scientific and theoretic discipline approaching economic issues from a wider social and 

political standpoint. It enhances all existing theoretical approaches to economy (neo-classical, post-Keynesian, 

neo-institutional) with political, interdisciplinary, philosophical approach to economy, demonstrating that the lack 

of gender analysis is related to male interpretation of science as a whole. 

Feminist critique of methodological individualism and other key assumptions of economics is a challenge to market 

economic paradigm. The economic assumption of a rational and genderless economic agent implies an assumption 

of traditional gender roles, racial, class and national hierarchies and thus a privileged male agent. Feminist 

economics investigates the ways in which theoretic concepts of economics are gendered, and how gendered 

concepts and theories help in the distribution of power relations and status. 

The feminist perspective (Barker, Drucilla, and Edith Kuiper, 2003, pp.1-18, Bina Agarwal, ed., 2004, pp. 1-2, 

Bina Agarwal, 2004, pp. 2-6, Dian Elson 2004, pp. 6-9) simultaneously offers a theoretical and ethical position. In 

the ontological sense, feminist economics starts from the position that events and experiences rather than objects 

are the basic factors of reality in an imperfect and evolving world whose main determinants are time and changes. 

Objectivity does not exist, as each one of us comprises a component of reality with our own positions (Amartya 

Sen’s ‘positional objectivity’). Ethical attitudes (such as the elimination of discrimination and human rights, 

equality of people and nations) are, thus an integral part of economic analysis and evaluation. Outside statistical 

mathematical and economist reasoning, there is a multitude of explanations conceptualising economy as an 

integral part of cultural power relations and changes in line with ethic and democratic principles. In feminist 

economics, human welfare is the measure of success, and housework and care work are included in the economic 

analysis and evaluation of an economy’s performances. Accordingly, the key areas of feminist, but increasingly of 

traditional economic analysis as well are: market, state and household. 

Feminist economics is focussed on a variety of approaches in economic analysis (problem-oriented approach): 


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1. Structuralist approach identifies and analyses gender as an economic phenomenon through structures, 

symbolism and identity; 

2. Empirical approach identifies measurable gender inequalities by gathering and analysing primary and 

secondary data; 

3. Political approach analyses possible policies aimed at improving economic positions of women and girls 

(such as the impact of fiscal policy on women). 

Gender is expressed in economy and society (Sandra Harding) in three ways, through: 

1. Economic structures: segregated markets, discrimination in wages, labour division etc expressed in 

economic variables, institutions, policies and models; 

2. Symbols: femininity vs. masculinity, job characteristics, paid vs. unpaid work, mathematical vs. verbal 

explanation; 

3. Identity expressed in preferences, rationality, beliefs and metaphors. 

Gender indicators in feminist economic analysis 

Gender sensitive indicators contribute to the visibility of women’s position and the dimensions of gender 

inequalities in economy and society. Gender indicators offer a possibility of comparing various accomplishments of 

various development actors over time and various relationships established between gender inequality and 

economic growth, economic and social development (Tables on GDI and GEM, Human Development Report 2004: 

310 –330, Rekha Mehra and Sarah Gammage, 1999: 533- 550). Alternative gender indicators focus on measuring 

human dimensions of development in terms of evaluating choices and opportunities which women and men face, 

their freedom and dignity, self-respect and respect for others, and which greatly surpass their incomes – an 

example of feminisation of poverty (Durbin Elizabeth, 1999: 104- 108, Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko, 1999: 99-104). 

The lack of indices of economic and social growth and gender inequalities, their insufficient disaggregation and 

gender sensibility is one of the key manifestations of the problem i.e. situation in Serbia (Sanja Æopiæ, 2001: 11- 

37, Marija Lukiæ, 2002: 2- 8, Marija Lukiæ i Slaðana Jovanoviæ, 2002, Tatjana Ðuriæ Kuzmanovic, 2002: 49- 

65). 

Household economics – a feminist view of intra-household resource allocation 

Economics processes occur in two key spheres of human activity. The private sphere comprises production for 

domestic purposes, whereas the public sphere comprises production for exchange and accumulation. 

What is a household and why is it significant? Household is a social institution. It is in the household that specific 

relationship patterns between units as biological and social beings are established. These relationship patterns are 

based on various gender ideologies – socially constructed roles – whereby men and women are defined differently 

in relation to one another. Gender is therefore the basis for their material and social inequality. 

Three forms of reproduction occur simultaneously in a household: biological, labour and social. Reproduction 

occurs within a household through: consumption of goods, childcare, clothing maintenance, providing 

accommodation, maintaining hygiene and cleanliness, and providing care for household members, and wider to 

persons outside the household. 

Household reproduction requires resource allocation. Women’s labour predominates in the processes of providing 

these biologically and socially required services. Resource allocation occurring within a household is a prerequisite 

for resource allocation occurring through the market. 

The unitary model of intra-household resource allocation 

According to the unitary model (Gary Becker), the intra-household allocation of work is based on comparative 

advantages of all household members based on which their work is allocated between the household and the 

market. Maximising the household welfare is a result of intra-household gender division of labour based on the 

decision of the male household member. Abandoning the assumption of the male ‘benevolent dictator’ who makes 

all the key decisions in the household, leads to the domain of intrahousehold conflicts and inequalities resolved 

through various co-operative and uncooperative models or negotiation models (World Bank, 2001: 147-180; 

Appendix of World Bank, 2001: 307-312). 

The feminist critique of unitary model 

Feminist critique of unitary models (Blau F, Ferber M and Winkler, A, 1998: 31-75) refers to the critique of: the 

concept of household itself; the concept of individual preferences, the logic of competition; the concept of gender 


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homogenous work and identity; unitary production function of the household. Feminist economists approach 

household as a social institution, meaning that our preferences in the household are not formed independently, 

but rather as a result of numerous social factors, various lexicographical preferences, demonstration effects and 

income levels. Our choices are socially constructed and determined, and therefore our behaviour can surpass our 

individually formed preferences. The logic of competition and contest cannot be fully transferred onto the 

household situation. Our decisions regarding supply and demand are inseparably interlocked, and cannot be 

separated theoretically or empirically. 

Men and women have different approach to intrahousehold resources, approach reflecting their asymmetrical 

gender identities, so that consequently the production opportunities that they face are different. Households have 

a gender specific production function within which the production factors cannot be easily substituted by one 

another, both within and outside the household. Work can be differentiated on the basis of gender, age and status 

– gender relations are socially constructed and reflect the structure of household and asymmetrical gender 

identities of household members. The assumption of intra-household resource allocation is problematic, because 

in many cases men and women do not share resources, but rather have different approaches to different 

resources and thereby different types of income, resulting in gender specific consumption patterns. The common 

utility function is often fictitious, being based on the assumption that some household members will altruistically 

submit their individual tastes and preferences to the needs of household 

Care economy 

Women are largely absent from economics, both as researchers and the subject of economic research. The 

situation is the same in terms of economic evaluation of domestic, traditionally women’s work. Therefore the huge 

significance of feminist economic analysis of the quantitative and qualitative significance of unpaid work in 

economy. 

Care economy is the allocation of scarce resources (mostly work) contributing to the welfare of others, within and 

outside household (Susan Himmelweit, 1999: 27- 38, Folbre Nancy, 1995: 73-92 Lourdes Beneria, 1999: 287 - 

309). Care work comprises specific activities such as child care, providing for others’ needs without expected 

reciprocation and without remuneration. Similar are the concepts of family work and unpaid work. The most 

common motives of care providers are altruism, expectation of long-term reciprocation, or obligation and 

responsibility. 

Moral values cannot be bought or sold on the market. On the other hand, the positive external effects of care are 

that while providing care we learn values such as trust, loyalty, responsibility and reputation that reduce 

transaction costs on the market as well (e.g. asymmetric information). In a negative sense, the values of care can 

be abused (when somebody wants to be educated but is expected to care for a family member). 

Dimensioning care is complex. Intuitively, however, it is possible to draw a boundary between care as unpaid 

work and leisure activity (the teacup story). Somewhere between making and drinking tea is a demarcation line: 

it is the context that makes a difference. The dimensions of the economy of care are illustrated by the fact that 

globally, out of the total (paid and unpaid) hours worked, men take up 47% and women 53% (HDI, UNDP, 1995). 

In other words, ¾ of total men’s hours worked is paid work, compared to 2/3 of women’s total hours worked that 

are paid. It is estimated that the financial value of unpaid work is 70% of global GNP (HDI, UNDP, 1995). 

Feminist redefinition of economics as a science dealing with the allocation of scarce resources, therefore, refers to 

three interlocked key economic domains: market (exchange relations), state (redistribution relations) and care 

economy (gift relations). 

Macro economy – the market and a State as engendered institutions 

The experiences of structural adaptation of global economy in the 1980’s, globalisation and transition processes, 

have confirmed the deterioration of the position of women in many aspects of human development. Such a 

situation has resulted in a growing interest of feminist economists in investigating the interdependence of macro 

economy, gender and development. The general conclusion of the feminist analysis of the above mentioned 

processes was that the deterioration of women’s economic and social position is the result of their minor influence 

on the decisions shaping their lives, in relation to men. 

The neo-liberal approach to economic development and economic policy, based on methodological individualism, 

‘naturalness’ of the market and the rational economic actor, was profoundly shaken by events and trends 

occurring in the global economy (Asian economic crisis, liberalisation of global trade and the Washington 

Consensus). The issues of social policy (Joseph Stiglitz, 2002 : 23-52) thus reach the focus of the debate on 

desirable macroeconomic policy. With their analysis, feminist economists have disclosed the ways in which gender 

inequalities occur in domains such as trade, financial services, and international labour division. 

Feminist economists have exposed the popular myths (FENN Seminar Report, 2002: 35 - 62) occurring in the 

context of globalisation: 

- That exploiting women is better than excluding them from the development process; 


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- That women working in export oriented industries are in privileged position; 

- That globalisation and the development of information and communication; technologies will facilitate 

access to information for women; 

- That privatising social services leads to the increase in their efficiency; 

- That macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market criteria. 

The effect of the market relies on the effect of social and institutional norms reflecting asymmetrical power 

relations based on the interdependence of the categories of gender, race and class. The market and a State are 

institutions comprised of formal rules, conventions and informal codes of conduct limiting human autonomy. These 

institutions have a gender dimension reflecting and influencing the institutional context. 

Markets are gendered (Lourdes Beneria, 2003: 63-90), as the purchases and sales on the market are bound by 

gender relations and the changing constructions of gender identities. 

Capital, land and goods are also gendered, because what happens in the family in terms of time and resource 

allocation influences how a household is included into the factor and commodity markets. 

The role of state is important in the development process, but state macroeconomic policy does not necessarily 

have to be a neo-liberal one. Moreover, neo-liberal policy is often inefficient in the realisation of macroeconomic 

goals. What is necessary today is a macroeconomic policy that is gender sensitive (Nilufer Cagatay, 2003: 22-41, 

Ingrid Palmer, 2003: 42-87). For example, the aim of a balanced budget, or the reduction of its deficit/sufficit 

does not be have to be achieved only by focussing on cost cuts. An alternative to it may be an increase in state 

revenue, or redistribution of state revenue within the budget itself. Namely, among the budget expenditures, 

items supported by strong political interests, such as defence budget, tend to decrease less than it is the case, for 

instance, with costs aimed at satisfying the interests of the poor and women. 

The experiences of globalisation and transition in Serbia 

The subordinate position of women is analysed in the context of directed non-development and patriarchal society 

(Tatjana Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2002). One defines directed non-development as a process occurring in Serbia in 

the nineties, i.e. a process of institutional, state discouragement of economic and social development in Serbia. In 

other words, the state took measures to prevent transition (for example, the privatisation in the early nineties and 

subsequent revalorisation of already privatised capital, with a simultaneous rapid process of bottom-up conversion 

of socially-owned capital into private hands). 

The subordinate position of women dates back to the socialist era. In short, the socialist state proclaimed a 

humanisation of gender relations and gender equality. Accordingly, women were supposed to be at the same time 

participants in the process of socialist economy as a whole equally with men, as well as educators and carers of 

future generations. In reality, patriarchal gender regimes dominated women’s lives inside the household, and 

gender inequalities remained present both in the private and public spheres of women’s lives. Women were more 

commonly employed in poorly paid industries (such as textile) or services. Gender-based wage difference for the 

same quality and quantity of work occurred both in apparent and latent forms: compared to men, women received 

15% lower salaries or when the salary was the same, they were given jobs below their education levels. 

Such women’s position was added to by the austere nineties. Serbian Socialist government was refusing 

transition, while simultaneously dragging the country through dramatic economic and social changes and wars. 

These dramatic changes had their synthetic expression in a sharp rise in poverty among the population, even 

higher that the social price of transition paid by other countries of Eastern and Central Europe. Women in Serbia 

experienced the painful consequences of the government’s nationalist and sexist policies. Women were favoured 

as mothers and carers, but hindered in expressing their own total potentials. Patriarchal social relations and 

sexism were a basis on which women were represented as symbols of nationalist polity. It was a context which 

one terms state-supported gender discrimination against women. This context was rooted in the lack of specific 

non-violent culture and decomposition of the society as a consequence of all above mentioned. 

Passing the Law on Employment and Law on Privatisation (2001) inaugurated the beginning of the transition of 

our current economic system towards an economy with an integral marked comprised of factors (work and 

capital) and final products. Transitional changes and privatisation have lead to further growth of unemployment 

among women, primarily as a result of confluence of two opposed trends: fall in the demand for women’s work 

and rise in the supply of female labour. 

The arguments above speak in favour of a need to redefine state policy in terms of gender, i.e. to focus the 

state’s attitude towards gender first towards the economic aspect of gendering so as to consider the costs and 

benefits contained in gender as a category. To promote gender equalities during the period of transition and 

privatisation of Serbian economy, the state must provide an adequate answer to at least these key questions: 

- How much does it cost when a woman really earns as much as a man? 


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- How expensive is it not to take in consideration women’s leadership and total potential? 

The key question is how economic policy car be reformulated so as to benefit women, and whether economic 

policy can be reformulated at all, in view of women’s multiple roles and social construction of their lives. 

Significant gender sensitive questions to be posed in the process of economic restructuring, which are usually 

neglected, refer to intrahousehold labour division, gender segregation of labour market and social gender costs 

(health, safety, violence). The analysis of gender relations should therefore include: the market (where, due to 

women’s labour invested in reproduction, a woman does not enter with the same resources and mobility as a 

man), and expert approach to the state policy and the budget. 

Literature: 

1. ----- ‘Myths and Working Group Discussions’ in: FENN Seminar Report, 2002, Gender Tools for the 

Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on Globalisation, The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 2002, 

pp. 35-62 

2. Amartja Sen, ‘Aktivnost žena i društvene promene’ u: Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ, 2002, 

str.227 - 242 

3. Amartja Sen, ‘Uvod: Razvoj kao sloboda’ u: Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ, 2002, str.19 – 28 

4. Appendix 4 of World Bank, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equalitz in Rights, Resources and 

Voice, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 307 –312 

5. Barker, Drucilla, and Edith Kuiper, ‘Introduction: Sketching the Contours of a Feminist Philosophy of 

Economics’, in Drucilla Barker and Edith Kuiper, (eds.) Toward a Feminist Philosophy of Economics. London: 

Routledge, 2003, pp.1-18 

6. Bina Agarwal, ‘Challenging Mainstream Economics: Effectivenes, Relevance and Responsibility’, IAFFE 

Newsletter, 14(3), 2004, pp. 2-6 

7. Bina Agarwal, ed. ‘Feminist Economics as a Challenge to Mainstream Economics?’ IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3), 

2004, pp. 1-2 

8. Blau F, Ferber M and Winkler, A, ‘The family as an Economic Unit’, in The Economics of Women, Men and 

Work, 3 rd edition, Saddle River, New Jerse: Prentice Hall, 1998, pp. 31-75, 

9. Dian Elson, ‘Feminist economics Challenges Mainstream Macroeconomics’ IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3), 2004, 

pp. 6-9 

10. Durbin Elizabeth, ‘Towards a Gendered Human Poverty Measure’, Feminist Economics 5(2) 1999: 105 - 108 

11. Folbre, Nancy,’ Holding Hands at Midnight: the Paradox of Caring Labour’, Feminist Economics 1 (1), 1995, 

pp.73-92. 

12. Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko, ‘What Does Feminization of Poverty Mean? Isn’t Just Lack of Income’, Feminist 

Economics 5 (2), 1999, pp. 99-104. 

13. Harding, Sandra, ‘Can Feminist Though Make Economic more Objective?’ Feminist Economics 1 (1) 1995, 

pp.7-32 

14. Ingrid Palmer, 'Macro-economics and Gender: Options for their Integration into a State Agenda', in: Martha 

Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics. Making Gender Matter. Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in 

Developing Countries, London, New York: Zed Books, GTZ, 2003, pp. 42-87 

15. Isabella Bakker, The Strategic Silence. Gender and Economic Policy, London, Ottawa: Zed Books and The 

North-South Institute, 1988 

16. Joseph Stiglitz, ‘Broken Promises’ in: Globalization and Its Discontents, London: Allen Lane and Penguin 

Books, 2002, pp. 23- 52 

17. Lourdes Beneria, ‘Markets, Globalization and Gender’ in: Gender, Development and Globalization. Economisc 

as if All People Mattered, New York and London: Routledge, 2003, pp. 63 – 90 

18. Lourdes Beneria, 'The Enduring Debate over Unpaid Labour', International Labour review, 138 (3), 1999, pp. 

287 -309 


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19. Marija Lukiæ i Slaðana Jovanoviæ, Konkurentnost žena sa decom na tržištu rada, Beograd: Glas razlike, 2002 

20. Marija Lukiæ, ‘Ekonomski položaj žena 1990 – 2002’ u: Ekonomski ravnopravne, Beograd: Glas razlike, 2002, 

str. 2-8 

21. Marilyn Waring, If Women Counted. A new Feminist Economics, London: Macmillan, 1989 

22. Nilufer Cagatay, 'Engendering Macro-economics', in: Martha Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics. Making 

Gender Matter. Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in Developing Countries, London, New York: Zed 

Books, GTZ, 2003, pp. 22-41, 

23. Rekha Mehra i Sarah Gammage, ‘Trends, Countertrends, and Gaps in Women Employment’, World 

Development, 27(3) 1999: 533- 550 

24. Richard Swedberg, ‘Gary S. Becker’ in Economics and Sociology, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University 

Press, 1990, pp. 27-60 

25. Sanja Æopiæ, ‘Položaj i uloga žene u društvu’, u: Ljiljana Dobrosavljeviæ Grujiæ (ur.) Žene u Srbiji. Da li 

smo diskriminisane? Beograd: Sekcija žena UGS ‘Nezavisnost’ i ICFTU CEE Women’s Network, 2001, str. 11-37 

26. Susan Himmelweit, ‘Caring Labour’ in Annals of the American Academz of Political and Social Science, 561 

(0), 1999: 27- 38 

27. Tables on GDI and GEM. 2004, in Human Development Report 2004, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 217- 

237, 

28. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2001, Ekonomika Jugoslavije. Ekonomika razvoja i tranzicije, Novi Sad: Alef 

29. Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Rodnost i razvoj u Srbiji – od dirigovanog nerazvoja do tranzicije, dvojezièno 

(Gender and Development in Serbia – From Directed Non-development to Transition), Novi Sad: Buduænost i 

Ženske studije i istraživanja, 2002, str.49 – 65 

30. World Bank, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources and Voice, Oxford: 

Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 147- 180 


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1. Introduction 

Briefing Paper on the ‘Feminisation of Poverty’ 

By BRIDGE 

The term, the ‘feminisation of poverty’ originates from US debates about single mothers and welfare, dating from 

the 1970s. Recently there has been much discussion, in both academic and development policy circles, of the 

phenomena. However, there is little clarity about what the feminisation of poverty means, or about whether such 

a trend can be empirically verified. The feminisation of poverty has been linked to firstly, a perceived increase in 

the proportion of female-headed households (FHHs) and secondly, the rise of female participation in low return 

urban informal sector activities, particularly in the context of the 1980s economic crises and adjustments in Sub- 

Saharan Africa and Latin America. It has been used to mean three distinct things: 

● That women have a higher incidence of poverty than men; 

● That their poverty is more severe than that of men; 

● That there is a trend to greater poverty among women, particularly associated with rising rates of FHHs. 

2. Addressing poverty and gender inequality 

The household is a key site of gender discrimination and subordination and is thus an important focus for 

examining gender and poverty issues. However, aggregate national poverty estimates based on household 

surveys (whether on income or food availability type indicators) assume that household resources are equally 

shared. Little systematically gender-disaggregated data on income and other welfare measures is available and 

so an empirical assessment of poverty trends and incidences by gender is impossible. 

Consideration of poverty often neglects differentials between men and women in terms of their access to income, 

resources and services. Such differentials may occur within households between men and women, or between 

individuals (i.e. between single men and single women), or between households with women-headed households 

at a disadvantage to male-headed households. There are also gender-based differentials in vulnerability to illness 

and violence (Wratten, 1995). 

Any poverty-reducing programmes may not reach women directly, due to their lack of command over productive 

resources and control over output, as well as (particularly for poor women) lack of time. The costs of economic 

restructuring under structural adjustment are often disproportionately borne by women, through increased labour 

or reduced intake of food, with severe human development consequences for women themselves and potentially 

for children, especially girls, who may be drawn into household or income earning labour. Moreover, existing 

safety-net programmes have tended to target men, explicitly or implicitly. Wider social security and welfare 

provisions have not taken account of changes in social relations (including gender relations) which are occurring 

as a result of economic restructuring, as well as political and social conflict (Masika et. al., 2000). Not all evidence 

reveals discrimination against women in the household; there are some case studies that demonstrate 

disadvantages for men once the gendered division of labour is taken into account (Razavi, 1999). 

A substantial body of literature now exists to show that men and women experience poverty differently such that 

women's poverty status cannot be 'read off' that of the household. What is less clear, is the relationship between 

household-level poverty and female well-being, i.e. does gender discrimination intensify or diminish with poverty? 

Evidence from South Asia shows that discrimination does not disappear and may even intensify as household 

income increases, but this may be region specific. Sub-Saharan Africa shows no clear evidence of gender bias in 

consumption, but women have very little leisure time compared to men and this may be further curtailed as 

poverty increases. In general, as household-level poverty increases, there may be a tendency for men to retain 

an increasing share of their income in order to maintain personal consumption levels at the expense of 

contributions to the household. Women's limited claims on male income may diminish. In more extreme cases, 

there may be a total breakdown in normative entitlements through marriage or other familial support, resulting in 

FHHs (Baden and Milward, 2000). 

Despite this lack of clarity, multilateral and bilateral development agencies have focused their gender polices on 

the presumed connection between gender inequality and an increase in the incidence of poverty. According to 

UNDP ‘Poverty has a woman’s face - of 1.3 billion people living in poverty, 70 percent are women’ (UNDP, 

1995:4). However, the lack of systematic data that disaggregates expenditure or consumption by gender means 

that such broad statements are often based on questionable assumptions. There is a need for further research to 

avoid making simplistic correlations, such as between increases in female-headed households and any 

‘feminisation of poverty’. 


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3. Female-headed households (FHHs) 

In the absence of good gender-disaggregated data, there has been a tendency to rely on comparisons between 

male and female-headed households in order to examine gender and poverty questions. The limited data 

available seems to indicate a slightly upward trend in the number of FHHs in eight of the twelve Sub-Saharan 

countries surveyed by DHS [1] . In Latin America, DHS data also showed an increase in FHHs in five of the six 

countries for which data was available. Data on the other regions is sparse and does not indicate a clear trend 

(United Nations, 2000). However, this does not necessarily signal an increase in the number of women living in 

poverty. Moreover, this method of analysis does not address the questions of intra-household resource allocation 

and poverty, relevant to the majority of women. 

There is now a considerable body of evidence on the relative income levels, household structures and work 

patterns of male versus FHHs. There is some evidence of a link between female headship and poverty, but the 

relationship is by no means straightforward and there are considerable methodological and conceptual difficulties 

surrounding studies of this issue. Female-headed households are a heterogeneous category and may include 

relatively well-off women. There are now more sophisticated analyses of female headship which disaggregate this 

category into subgroups, such as those determined by lifecycle stage, marital strategies or labour deployment. 

Different subgroups are more likely to be vulnerable to poverty than others. The characteristics of these 

subgroups vary considerably between contexts depending on a number of factors, including the extent of social 

support available and the degree of social legitimacy accorded to different types of FHHs (Baden and Milward, 

2000). 

Female headship may have positive aspects. FHHs are likely to be less constrained by patriarchal authority at the 

domestic level and female heads may experience greater self-esteem, more personal freedom, more flexibility to 

take on paid work, enhanced control over finances and a reduction or absence of physical and/or emotional 

abuse. Female heads may be empowered in that they are more able to further their personal interests and the 

well-being of their dependants (Baden and Milward, 2000). Studies have shown that the expenditure patterns of 

FHHs are more biased towards nutrition and education than those of male households (Chant, 1995). 

However, while FHHs may be better off in some ways, they may face greater difficulties than men in gaining 

access to labour markets, credit, housing and basic services, and there are sometimes additional layers of 

discrimination against female heads. Single parent households, most of which are FHHs also face the difficulties 

of one adult having to combine income earning with household management and child rearing. This generally 

means that the parent can only take on part-time, informal jobs with low earnings and few if any fringe benefits 

(ibid.). In terms of the impact of female headship on child welfare and education the evidence is conflicting 

(Buvinic and Gupta, 1994). 

There is a need for more subtle categorisation of female headship and a cross checking of large-scale survey data 

with qualitative studies, paying attention to the differences between female heads, in particular those related to 

life cycle issues, marital status and social support. More detailed and systematic data are required on work hours, 

income sources, expenditure patterns, assets and claims of different types of household, both male- and femaleheaded. 

The variation in incidence of female headship within as well as between countries requires more 

attention. It is also vital not to treat female headship as a proxy for gender discrimination in general (Baden and 

Milward, 2000). 

4. Labour force participation 

The rise of female participation in low return, urban, informal sector activities is also considered evidence of the 

feminisation of poverty. Due to household survival strategies during economic restructuring, there is an increasing 

reliance on informal sector employment for both men and women. However, UN statistics show that the informal 

sector is a larger source of employment for women than for men (United Nations, 2000). The greater insecurity 

and lower earning capacity in the informal sector is therefore seen as another reason for the feminisation of 

poverty. Moreover, because of the concentration of women in casual labour of informal sector work, legislative 

measures have either excluded or not been enforced in relation to most of their economic activities. 

Labour market approaches offer an alternative framework for examining questions of gender and poverty, which 

avoid the problems of aggregation at household level. However, the question of whether and why women’s 

participation in the informal sector labour force has risen and the relationship between this and poverty trends is 

not clear. The empirical evidence here is also relatively weak due to lack of time series data for many countries 

(Baden and Milward, 2000). Conventional labour market categories have tended to be gender-blind and generally 

focus on formal sector activities. They therefore have a limited value in identifying poor people. Measurement 

problems are exacerbated by the wide range of activities and diverse modes of operation that the informal sector 

incorporates. 

Although informal sector activity is often associated with poverty in general and specifically with female poverty, 

there is considerable heterogeneity here and men particularly can prosper in the informal sector. Where women 

earn income outside the home, there is some evidence that gender biases in resource allocation within the 

household may diminish (Baden and Milward, 2000). Since, in many developing countries, the majority of women 

(and indeed of the overall labour force) work in the informal sector, it also does not provide a useful guide to 

poverty status (ibid.). 


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5. Changes in how poverty is understood 

A review of current approaches to understanding urban poverty points to the need of broadening the way poverty 

is understood and measured. Poverty is multidimentional, and hence limiting measures to income shortfalls and 

poverty lines masks the true extent of poverty, particularly for women and children. Standard income/ 

expenditure data fails to capture the complexity of gender differences in poverty and a gender-differentiated 

assessment of well-being. It can therefore be helpful to examine broader indicators of well-being: 

● Health indicators, e.g. nutrition, life-expectancy, maternal mortality; 

● Access to resources e.g. employment participation and earnings, land ownership, and access to safe water 

and sanitation. 

These reflect the outcomes of income/expenditure decisions rather than the means whereby well-being is 

achieved (Kabeer, 1996). Gender disparities in development can be captured by using the Gender-related 

Development Index (GDI) and the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) devised by UNDP (UNDP, 1995). These 

measures can be used to rank countries in order of achievements on gender equality, rather than just on human 

development, as with the Human Development Index (HDI). The GDI attempts to capture achievement in the 

same set of basic capabilities included in the HDI – life expectancy, educational attainment and income – but 

adjusts the HDI for gender inequality. The GEM measures gender inequality in key areas of economic and political 

participation and decision-making, such as seats held in parliament, and percentage of managerial positions held 

by women. The GEM thus differs from the GDI, which is an indicator of gender inequality in basic capabilities 

(UNDP 1995: 39; Wach and Reeves, 2000) 

Measures, such as GEM and GDI have added credence to the view that women are more vulnerable to poverty. 

‘The Gender-related Development Index value of every country is lower than its Human Development Index 

value’ (UNDP 1997:39). Cagatay (1998) also argues that if indicators of well-being associated with human 

poverty are used, such as literacy, women on average are unambiguously worse off than men in almost all 

contexts. A case study from Bangladesh also cites evidence to support women’s disadvantage (Khaleda, 1998). 

However, as Shahra Razavi (1998) argues, these measurements of well-being outcomes (health indicators and 

access to resources) are prone to be employed in making simplistic correlations with aspects of gender equality. 

This not only leads to questionable polices (see section on policy implications) but also may sideline other aspects 

of gender inequality such as mobility in public spheres and decision-making power, which have an ambiguous 

connection with poverty indicators. In addition, gender-sensitive well-being outcomes are extremely difficult to 

quantify and national poverty assessments still tend to rely on traditional measures such as household income and 

nutritional intake. 

Recent years have seen a further broadening of debates around poverty, which has led to a more pluralistic 

approach to measuring or assessing poverty and deprivation. There is increasing emphasis on self-assessment of 

poverty, leading to issues such as domestic violence and social support networks becoming part of the 

mainstream poverty debate. From a gender perspective, this opens up the possibility for highlighting the genderspecific 

dimensions of deprivation, through concepts of vulnerability, shocks, fluctuation, powerlessness and so on 

(Baden and Milward, 2000). However, participatory methods for assessing poverty (e.g. PRA, PLA) can obscure 

gender-specific interests unless careful contextual analysis is carried out (Cornwall, 2001). Gender-sensitive 

participatory methodologies need to be further developed. Even where gender-sensitive participatory methods 

are employed, for example, by the World Bank in their Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPAs), results are too 

often sidelined or ignored when policy recommendations are made (Whitehead and Lockwood, 1999). 

6. Policy implications 

Concerns have been raised about gender issues becoming a subset of poverty concerns with attention being 

focused solely on poor women, rather than gender inequality. As Jackson (1994) points out, gender subordination 

does not arise out of poverty per se. Collapsing gender concerns into a poverty agenda narrows the scope for a 

gender analysis which can fully address how and why gender inequalities are reproduced, not just among the 

‘poor,’ but in society as a whole. In the same way, conflating gender and poverty issues may not assist the 

poverty alleviation efforts, in that it could lead to confusion in targeting since ‘not all women are poor and not all 

the poor are women’ (Kabeer, 1994). 

6.1 Women in development approach 

The ‘feminisation of poverty’ idea can be problematic where it informs poverty-reduction approaches which target 

resources at women - in particular microcredit interventions - without attempting to change the underlying ‘rules 

of the game’ (Goetz, 1995; Fraser, 1989 cited in Jackson, 1996). Where women are targeted with resources it is 

often assumed that benefits accrue directly to them and also to their children, to a greater extent than resources 

targeted at men (Buvinic and Gupta, 1997). It has also been argued that where women gain access to external 

resources, perceptions of their value to the household may change, increasing their bargaining power and leading 

to more equitable allocation of resources and decision-making power within the household (Sen, 1990). Beyond 

this, claims have been made for example, that credit programmes empower women economically, socially and 

politically, as well as in the context of the family (Hashemi et. al, 1996). Focusing on women in isolation from 

their social relationships does little to address the power imbalances rooted in these social relations that lead to 

women’s greater vulnerability to poverty (Baden, 1999). 


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Poverty reduction approaches that focus on women’s and girls’ education are also the result of simplistic 

assumptions. The World Bank advocates the education of women and girls particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa 

because of its supposed benefits to household welfare, agriculture production and fertility reduction. Their focus 

on this ‘win-win’ situation does not reveal the causal dynamics of low levels of female education and how gender 

inequalities underlie educational outcomes (Razavi, 1999). 

6.2 Focusing on gender relations 

It is important to consider how power embedded in gender relations may, in some circumstances, mediate these 

desired outcomes. It may be that benefits from targeting resources at women are siphoned off by men (Goetz 

and Sen Gupta, 1996), or that men reduce their levels of contribution to household expenditure as women’s 

access to resources increases (Bruce, 1989). Even where women do gain greater access to resources, this maybe 

at the expense of increases in their burden of labour, leaving them exhausted. Where they have control over 

resources, they may be unable to effectively mobilise these resources to support sustainable livelihoods. Women 

may feel compelled to invest resources, including their labour, in ‘family’ businesses or in children, identifying 

their own interests with those of other household members and thereby leaving themselves vulnerable in the 

event of family breakdown (Baden, 1999). 

7. Conclusion 

Because of the consistent use of inappropriate and gender-blind statistics it is difficult to substantiate the claim 

that the number of women living in poverty is rising. Although there is evidence to support the trend of rising 

rates of FHHs it is important not to treat female headship as a proxy for gender discrimination in general. 

Furthermore, due to the heterogeneous nature and difficulties of measuring activities in the informal sector, 

caution also needs to be taken in using this as an indicator of the feminisation of poverty. 

There is evidence to demonstrate that because of the weaker and conditional basis of their entitlements, women 

are generally more vulnerable to poverty and once poor, have less options in terms of escape. Gender 

discrimination in the household and the market can result in the unequal distribution of resources leading to 

women experiencing a greater severity of poverty than men. 

However, what makes men or women more vulnerable and the different ways they are able to move out of 

poverty have to be further explored to avoid simplistic policy recommendations that may fail to address the 

underlying causes of gender inequality. Although a substantial amount of work has been conducted on gendered 

experiences of poverty, there is still a need for more attention to gender-disaggregated data collection, detailed 

context specific research, and comparative empirical research. Also important is the exploration of how and 

whether gender-sensitive policy changes take effect in implementation. 

Bibliography 

Baden, S., 1999, ‘Gender, Governance and the ‘feminisation of poverty’’, second version, BRIDGE (unpublished 

report) 

Baden, S. and Milward, K., 1995, ‘Gender and poverty,’ BRIDGE Report No 30, Brighton: Institute of Development 

Studies 

Baden, S. and Milward, K., 2000, ‘Gender inequality and poverty: trends, linkages, analysis and policy 

implications’, BRIDGE (unpublished report) 

Bruce, J., 1989, ‘Homes divided’, World Development, Vol 17 No 7 

Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R., 1994, ‘Targeting poor women-headed households and women maintained families in 

developing countries: views on a policy dilemma’, ICRW/The Population Council, Family Structure, Female 

Headship and Poverty Projects, February 

Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R., 1997, ‘Female headed households and female-maintained families: are they worth 

targeting to reduce poverty in developing countries’, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol 45 No 2 

Cagatay, N., 1998, ‘Gender and poverty’, UNDP Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division, Working 

Paper Series No 5 

Chant, S., 1995, 'Gender aspects of urban economic growth and development', paper prepared for the UNU/ 

WIDER Conference on Human Settlements in the Changing Global Political and Economic Processes, Helinski 

Cornwall, A., 2001, ‘Making a Difference? Gender and participatory development’, IDS Discussion Paper 378, 


Doc 

Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 

Goetz, A.M., 1995, ‘Institutionalising women’s interests and gender-sensitive accountability in development’, 

editorial in ‘Getting institutions right for women in Development’, IDS Bulletin, Vol 26 No3 

Goetz, A.M. and Sen Gupta, R., 1996, 'Who takes the credit? Gender power and control over loan use in rural 

credit programs in Bangladesh', World Development, Vol 24 No 1 

Hashemi, S.S., Sidney, R. and Riley, A.., 1996, 'Rural credit programs and women's empowerment in 

Bangladesh', World Development, Vol 24 No 4 

Jackson, C., 1994, ‘Rescuing gender from the poverty trap’, paper presented at the conference: Gender and 

Development: Looking forward to Beijing, at the University of East Anglia, 9-10 September 

Jackson, C., 1996, ‘Rescuing gender from the poverty trap’, World Development, Vol 23 No 4 

Jazairy, I. and Alamgir, M., 1992, The State of World Rural Poverty: An Inquiry into its Causes and Consequences, 

Rome: International Fund for Agricultural Development 

Kabeer, N., 1994, ‘Not all women are poor, not all the poor are women: conceptual, methodological and empirical 

issues in the analysis of gender and poverty’, mimeo 

Kabeer, N., 1996, ‘Agency, well being and inequality’, IDS Bulletin, Vol 27 No 1, Brighton: IDS 

Khaleda, S., 1998, ‘Feminization of poverty: Bangladesh in perspective’, Bangladesh Journal of Political Economy, 

Vol 14 No 2: 117-30 

Masika, R., de Haan, A., and Baden, S., 2000, ‘Urbanisation and urban poverty: a gender analysis’, BRIDGE 

(unpublished report) 

Razavi, S., 1999, ‘Gendered poverty and well-being: introduction’, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 3: 409-33 

Sen, A., 1990, ’Gender and cooperative conflicts’ in I.Tinker (ed), Persistent Inequalities, Oxford: Clarendon 

United Nations, 2000, The World’s Women 2000: Trends and Statistics, New York: United Nations 

UNDP, 1995, Human Development Report 1995, New York: UNDP 

UNDP, 1997, Human Development Report 1997, Oxford: Oxford University Press 

UNDP, 1998, Overcoming Human Poverty: UNDP Human Poverty Report, New York: UNDP 

Wach, H. and Reeves, H., 2000, ‘Gender and development: facts and figures’, BRIDGE Reprt 56, Brighton: 


Wratten, E., 1995, ‘Conceptualising urban poverty’, in Environment and Urbanisation, Vol 7 No 1 

Whitehead, A., and Lockwood, M., 1999, ‘Gendering poverty: a review of six World Bank African Poverty 

Assessments’, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 3: 525-55 

April 2001 

Institute of Development Studies © 

ISBN 1 85864 386 4 

Source: 





Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261 

Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202 




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[1] The Statistics Division of the United Nations Secretariat from Demographic Health Surveys (DHS), country 

reports 


Gender Budgeting 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_rob.htm19-1-2006 13:20:37 

GENDER BUDGETING 

A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives Throughout Europe 

By Elisabeth Klatzer. Ph.D. 

Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European countries, initially inspired 

by the work in Australia, South Africa and the UK. In recent years a diversification of 

strategies, methodologies and practices adopting to country-specific circumstances can 

be observed throughout Europe. In several countries there is work on its way to 

implement Gender Budgeting into the regular tasks of public administration. 

Gender Budgeting and Initiatives in Serbia 


A major problem of standard budgeting processes is that they are based on prevailing 

economic opinion that assumes the rational behaviour of individuals who are exclusively 

market-oriented and led by their own best interests, without considering gender, class, 

age, or ethnicity. Such individuals live beyond specific historical, geographic, and social 

contexts. It is also assumed that the decisions made by such individuals are not affected 

by ruling power relations. Differences between men and women remain unrecognised due 

to the assumption that economic policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable 

and “gender neutral” accordingly.

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A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives Throughout Europe 

By Elisabeth Klatzer, Ph.D, Austrian Gender and Budget Group, Austria 

Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European countries, initially inspired by the work in Australia, 

South Africa and the UK. In recent years a diversification of strategies, methodologies and practices adopting to 

country-specific circumstances can be observed throughout Europe. 

In several countries there is work on its way to implement Gender Budgeting into the regular tasks of public 

administration. At the central government level, the examples of France and Sweden demonstrate established 

procedures, Other countries are on its way (e.g. Belgium, Austria). Nordic countries pursue common Gender 

Budgeting activities in the frame of the Nordic Council. Examples of ambitious initiatives at the regional local level 

are the Basque country (Spain), Berlin (Germany) and some communities in Italy (Modena, Genova). In some 

countries, civil society initiatives take the lead (e.g. UK). Initiatives in Eastern Europe are emerging recently (e.g. 

in Bulgaria and Serbia). Some of these will be described in the following. 

Switzerland 

Switzerland is one of the Gender Budgeting pioneer countries in Europe. In a period of restrictive budgetary policy 

the focus of analysis was on who bears the major cost of cuts in public expenditure. A Gender Budgeting pilot 

study, commissioned by the National Women’s Conference of the Trade Union of Public Employees and the Swiss 

Conference of Equal Opportunities Officers, was published in 1996. The researchers, assisted by an expert group 

of women (equal opportunities officers and of the federal statistical department) looked at the consequences of 

fiscal cuts at all three levels of government activity (Federal, cantonal/Bern and communal/city of Biel). The 

research focus was not an analysis of the budget as a whole but an analysis of the effects of changes in budgetary 

policy on men and women. The aim was to develop a methodology to analyse the impact of changes for the whole 

budget. Three criteria were used to analyse the effects of expenditure cuts: 

● Impact on employment of men and women; 

● Impact on men and women as beneficiaries of public services; 

● Impact on unpaid work of women. 

The analysis of employment effects looked at the development of public administration employment as well as on 

the employment effect of public expenditures for goods and services by calculating a type of gender multiplier. 

The results of this initial research demonstrated clearly that at all levels women had to bear an over-proportional 

cost of restrictive budgetary policies. It led to wide-spread follow-up initiatives. 

Since the publication of this pilot, several initiatives at the national, cantonal and communal level have been 

started by women’s coalitions, equal opportunity officers, members of parliament and trade unionists. All were 

aimed at raising the issue of gender awareness in budgeting. An important strategy is lobbying parliamentary 

bodies to obtain favourable votes to initiate deepen the analysis. Among the follow-up activities the work in the 

canton Basel is particularly interesting. A large coalition of women’s groups and institutions pushed for pursuing 

the topic. In Basel further research was conducted in cooperation with the Statistical Office and in consultation 

with a group of experts on Gender issues. The methodology was refined and besides gender the criteria age and 

nationality were included. The results were published in 2003 under the title “The small difference in public 

finance [1] ”. 

France 

Since 2000 the French government publishes the “Yellow Paper” on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality 

(download of the current document – in French – at the Finance Ministry homepage: http://www.minefi.gouv.fr/ 

minefi/publique/budget_etat/index.htm). Its publication is based on a legal obligation. The document is published 

as part of the annual budgetary material. The first part of the document gives on overview of progress towards 

equality in different spheres of life. In the second part of the Yellow Paper each Ministry and Department sets out 

the expenses relating to the promotion of women’s rights and gender equality. In addition, the institutions are 

requested to be explicit about their policy on gender equality and present indicators to measure progress. It is 

intended as an information and monitoring instrument, primarily for the legislature. France is a good example of a 

continuous inside government exercise. As such it is a good starting point. Even though this exercise is not a fully 

fledged Gender Budgeting analysis it puts together information which serves as a tool for Gender Mainstreaming. 

Further work to deepen the analysis and formulate specific recommendations on policy action to reduce 

inequalities is needed. 

Austria 

http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0055rob.htm (1 van 4)19-1-2006 13:21:37

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The Austrian case will be described somewhat more in detail due to two reasons: Firstly, the Austrian activities are 

still quite unknown and not included in standard survey articles about the state of Gender Budgeting. Secondly, 

the author being Austrian can contribute her insight knowledge. 

In Austria the independent Women and Budget Group, founded in 2001, plays a leading role. Its initial work was 

devoted to make the concept of Gender Budgeting known in Austria, to spread knowledge and to motivate 

government, opposition parties and NGOs to pursue the issue further. With this in mind, the group published a 

book in 2002: “Frauen Macht Budgets, Staatsfinanzen aus Geschlechterperspektive”. The title plays with the word 

“macht” which means power and doing at the same time: “Women power budgets/Women, go over budgets. 

Public finance from a gender perspective” (available in German only). This book explains the concept of gender 

budgeting, its potentials and its limits, reviews the main international initiatives and contains some approaches to 

engendering the Austrian national budget. The work on the Austrian budget addresses the overall macroeconomic 

strategy and its impacts on women as well as government revenue (focusing on taxes, social security and user 

fees) and selected areas of public expenditure (education and research, labour market policy and funding for 

women’s organisations). 

The purpose of the book is twofold: on the one hand, the governments at federal, regional and local level are 

addressed with a list of demands both, to introduce the concept of Gender Budgeting in a meaningful way into 

government policy as well as specific recommendations on how to change policies in order to achieve more gender 

equality. 

The Austrian Women and Budget Group emphasises that Gender Budgeting is much more than a simple Gender 

analysis of government income and revenue. The aspects of transparency of the whole budgeting process, the 

translation of results of the analysis into alternative policies, the inclusion of the overall macroeconomic strategy 

into analysis as well as the focus on participatory processes are included as equally important. This approach 

equally guides all subsequent work. 

In response to the publication more attention was drawn on the issue, especially from women activists, NGOs as 

well as opposition parties (Greens and Social Democrats). Especially as a response to the increasing demand for 

more practical assistance in how to do gender budgeting at the local level, some women from the Women and 

Budgets Group embarked on developing a handbook for introducing Gender Budgeting at the regional and local 

level (published in 2004, German only, download www.beigewum.at ). Workshops addressed at a broad range of 

multipliers were designed as well. 

One main shortcoming of this civil society initiative is the lack of funding and the lack of time of the women 

involved as several have small children, many full time jobs and/or many other civil society engagements. There 

have been attempts to spread the ideas among NGOs in order to build up civil society pressure demanding 

government to take action. But it is hard to maintain the level of activities. Again, it is lack of time and funding. 

Currently Austria has a conservative/right wing government which is dedicated to neo-liberal policies, including 

restrictive budgetary policies. Funding for NGOs, especially women’s organisations is being cut repeatedly. 

Still, due to the attention around the issue, the federal government moved forward. The Ministry of Finance 

carried out a small exercise in 2002 titled “Is the Austrian tax system in fact ‘gender neutral’?”, which actually 

was a short data analysis of income taxation. It clearly shows shortcomings of the tax provisions, for example, 

men profit over-proportionally from tax breaks. Still, even the few results where not incorporated in the current 

tax reform project, to the contrary, some effects of the current reform reinforce the gender bias. This fits into the 

trend of other reform projects, like a recent pension reform, women’s special situation and needs are widely 

neglected. 

In 2004 the Austrian Federal government decided to implement Gender Budgeting. A Gender Budgeting Working 

group has been set up but without political power or clear guidelines and without additional resources. And 

somewhat hastily a section on “Gender Budgeting” was included in the 2005 budget material. Due to the 

uncoordinated last minute exercise the quality of the material is quite poor and public officials involved are 

frustrated about this additional task. Recently, two research pilot projects have been launched, one at the federal 

level and one at the regional level. Both are intended to develop methods and tools to implement Gender 

Budgeting as part of regular administrative tasks. In spite of the poor performance of the government so far, at 

this point the strategy of the Women and Budget Group is to cooperate with the government officials in charge 

and offer expertise. This is motivated by the hope to influence the scope of the exercise and push towards broad 

implementation and institutionalisation. The Gender Budgeting is part of an ongoing constitutional reform in 

Austria as well. Due to a coalition of women across political parties in cooperation with the non-governmental 

experts it was possible to include Gender Budgeting. Agreement has been reached to explicitly state in the 

Constitution that financial policies shall aim at gender equality. Furthermore it is stipulated in the draft 

Constitution that Gender Budgeting is included in the annual budget [2] . 

Sweden 

Sweden for over 10 years has been producing annual reports on an analysis of the gender impact of current 

economic policies, e.g. social insurance and pensions, women’s contribution to GNP and productivity of men and 

women. The document has recently been “upgraded” by moving it to the responsibility of the Ministry of Finance 

[3] . A gender budget project started in 2002, which is aimed at making gender visible throughout the whole state 

budgetary process. The project is carried out in co-operation between the Division for Gender Equality and the 


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Budget Department of the Ministry of Finance. Its purpose is to develop methods and tools for gender budgeting 

and prepare an action plan covering the whole state budgetary process. Social welfare, regional development and 

transport have been selected areas for pilots. 

Basque Country 

In the Basque country (Spain), EMAKUNDE, the Basque Women’s Institute, an autonomous organization 

dependent on the Presidency of the Basque Government, launched a Gender Budgeting initiative in 1999. With the 

aid of external experts a comprehensive strategy to implement Gender Budgeting was launched (a documentation 

of the efforts, including a broad range of materials and the pilot reports – partly available in English – can be 

found at http://www.emakunde.es/actualidad/presupuestos/indice_.htm). The aim is to implement a gender 

perspective on budgeting into every administrative unit. An inter-ministerial task force was set up to guide and 

coordinate the endeavour. A special focus was on preparing public officials to take over the task. A series of 

seminaries and trainings in the initial phase as well as the set up of support teams facilitated spreading the 

concept and tools within public administration. Furthermore written material, like a comprehensive handbook, was 

developed to support analysis at this initial stage. For analysis during the pilot phase several portfolios where 

selected, Home Affairs, Industry, Trade and Tourism, Health, Culture, Environment as well as Transport and Public 

Works. The pilot phase was concluded end of 2002. It is especially this initial stage which can serve as a model for 

other projects to implement Gender Budgeting within public administration. Careful planning, the institutional 

framework and strategic implementation contribute to its success. Regarding the institutional setup the central 

role of Emakunde is important. In its board the Basque governor as well of representatives of all important state 

institutions are present. This gives the guidelines published by Emakunde the necessary backing and facilitates 

the following implementation. The step wise introduction of the concept at the political level and subsequent 

process of guided practical analysis in pilot areas created strong foundations for further work. 

Serbia and Bulgaria 

Gender budgeting initiatives in Bulgaria and Serbia [4] were initiated and coordinated in 2003 by two women’s 

organizations, the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF) and the Serb Women’s Center for Democracy 

and Human Rights (WCDHR). A starting point was the joint project on “Budgetary Implications of Domestic 

Violence in Bulgaria and Serbia” supported by a grant of AWID (Association of Women’s Rights in Development). 

As domestic violence was identified as one of the major women’s issues in both countries it was chosen as a pilot 

to develop a methodology for gender budgeting. At an initial stage, NGOs, women’s groups and researchers were 

invited to contribute papers on the topic. These research findings formed the basis of developing a methodology 

to analyse budgetary implications of domestic violence. This initiative has established a concrete base for starting 

gender budgeting in Bulgaria and Serbia in other areas as well. It prepared the ground for the co-operation 

between civil society and the state in this specific area. The aim of the project was to bring Gender Budgeting as a 

key strategy to be adopted by the government to the attention of society in general as well as specialized 

institutions and agencies. Both organizations are involved in the “Gender Budgeting Initiative in the CEE/NIS 

Region” of the Network East-West Women (NEWW) initiated in 2003. This initiative is aimed at sharing 

information and experience on Gender Budgeting. A central goal is to make government policies and priorities 

more responsive to gender issues by popularising Gender Budget analysis, working towards fully incorporating 

gender concerns into public spending and towards increasing women’s participation in budgetary decision making 

processes. 

European Union financial and macroeconomic policies call for attention 

The policies at the European Union level have an increasingly important impact on financial policies of the 

individual member states. Thus a focus needs to be directed to the EU macro-economic policy documents. There 

has been some activity around this issue in 2002 but without effective follow-up. Above all the Guidelines of 

Economic Policy need to be broadened by introducing a gender equality perspective and including gender 

budgeting instruments. 

Some major challenges ahead 

● Not losing ultimative goals and political perspective out of sight. 

● With the increasing involvement of governments in Gender Budgeting there is a risk that the governments 

take over the concept without changing policies substantively. Clearly, any Gender Budget project needs 

dynamic outside government monitoring activities. 

● Move from analysis to policy action. At this point there is a strong focus on analysis. Clearly this is an 

essential part, but more attention needs to be directed towards changing policies in order to improve 

gender relations. 

● Provide gender-disaggregated statistics in all areas and develop performance indicators as well as 

monitoring instruments. 

● Strengthen the participatory element of Gender Budgeting. 

● Develop instruments, methods and procedures to implement Gender Budgeting as standard task of 

governments and public administrations. 

● Definition of and some sort of international understanding about quality control criteria for Gender 

Budgeting itself. Not everything which is called Gender Budgeting is actually fulfilling its purpose. 

● Build ownership within public administration. This needs clear political commitment, continual training, 

support and resources. 


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● Ensure continuity. 


Elisabeth Klatzer, Austria, PhD in Economics, Master in Public Administration Harvard University. Working on 

Engendering Budgets since about five years: as member of the Austrian Gender and Budget Group, a civil society 

initiative, as researcher and as public official (Austrian Federal Chancellery). 

Contact: eklat@aon.at 

[1] Gleichstellungsbüro/Statistisches Amt/Frauenrat Basel (Ed.), Der kleine Unterschied in den Staatsfinanzen. 

Basel 2003. 

[2] The adoption of the provisions – the idea of gender budgeting is included in several public finance articles – 

depends on whether the whole constitutional reform will be adopted. 

[3] The current document is available – in Swedish – under 

http://www.regeringen.se/content/1/c6/03/00/97/99d957f1.pdf. 

[4] This section draws on: Dokmanovic, Mirjana. Djuric Kuzmanovic, Tatjana. Tisheva, Genoveva (2004), Gender 

Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria –Experiences and Challenges, proposal and paper, International IAFFE 

Conference on Central and Eastern Europe: A feminist economic dialogue on transition and EU-enlargement, 21- 

22 January 2005, Budapest. 


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Gender Budgeting and Initiatives in Serbia 



Summary: The text presents key objectives and gender effects of governmental economic policy and its main 

instrument – the budget. It points out the significance of the gender-sensitive approach to the budget from the 

point of view of the objectives of economic efficiency and gender equality that are integrated into all stages of the 

political process: analysis, formation, and evaluation. 

Key words: budget tools, gender budget initiatives, gender equality 

What Is a Gender Budget, and Why Is Gender Budgeting Important? 

A budget is a key political decision of government for it presents the process of funds allocation in accordance with 

set objectives. A political objective that goes beyond the financial resources necessary for its realisation remains 

only a futile dream or demagogy. Governmental economic policy usually means activities planned by a state 

through which the state directs economic growth and economic and social development. Each state defines 

particular objectives and uses relevant instruments to realise these objectives. For example, usual economic 

policy objectives are: growing the economy at a desirable rate, reducing the unemployment rate, achieving price 

stability, and a harmonised balance of payment (deficit decrease). Usual economic policy instruments are: 

monetary policy, fiscal policy and foreign trade policy. The objectives and instruments of economic policy are often 

mutually in conflict, i.e. the achievement of one economic policy objective usually results in the disturbance of or 

the failure to realise one or more other objectives. This is a well-known problem in economic theory solved by 

prioritising. 

A budget is the key point where information is outlined on the amount of governmental funds available for a 

period of time and on the sources and allocated uses of those funds (Andy Norton and Diane Elson, 2002: 5-14; 

Katarina Ott, 2000: Katarina Ott, 2003). In the narrowest sense, a budget indicates: total government 

expenditures (for spending and investment), income (mostly from taxation), and income distribution to sectors 

(education, health, transportation, agriculture, finance, defence, etc.). Usual budgetary functions are: resource 

allocation, income and wealth distribution, and economic stabilisation. 

To a great extent, feminist economics has shown that the gender neutrality of economic policies, their objectives, 

and their instruments is an illusion (Diane Elson, 1994: 33 – 45; Nilufer Cagatay, 2003: 22-41; Ingrid Palmer, 

2003: 42-87). The engendering of economic policy covers a twofold analytical process. First, gender 

macroeconomic analysis studies the impact on men and women of emphasising paid activities and neglecting 

reproduction in macroeconomic policy. Secondly, macroeconomic decisions and constrains have a significant 

retroactive effect on gender-based social, economic, and political differences that should be analysed. 

The issue of direct versus indirect taxation presents a good example of how the effects of fiscal policy differ by 

gender. As for taxes, in principle there are no differences according to gender; however, some gender effects may 

be seen if observed as direct (income) taxes versus indirect (consumption) taxes. For example, indirect taxation is 

recognised as the one that has significant impact on women due to their general and prevailing role as household 

budget managers, while direct income tax is considered to have a greater impact on men because they have 

greater access to significant employment and higher income accordingly. Although there are few studies on this 

topic, it has been observed that indirect tax payment affects women more than men. When goods and services 

get more expensive, due to the increase of tax on particular goods and services, women then have two 

possibilities. One possibility is to try to increase their paid working hours. The other possibility is to try to invest 

more of their unpaid labour into the production of these goods. Thus, in both cases, they increase their efforts. 

Consumption taxes put a disproportionately higher burden on social groups with lower earnings because, relative 

to other groups, they spend a larger proportion of their money on consumption (Isabella Bakker, 1994: 2-29). 

Usual shortcomings of budgets are their gender neutral economic framework, the lack of socio-economic and 

gender-sensitive statistics, non-transparency, and the lack of public participation (Transparency and Participation 

in the Budget Process, 2002). A major problem of standard budgeting processes is that they are based on 

prevailing economic opinion that assumes the rational behaviour of individuals who are exclusively marketoriented 

and led by their own best interests, without considering gender, class, age, or ethnicity. Such individuals 

live beyond specific historical, geographic, and social contexts. It is also assumed that the decisions made by such 

individuals are not affected by ruling power relations. Differences between men and women remain unrecognised 

due to the assumption that economic policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable and “gender 

neutral” accordingly. 


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Gender budgeting is not, by itself, either pro or contra government’s role in the economy (plan versus market), 

and it does not mean the making of separate budgets for men versus for women. Budget gender analysis shows a 

financial relationship between economic development of a nation’s economy (economic growth, poverty reduction, 

investment, and savings) and gender equality (women’s poverty and access to resources). Therefore, gender 

budgeting relates to the processes of disaggregating expenses and income to show their various impacts upon 

women and men, thus indicating points where a state’s collection and distribution of resources is unfair. In other 

words, this means that gender analysis of all forms of public consumption and the identification of causes and 

effects born by women compared to men may improve economic policy efficiency. On the other hand, gender 

budgeting is just one strategy focused toward gender equality, and it should be a constituent part of a wider 

strategy directed toward breaking unequal power relationships in societies. 

The Objectives of Gender Budget Analysis 

The key questions of gender-sensitive budget analysis are: Do resources reach those who need them and for 

whom they are intended? Do government economic policies and instruments decrease or increase gender 

inequalities? Including gender analysis in the process of national budgeting means taking the following steps 

(Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, 2003; Isaac Shapiro, 2001; Debbie Budlender, 2002: 82- 87): 

1. Estimate the gender-awareness of policy – to what extent do different ministries pay explicit or implicit 

attention to gender considerations by analysing to what extent their policies and available resources impact the 

decrease or increase of gender inequalities. (For example, in privatisation in Serbia: To what extent may women 

count on the resources generated through selling state-owned companies? May women get credit to buy the 

property from the state … and so on?) 

2. Conduct gender-disaggregated assessment of public services beneficiaries and of budget prioritisation by 

studying the attitudes of existing or potential beneficiaries (through interviews, group discussions, public polls, 

etc.), assessing the extent to which governmental policies and programmes reflect the beneficiaries’ priorities and 

needs. (For example, consider the methods in which the decrease of military expenses may be directed to 

programmes that will empower women, like employment programmes and training, campaigns against violence 

against women, assistance to the elderly, etc.) 

3. Conduct gender-disaggregated analysis of public expenses using statistical data on households, the nature 

of the benefit provided by the public sector, and the distribution of benefits by gender. Is public spending of equal 

use to men and to women? This analysis measures the budgeted resource distribution to women, girls, men, and 

boys by recalculating the total volume of costs belonging to each group. To do this, first, annual expenses are 

calculated for particular types of services. Then, the expense totals are divided by the annual quantity of each 

service provided (hospital beds, places in school). Finally, the extent to which these units have been used by 

women versus men is analysed. Conduct gender-disaggregated analysis of public income regarding the amount of 

direct and indirect forms of taxation paid by various categories of the population (i.e. households) including 

governments at various levels. To evaluate how tax policy impacts men and women, the impact of direct taxes 

(on income) and of indirect taxes (on consumption) must be observed. The objective of gender budgeting in this 

case is gender-disaggregated analysis of taxes. For example, the amount of tax paid by an individual or household 

is observed, as well as whether tax exemptions are distributed in different manner for women than for men 

4. Conduct gender-disaggregated budget analysis from the point of view of time, identifying the ratio between 

the national budget and the way time is spent in households. This provides for including time spent on unpaid 

labour in the analysis. Gender budget analysis studies the ratio between unpaid men’s and women’s labour and 

men and women’s contributions to care economy. Such analysis assesses the degree to which the budget depends 

on the care economy and women’s unpaid labour (such as care for the elderly, cooking, cleaning, ironing). This is 

analysis disaggregates the gender impact of the budget on the ways in which time is used. A decrease in public 

spending mostly results in increases in the time women spend in the care economy to compensate for lost public 

services. 

5. Formulate a gender-aware, mid-term economic policy framework as the approach that includes the gender 

perspective in macroeconomic models. This assumes the measuring of various gender impacts of both national 

economic activities and those of each individual, including gender-sensitive indicators. Mechanisms to initiate and 

intensify dialogue between various government ministries and the civil sector (stakeholders) are necessary also. 

This objective, through the inclusion of the feminist gender perspective in mid-term policy, aims to change genderblind 

opinions assumed by prevailing economic models. Long-term budgeting facilitates the activity of the Ministry 

of Finance and provides for more effective gender mainstreaming of such policies into the future. 

6. Formulate a gender-responsible budget statement. This is one of the objectives of gender budgeting 

initiatives. Such a statement takes into account a series of factors, such as the gender balance of employment in 

governmental institutions, the share of public spending on services used mainly by women, and gender-sensitive 

indicators of development. 

Gender Budgeting Initiatives (GBI) 

Gender budgeting initiatives are gender aware analyses of governmental budgets that recognise various 

contributions of men and women in production and goods and services distribution (Karen Judd, 2002: 13-86). 

Gender budget analyses consider whether budgets covers various interests, needs, rights, and obligations of 


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women and men, girls and boys, both in the paid economy and in the care economy. Gender budget initiatives 

answer the following questions: 

- Are budgets and tax systems actually gender neutral as it seems at first sight? 

- How may gender become a constituent part of governmental policy? 

- How may women and non-governmental organisations be involved further in budget proposal preparation, 

and in collection and analysis of macroeconomic data disaggregated by sex? 

Gender budget analyses have shown that governmental budgets are the instruments transferring and reproducing 

gender relations, but they can become important instruments in transforming gender inequalities (Maeve Taylor, 

2003: 65- 84; Karen Judd, 2002: 163 – 181; Hazel Reeves and Heike Wach, 1999; Hazel Reeves and Charlie 

Sever, 2003; Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001: 17-21; Simel Esim, 2000). 

GBI Experiences of Various Countries 

During past dozen years, the interest in gender budgeting has been increased in the world (Debbie Budlender and 

Julius Mukunda, 2001: 1-31; Karen Judd 2002: 99- 162; Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanoviæ et al, 2005). Today, over 

fifty countries have some form of a gender-sensitive budget. Initiatives for gender-sensitive budgets have 

originated from civil societies, parliaments, or governments themselves. The majority of gender budgeting 

initiatives are not only aimed at identifying governmental tasks or promoting the of focusing more money toward 

women, but also aim to discontinue various impacts of governmental taxation and economic policy on women and 

men, girls and boys. Therefore, they may significantly contribute to the achievement of social, economic, and 

cultural rights of the whole population and to the realisation of good government. 

The earliest GBIs were inspired by women’s budgeting initiatives accepted by the Australian Government in the 

1980s. Further initiatives have followed the experiences of the South African gender budget and the Philippines’ 

gender development budget. 

Australia is the first country that introduced a women’s budget in 1985. It assessed the extent to which women 

had or did not have benefits from the budget, considering the activities of all ministries. The governmental service 

for women’s positions had a key role in coordinating activities among the Ministries of Finance, Economic Planning, 

and others regarding how to facilitate dialogue with the civil sector. From 1985 to 1990, Australia introduced 

gender-sensitive budget analysis as a comprehensive view of the budget from a women’s standpoint. During one 

budget year, each ministry had the task to analyse its expenses. Feminists from the government strongly affirmed 

the management of the budget aimed at women, although to the detriment of broader women’s activism. 

Many GBIs throughout the world were initiated through the application of three key categories used by the 

Australian women’s budget. GBI required (Balmori, Helena Hofbauer, 2003) first, specification of women’s costs 

(resources to be allocated to the programmes specifically related to women); second, provision for equal 

employment opportunities by providing assets to support affirmative actions (promoting an equal number of 

employed men and women, as well as equal presentation of men and women in managerial positions and equal 

salaries); and, third, coverage of the remaining expenses not covered in the previous two categories in such a 

way that government as a key “player” will advocate the engendering of its own policy. 

In Tanzania, a gender budget was first adopted in 1993. The non-governmental organisation Tanzania Gender 

Networking Programme (TGNP) focused its activity on the stimulation of gender equality at all social levels. During 

1997, with twenty other non-governmental organisations, a GBI was started focused on macroeconomic policies 

and planning with specific emphases on the process of budgeting and on the budget’s impact on various 

population categories. Within this process, studies at the macro level were managed by four ministries: the 

Planning Committee and the Ministries of Finance, of Education, and of Health. Also, selected research at the local 

level was done by a team of representatives from the governmental and non-governmental sectors, avoiding the 

threat of being co-opted by the government. 

In Mexico, non-governmental organisations researched governmental programmes in the field of birth rates in 

1999. Afterwards, the non-governmental organisation Gender Equality organised workshops on budgets that dealt 

with the needs of the poor, and the non-governmental organisations Fundar Centre for Analysis and Research 

implemented budget research. After that, the Project Plan for Providing Support to Women and Local Budget 

Understanding was made. 

In South Africa, the assembly committee for finance and two non-governmental organisations established the 

Initiative for Women’s Budget in 1988. Many researchers were involved in their activities, but economists were 

represented in the lowest number. They started their activities by analysing national budget items, public sector 

employment, and taxation. In the following years they prepared studies, reports, and research results, and 

influenced other groups to consider the impact of budgets on other population groups, above all children and 

people with disabilities. 

In 1995 in Brazil, the local government of Refice introduced a system of public consultations regarding budget. 

In the earliest stages of this process, attention had not been paid to gender inequalities until 2001 when Women's 


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Coordination Group was established, with the task to coordinate governmental gender policies. This group started 

various initiatives to increase women's involvement in participative budgets. One such initiative referred to the 

creation of recreational facilities to be used by children while their mothers were at meetings where a budget was 

discussed. Another initiative was related to the introduction of “women's meetings” with the participation of 

governmental officials, women's movement representatives, and other activists who searched for ways to increase 

women's participation in budgeting processes. In 2002 such meetings were transformed into the Women's 

Thematic Forum that defined the priorities to be applied by the General Council of Participative budgets within the 

budgeting process. 

In Uganda, women politicians, who were involved in the preparation of the proposal of a new constitution, 

established the non-profit organisation, Forum of Women for Democracy (FOWODE), comprised of men and 

women gender activists. This Forum was active in promoting gender equality with the aim of including gender in 

all government policies and programmes at all decision-making levels. Thus, this Forum, in cooperation with 

coalition of specific interest groups in Parliament (with representatives including women, the young, employees, 

and people with disabilities) did gender-aware budget analysis and organised two conferences on this topic 

(Maeve Taylor, 2003: 76). 

The majority of GBIs have developed their own methodologies, adjusting GBI objectives and approaches to their 

own experiences. In Scotland, for example, GBI is closely connected to the process of transferring political power 

to the Scottish Government. In Rwanda, it is related to the process of post-conflict reconstruction and social 

decentralisation; while in Peru, it is mostly located at the level of local communities (Helena Hofbauer Balmori, 

2003). Many such initiatives are controlled by governments and sometimes include significant participation of 

donors. In any case, it is not sufficient to let governments make decisions regarding the gender budgeting process 

on their own. Therefore, the approach advocated in South Africa is significant, which has connected both civil 

society and MPs from the very beginning of the gender budgeting process. The Mexican initiative has represented 

a wide coalition of the civil sector of Mexican society, and as such it has been presented to Parliament. 

The Application and Benefits of Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives 

Although there is no pattern that would guarantee success in the application of gender budget initiatives, certain 

strategies may strengthen the gender budgeting process. It seems that central elements of gender budgeting 

initiatives are to be driven in parallel through the research process and public advocation. As for governmental 

and civil sector initiatives, it is important that they are based on good knowledge of processes, characteristics, 

and effects created by the budget. Although no country is able to claim that it has had a fully operational gender 

budget so far, women's training to impact Public finance is an important element of strengthening gender 

budgeting. Benefits resulting from gender-sensitive budget analysis flow to governments, women, and citizens. 

Governmental benefits from gender budget analysis include the improvement of policy efficiency, democratic 

progress, responsibility, and public strength, as well as ending corruption and all types of discrimination against 

women. Benefits of gender-sensitive budget analysis for women and other citizens include the intensification of 

civil initiative, the provision of gender-sensitive data as a basis for fighting corruption and discrimination, 

consideration of the needs of the poor, and responsibility intensification. 

Besides growing enthusiasm among donors, governments, and civil society, the majority of gender budget 

initiatives have been made at the level of analysis, while the key objective of GBI is to integrate gender into the 

criteria for the planning, formulation, and application of budgets. The key challenge for the majority of GBIs is to 

move from gender budget analysis to gender sensitive budget formulation (Helena Hofbauer Balmori, 2003:2-3). 

On this route, it is important to: 

- Estimate GBI impact: the success of previous GBIs, the difference of GBI types in relation to 

comprehensive objectives of empowerment, equality, and involvement (engagement, empowerment and equity); 

- Identify and document specific methodology resulting from the analytical framework; then, test, and focus 

it on the integration of gender as the criterion in budgeting; 

- Learn various GBI activity stages, and simultaneously build the capacities of GBI advocates at all levels 

and in all sectors of society; 

- Study new approaches, allies, and new objectives, such as participative budget initiatives and gender 

approaches to gender and budgets based on rights; and 

- Develop gender-sensitive, participative research techniques that integrate the needs identified at the core 

of society when formulating a budget, thus intensifying possibilities for broader participation in budgeting. 

What is necessary to realise GBIs is to interpret them as complementary strategies to the strategies of decreasing 

poverty and developing the national economy. To be efficient, gender budgeting means partnership among 

women's organisations, researchers, media, and those creating government policies. 

Steps in Defining GBI for Serbia: How Would We Like to See Our Budget? 

In 2002 in Serbia, the Group for the Promotion of Women's Political Rights, Voice of Diversity, in co-operation with 


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Institute G17, and the Centre for Alternative Study, researched the competitiveness of women with children in the 

labour market. In the same year, a group of non-governmental organisations (Association for Women's Initiative, 

Group for the Promotion of Women's Political Rights, Acting Women, Vojvodjanka, Paz, and Star Network of World 

Learning) made a campaign for economic equality and empowerment of women from the point of view of 

economic and social inequality of women in today's Serbia, and they made comments on existing and announced 

laws. In early 2003, the United Nations Development Programme’s Belgrade Office organised a one-day workshop 

for civil society members in the field of gender equality and specifically in the field of national budgeting in 

accordance with gender equality. The first step in designing a gender sensitive budget is to define the key 

problems in Serbia, their causes, and their effects (Law on Budget, 2002, 2004). This is the stage of gender 

strategy identification that would be adopted by Parliament. Afterwards, proposals should be stated for good, 

stimulating legal, economic, and political measures, programmes, and activities through additional laws. Budget 

management should be targeted, but without excessive administration. The existing budget in Serbia is nontransparent. 

Therefore, mid-term objectives for the Serbian budget are for it to be made according to 

programmes that will commonly cover definition of the situations to be solved by programmes, including 

objectives, activities, resources, and indicators of gender concerns. 


1. Andy Norton and Diane Elson, 2002, ‘Key Issues in Understanding Budget Processes’ in: What is Behind the 

Budget? Politics, Rights, and Accountability in the Budget Process. London: ODI, pp. 5-14 

2. Budlender, D., Sharp, R. and Allen, K., 1998, How to Do a Gender-Sensitive Budget Analysis: 

Contemporary Research and Practice, Canberra: Australian Agency for International Development and 

London: Commonwealth Secretariat 

http://www.thecommonwealth.org/gender/publications/gms_pdf/AusAIDTr.pdf 

3. Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, 2003, Engendering Budgets, A Practitioners Guide to Understanding and 

Implementing Gender-Responsive Budgets, London: Commonwealth Secretariat. 

4. Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001, Country Experiences in: Gender Responsive Budgeting in East 

Africa, Kampala: Forum for Women in Democracy, pp. 21-31. 

5. Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001, Gender and Macro-Economics in: Gender Responsive 

Budgeting in East Africa, Kampala: Forum for Women in Democracy, pp. 17-21. 

6. Debbie Budlender, 2002 ‘Gender Budgets: What’s in It for NGOs?’ in: Caroline Sweetman ed. Gender and 

Development and Poverty, Oxfam, Oxford, pp. 82- 87. 

7. Debbie Budlender, Diane Elson, Guy Hewitt and Tanni Mukhopadhyay (eds.) 2002, Gender Budgets Make 

Cents, Understanding Gender Responsive Budgets, London: Commonwealth Secretariat, http://www. 

thecommonwealth.org/gender/ , http://www.gender-budgets.org 

8. Debbie Budlender, Elson Diane, Guy Hewitt and Mukhopadhyay, T. (eds.), 2002, Gender Budgets Make 

More Cents, Country Studies and Good Practice, London: Commonwealth Secretariat, http://www. 

thecommonwealth.org/pdf/gender/GBMC%201%20Understanding%20GB.pf , http://www. 

internationalbudget.org/resources/library/GBMMC.pdf 

9. Diane Elson, Gender Budget Initiative, 1999, Background Papers, London: Commonwealth Secretariat 

http://www.thecommonwealth.org/gender/ 

10. Elizabeth Villagomez, 2003, Gender Responsive Budgets: Issues, Good Practices and Policy Options, paper 

prepared for the Regional Symposium on Gender Mainstreaming in the ECE Region 

11. Hazel Reeves and Charlie Sever, 2003, Gender and Budget. Supporting Resources Collection, BRIDGE, 

London: Institute of Development Studies 

12. Hazel Reeves and Haike Wach, 1999, Women’s and Gender Budgets: An Annotated Resource List, BRIDGE. 

Development – Gender, Bibliography No. 9, http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge 

13. Hazel Reeves, 2003, Information Support for Gender Budget Analysis, Pan Islands Gender Budgets 

Conference 

14. Helena Hofbauer Balmori, 2003, ‘Gender and Budget. Overview Report, BRIDGE. Development – gender, 

London: Institute for Social Studies, http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge 

http://www.internationalbudget.org/openbudgets/Fullreport.pdf 

http://www.internationalbudget.org/openbudgets/index.htm 


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http://www.internationalbudget.org/themes/BudTrans/transp.htm 

http://www.odi.org.uk/pppg/publications/books/budget.pdf 

15. Isaac Shapiro, ed., 2001, A Guide to Budget Work for NGOs, Washington: Center on Budget and Policy 

Priorities, The International Budget Project. 

16. Karen Judd (ed.), 2002, Gender Budget Initiatives: Strategies, Concepts and Experiences, New York: 

UNIFEM 

17. Katarina Ott (ed.), 2000, Proraèunski vodiè za graðane verzija (Citizen's Guide to the Budget), Zagreb: 

Institut za javne financije, http://www.ijf.hr 

18. Katarina Ott (ed.), 2003, Proraèunski vodiè za graðane, ažurirana verzija (Citizen's Guide to the Budget, 

newer edition) Zagreb: Institut za javne financije, http://www.ijf.hr/proracunski/index.html 

19. Katarina Ott and Anto Bajo, 2001, Local Government Budgeting in Croatia, Zagreb: Institute of Public 

Finance. 

20. Law on the Budget of the Republic of Serbia for the Year 2002, internal material. 

21. Maeve Taylor, 2003, ‘Module 3: Gender Budgeting’, in: Looking at the Economy through Women’s Eyes. A 

Facilitator’s Guide for Economic Literacy, Dublin: Banulacht, pp. 65- 84. 

22. Opening Budgets to Public Understanding and Debate: Results from 36 Countries, 2002, Washington: The 

International Budget Project, 

23. Simel Esim, 2000,‘Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives for Latin American and the Caribbean: A Toll for 

Improving Accountability and Achieving Effective Policy Implementation,’ paper prepared for Conference on 

Women of Latin America and Caribbean – Beijing +5, Lima, 8-10 February, http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/ 

organizations/healthnet/gender/docs/esim.html 

24. Simel Esim, 2000,‘Impact of Government Budgets on Poverty and Gender Equality’, paper written for the 

Inter-Agency Workshop on Improving the Effectiveness of Integrating Gender into Government Budgets, 

Commonwealth Secretariat, Marlborough House, London, 26–27 April 

http://www.siyanda.org/docs/future_direction.doc 

25. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ and Mirjana Dokmanoviæ, 2004, The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider 

Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? EU Neighbouring Countries: the Western Balkans, 

Brussels: WIDE Infosheet, http://www.wide-network.org 

26. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, Mirjana Dokmanoviæ and Genoveva Tisheva, 2005, Gender Budgeting 

Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria - Experiences and Challenges, paper prepared for the IAFFE-Europe 

Conference Central and Eastern Europe: A Feminist Economic Dialogue on Transition and EU-Enlargement, 

Budapest, 21-22 January 

27. Transparency, and Participation, in the Budget Process,2002, Washington: The International Budget 

Project, 

28. Workshop on Gender Sensitisation and Gender Budgeting for Civil Society Organizations, Background 

papers, March 2003, Beograd: UNDP. 

29. Zakon o budžetu Republike Srbije za 2005 godinu (Law on the Budget of the Republic of Serbia for the Year 

2005), Beograd: Službeni glasnik Republike Srbije, pp. 1- 60. 

Useful Internet Addresses: 

International Budget Project - http://www.internationalbudget.org 

http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2004/pdf/hdr04_HDI.pdf 

Gender Responsive Budget Initiatives - http://www.gender-budgets.org 

http://www.gender-budgets.org/en/ev-66829-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html 

UNIFEM, 2002, Gender Budget Initiatives: strategies, concepts and experiences - UNIFEM_GBI_2002.pdf 

BRIDGE, 2003, Gender and Budgets, BRIDGE Cutting Edge Pack, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies - 


Doc 

http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge/reports_gend_CEP.html 

International conference: Taking Civil Society Budget Transparency and Participation Work Forward. 

Transparency and Participation in the Budget Process 

http://www.internationalbudget.org/themes/BudTrans/transp.htm 

http://www.internationalbudget.org/openbudgets/Fullreport.pdf 

Elson, D., 2000, ‘Accountability for the Progress of Women: Women Demanding Action’ in D. Elson, Progress of 

the World's Women: UNIFEM Biennial Report, New York: United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) - 

http://www.bellanet.org/grbi/docs/progr-ww5.pdf?OutsideInServer=no 


Security & Militarism 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_sim.htm19-1-2006 13:21:51 

SECURITY & MILITARISM 


By Olivera Simic 

Reconciliation is a long-term process that includes the search for truth, justice, healing 

and forgiveness. It should be a broad and inclusive process that involves each member 

of a conflict affected society. In addition, the reconciliation process should be engendered 

because men and women experience war differently. In this regard, before we examine 

the nature of reconciliation we must acknowledge how conflict involves and affects 

women and men in different ways. 

Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern 

Europe 

By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D. 

Uneven distribution of wealth has always been among the main generators of sex 

trafficking. However, only in the past several decades has sex trafficking become a global 

problem. As Dutch researcher Sietske Altink observes, “more and more countries are 

joining the ranks of sending countries and increasing numbers are becoming target 

countries.” 

Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging 

By Ann-Charlotte Nilsson 

The elite-driven conflicts that evolved in Rwanda and Bosnia-Hercegovina were driven by 

actors that used and manipulated members of the population to carry out violent acts 

based on ethnicity, and where in numerous cases former friends and neighbors turned 

into enemies. Maynard terms these types of conflicts, identity conflicts. These are 

conflicts among identity groups based on factors such as ethnicity or religion, and are 

characterized by their intense animosity, extreme brutality and widespread involvement 

by civilian actors in the context of societal collapse. 

Gender and Armed Conflict – an Overview Report 

By Armani El Jack 

BRIDGE 

Armed conflict negatively affects women and men and results in gender-specific 

disadvantages, particularly for women that are not always recognised or addressed by 

the mainstream, gender-blind understandings of conflict and reconstruction. Gender 

inequality reflects power imbalances in social structures that exist in pre-conflict periods 

and are exacerbated by armed conflict and its aftermath. The acceptance of gender 

stereotypes is one of the main reasons that such gender blindness persists.



By Ann-Charlotte Nilsson, LL.M., B.S., M.A. Int. Affairs, Sweden 

1. How Does the International Community Reinforce Divisions Between Groups? 

One of the most noted psychological symptoms among the Muslim population in Sarajevo during the conflict in 

Bosnia-Hercegovina, was its total puzzlement about that the Muslim community was stereotyped as Muslim 

fundamentalists by a Western perception. [1] This perception caused such traumatic stress that people sought 

psychological help since they did not recognize themselves in that definition, which also has to be understood in 

the context of the Muslim community not seeing themselves as being able to properly defend themselves. [2] 

This paper raises the issue that there is an interactive dynamic between the internal and external (international) 

actors that risks reinforce the boundaries between groups if certain perceptions are unequivocally accepted 

regarding who people are in terms of ethnicity and group belonging, and in the anticipation of how people will 

behave. There are consequences of such perceptions since policies and expectations are based upon them. 

International actors need to become aware of that dynamic so that in an effort to assist in conflict resolution and 

peace-building the divisions that do exist do not get cemented and reinforced, or are seen as something given. In 

addition we need to understand the necessity for actors not only at the governmental level but also at the 

community level to become engaged in the peace process. This is necessary to consider since it relates to who 

defines the issues at hand, how these issues are addressed and which issues the different actors are ready to deal 

with. To focus only at the governmental level keeps us within the realm of the political dimension both with 

regards to internal and international actors, while we simultaneously need to understand and identify other 

dimensions of conflict that interrelate with one another. We need to develop such an integrated approach, 

because if properly applied and understood, it will ultimately lead to the prevention of conflict. 

2. Elite-Driven Conflicts and the Process of Polarization Between Groups 

The elite-driven conflicts that evolved in Rwanda and Bosnia-Hercegovina were driven by actors that used and 

manipulated members of the population to carry out violent acts based on ethnicity, and where in numerous cases 

former friends and neighbors turned into enemies. Maynard terms these types of conflicts, identity conflicts. [3] 

These are conflicts among identity groups based on factors such as ethnicity or religion, and are characterized by 

their intense animosity, extreme brutality and widespread involvement by civilian actors in the context of societal 

collapse. [4] 

The increasing animosity and the resort to violence between groups has traditionally been explained by the 

process of polarization. The process of polarization involves the element of mutuality, in that members of the 

different groups are brought together into hostile blocs that equally oppose each other. [5] Conflicts over certain 

events and issues increase, as does the simplification of issues. The middle ground and the mediating structures 

and relationships diminish. [6] Ideologies of polarization develop preconceiving the society in simplified terms, 

where the different groups have neither any common nor reconcilable interests. [7] As tensions arise, this dynamic 

leads to that violence becomes unavoidable as well as reciprocal. [8] Violence is met by violence with an 

accompanied spiral effect on the polarization. The ensuing violence has a direct deteriorating effect on the 

relations both among and between the different groups, and on the relations between the groups and the 

government. While continuous violence leads to an even higher degree of polarization, extreme violence such as 

genocide, transforms the conflict into relations of mutual hatred. [9] The necessity for violence is explained and 

justified by the different actors as either that violence is the only available alternative to incur changes in the 

system for the sub-ordinate group, or as the only alternative to defend and maintain the existing system from any 

changes from the perspective of the dominant group. [10] 

However, we also know of numerous cases where people refuse to participate in this process of polarization and 

manipulation. In Rwanda, where a well-planned strategy of genocide of the Tutsi population existed long before it 

was carried out, moderate Hutu were targeted and killed because they were for mutual coexistence and political 

participation of all groups. [11] Many Hutu were not only victims of the violence that ensued, but did also help 

assist and protect members of the Tutsi group. Also in Bosnia-Hercegovina many people have helped and 

protected each other across ethnic lines, and have not succumbed to the polarization that has ensued. In Burundi, 

there are many examples of where people have not followed different leaders’ incitement to violence. [12] 

The complexity of the situation is reflected in that while some people have not necessarily seen themselves 

defined by a certain group membership, the ensuing polarization has at times forced people into accepting that 

identification because of the need of protection from the very real threat from actors that label people according 

to a specific group and act thereafter. As the example from Sarajevo on page one shows, there is here an 

interrelated dynamic with international actors that can serve to reinforce this identification with painful 

consequences. 



In addition, in many places where violence has erupted, former existing local or traditional social networks like 

elders’ councils have ceased to function because people simply feel overwhelmed by the situation and the 

escalating animosity. [13] There are times when it is very difficult to separate what is right from wrong and to 

withstand the dynamics of polarization and violence. It would be useful for international actors to try to 

consciously identify such networks or councils to support them in conflict situations, with the purpose of reducing 

fear and mistrust and of trying to mitigate the ensuing polarization. In Burundi, the International Committee of 

the Red Cross (ICRC) as part of its dissemination program on norms of humanitarian conduct identified and 

organized a local working group whose members resisted the conflict, and is an example of how international 

actors can assist in mitigating tensions between groups. [14] In addition, the ICRC redesigned its program to 

reduce the risk that the program itself would feed into suspicions between the groups. 

3. How Do We Refrain From Feeding Into the Process of Polarization? 

From the perspective of the various international actors, it is necessary to try to identify the dynamics of violence 

to be able to understand why people act in a certain way, and also to reduce the risk for international actors to 

become emerged into the process of polarization. 

The foundation of ethnocentrism and nationalism is said to be the affiliation people feel with what is termed the 

‘in-group’ and the fear of the ‘out-group’. [15] In times of societal transition and disintegration feelings of 

insecurity and the fear for the unknown make us more susceptible to messages of fear or propaganda especially if 

these sentiments are combined with actions that validate this fear. These feelings of insecurity and the fear for 

the unknown do not emanate from being a member of a certain group, race or nation, but emanate from being a 

human being. [16] It is in the context of certain circumstances, such as societal transition and disintegration, that 

in addition, also ordinarily psychologically healthy people can become prone to fuel their feelings and frustrations 

into hatred of the ‘other’ followed by violence. [17] The ‘other’ becomes the enemy. These acts of violence no 

longer remain private acts of violence if spurred on or incited by actors with a political purpose that use, in this 

case, ethnicity as a means to get to or to stay in power. What such actors, leaders, provide is a very powerful 

validation of not only the distress and the fear that people are experiencing, but of who the enemy is. [18] 

Becoming aware of this dynamic and understanding how powerful it is, provide an opportunity for international 

actors to try find a mechanism to mitigate the effects of such fears before violence erupts instead of risk believing 

that the eruption of violence might be something given. 

Political violence by one group against another has serious consequences for how the different groups view and 

relate to each other. It has been said that such violence leads to that the boundaries between the groups become 

reinforced, as does the internal cohesion for each group. [19] Also, violence leads to the strengthening of the 

inclination of stereotyping the other group, the ‘out-group’, as the enemy, all combined leading to that the gap 

between the groups widens. [20] The concept of the enemy, also supports the internal cohesion of the group. [21] 

An additional factor is the dehumanization of the ‘other’ which makes it possible for a person to carry out violent 

acts. 

However, it would be a mistake to take this dynamic as something static. As an example, local non-governmental 

organizations (Ngos) working in Sarajevo which provided emergency aid to war victims during the conflict, had 

been established by the specific groups, Serbs, Muslim, Catholic and Jewish before the conflict erupted in 1992 

serving not only the specific groups but the whole community in areas where they worked based on need. [22] 

When the conflict in Bosnia-Hercegovina began, these local Ngos were identified by international Ngos as their 

partners and as recipients of funding. However, as a way of showing nonpartisanship some of these international 

Ngos targeted their funding to each Ngo based on specific group ethnicity. Later on representatives of these local 

Ngos have argued that by targeting aid in this way the international actors reinforced the divisions that existed, 

while not creating them. [23] They also suggested that if these funds had been given to them as a group to jointly 

decide where to allocate them, joint decision making as well as a mutual understanding of each other’s suffering 

would have been strengthened. [24] Such an approach would also have been able to serve as a common ground 

for continuous joint decision making in the post conflict phase. 

This example not only shows the problem with uncritically accepting definitions and perceptions about how one 

thinks the situation is. It also shows the necessity for international actors to become more adept at analyzing the 

different dynamics of a certain situation and to take responsibility for the fact that what one does has an impact 

on people and that these actions always have consequences, good or bad. It also reflects the necessity for 

developing true partnerships where concerns such as these would have been aired and taken into account at the 

time of the planning of, in this above-mentioned case, the funding of local Ngos. 

4. The Necessity to Let Go of the Enemy – From Simplicity to Complexity 

In countries where neighbors and former friends turn into foes as we have seen in so many places, an 

examination of also the psychological dimension of conflict resolution is required. [25] This is necessary when the 

situation is highly emotionally charged affecting among other things not only how people perceive and relate to 

each other, but also how people perceive the deliverance of emergency aid and assistance, as well as 

governmental and international initiatives and projects for reconstruction and development. It is both very difficult 

and painful to let go of the ‘us-versus-them’ attitude, especially in the context of continuous political polarization. 

In moving towards a more peaceful society away from the polarization, letting go of the ‘enemy’ is though a 



necessary process as is letting in a more complex reality. Fear is a very powerful emotion that does not go away 

with a peace agreement. This psychological dynamic needs to be properly understood as well as addressed. For 

instance, some of the resistance in Bosnia-Hercegovina regarding the difficulties people still have in being able to 

move back into their own houses, might be based in continuous fear and not hatred for the other. [26] This has to 

be seen in the context of what kind of leadership that is present. Also, again it is a matter for international actors, 

at this cross-point, to try not to feed into and thus maintain existing divisions but instead try to assist in finding 

ways and mechanisms for moving away from the polarization. Because of the complexity of the situation this 

needs to be seen in the context of the interrelationship between not only governmental and non-governmental 

actors, but also between the different dimensions of conflict. 

Another aspect is that in a highly emotionally charged environment it is easy to lose perspective because of the 

mere emotional difficulty of the situation, and some international actors might easily become a target for 

manipulation if they are not adept at dealing with emotional issues. For instance while the need to defend and 

protect a group, people, is justified, there is a risk such as the case of Rwanda shows that the situation turns into 

a power play. In Rwanda, governmental actions, domestically and internationally such as in the Democratic 

Republic of the Congo, are explained by the government within the framework of the genocide, and the genocide 

is used as a justification for disproportionate violence. Some international actors have dismissed or minimized 

actions taken by the current government, in some cases because of an ineptitude to deal with the highly 

emotionally charged environment after the genocide. [27] Still it is well documented that for instance both sides 

have committed crimes against humanity during the conflict in 1994. [28] Also, that soldiers of the RPA (the 

Rwandan Patriotic Army) have been responsible for massacres of civilians in the Democratic Republic of the 

Congo, as well as for killings and “disappearances” of civilians in Rwanda. [29] 

An approach that dismisses and minimizes actions taken by actors that surmount to violations of international 

humanitarian law or human rights will not lead to peace, because it does not support the dynamic that is 

conducive to peace. It is a confusing approach since these external actors do not seem to be able to distinguish 

between right from wrong at a time when clarity is needed. International actors have to make sure that their 

activities support the country as a whole for the long-term, and not only those who find themselves in a 

leadership position at a certain time. Also, such an approach only serves to maintain animosity and division as 

well as impunity. 

The complexity of the concept of ethnicity is reflected in conflict situations by the relocation or reintegration of 

people. Many people have been forced to relocate because of their ethnicity to not only new areas but what has 

become a new country, in the context of nation transformation. Others have been living in exile during decades, 

and later return to their former home country. Ethnic affiliation with other people of the same group in this new 

place might not necessarily lead to being in a more tolerant environment, or at home. Different experiences as 

well as lifestyles, and issues such as land distribution and who gets assistance, transcend ethnicity. [30] A too a 

narrow focus on ethnicity risks disregard the underlying root causes of conflict that might still be present, such as 

continuous political and economic discrimination. Again in Bosnia-Hercegovina, some people have argued whether 

the international community in its quest to end the conflict, paradoxically has been working towards division and 

not unity. We do not need to create a new lid, here ethnicity, to put on existing problems by not adequately 

addressing the root causes as well as the consequences of conflict. 

A related example is Rwanda after the genocide in 1994. Hundreds of thousand of Tutsi returned from having 

lived in exile during decades in mainly English speaking Uganda or in French speaking Burundi. [31] Some of these 

people have never even been to French speaking Rwanda before, or they left Rwanda when they were small 

children. [32] This situation is reflected at the governmental level as well, where the initial opposition group of 

exile-Tutsi constitutes the core of the current government. Today some of those Hutu and Tutsi that lived in 

Rwanda throughout the genocide and never fled have at times more in common with each other than with their 

respective ethnic group. [33] Also, concerns about whose interest the government is serving have been discussed, 

an issue which transcends ethnicity. This has to be seen in the context of that the current government has long 

been criticized of limiting political opposition of all groups, that political space has been seriously curtailed, and 

that it is controlling, not governing, the country. [34] In April 2000, tensions increased once again when key Hutu 

members of the government resigned, leading to that some people fled to Tanzania. [35] Since April 2000 there 

has been what the UNHCR (the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) terms a “worrying” increase of 

Rwandan refugees into Tanzania. [36] The refugees give as reasons to their flight among other things, an increase 

in disappearances, arbitrary arrests and killings targeting young men in particular. [37] The situation is 

exacerbated in Rwanda by that a common definition of either the past or the current situation, including the 

historical aspect, does not seem to have yet fully developed neither internally nor internationally. This is serious 

because that means that some of the post-conflict projects and programs might have been or be counterproductive 

for the development of peace. 

An integrated approach is necessary because a too a simplistic approach will not only limit the scope of issues that 

will be addressed, but also the number of actors involved in the making of peace. As this paper has shown there 

are many dimensions to a conflict situation. In recent conflicts there has been a clear gender dimension, where 

many women and girls have been exposed to rape and sexual violence as a deliberate method of intimidation. 

Such violence is not separated from the general social structure of our societies that includes the role of women, 

and that dimension needs to be included and not only framed in terms of crimes having been committed against 

women. Finally a simplistic approach will serve to maintain the polarization that already exists instead of help 

reducing it, with the result of continuous division. 



In conclusion, international actors in conflict or post-conflict situations, be it through emergency aid or funding of 

and participation in different projects and programs with the stated purpose of contributing to peace, need to 

become aware of the interrelationship between these different dynamics and dimensions so to make sure that 

peace is not built on division and on what separates people, but on how we can create a mutual platform from 

where to start living together again. 

September 2000. 

Bibliography 

Amnesty International, Annual Report 2000, London, www.amnesty.org 

Amnesty International, Rwanda: the Hidden Violence: “disappearances” and killings continue, AFR 47/23/98, June 

23, 1998, London, www.amnesty.org 

Anderson, Mary B., Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peace- or War, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., Boulder, 

London, 1999 

Commission Internationale Non-Gouvernementale sur les Violations Massives des Droits Humains en République 

Démocratique du Congo (ex-Zaïre) 1996-1997. Rapport Preliminaire. Rapport Préparé par le Centre Internationale 

des droits de la Personne et du Développement Démocratique et L'Association Africaine pour la Défense des Droits 

de l'Homme en République Démocratique du Congo (Kinshasa) (ASADHO). June 1998, www://ichrdd.ca 

Crenshaw, Martha, Introduction: Reflections on the Effects of Terrorism, in ‘Terrorism, legitimacy and power: the 

consequences of political violence: essays/ by Irving Louis Horowitz’, Ed. by Crenshaw, Martha, Middletown, 

Conn., Wesleyan University Press, Scranton, Pa., 1983 

Destexhe, Alain, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Century, New York University Press, New York, 1995 

Jones, Lynne, Letter from Sarajevo: On a front line, BMJ 1995: 310:1052-1054, April 22: bmj.com Jones 310 

(6986):1052 

Frøyland, Anette, Nilsson, Ann-Charlotte, Suhrke, Astri, Rwanda: Verken rettferdighet eller fred (Rwanda: Neither 

Justice nor Peace), in ‘Forsoning eller rettferdighet? Om beskyttelse av menneskerettighetene gjennom 

sannhetskommisjoner og rettstribunaler’, (‘Reconciliation or Justice? The protection of human rights through truth 

commissions and criminal tribunals’), Ed. by Andreassen B-A and Skaar E., Cappelen Akademisk Forlag, Oslo, 

1998 

Kuper, Leo, The Pity of It All: Polarization of Racial and Ethnic Relations, University of Minnesota Press, 

Minneapolis, 1977 

Maynard, Kimberly A., Healing Communities in Conflict, International Assistance in Complex Emergencies, 

Columbia University Press, New York, 1999 

Maynard, Kimberly A., Rebuilding Community: Psychosocial Healing, Reintegration, and Reconciliation at the 

Grassroots Level, in ‘Rebuilding Societies after Civil War: Critical Roles for International Assistance’, Ed. by Kumar, 

Krishna, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., London, 1996, Boulder, 1997 

Prunier, Gérard, Rwanda: La mort d’un juste, Libération, Débats, June 16, 1998, Le Quotidién, www. Libération. 

Com; 

Reyntjens, Filip, Talking or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, 1998-1999, Current African Issues 

No. 21, the Nordic Africa Institute, (Nordiska Afrikainstitutet), Uppsala, 1999 

Robins, Robert S., and Post, Jerrold M., Political Paranoia, The Psychopolitics of Hatred, Yale University Press, New 

Haven, London, 1997 

U.N. Doc. S/1994/1405 Letter from the Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council transmitting the 

final report of the Commission of Experts, December 9, 1994, in ‘the United Nations and Rwanda, 1993-1996’, the 

Blue Books Series, Volume X, United Nations 

UNHCR Press Briefing Note, Tanzania: Increase in Rwandan Arrivals in Ngara, July 21, 2000, www. UNHCR 

Refugee NewsNet results: Rwanda 

UNHCR – South East Europe pages – the World/ South-East Europe/ Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 2000, www. 

unhcr.ch 

UNHCR Press Briefing Note, Tanzania: UNHCR Concern at Mine Accounts, April 28, 2000, www. UNHCR Refugee 



NewsNet results: Rwanda 

U.S. Committee for Refugees, Life After Death: Suspicion and Reintegration in Post-Genocide Rwanda, 

Washington D.C., Immigration and Refugee Services of America, February 1998 

[1] Jones, Lynne, ‘Letter from Sarajevo: On a front line’, BMJ 1995; 310:1052-1054 (22 April), 1052, p. 1 

[2] Op. cit., p. 5 

[3] Maynard, Kimberly A., ‘Healing Communities in Conflict, International Assistance in Complex Emergencies’, 

1999, p. 6 

[4] Ibid. 

[5] Kuper, Leo, ‘The Pity of it All: Polarization of Racial and Ethnic Relations’, 1977, p. 128 




[9] Op. cit., 1977, p. 205; Kuper talks about how the conflict in Burundi became ‘qualitatively’ transformed by 

violence, such as that extreme forms of violence did not only have a deteriorating effect on relations, but an effect 

that evolved from deteriorated relations into hatred of each other. 

[10] Op. cit., 1977, p. 114, 120 

[11] Two to three years before the Arusha Accords in 1993, there was the beginning of a movement in Rwanda 

working for the respect for human rights, the rule of law and an end to the one-party system. Many Hutu publicly 

were in favor of democratic governance and negotiating with the RPF (the Rwandan Patriotic Front) leading up to 

the Arusha Peace Accords in 1993. These were seen by the Hutu extremists as traitors and labeled “accomplices” 

of the RPF, and were intimidated and terrorized along the Tutsi by the different militia groups the Interhamwe and 

the Impuzamugambi, the youth wings of the Hutu parties the Movement Republican national for development 

(MRND) and the extremist the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR); Destexhe, A., ‘Rwanda and 

Genocide in the Twentieth Century’, 1995, p. 28-29: 

[12] Anderson, Mary B., ‘Do No Harm: how aid can support peace – or war’, 1999, p. 117 

[13] Maynard, Kimberly A., ‘Healing Communities in Conflict’, 1999, p. 116 

[14] Anderson, Mary B., ‘Do No Harm: how aid can support peace – or war’, 1999, p. 117 

[15] Robins, R. S. and Post, J. M., ‘Political Paranoia, the Psychopolitics of Hatred’, 1997, p. 88 


[17] Op. cit., p. 89, 93, 97 

[18] Op. cit., p. 94, 97: However, at the bottom of such movements are people who are not content with 

themselves, p. 97. 

[19] Crenshaw, Martha, ‘Intro.: Reflections on the Effects of Terrorism’, in ‘Terrorism, Legitimacy…’, p. 22 

[20] Ibid. 

[21] Robins R. S. and Post J. M., ‘Political Paranoia, the Psychopolitics of Hatred’, 1997, p. 92 

[22] Anderson, Mary B., ‘Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peace – or War’, 1999, p. 35 



[23] Ibid. 

[24] Ibid. 

[25] See the developing literature on the necessity to integrate both psychological and social issues into the 

international response and assistance regarding complex emergencies, Maynard, Kimberly A., Rebuilding 

Community: Psychosocial Healing, Reintegration, and Reconciliation at the Grassroots Level, in ‘Rebuilding 

Societies after Civil War: Critical Roles for International Assistance’, Ed. by Kumar, Krishna, Lynne Rienner 

Publishers Inc., London, 1996, Boulder, 1997 

[26] A majority of the 660.000 Bosnians that have returned to Bosnia have not been able to return to their old 

homes because of continuous political tension between the different communities (Serb, Muslim, Croat). In 

addition one million more Bosnian refugees and internally displaced persons have yet to permanently settle. 

Some improvements have been made such as setting up a legal framework that includes property laws, that the 

UNCHR tries to strictly implement: UNCHR – The World, South-East Europe pages – Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 

2000, http://www.unhcr.ch 

[27] An ineptitude to deal with the emotional environment in Rwanda is by no means the only reason to why 

international actors dismiss or minimize these actions, but a reason that is seldom acknowledged. 

[28] Letter from the Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council transmitting the final report of the 

Commission of Experts, S/1994/1405, December 9, 1994, in ‘the United Nations and Rwanda, 1993-1996’, the 

Blue Books Series, Volume X, p. 416 

[29] Commission Internationale Non-Gouvernementale, 1998; Frøyland A., Nilsson A-C, Suhrke, ‘Rwanda: Verken 

rettferdighet eller fred’, in ‘Forsoning eller rettferdighet? …’, 1998, p. 275; Amnesty International: “Rwanda, the 

Hidden Violence: “disappearances” and killings continue”, June 23, 1998, AFR 47/23/98: Annual Report 2000; 

www.amnesty.org 

[30] U.S. Committee for Refugees, ‘Life After Death: suspicion and reintegration in post-genocide Rwanda’, 

February 1998, p. 12-13; Maynard, Kimberly A., ‘Healing Communities in Conflict’, 1999, p. 116 

[31] U.S. Committee for Refugees, ‘Life After Death: suspicion and reintegration…’, February 1998, p. 12-13; 

[32] While today the official languages in Rwanda are Kinyarwanda, French and English, the main languages 

spoken have been Kinyarwanda and French. 

[33] U.S. Committee for Refugees, ‘Life After Death: suspicion and reintegration ...’, February 1998, p. 12-13 

[34] See Prunier, Gérard, ‘Rwanda: La mort d’un juste’, Libération, Débats, June 16, 1998, Le Quotidién, www. 

Libération. com; Reyntjens, Filip, ‘Talking or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, 1998-1999’, 

Current African Issues, No.21, 1999, p. 26 

[35] UNHCR Press Briefing Note, April 28, 2000, ‘Tanzania: UNHCR concern at nine accounts’, www. UNHCR 

Refugee NewsNet: in the first half of April 2000, more than 160 Rwandans fled to Tanzania. 

[36] UNHCR Press Briefing Note, July 21, 2000, ‘Tanzania: Increase in Rwandan arrivals in Ngara’, www. UNHCR 

Refugee NewsNet: 

[37] UNHCR Press Briefing Note, July 21, 2000, ‘Tanzania: Increase in Rwandan arrivals in Ngara’, www. UNHCR 

Refugee NewsNet: By July 2000, 3.240 people have fled from Rwanda to Tanzania this year alone. For the whole 

of 1999, UNHCR recorded 1,633 people. 


Doc 

Executive Summary 

Gender and Armed Conflict – an Overview Report 

By Armani El Jack 

BRIDGE 

Armed conflict negatively affects women and men and results in gender-specific disadvantages, particularly for 

women that are not always recognised or addressed by the mainstream, gender-blind understandings of conflict 

and reconstruction. Gender inequality reflects power imbalances in social structures that exist in pre-conflict 

periods and are exacerbated by armed conflict and its aftermath. The acceptance of gender stereotypes is one of 

the main reasons that such gender blindness persists. 

Stereotypical perceptions of roles 

Stereotypical interpretations shape and are shaped by social, political, economic, cultural and religious contexts. 

Armed conflict encourages expectations that men will fight and women will support them on the ‘home front’. The 

popular perception is that men are soldiers or aggressors and women are wives, mothers, nurses, social workers 

and sex-workers. It is true that it is primarily men who are conscripted and killed in battle, but women make up 

the majority of civilian casualties and suffer in their role as caregivers, due to a breakdown of social structures 

(Byrne 1996). However, women are also combatants, as evidenced in Sri Lanka and Liberia, and men are also 

victims. These realities have consequences for gender relations, which often go unnoticed and unresolved. 

Gendered impacts of armed conflict 

The impacts of armed conflict on gender relations are significant. Forced displacement and gender-based violence 

(GBV) are two examples of impacts that are not inevitable outcomes of armed conflict, but rather are deliberate 

strategies of war that destabilise families and communities. Physical and sexual violence, particularly towards 

women and children, occur with greater regularity during and after armed conflict. Women experience rape and 

forced pregnancy, forced sex work and sexual slavery, often at the hands of ‘peacekeepers’, police or occupying 

forces, as occurred in Bosnia. Although men are the primary perpetrators of violence towards women and 

children, it is important to note that men too are subject to victimisation and violence, including sexualised 

violence. 

International laws and institutions 

Gender differences are entrenched within public and private institutions that intervene to end armed conflict and 

build peace (El-Bushra 2000a, Kabeer 1994). International organisations such as the United Nations (UN), 

governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) vary from ignoring women or taking a gender-blind 

approach, to treating women stereotypically. Still others look at women without a consideration of women’s 

relative inequality in the context of gender relations. 

Often where the term ‘gender’ is used, the focus still tends to be on women and girls without taking into account 

the ways in which gender inequality and power imbalances between women and men exacerbate their 

disadvantage. Impacts of armed conflict such as forced displacement and GBV are not understood as human 

rights violations, but rather as cultural or private issues that are best left alone. Furthermore, many governments 

have yet to ratify the international commitments designed to protect the human rights of women and girls during 

and after armed conflict. Lack of recognition or enforcement prevents any real progress towards gender equality. 

Mainstreaming gender concerns into conflict resolution and interventions 

Interventions, such as humanitarian assistance and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) 

programmes for ex-combatants, exacerbate gender inequality if they are administered in gender-blind ways. 

Mainstreaming gender awareness into the structures that govern armed conflict and post-conflict reconstruction 

requires better cooperation between international institutions, states and NGOs. If we are to build more equal 

post-conflict societies, it is particularly important to involve women’s organisations at the decision-making level in 

the formation of political and legal structures. 

Indeed, the all-encompassing upheaval caused by armed conflict creates the potential to redefine gender relations 

in the post-conflict period in more gender equitable ways. But without greater support for organisations and 

interventions that promote gender equality in all sectors, there is a high risk that long-standing patterns of 

oppression will be re-established. 


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Recommendations 

The report makes a number of recommendations: 

Take the lead from the local: Interventions need to be based on context-specific evidence about what women and 

men are doing, and not on stereotypical interpretations of gender roles and relations that presume to know what 

they should be doing. Interventions should involve local organisations – particularly women’s groups – in decisionmaking 

capacities. Outreach and support designed to assist families and communities adjust to shifting gender 

roles and relations should be assessed on the local level to ensure they are appropriate to the particular 

community or region. The programmes of states and international organisations must also reflect the concerns 

and priorities expressed by local populations. 

Improve implementation of existing international laws by international institutions and states, particularly in terms 

of recognition of impacts of armed conflict such as forced displacement, impoverishment and GBV as violations of 

human rights and not as private, cultural concerns that are unavoidable outcomes of war. Implementation and 

enforcement of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 would represent a significant step forward. 

Increase funding to specialised services that deal with the distinct needs of women and men who suffer violent 

impacts of armed conflict such as rape and torture. For women, specialised services must include counselling and 

outreach to manage gynaecological/reproductive health concerns related to rape, forced pregnancy and sex work. 

More health and counselling services should also be made available for men who move away from masculine, 

stereotypical gender roles or resist violence and combat and, as a result, become victims of physical and sexual 

violence. 

Involve women and provide gender training: The involvement of women is necessary but does not in itself 

guarantee that gender concerns will be addressed or that women are automatically gender-aware. Training in 

identifying and addressing gendered concerns is important for everyone involved in post-conflict reconstruction. 

Peacekeepers in particular must receive tailored gender training in order to build trust with communities, as well 

as to minimise the threat of sexual and physical violence from peacekeepers themselves. 

Without a proper understanding of how gender roles and relations are shifting, we jeopardise the goal of a 

sustainable and peaceful post-conflict society. Greater cooperation is needed between all the actors involved in 

conflict and post-conflict reconstruction to address the power imbalances that lead to gender inequality. Without 

significant steps towards gender equality, there can be no real or meaningful peace. 

Executive summary written by Lata Narayanaswamy. 

5.1 Human rights versus human security 

Human rights 

(…) 

Historically, mainstream definitions of human rights, while seemingly gender neutral, have been predominantly 

based on men’s experiences. Article two of the 1948 UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognises human 

rights as a universal ideal of respect for humanity that all people are entitled to, but does not make any specific 

mention of women. Indeed, few governments and NGOs are committed in domestic or foreign policies to women’s 

equality as a basic human right (Peters and Wolper 1995). In zones of conflict, the denial of women’s human 

rights has reinforced oppression and discrimination. When combined with other forms of power imbalance, this 

denial has more devastating consequences. 

An emphasis on human rights is important but insufficient in dealing with issues related to gender equality. 

Violations that occur during all stages of armed conflict are often considered simply to be the consequences of war 

and not necessarily human rights violations, and are frequently overlooked: 

• Although armed conflicts violate the basic right to life and security, women experience specific vulnerabilities 

and violence including forced pregnancy, sexual mutilation and sexual slavery at the hands of soldiers (Anderlini 

2001). Similarly, men may be physically or sexually abused or experience trauma after witnessing this type of 

abuse against family members. These types of violations are seen as ‘private’ issues or unavoidable outcomes of 

conflict as opposed to human rights violations. 

• Human rights are also violated in conflict through imprisonment, torture, disappearances and forced 

conscription but, again, these acts are considered to be inevitable outcomes of war rather than violations. Women 

and men experience violations of human rights in distinct ways. Men of combat age constitute the majority of 

those killed during fighting, endure imprisonment and are forcibly conscripted. Meanwhile, women and children in 

conflict zones constitute the majority of civilian casualties as well as the majority of those displaced and 

impoverished (Byrne 1996). 

• Political representation and participation are basic human rights. But whether in conflict or not, political 


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institutions frequently exclude women. Women are under-represented in national and international organisations 

in both conflict and post-conflict arenas (UNDP 2002). This violation of human rights is not defined as such, but 

rather, is seen as a reflection of ‘normal’, patriarchal structures of power in play. Therefore, it is rarely 

questioned, particularly during armed conflict. 

In short, human rights approaches will continue to overlook serious violations unless they recognise the gendered 

effects of armed conflict as basic rights violations and not as private, normal or inevitable consequences of armed 

conflict. 

Human security 

Human security relates to the safety of people (particularly disadvantaged people) from ‘such chronic threats as 

hunger, disease and repression . . . [and] from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life – 

whether in homes, in jobs or in communities’ (UNDP 1994: 23). 

The human security approach is based on the assumption that all people ‘have basic human rights and should 

enjoy these rights regardless of who and where they are’ (ibid). In the context of gender, the term implies that all 

women and men are entitled to security, including economic security, food security, and health and environmental 

security (ibid). Feminist perspectives on human security draw a further link between sustainable development, 

social justice and the protection of human rights and capabilities as central aspects of any discussion of human 

security (AWID 2002). 

A human security focus for studying gender and conflict is significant because it establishes a link between gender 

equality and human security. Unlike a focus on rights, the human security approach implies that anything that 

threatens security is a violation of human rights, including gender-specific violations long considered to be normal, 

private or inevitable outcomes of war. However, even with the security framework, in practice there will still be 

resistance to recognition of these violations. 

A human security approach is also problematic, insofar as it can be appropriated by states and multilateral 

organisations for their own agendas (Enloe 1993). The attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on 11 

September 2001, for example, have become a pretext for the racist depiction of Muslims and people from the 

Middle East in the name of ‘homeland security’. Current developments within US foreign policy strongly suggest 

that human security will continue to be used to justify wars such as those against Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 

2003. 

5.2 International law, resolutions and conventions 

The human rights of women (and girls) are embodied in a number of international human rights instruments and 

international humanitarian laws. These instruments collectively condemn all forms of violence against women. 

Many of them also contain specific references to the inclusion of a ‘gender component’ in ‘peace and security’, 

most notably UNSC Resolution 1325, the Windhoek Declaration: Namibia Plan (UN 2000).These laws and 

resolutions stress that those negotiating and implementing peace agreements should adopt a gender-sensitive 

perspective and address the protection and rights of women and girls during conflict and in post-conflict 

reconstruction. 

What is UN Security Council Resolution 1325? 

In October of 2000, the UN Security Council held a debate on Women, Peace and Security, which led to the 

passage of Security Council Resolution 1325 on 31 October 2000. Among other things, the Resolution recognises 

that an understanding of the impact of armed conflict on women and girls and effective institutional arrangements 

to guarantee their protection and full participation in the peace process, can significantly contribute to 

international peace and security. The UN calls on all parties involved in conflict and peace processes to adopt a 

gender perspective. This will include supporting local women’s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for 

conflict resolution. The NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security is working to ensure the 

implementation and raise the visibility of UNSC Resolution 1325 and incorporate more women in peace and 

security issues. The complete resolution is available in the Supporting Resources Collection that accompanies this 

report or online at: 

www.un.org/events/res_1325e.pdf . 

The language of ‘gender’ in Resolution 1325 

UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security is undeniably a breakthrough for establishing broader 

human rights guidelines, particularly for women’s human rights, at the international level. Unfortunately, the 

resolution does not provide much guidance on what a ‘gender perspective’ consists of, and where the term 

‘gender’ is used, it is used interchangeably with ‘women and girls’. It denies many of the gendered concerns that 

arise in armed conflict. These concerns require an understanding of how existing power imbalances between 

women and men are experienced during and after armed conflict and how these inequalities might be removed to 

improve gender relations. 

5.3 Why are there difficulties in implementation and enforcement? 


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Although the importance of these laws, resolutions, conventions and commitments must not be understated, they 

are limited in their application. International commitments are difficult to enforce in practice because of the 

limited interpretations of human rights that deny various forms of gender-specific violations, as discussed in the 

previous section. Also, a range of cultural, historical and patriarchal justifications exist for the exclusion of 

gendered concerns in both human rights and human security approaches. This oversight is reflected in the use of 

language in international laws, in that emphasis is placed on women and girls in isolation as opposed to gender 

and gender relations. Furthermore, many states have yet to ratify these international commitments. Finally, 

despite the availability of this information, communication and information sharing with respect to these laws and 

commitments within organisations and between policymakers and grassroots organisations has been poor. 

Even where equal rights and security are recognised in theory, the practice remains unequal because women and 

men do not have equal opportunities to claim these rights, due to differential access to economic, political and 

legal resources. At all levels, there is a need for laws, resolutions, strategies and interventions that specifically 

target the differential access to resources and opportunities. 

Implementing and institutionalising gendered human security and human rights approaches into policies requires 

the commitment of resources and the development of strategies that effectively overcome gender bias. Civil 

society, particularly women’s organisations, can play a role in raising awareness and ensuring governments and 

NGOs are held accountable. 

Through the mobilisation of and cooperation between all actors concerned with armed conflict and reconstruction, 

we have a better chance of addressing the power imbalances that lead to unequal gender relations and 

establishing a long-lasting, sustainable peace. 

BRIDGE (development – gender) 

Institute of Development Studies © 

NOTE: The article is an excerpt from the BRIGDE PUBLICATION “Gender and Armed Conflict – an Overview 

Report” by Armani El Jack. See the full text at: http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports_gend_con_em.htm 

BRIDGE can provide further gender and development material in English, through our websites or by contacting 

them: 





Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261 

Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202 



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(…)

Alternatives 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_alt.htm19-1-2006 13:22:14 

ALTERNATIVES 

Women’s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network 

By Les Penelopes 

Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers of isolation by giving women more 

consciousness of their know how, empowering them by the awareness of not being alone 

and by multiplying their potential through mutual network. To respond to this social 

demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know how, new 

methods to interpret this invisible qualification. 

How Can Globalisation be Changed to Benefit All People? 

By Janice Duddy 

AWID 

A look at the newly released ILO report written by the World Commission on the Social 

Dimension of Globalization entitled "A Fair Globalization: Creating Opportunities for all". 

The way women's movements have been challenging the current state of globalization 

will also be explored.

Women’s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network By Les Penelopes, France 

Women’s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network 

By Les Penelopes, France 

Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers of isolation by giving women more consciousness of their know 

how, empowering them by the awareness of not being alone and by multiplying their potential through mutual 

network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know 

how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification. 

Women creating alternatives to liberal economy may become visible... In fact, this project's objective is to 

enhance women's visibility in the area of solidarity-based economy all over the world in order to be able to 

valorize their work and to appreciate the non financial but social richness of solutions they propose. Its aim is to 

obtain a mutualism of communication means and know how in the intention of creating an exchange network 

among the actresses. 

Les Pénélopes believe it is mostly women who conceive economic alternatives being however systematically 

invisible, their work and efforts being ignored and underestimated. Women are usually absorbed by their daily 

tough work, and do not have the time or energy to wonder about the importance of communicating their activities 

or to look for a better management. Getting linked to others with whom they share the same challenges, 

difficulties and achievements can seem to them as helpful as inaccessible. Women need to be aware of similar 

resistances, especially when the concerns are identical. They often feel as excluded and lonely as hundred of other 

women trying to conquer the same challenge ! 

Acquiring know how through experience exchanges 

Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers of isolation by giving women more consciousness of their know 

how, empowering them by the awareness of not being alone and by multiplying their potential through mutual 

network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know 

how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification. It is only the confrontation of experiences that can 

permit us to identify and appreciate this qualification in an adequate way, resulting in a new method to read and 

measure this know how and to disseminate it. 

Which actresses are involved ? 

Groups involved come from different regions such as Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, Cameroun, Equateur, Mali, 

Mexico, Chile, Ecuador, Southafrica, Haiti, Democratic Republic of Congo, Senegal, Yugoslavia, Quebec, Paraguay, 

India and France ; in each region several structures have been already identified with more than 30 initiatiaves 

conducted by women. Their aim is to create income, or to help their members for insertion into the job market. 

Thus, we can find with a wide variety of activities such as reading and writing learning, knitting, sewing, 

embroidery, photography, catering service, ironing, decoration, radio programmes, music and singing, social 

work, neighbourhood mediation, cooking teaching, theatre, painting, poetry, dyeing, pottery, cinema festivals, 

expositions and sales, children's daycare, cattle breeding in fur farming, fruit and vegetable transformation, 

Production of peanut pastry , dressmaking, recycling, woodworking, home repair courses, printing. 

The challenge is set 

This project fixes a calendar to determine common development objectives, factors of success, difficulties 

encountered. The intention is to get gathered soo for a working meeting. For more information and to join us: 

info@penelopes.org 

Les Penelopes © 

http://www.penelopes.org/Anglais/xarticle.php3?id_article=837 

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How Can Globalisation be Changed to Benefit All People? 

By Janice Duddy 

Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) 

The World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization, established by the International Labour 

Organization (ILO) in February 2002, released a new report on February 24, 2004 entitled "A Fair Globalization: 

Creating Opportunities for all". The main premise of the report is that current state of globalization MUST change. 

As the Co-Chairs of this Commission, President Tarja Halonen of Finland and President Benjamin William Mkapa of 

Tanzania, write, "We believe the dominant perspective on globalization must shift more from a narrow 

preoccupation with markets to a broader preoccupation with people. Globalization must be brought from the high 

pedestal of corporate board rooms and cabinet meetings to meet the needs of people in the communities in which 

they live" (vii). 

The Commission sends a "critical but positive message". This report acknowledges the benefits of globalization. 

They state, "We recognize that globalization has opened the door to many benefits. It has promoted open 

societies and open economies and encouraged a freer exchange of good, ideas and knowledge. In many parts of 

the world, innovation, creativity and entrepreneurship have flourished" (3). 

However, the Commission argues that these benefits have come at a large cost to the world and its people. The 

Commission writes, "there is growing concern about the direction globalization is currently taking. Its advantages 

are too distant for too many, while its risks are all too real. Its volatility threatens both rich and poor. Immense 

riches are being generated. But fundamental problems of poverty, exclusion and inequality persist. Corruption is 

widespread. Open societies are threatened by global terrorism, and the future of open markets is increasingly in 

question. Global governance is in crisis. We are at a critical juncture, and we need to urgently rethink our current 

policies and institutions" (3). 

The press release for this report explained that, "Juan Somavia, Director-General of the ILO, who originally 

proposed the Commission, said this was the first time there had been a systematic attempt to deal with the social 

dimension of globalization. He added that the Commission was convened by the ILO to search for common ground 

and make proposals on issues which are today the subject of "parallel monologues" and a "dialogue of the deaf". 

"This Commission provides a clear-eyed, common sense message of hope. Making globalization fair and inclusive 

is difficult but do-able, and is an urgent worldwide priority", he said". (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/ 

inf/pr/2004/7.htm ) 

The press release continues, "Mr. Somavia said the 26 Commission members - including a Nobel Economics 

laureate, politicians, parliamentarians, social and economic experts and representatives of business and 

multinational corporations, organized labour, academia and civil society - were "broadly representative of the 

diverse and contending actors and issues that characterize globalization today and had accepted the challenge to 

analyze its effects and provide a series of proposals for righting its imbalances". Their report "offers no miraculous 

or simple solutions, for there are none. But is an attempt to help break the current impasse by focusing on the 

concerns and aspirations of people and on the ways to better harness the potential of globalization itself". ( http:// 

www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/inf/pr/2004/7.htm ) 

In order to change the current state of globalization to become more fair and inclusive the Commission has called 

for a specific set of conditions. They state: 

"We seek a process of globalization with a strong social dimension based on universally shared values, and 

respect for human rights and individual dignity; one that is fair, inclusive, democratically governed and provides 

opportunities and tangible benefits for allcountries and people. 

To this end we call for: 

● A focus on people. 

The cornerstone of a fairer globalization lies in meeting the demands of all people for: respect for their 

rights, cultural identity and autonomy; decent work; and the empowerment of the local communities they 

live in. Gender equality is essential. 

● A democratic and effective State. 

The State must have the capability to manage integration into the global economy, and provide social and 

economic opportunity and security. 

● Sustainable development. 

The quest for a fair globalization must be underpinned by the interdependent and mutually reinforcing 

pillars of economic development, social development and environmental protection at the local, national, 

regional and global levels. This requires sound institutions to promote opportunity and enterprise in a wellfunctioning 

market economy. 

● Fair rules. 

The rules of the global economy must offer equitable opportunity and access for all countries and recognize 

the diversity in national capacities and developmental needs. 

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● Globalization with solidarity. 

There is a shared responsibility to assist countries and people excluded from or disadvantaged by 

globalization. Globalization must help to overcome inequality both within and between countries and 

contribute to the elimination of poverty. 

● Greater accountability to people. 

Public and private actors at all levels with power to influence the outcomes of globalization must be 

democratically accountable for the policies they pursue and the actions they take. They must deliver on 

their commitments and use their power with respect for others. 

● Deeper partnerships. 

Many actors are engaged in the realization of global social and economic goals – international 

organizations, governments and parliaments, business, labour, civil society and many others. Dialogue and 

partnership among them is an essential democratic instrument to create a better world. 

● An effective United Nations. 

A stronger and more efficient multilateral system is the key instrument to create a democratic, legitimate 

and coherent framework for globalization". 

(http://www.ilo.org/public/english/wcsdg/docs/synope.pdf) 

This report makes reference to the importance of gender equality in any global system. In the section titled 

"Globalization and its Impact" the report explains that, "in some countries globalization has resulted in serious 

gender imbalances" (47). It also makes a call for multilateral organizations to develop research programs that 

would examine the gender implications of this impact (138). The members of the Commission realize that it is 

essential to remain cognizant of the way that globalization impacts the lives of women and make an effort to 

ensure that this is included in their work. 

This report runs parallel to work that women's organizations have been doing on Globalization over the last few 

years. For instance in an article, "Women in the Global Economy: Issues Roles and Advocacy", written by Nadia 

Johnson, WEDO’s Economic and Social Justice Program Associate that was included in WEDO's publication Women 

Challenging Globalization published in 2002, she writes, 

"Women have recognized for decades that gender-sensitive policies and their implementation are critical not only 

to women, but to any plan for poverty eradication. Advocates have insisted that a sounder economic discourse, 

benefiting all people, would bring together: a plurality of development 

strategies; a political emphasis on accountability and transparency; a focus on local, national, and international 

arenas; the recognition that economics is about the interrelationship between private enterprise, the public sector 

and the care economy; the need to demystify economics so it is accessible to all; and the identification of the 

gendered nature of financial institutions and the macroeconomic policies they implement". ( http://www.wedo.org/ 

ffd/ffdreport.pdf: 28 ) 

AWID has also recognized the importance of changing globalization. The Globalize This! campaign that was 

launched at the last AWID Forum in Guadalajara, Mexico challenges, 

"Envision a world without poverty, without violence, without discrimination; a world where everyone's needs are 

met and their human rights are protected; a world where women's rights are both a means and an end of 

development. 

Envision it - now GLOBALIZE IT!" (http://www.awid.org/campaign/globalizethis.html) 

The campaign explains, "The road to real equality is long and bumpy, requiring major changes in attitudes, laws, 

policies, economic systems, social and political structures, and core values. Currently, the processes of 

globalization represent the most significant challenge on the road to gender equality. We are poised, therefore, to 

use our collective creativity and energies to bring our vision of equality to life by "re-inventing globalization". 

( http://www.awid.org/campaign/globalizethis.html) 

The campaign then lays out eight demands that provide the starting point for a revolutionary international 

campaign that will work to “globalize” women's rights in development. This is a working document and is always 

seeking input from members. (To read more about the campaign visit: 

(http://www.awid.org/campaign/globalizethis.html). 

Nadia Johnson reminds us, as participants in the women's movement, of our role in challenging the current 

pattern of globalization, she writes, "Women must stay engaged in the United Nations to safeguard our gains and 

civil society’s scope and effectiveness to foster more meaningful participation. With their rich experiences and 

comprehensive strategies drawn from a deep understanding of sustainability, equality and human rights, women 

have a unique role to play in creating a development paradigm that is not compromised by market 

omnipotence" (33). 

Through the tireless and committed work of women's organizations and civil society organizations from around the 

world and now with a commitment from The World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization and the 

ILO it appears that the time for change is upon us. Globalization MUST be inclusive, fair, and ensure human rights 

and now the Commission has laid out a strategy for change that is obtainable. 

To conclude the Co-Chairs of the Commission say, "This is an ambitious but realizable common sense vision. The 

choice is clear. We can correct the global governance deficit in the world today, ensure accountability and adopt 

coherent policies that forge a path for globalization that is fair and just, both within and between countries; or we 

can prevaricate and risk a slide into further spirals of insecurity, political turbulence, conflicts and wars". 

To read this document please visit the ILO web site at: ( www.ilo.org/public/english/wcsdg/index.htm) . 


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Source: 




About Globalisation 

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ABOUT GLOBALISATION 


by Dejan Petrovic 

The globalization of economic flows may be the most manifest nowadays, and it is the 

first thing one thinks of when globalization itself is discussed. Limiting the once sovereign 

role of nation-state, expanding the market across the planet without a visible chance of 

anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in ever fewer countries is combined with the 

growing disproportion between the rich and the poor within these countries. What 

seemed probable over the few decades after World War II – the prominent role of the socalled 

nation state, care for the less able, less healthy and elderly population, free 

schooling and healthcare – seem to be vanishing into historic oblivion. 




Reality: Economics is often represented as technical and scientific, based on ‘truths’ from 

mathematics or statistics. However, economic policy is profoundly political and represents 

a certain set of subjective assumptions about power and the distribution of resources. 

Globalisation: a Feminist Economic Perspective 


Eighties saw radical changes in women’s lives worldwide, whether in terms of their 

inclusion into or exclusion from global economy. The issue of the impact of globalisation 

on women implies perceiving the most direct relationships between gender and 

globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all pitfalls noted in 

the debates on globalisation, and reproducing the existent dichotomies and stereotypes. 

Gender analysis, as an integral part of analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to 

its better comprehension as a multidimensional process. 

Globalisation - Definitions 

Globalisation broadly refers to the expansion of global linkages and encompasses several 

large processes; definitions differ in what they emphasize. Globalisation is historically 

complex; definitions vary in the particular driving force they identify. The meaning of the 

term is itself a topic in global discussion; it may refer to "real" processes, to ideas that 

justify them, or to a way of thinking about them. The term is not neutral; definitions 

express different assessments of global change. Among critics of capitalism and global 

inequality, globalisation now has an especially pejorative ring.

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Economic Growth: an increase in the amount of money flowing through a country’s economy. Promoting 

economic growth is the goal of much economic policy because it is often incorrectly assumed that economic 

growth is good for everyone. 

Efficiency: the allocation of goods and services such that no person can be made better off without making 

someone else worse off (or such that those who are made worse off can be compensated by those who are made 

better off). Efficiency is usually a goal of economic policies. An efficient allocation, however, does not necessarily 

require an equal or fair distribution of goods or services. 

Fiscal Policy: policy relating to government revenue, particularly taxation and spending. 

Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC): countries that have accumulated a large amount of debt during the 

1980s and as a result qualify for the HIPC debt reduction initiative of the World Bank and International Monetary 

Fund. 

Macroeconomics: refers to economic issues that concern the performance of the economy of a whole country, 

including the overall output and income of a country, unemployment, trade, interest rates, investment, and 

government budgets (as opposed to microeconomics which looks at the economic activity of individuals or small 

groups). 

Monetary Policy: the government policy that controls the amount of currency available in an economy. 

Neoliberalism: an economic theory which opposes state intervention in the economy and believes in the free 

operation of the market. 

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): comprehensive action plans for combating national poverty. 

These are required by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order for a country to access 

development loans and aid. 

Privatization: occurs when services that were owned by the government are sold to private companies. When 

privatized, services such as health care, education and social services are provided by companies who aim to 

make a profit. A belief in the inherent superiority of profit-oriented production has lead to a drastic increase in 

privatization in recent years. 

Structural Adjustment: processes of reform imposed mostly on poor countries requiring that they export more 

products, privatize services, increase taxation, devalue their currency, and reduce the government’s role in the 

economy in order to stabilize their economies. In the 1980s, structural adjustment policies (SAPs) were imposed 

by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in over seventy developing countries. 

Trade Liberalization: the reduction of restrictions (including tariffs, quotas and regulatory standards) on the 

trade of goods and services across borders. 


Myths and Realities about Economic Policy 

Reality: Economics is often represented as technical and scientific, based on ‘truths’ from mathematics or 

statistics. However, economic policy is profoundly political and represents a certain set of subjective assumptions 

about power and the distribution of resources. 

Myth: Economics is gender-neutral. 

Reality: Traditional economic analysis can have devastating impacts on women because it does not take into 

consideration the gendered nature of our societies and the resulting gender differentiated impacts of economic 

policies. Women’s assumed status as secondary wage earners in the paid labour force results in women 

experiencing more poverty than men, for example. The privatization of public services increases women’s unpaid 

work as they take over where the public sector leaves off in terms of nursing the sick, educating children and 

caring for the elderly and those in need of assistance. And as companies cut costs by laying off employees, 


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reducing salaries and using home-based workers, women are the most affected. Furthermore, the impacts of 

economic crises are more severe for women. Applying a gender analysis to economics reveals biases that exclude 

women and allows for the redress of economic inequalities that face women. 

Myth: Gender equality advocates do not have the expertise to engage with macroeconomic policy. 

Reality: Gender equality advocates come from all walks of life and are all affected by economic policies in their 

day-today lives. They are therefore capable of critiquing economic policies and of suggesting policy directions that 

would empower women. 

Excerpt from: 


”Ten Principles to Challenge Neoliberal Globalization”, 

Facts and Issues No. 6, December 2003 




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Globalisation: a Feminist Economic Perspective [1] 



Eighties saw radical changes in women’s lives worldwide, whether in terms of their inclusion into or exclusion from 

global economy. The issue of the impact of globalisation on women implies perceiving the most direct 

relationships between gender and globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all 

pitfalls noted in the debates on globalisation, and reproducing the existent dichotomies and stereotypes. 

Gender analysis, as an integral part of analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to its better comprehension 

as a multidimensional process. Namely, conventional interpretations of globalisations are too narrow, 

“economical”, focusing primarily on changes occurring on the market and state levels, and their mutual 

relationships. In other words, little attention is paid to the global and local reconstruction of social, cultural, racial 

ethnic, gender, national and family identities, roles and relations. The first stage of gender analysis, therefore, is 

the re-conceptualisation of global space from gender perspective. It further generates the re-conceptualisation of 

national space, state, economy, household and civil society. 

Such articulation of the global restructuring process will demonstrate old and new forms of including or excluding 

partners from the globalisation process and the features of the existing inequalities. Finally, such analysis will 

show what response and which forms of resistance current globalisation brings about. Such response includes 

various activities and strategies of women’s groups, peace movements, green movements, which sometimes 

acquire a dimension of exclusive, and even forceful resistance to globalisation. Such violent response is the most 

frequently articulated through ethnic conflicts, nationalism and religious fundamentalism. Gender analysis should 

also provide a feminist perspective in considering such resistance to globalisation (Marchand H. Marianne and 

Runzan Sisson Anne, 2001). 

Having disregarded the less significant debate on whether globalisation actually exists or not, the fist question 

related to globalisation concerns its meaning and its linearity as a process. Modernisation oriented theoreticians 

see globalisation mostly a continued global homogenisation after the Western model (Fukuyama, Naisbitt, 

Kothari). Other authors, however, describe globalisation more as a globalised production of diversity (Appadurai, 

1996). Whether globalisation will be regarded as homogenisation or heterogenisation largely depends on the 

perspective used in the course of the analysis. 

Many analyses, including those used in development studies, are characterised by a macroeconomic perspective 

that regards globalisation as a complex, but unidimensional process. The unidimensionality of this process is 

largely determined by neo-liberal logic based on the modernisation thought pattern, even if theoreticians who go 

beyond neo-liberal logic seldom abandon the idea of globalisation as a linear process. This means that 

globalisation is placed in a global context, but this context is not problematised. Thus, one does not ask the 

question of from whose perspective it is a global process, and for whom it is. The theoretic perspective of gender 

and development is mostly reactive when analysing macro-political and economic issues (Peason, Ruth and 

Jackson, Cecile, 1998). 

Traditional interpretation of the features and effects of globalisation on various countries 

Traditionally, globalisation is defined as a process of growing economic interdependence of countries not only in 

terms of increasing volume and increasingly diversified form of production, but also in terms of international 

transactions in goods, services and capitals and accelerated and extensive diffusion of technology, 

communications and finance. 

The beneficial effects of the process, the neo-liberally defined globalisation, on economic and social welfare are 

basically similar to the positive effects of specialisation and market expansion through trade, stressed even by the 

early economists. Globalisation encourages greater international labour division and more efficient savings 

allocation, increasing thereby the productivity and standards of living of the classical individual. On the other 

hand, facilitated access to foreign products enables consumers to choose between a wider range of ever-higher 

quality goods and services at lower prices. Enterprises face increasing competition. Moreover, the increasingly 

open access to numerous financial instruments on various markets enables the country to mobilise savings at a 

higher rate. 

In the traditionally defined globalisation process, the basic sources of economic growth and structural changes 

within the national economy itself are international trade and competition as well as the technological process. 

Each market economy is a dynamic system featuring a continued process of structural changes. Economic 

progress in market economy is largely a result of successful adaptation of the economic system to structural 

changes. With the assumption of stimulating further adequate and continued changes among various sectors of 


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the economic system, employment structure and income allocation, in the opinion of traditional economists, 

society as a whole is likely to benefit from the described process of economic development. The distribution of 

benefits will not be equal across all the segments of society. Some social groups benefit above average, some 

partially, and some suffer. 

Globalisation process, understood as a process of growing integration of the market of goods, services and 

capitals, could also be regarded as a continuation of trends present in the global economy as far as a century back 

(except for the periods of World Wars I and II). However, until the end of World War I, although artificial barriers 

between countries were rare, the traffic in goods and capitals was carried out mostly between modern-day 

developed industries countries. Ever since mid eighties, globalisation process has been significantly accelerated. 

Nowadays, almost all countries worldwide participate in the process of globalisation. New technological 

possibilities have drastically lowered transport and telecommunication costs and facilitated the process of 

integrating national economies into the global market. International trade, direct investment flows and technology 

transfers have become increasingly close and intertwined, and global economy is increasingly the context of 

economic decision-making. 

Rapid and strong integration of national economies into global economy through trade, finance and technology, 

information networks and transcultural co-operation have stimulated the prosperity of the world as a whole. 

However, the benefits of globalisation are not allocated automatically or evenly across countries. Evidence points 

to a growing polarisation both between developed and developing countries, and within these groups of countries. 

Some developed countries, such as France, Germany and Italy, are dealing with the problem of unemployment, 

whereas Japan is facing instability of the financial market. Unlike these countries, the United States, the United 

Kingdom, Australia, Denmark, Ireland, New Zealand and the Netherlands have recorded favourable economic 

performances. 

Some developing countries, such as Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan, are in the process of 

transition into economically more advanced group even in terms of development. However, many countries at the 

bottom of the range, measured in per capita national income, are facing difficult conditions and problems: 

inadequate human resources, poor raw material basis and political instability, civil wars and regional conflicts. 

Many of these countries also suffer from high levels of public expenditure, foreign debt, macroeconomic instability 

and poor government. Although some developing countries are managing to induce economic growth with 

macroeconomic and structural reforms, the low level of their per capita income will require years and years of 

maintaining high rates of economic growth to narrow the gap between themselves and developed countries. 

As for transition economies, one of the key elements of their transition is their reintegration into global economy. 

Before turning to socialism and centralised, i.e. planned management of economy, these countries used to have 

per capita income equal to one half or two thirds of income achieved in the most developed countries of Western 

Europe, only to be left far behind them after several decades of experiment. The process of their reintegration, 

through trade, financial flows and other elements, implies a time required to remove the consequences of thus 

created dislocations, disproportions and isolations. What seems to be the key question is how much has been 

achieved in this process over the past years of transformation. Progress has been achieved in liberalising trade 

and financial arrangements, although there are significant differences in the scope of trade liberalisation between 

countries. Most countries have almost fully removed restrictions on current transactions and taken steps towards 

liberalising financial flows. The reintegration of transition economies into world economy is in progress, and the 

success in this process varies from one country to another. The countries that have gone the furthest in this 

process, in terms of general process in reform policy, are also the most advanced in the reintegration process as 

well as their economic characteristics. However, even the most advanced countries in this respect have achieved 

better results in trade, compared to financial flows. According to the evidence of the World Bank, the most 

advanced transition countries in the 1991-1996 period were the Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia, Poland, 

Slovakia, Croatia, Latvia, Slovenia and Lithuania (World Economic Outlook, 1997: 94). 

The contribution of feminist economists to the development theory and practice in the context of 

globalisation 

Feminist economics does not only refer to women’s issues or gender; it also represents a unique paradigm of 

understanding economics. Feminist economists include race, gender and power relations, as well as conditions 

necessary for sustainable development as the central components of economics. One of the implications of 

feminist economic perspective is that, for example, the focus of feminist economic analysis is on interrelated 

human activities, rather than the isolated individual ones. 

There are, of course, differences both outside and inside feminist economic discourse as to whether feminist 

economics is really a separate paradigm, or is it a specific interest perspective. These are, however, exactly the 

discussions conducted regarding the new paradigm, which is being developed. It is quite certain that an implicit 

consensus is being created around the following key methodological principles: 

1. Household work and care work comprise key elements of any economic system and they should therefore 

be included in economic analysis. 

2. Human welfare should be the central measure of economic performance. 


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3. Ethical opinions are a valid part of economic analysis. 

The above methodological principles deepen and widen the scope of economic research rather than advocating a 

narrow interest approach. The use of feminist economic approach to development policy in practice means 

focussing on areas such as: 

● Equality and elimination of discrimination based on race, gender, age and socio-economic characteristics; 

● Exercise of human rights; 

● Elimination of inequalities in national and international negotiation; and 

● Understanding human actions, especially women’s feminist action, as a significant part of development 

process. 

In this sense, women’s feminist action can be regarded as female action, aimed at increasing and widening gender 

equality and women’s ability to act as subjects in their own interest and the interest of society. Feminist economy 

is necessary in order to reveal the gender basis of policy and international trade, as well as real flows of resources 

and economic relations, and to propose an alternative on the levels of economic policy, structures and processes. 

Doctrine of low labour cost as the key to the pattern of the successful development 

The orthodox neo-liberal argument states that it is better for women to be exploited than excluded from the public 

sphere. In other words, unfavourable conditions under which they work are better than no job at all. Such 

attitudes are detrimental, as they give implicit legitimacy to exploitation and unacceptable working conditions. 

The successful development of the Asian Tigers between 1960s and 1980s attained through a pattern of export 

oriented industrialisation is often taken as a confirmation of the belief that low labour cost is the key to successful 

development patterns. Owing to low women’s wages, export-oriented industry was gaining two key advantages: 

● Low production costs and 

● Higher competitiveness and the influx of foreign finance for the purchase of the latest technologies. 

However, to make it more ironic, these technological improvements then lead to changes in the demand from 

female-intensive male-intensive work in some export industries, due to higher average skill levels of male work. 

Standard neo-liberal view promises that in time the negative impact will be reduced, as the expansion of market 

brings benefits in terms of wage growth etc. 

The example of the Asian Tigers has inspired many developing countries to focus on export-oriented growth as a 

successful development pattern based on cheap labour. However, the miracle achieved by the Asian Tigers in 

terms of development is oversimplified and reduced to their ability to rely on cheap labour. What is completely 

overlooked is the fact that they benefited from American investment during the Cold War period, which was not 

the case in other countries. Also, the American government significantly intervened in their economies through 

protectionist measures as well as direct policy and privileges that were not granted elsewhere. 

However, even if cheap labour did contribute to export growth as shown by the example of the Asian Tigers, it is a 

strategy which is unfair and which should not be supported as it actually leads to: 

● 

● 

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Discrimination based on arbitrary features such as ethnicity, age and gender. This strategy takes advantage 

of gender discrimination in wages and offers highly limited opportunities to female workers. 

Workers are not adequately remunerated for the work they do. 

Workers are not free to choose their employment conditions, as their poverty gives them no freedom of 

choice. 

Gender inequalities are increased. 

Women remain concentrated at the bottom of corporate hierarchy, on low-wage and low-skill jobs, are the 

first to lose jobs in times of crises and the last to be re-employed. 

Men typically take up technical, supervision and monitoring jobs, and are first to be trained for automated 

work. This, of course, means that as jobs become mechanised, they are given to men. 

There are a lot of examples of sexual harassment, frequent overtime work and insufficient work safety. 

There are a lot of examples of women having highly limited control of their own wages in favour their 

husbands. As elsewhere, the extra income contributed by the wife is often used for the improvement of 

perspectives of sons rather than daughters. 

Gender stereotypes are strengthened rather than broken. 


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Generally speaking, a country’s orientation to cheap female labour can easily bring a country to a low 

development pattern with few comparative advantages, low investment levels and thereby low economic growth. 

Of course, nobody can deny that there are women who benefit from the jobs they do in export oriented industry. 

There are cases when a woman’s position in the household is improved as a result of the increase in her wage, 

that women’s autonomy is increased in personal issues such as choosing a husband or refusing a marriage. For a 

woman, being employed also means having higher self-esteem and wider social opportunities and choices in life. 

For instance, even the possibility to travel alone represent and improvement in the status. Despite gender 

inequalities and poverty, a job can at least offer a hope of refuge from poverty. 

However, even when it is true that women have a possibility to make the best out of bad, should we accept the 

bad? Or should we acknowledge that the situation the women are in does not provide them with real freedom of 

choice, and try to do something to change the context in which women make decision? It is quite certain that it is 

not women who choose to be exploited or accept bad working conditions. If they had a better alternative, their 

choice would be different. A typical macroeconomic environment in which women make decisions includes 

structural adaptation programmes, debt liabilities, labour market deregulation and the recommendations of the 

International Monetary Fund. These recommendations always include advice to reduce wages and lower employee 

protection. Thus, for example, Bulgaria was advised in 2001 to maintain wage discipline, i.e. not to raise wages 

despite the fact that their average wage USD 125 was the lowest industrial wage in Europe. 

The inconsistent policy of international financial institutions has lead to the deterioration of women’s position as a 

result of implementing the policy of structural adaptation on the one hand, and at the same time, offering women 

opportunities through, for instance, a credit program. At the same time, reducing public expenditure meant 

transferring higher responsibility to women, who disproportionately provide unpaid care work on which social 

reproduction rested. 

Thus, the pressure to reduce public expenditure on education causes reduction of literacy rate among female 

population, when parents are forced to make a choice between investing in the education of male and female 

children. This is also illustrated by the fact that women comprise 70% of 1.3 billion people living in poverty. Twothirds 

of 900 million illiterate people are women. Limited access to education for women limits women’s 

employment opportunities. 

Limited access to credit further reduces their employment opportunities. With the lack of state welfare, the choice 

between accepting and not accepting a job is the choice between a bad job and starvation. With the lack of law 

culture, women accept bad conditions without question. With the lack of public childcare service, women can opt 

for housework although it is poorly paid. With the lack of credit, women cannot opt for anything else but working 

for others. 

Moreover, there are a few popular myths related to gender inequalities that need to be exposed. 

1. It is a myth that economies traditionally developed on cheap labour and that it is the price to be paid 

for the development of national economy. In other words, that exploitation is better than exclusion of women 

from the development process. The most globalised countries have a lower growth of GDP and lower poverty 

reduction rate than those that are less globalised. This means that, as women comprise more than half of the 

poor, cheap women’s labour is not beneficial to the development of the country. 

2. The same goes for the position that women working in export oriented industry are in a privileged 

position due to the fact that they earn above-average wages. However, these jobs rely on foreign investment 

and are therefore insecure, unprotected by legislation and insensitive to women’s health and working conditions. 

The very fact that these jobs are better is relative – better paid compared to whom? It could rather be said that 

average incomes differ over countries, but also that they are mostly insufficient to cover the basic needs of female 

workers. 

3. It is also a myth that globalisation and the development of information and communication 

technologies will improve people’s access to information and facilitate international connections. Indeed, 

nowadays women worldwide use email and Internet to access information, work, learn, promote contacts and 

friendship, network, lobby, etc. Women also use information technologies to fight against globalisation and 

promote alternatives to dominant neo-liberal economic policy promoted by institutions such as the World Bank, 

the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation. Using information technologies, they surpass 

all boundaries, including the conventional ones, separating national states. They also cross boundaries that are 

not so visible and are concerned with age, ethnicity, race, caste, religion, town and country, sexuality, class, 

marital status and language. However, the possibilities of using the benefits offered by information technologies 

are highly limited by the above divisions themselves. Generally speaking, women have fewer possibilities to use 

information technologies compared to men, owing to usual gendered reasons: money, time, education 

opportunities, lower literacy. Moreover, these factors also contribute to the expansion of inequality among women 

themselves. 

4. It is a myth that privatisation will lead to increased efficiency of social services and enhance the 

response of the public sector to the needs of the poor. Namely, neo-classical theory implies that privatisation will 

benefit consumers because ultimate competition, provided that there are no barriers to the market mechanisms 

(such as, for example, the availability of goods) pushes prices downward. One of the rare such sectors where 


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privatisation is carried out on a par with sufficient competition levels, without hindrances to market processes and 

with enhanced access for female workforce and lower retail prices, is the telecommunications sector. However, 

these conditions do not apply to many other sectors, especially the social services sector. Privatisation often 

means turning from public to private monopoly with increased prices, loss of employment and low quality of 

services. 

5. Finally, it is a myth that macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market-based criteria. The role 

of the state is very important in the development process. Namely, macroeconomic policy does not necessarily 

have to be a neo-liberal one. Moreover, neo-liberal policy is often inefficient in the realisation of macroeconomic 

goals. In such cases, women’s safety network and their actions are of no help. What is needed is gendered 

macroeconomic policy. For example, the aim of a balanced budget needn’t be achieved only by focussing on cost 

cuts. Alternative to this can be increased state revenue, or redistribution of revenue within the budget. Namely, 

those budget expenditure items that are supported by strong political interest, such as defence budget, tend to be 

reduced less than, for example, expenditures aimed at meeting the needs of the poor and women. 

Even more significant is the domination of neo-classical idea of choice between equality and efficiency. And 

although even some neo-classical economists acknowledge the positive correlation between equality and 

efficiency, this paradigm still has significant analytical inconsistencies. It is therefore necessary for macroeconomic 

variables such as the growth of GNP, export, productivity and others to be brought into connection not only with 

the activities related to the market, but also to those related to equal access to resources, human development, 

reduction of existential insecurity. It is only possible if one accepts that there is a correlation between equality and 

efficiency. 

Can the impacts of globalisation be changed? 

Exploitation does not have to be the price of economic growth and development. It is the government that makes 

choices in the patterns of organising economy and redistributing social wealth. Also, international organisations 

make choices as to how they will implement development programmes and formulate a set of conditions under 

which they will be giving loans. Finally, civil sector also plays a significant role in this process. Numerous studies 

have demonstrated the existence of strong correlation between an increase of literacy rate among women and 

economic growth. Investing in the education of women, therefore, raises the rate of economic growth of an 

economy as a whole, so that it is an argument in favour of both the policy of equality and the policy of economic 

growth. 

International financial institutions must reconsider their policy and the impact of such policy on women, as well as 

all those most marginalised groups, rather than merely supporting education and training for women, increasing 

and facilitating the possibility of access to loans. The problem of such policy does not lie in loans. The problem of 

such policy does not lie in its goals regarding the reduction in budget deficit, higher growth rate etc., but in policy 

measures taken in order to realised these and other goals, which may deteriorate income allocation and poverty 

levels. 

For example, reduction in state expenditure often results in budget cuts in all sectors where strong political 

resistance is absent. At the same time, the costs of the elite and the army are protected, both in terms of wider 

and more efficient budget support, and in terms of higher marginal tax rate. Tax reform can, for example, be 

more easily implemented when it is formulated originally in the country itself, and then supported by international 

financial institutions. Transfer of tax relevance from value added tax to income tax and from real estate tax to a 

progressive taxation system will mean a relatively higher taxation of men than women, as men’s income is 

relatively higher than women’s. Currency devaluation also disfavours women, as imported consumer goods 

become more expensive, which has impact on women in the role of household supplies buyers. 

Multilateral institutions such as World Trade Organisation and North American Free Trade Agreement, which are 

also responsible for the environment in which women are acting, must also reconsider the impact of their policies 

on women. Trade policy must be evaluated as successful in terms of social justice, not only in terms of economics. 

Although all the countries of the world have agreed to a set of political measures of promoting gender equality 

adopted at the Peking conference in 1995, and many of them have taken serious measures in implementing the 

goals of gender equality, trade policy often remains gender blind. Trade agreements should therefore be 

completed with total social impact, impact on the environment including the differentiated impacts on men and 

women. The WIDE (Women in Development Europe) have therefore proposed indicators for monitoring trade 

agreements from gender perspective in terms of whether increased trade levels and trade patterns assist in 

reducing gender gap or not. A tool proposed for this purpose is calculating trade elasticities of gender inequality 

over time. These elasticities should be focussed not only on gender inequality of export wages, but also in relation 

to employment and gender levels in the domestic economic sector affected by customs duty reductions. Moreover, 

the trade elasticity of the gender inequality must also consider the gender impact of trade such as women’s health 

condition or childcare. Finally, it must be insisted that women’s labour rights cannot be separated from their rights 

as equal citizens. Very little can be achieved if the elimination of job discrimination is not supported by 

encouraging the right to education, and also if the demands for equal wage for equal quality of work is not 

supported by women’s right to control their wages. 

… 

In answering the question of what contribution feminists can make to development in the context of globalisation, 


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it is useful to regard the concepts of gender and globalisation multidimensionally. Significant critique which then 

emerges is the critique of the perspective, that of white, western-oriented middle class woman. This perspective is 

also present in the theories within women’s studies, empowering thus the feminists to perceive themselves as 

belonging to a homogenous category. However, gender is also a differentiated category influenced by ethnicity, 

class, or religious denomination. Of course, as important as it is to understand that race, class, gender and age 

differences are significant elements of deconstruction and realistic understanding of globalisation, it is equally 

important not to fall into opposite extremes. It is also dangerous to conclude that there is nothing else but the 

difference. 

Generalisations are also necessary for political and economic debate. For example, there is a widespread opinion 

that globalisation leads to feminisation of poverty and that poverty is most present in women-headed households. 

It should also be considered that such households are not homogenous in terms of marital status, age and class 

position, race, and legal status. Thus developed image of women-headed households is greatly diversified. Also, 

the direct correlation between women-headed households and poverty is oversimplified. Households are not poor 

by definition, that is, poverty in economic sense does not necessarily mean socio-cultural and psychological 

poverty. Finally, situation in a household may be changeable over time. Therefore, the debate on globalisation and 

gender can avoid many pitfalls if it understands the multidimensionality of gender. 

Translated from Serbian: Women’s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica, Serbia 


1. Appadurai Arjun, 1999, “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy” in Featherstone Mike 

ed., Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity, London: Sage 

2. Appadurai Arjun, 1996, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization, Minneapolis, University of 

Minnesota Press 

3. Baden, Sally, 1996, “Gender Issue in financial liberalization and financial sector reform”, Bridge Report No. 

39, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 

4. Davids Tine and van Driel Francien, Globalization and Gender: Beyond Dichotomies in Shuurman J. Frans, 

Globalization and Development Studies, Challenges for the 21 st century, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: 

SAGE Publications 

5. Goetz Ann Marie and Sen Gupta Rita, 1994, “Who takes the Credit? Gender, Power and Control over Loan 

Use in Rural Credit Programmes in Banglades”, IDS Working Paper No. 8, Brighton: Institute of Development 

Studies 

6. FENN Seminar Report, 2002, Gender Tools for the Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on 

Globalisation, The Hague: Institute of Social Studies 

7. Marchand H.Marianne and Runzan Sisson Anne, 2001, “Feminist sightings of global restructuring: 

Conceptualizations and Reconceptualizations” in Shuurman J. Frans, Globalization and Development Studies, 

Challenges for the 21 st century, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications 

8. Pearson, Ruth and Jackson, Cecile, 1998, «Interrogating Development: Feminism, Gender and Policu, 

Introduction” in Jackson, Cecile and Pearson Ruth eds. Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and 

Development, London: Routledge 

9. Ross Frankson, Joan, 2002, Women Challengin Globalization, Gender Perspective on the United Nations 

International Conference on Financing for Development, Monterrey: WEDO 

10. World Economic Outlook, 1997, Washington DC: International Monetary Fund 

[1] The paper presented at the International Conference “Myths and Reality: Feminist Perspectives on 

Globalisation”, organised by the University of Graz, Austria, and Feminist ATTAC Austria, on 11-14 September, 

2003 


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Globalisation – Definitions 

Globalisation broadly refers to the expansion of global linkages and encompasses several large processes; 

definitions differ in what they emphasize. Globalisation is historically complex; definitions vary in the particular 

driving force they identify. The meaning of the term is itself a topic in global discussion; it may refer to "real" 

processes, to ideas that justify them, or to a way of thinking about them. The term is not neutral; definitions 

express different assessments of global change. Among critics of capitalism and global inequality, globalisation 

now has an especially pejorative ring. 

The following definitions represent currently influential views [1] : 

● "[T]he inexorable integration of markets, nation-states, and technologies to a degree never witnessed 

before-in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation-states to reach around the world 

farther, faster, deeper and cheaper than ever before . . . . the spread of free-market capitalism to virtually 

every country in the world " (T.L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, 1999, p. 7-8). 

● "The compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole . . . 

concrete global interdependence and consciousness of the global whole in the twentieth century" (R. 

Robertson, Globalisation, 1992, p. 8). 

● "A social process in which the constraints of geography on social and cultural arrangements recede and in 

which people become increasingly aware that they are receding" (M. Waters, Globalisation, 1995, p. 3). 

● "The historical transformation constituted by the sum of particular forms and instances of . . . . [m]aking or 

being made global (i) by the active dissemination of practices, values, technology and other human 

products throughout the globe (ii) when global practices and so on exercise an increasing influence over 

people's lives (iii) when the globe serves as a focus for, or a premise in shaping, human activities" (M. 

Albrow, The Global Age, 1996, p. 88). 

● "Integration on the basis of a project pursuing "market rule on a global scale" (P. McMichael, Development 

and Social Change, 2000, p. xxiii, 149). 

● "As experienced from below, the dominant form of globalisation means a historical transformation: in the 

economy, of livelihoods and modes of existence; in politics, a loss in the degree of control exercised 

locally . . . and in culture, a devaluation of a collectivity's achievements . . . Globalisation is emerging as a 

political response to the expansion of market power . . . [It] is a domain of knowledge." (J.H. Mittelman, 

The Globalisation Syndrome, 2000, p. 6). 

● "…a widening, deepening and speeding up of interconnectedness in all aspects of contemporary social life 

from the cultural to the criminal, the financial to the spiritual’ (Held and McGrew (1999), Global 

Transformations, p. 2). 

● "... development of global financial markets, growth of transnational corporations and their growing 

dominance over national economies." (G. Soros, 2002, On Globalisation, p.13) 

● “The intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local 

happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa” (Giddens 1990: 21) 

● “The integration of the world economy” (Gilpin R., 2001, Global Political Economy, p. 364) 

● “De-territorialization – or … the growth of supraterritorial relations between people” (A. J. Scholte, 2000, 

Globalisation – a critical introduction, p. 46) 

● “an ensemble of developments that make the world a single place, changing the meaning and importance 

of distance and national identity in world affairs” (J. A. Scholte, “Globalisation and Collective Identities”, in 

Identities in International Relations, edited by J. Krause and Neil Renwick, p. 44) 

● “Time-space compression” (Harvey 1999) 

● “A historical process involving a fundamental shift or transformation in the spatial scale of human social 

organization that links distant communities, and expands the reach of power relations across regions and 


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continents” (J. Baylis, S. Smith, The Globalisation of World Politics, 2005: 24) 

● “…it is nothing but ‘recolonisation’ in a new garb.” (J. Neeraj, 2001, Globalisation or Recolonisation, Pune, 

p. 6-7) 

● “…integration of national economies leading to the notion of a borderless global or planetary economy… an 

interwoven net of factories, fields and forests, banks, governments, labouring and farming populations, 

cities and transport spread over the surface of earth.” (Avinash J., 2000, Background to Globalisation, 

Center for Education and Documentation, Bombay, p. 3) 

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Held D. and McGrew (eds). 2003. The Global Transformation Reader, Cambridge: Polity Press. 

Held, D. et al. 1999. Global Transformations, Cambridge: Polity Press. 

International Monetary Fund. 2000. Globalization: threat or opportunity, International Monetary Fund, corrected 

January 2002. 

Klein, N. (2000) No Logo, London: Flamingo. 

Robertson, R. 2003. The Three Waves of Globalization – A History of Developing Global Consciousness, London: 

Zed Press. 

Scholte, J. A. (2000) Globalization. A critical introduction, London: Macmillan. 

Stiglitz, J. 2003. Globalization and Its Discontents, London: Penguin. 

Waters, M. 1995. Globalization. London: Routledge. 

World Bank Research (2002) 'Globalization, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy', The World 

Bank Group, ( http://econ.worldbank.org/prr/subpage.php?sp=2477 ) 

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[1999, 9 August]. ( http://www.worldbank.org/wdr/wdr98/contents.htm ). 

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issues01.html 


Doc 


Documents 

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DOCUMENTS 


On the occasion of the 

Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization 


In a matter of days, government delegates will be gathering in Hong Kong for the latest 

landmark event in the ongoing process of economic globalization--the Sixth Ministerial 

Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO). We, members of civil society from 

developed and developing countries, concerned about the impact of this process on the 

realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world, take 

the opportunity of International Human Rights Day to remind our governments that 

their human rights obligations cannot be abandoned at the WTO door. 


A Gender Perspective on the EU’s Position in the WTO Negotiations 


WIDE is deeply concerned about the European Commission’s insistence on pushing for 

the establishment of trade rules that threaten the livelihoods of poor women and men in 

the South and that perpetuate gender inequality, unfair gender relations as well as 

structural inequalities between women and men and within and between countries and 

regions. The EU is aggressively pursuing new markets, while offering little in return to 

developing countries. 

Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on the Equal Participation of Women in the 

Information Society 

We, the participants in the Forum on Gender and ICTs for the World Summit on the 

Information Society 2005, representing 36 countries assembled in Seoul from 24 – 25 

June 2005, with affiliations in academia and NGOs as well as government, international 

agency, and industry, Reaffirming the principles outlined in the Beijing Platform for Action 

and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, Noting 

paragraph 12 of the Declaration of Principles of the World Summit on the Information 

Society … 

WIDE Statement to the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women 

New York, 28 February to 11 March 2005 

The 10 year review of the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) at the 49th Session of the 

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is a critical opportunity to reaffirm the global 

women’s agenda for women’s human rights, gender equality and empowerment for 

women. The member states of the UN must use this opportunity to reaffirm their 

unequivocal commitment to the accelerated implementation of the entire Beijing 

Declaration and Platform for Action and the Outcomes Document of the 23rd UN General 

Assembly Special Session (Beijing+5). 

UNCTAD XI – Adding Soul To "The Spirit Of Sao Paulo" 



17 June 2004 



WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto 

We, the Network Women in Development Europe, the Gender and Development Network, 

international Southern partners, Central and Eastern European partners, individual 

members and feminists present, meeting here in London on the occasion of WIDE’s 20th 

anniversary

Documents 

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Resolution 1325 (2000) 

Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting, 

On 31 October 2000 

Declaration of the European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005 

A new Era may Open itself in Europe 

We, the participants of the European Conference in Paris of 24th and 25th June 2005, put 

forward for debate in all the associative, trade union and political networks in Europe, the 

propositions contained in the following declaration: 

The European Feminist Initiative Acts in Priority for a NO to The Constitution 

and for a YES To Another Europe 

M E M O R A N D U M 

The European Union might become the bearer of a true peace project, of a constructive 

alternative to the policy of precarity, unemployment, poverty and an alternative to the 

policy of militarization and war which generate violence and insecurity. Violence restricts 

the field of possibilities, non-violence broadens it. Neoliberalism and common security 

policy, in close relationship with NATO and without reference to UN bring economic and 

defence choices which will act as reciprocal commitments between countries of the 

European union. If the new constitution becomes adopted, it will confirm the dominating 

male and neo-liberal power and will carved it “in marble” for several decades. 

Montréal Principles on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 

The Montréal Principles were adopted at a meeting of experts held December 7 – 10, 

2002 in Montréal, Canada. These principles are offered to guide the interpretation and 

implementation of the guarantees of non-discrimination and equal exercise and 

enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, found, inter alia, in Articles 3 and 2(2) 

of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, so that women 

can enjoy these rights fully and equally. 

Political Declaration of the International Forum on the Rights of Women in 

Trade Agreements 

9 September 2003, 

Cancun/Mexico

Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on the Equal Participation of Women in the Information Society 


We, the participants in the Forum on Gender and ICTs for the World Summit on the Information Society 2005, 

representing 36 countries assembled in Seoul from 24 – 25 June 2005, with affiliations in academia and NGOs as 

well as government, international agency, and industry, 

Reaffirming the principles outlined in the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention on the Elimination of 

Discrimination Against Women, 

Noting paragraph 12 of the Declaration of Principles of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), 

adopted in Geneva in December 2003, viz: “We affirm that development of ICTs provide enormous opportunities 

for women, who should be an integral part of, and key actors, in the Information Society. We are committed to 

ensuring that the Information Society enables women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of 

equality in all spheres of society and in all decision-making processes. To this end, we should mainstream a 

gender equality perspective and use ICTs as a tool to that end:” 

Noting that the WSIS Plan of Action refers to the special needs of women in relation to capacity building; enabling 

environment; ICT applications; cultural diversity and identity; media; and follow-up and evaluation, 

Noting that the second phase of WSIS focuses on monitoring and implementation of the progress of feasible 

actions laid out in the Geneva Plan and a concrete set of deliverables that must be achieved by the time the 

Summit meets again in Tunis in November 2005, 

Noting that, this will involve: 

- developing a core set of benchmarks or indicators that can be used to evaluate ICT for Development initiatives 

- surveying and presenting ‘best practices’ and ‘lessons learned’ from ICT projects and initiatives 

- presenting recommendations from the working groups on Financing Mechanisms and Internet Governance 

Noting that the current debate on financing in the WSIS process puts disproportionate emphasis on private 

investment to achieve ICT for Development goals, 

Recognizing that since the first phase of WSIS, governments, international bodies, academia, and civil society 

organizations have implemented actions as follow-up to the WSIS Action Plan, 

Recognizing that the most critical aspects in the follow up of the implementation of the WSIS Plan of Action are: 

• Developing sex-disaggregated statistics and gender indicators 

• Integrating a gender perspective in national ICT policies and strategies 

• Ensuring ICT training and capacity building for women 

• Promoting the economic empowerment of women 

• Ensuring that women benefit from financing of ICT for Development 

• Facilitating gender equality in Internet and ICT governance 

Noting the growth of cyber pornography, trafficking, exploitation, violence against women and sexism on the 

Internet, and recognizing that the Information Society provides both threats and opportunities, 

1. Recommend, based on these priorities, the following to all stakeholders; 

2. Emphasize the gender component in ICT financing discussions, including principles of gender budgeting, with 

linkages made between investment in physical and social infrastructure development; 

3. Ensure that financing ICT for Development projects accounts specifically for women's development priorities 

and their information and communication rights; 

4. Take into account the particular needs of indigenous, elderly, rural and marginalized women everywhere, 

including those in developing countries and the least developed countries, and earmark a fair percentage of the 

Digital Solidarity Fund for projects aimed at bridging the gender digital divide; 

5. Ensure women’s participation in the establishment, administration and monitoring of any fund that supports the 

use of ICTs for development; 



6. Establish national level multi-stakeholder level Internet governance mechanisms, independent of political and 

market interests, to adopt agendas commensurate with a development-oriented Internet Governance, create 

gender working groups, and provide a platform for ICT policy and Internet governance capacity building; 

7. Create opportunities for the participation of women in international and intergovernmental organizations 

involved in Internet governance; 

8. Ensure access to meaningful participation and equal representation of all people, communities and groups, 

including women, in the creation of any new global mechanism to address Internet governance. Appropriate 

relationships should be established with UN bodies connected with development, with culture and education, and 

with the special needs and interests of women; 

9. Support the collection of sex-disaggregated data on access and use of ICTs at the regional and international 

levels; 

10. Emphasize the need for women’s increased presence at all levels of decision-making and in the 

implementation of policies, both in NGOs and in government bodies responsible for information and 

communication. This includes the provision of appropriate training, and monitoring of impact, for female public 

servants; 

11. Mobilize resources to fund capacity building programmes at national, regional and global levels, to address ICT 

policy and Internet governance issues, taking into account the needs of women, excluded communities, especially 

those from developing countries. In implementing such capacity building programmes, the e-readiness of the 

community should be adequately assessed; 

12. Create opportunities for employment for women in the ICT sector, especially in areas of management, 

decision-making, and hardware and software design and production; 

13. Invest in and support ICT infrastructure and services to promote women’s participation and empowerment. 

Special attention should be given to community-driven information and communication initiatives, using both ICTs 

and the long established media, including its ownership; 

14. Encourage the widespread use of open-access software. 

15. Ensure that content created or funded by government, government contractors conducting essential public 

functions, or intergovernmental organizations becomes part of the public domain. This is of particular importance 

with respect to technical and scientific information. 

16. Recognize the special role of libraries as centres for community access to knowledge. Libraries and archives 

should be considered in the development of national ICT policies and supported by public (government and donor) 

funds. 

17. Support women’s ministries and agencies, gender focal points, and gender advocates to participate effectively 

in regulatory policy-making and in all national and international ICT policy processes in a coordinated way; 

18. Train relevant government officers in gender analysis of ICT policies and support women’s ministries and 

agencies, gender focal points, and gender advocates in the work they are doing. 

25 June 2005 

World Summit on the Information Society 

WSIS Gender Caucus - http://www.genderwsis.org/ 


Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI 

UNCTAD XI - Adding Soul To "The Spirit Of Sao Paulo" 



17 June 2004 

We, the member States of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, gathered at São Paulo, 

Brazil, between 13 and 18 June 2004, for the eleventh session of the Conference, agree on the following 

Declaration: 

1. UNCTAD was created in 1964 as an expression of the belief that a cooperative effort of the international 

community was required to integrate developing countries successfully into the world economy. Since then, 

UNCTAD has made a substantial contribution to the efforts of developing countries to participate more fully and to 

adapt to changes in the world economy through the development of a number of instruments, agreements and 

programmes - to stabilize commodity prices, for example - aimed at achieving this objective. UNCTAD has also 

provided an invaluable forum for advancing the relationship between trade and development, both from a national 

and an international perspective, across the three pillars of its mandate. Reinforcing the traditional UNCTAD 

mandate is more crucial than ever. 

2. The UN Conferences of the 1990s, (and outcomes such as the Beijing Platform for Action), the Convention on 

the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, other international Conventions, the Millennium Declaration, the 

Monterrey Consensus, the Programme of Action for the LDCs, the Almaty Programme of Action, the Barbados 

Programme of Action, the Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and the Plan of Implementation 

agreed at the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Declaration of Principles and the Plane of Action 

of the World Summit on the Information Society, as well as initiatives for UN reform, strengthen multilateralism 

and establish a roadmap to guide international actions in the process of mobilising resources for development and 

of providing an international environment supportive of development, although these have been criticised by some 

who see them as insufficient. We are committed to joining all our efforts and in creasing the resources from the 

developed countries in the achievement of the goals established in those texts in the agreed timeframes. The 

United Nations system should actively pursue agreed development goals between now and 2015, as identified in 

the Millennium Declaration, and a reinvigorated UNCTAD has an important role to play in efforts towards the 

accomplishment of these common objectives. 

3. In spite of all the efforts at the national and international level to promote growth, development and 

intensifying equity at both these levels remain the central issues in the global agenda. The contrasts between 

developed and developing countries and within both kinds of societies that marked the world in the early 1960s 

have intensified. While globalisation has posed important challenges and opened up new opportunities for many 

countries, its consequences have been highly unequal between countries and within countries. Some have reaped 

the benefits from trade, investment and technology flows and seem to be winning the struggle for development 

and for poverty alleviation: sometimes by following independent policies. 

4. Most developing countries, however, especially African countries and LDCs, have remained neglected and 

sometimes have suffered as a result of the globalisation process. They still face major challenges for the 

realisation of their economic potential and the incorporation of large masses of the unemployed, informal male 

and female workers and the working poor into the productive sectors. There is a need to rethink the linkage 

between international trade and poverty elimination. There is a need to address the instability in world commodity 

prices. 

5. For all countries, it is important that, at the international level, efforts will be deployed and policies 

implemented in order to facilitate reforms and to remove external constraints to put the developing world on a 

firm and sustainable development path. We can rightly say that, 40 years after the foundation of UNCTAD, the 

relationship between trade and development, which is the cornerstone of its mandate, has become even more 

important to analyse critically and to act on. 

6. We are committed to the struggle for the eradication of poverty and hunger. Policy instruments and measures, 

such as the Global Fund Against Hunger, at the national and international levels, should be adopted, in particular 

by practising policies in the areas of trade, investment and finance (including through new financial initiatives), to 

encourage the creation of opportunities for the poor women and men of the world to have access to decent, stable 

jobs and adequate negotiated wages. This is the sustainable road to democracy, reforms, stability and growth. 

The Millennium Development Goals are an important but insufficient milestone. Special attention should be paid to 

the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in order that gender power relations are rearranged, so that 

women are empowered to participate equally with men in sustainable development. 

7. The plight of the least developed countries should receive the utmost attention from the international 

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community. We are committed to generating and better utilizing additional international resources, market access 

and development assistance for the LDCs in order to enable them to establish, in the context of effective 

domestically-owned national policies, a solid political, social and economic base for their development processes. 

8. Multilateral trade negotiations, under the Doha Work Programme, should be conducted with a view to 

addressing developmental concerns of countries, with a special focus on LDCs, in a manner that fully reflects the 

level of ambition agreed to at Doha. The Doha Work Programme should place development at the centre of the 

multilateral trade negotiations and then should reinforce the mandate of UNCTAD. UNCTAD can play a useful role 

in safeguarding the development dimensions of the Doha Work Programme and contributing to assessing and 

evaluating the balances and outcomes of negotiations and promoting mechanisms, including regulatory measures, 

to establish more balanced and equitable trade relations. We also positively consider the facilitation of accession 

of developing countries, especially LDC´s, to the WTO. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender 

mainstreaming and engendering their national and regional economic and trade policies to ensure gender equity 

and women's empowerment. 

9. We recognise that improved coherence between national and international policies and practices and between 

the international monetary, financial and trading systems and the Norms of the UN system is fundamental for 

democratic and participatory sound global economic governance. We are committed to reforming in a 

comprehensive manner the existing inadequacies and insufficiencies of those systems in order to enhance their 

capacities to better respond to the needs of development, especially in the case of LDCs. The institutional 

dimension in terms of improved global governance is central here. We should also continue working on the 

creation of positive and development-centred synergies amongst trade, finance and investment and on how to link 

these efforts to development and eliminating inequities at the national and international levels. As recommended 

by the World Commission on the Social Dimensions of Globalisation, an inter-agency Globalisation Forum should 

be established. UNCTAD should play a key role in this Forum. In particular, attention should be devoted to 

improving international non-speculative capital flows for development, through the provision of automatic, 

assured and predictable sources of development finance, as well as dealing with the volatility of international 

capital markets. Measures to ensure long-term debt eradication of developing countries and countries in transition 

should be implemented. As a first step in this direction, we commit to unconditional cancellation of LDC debt. 

10. We should also focus on future challenge and opportunities. In addition to national resources, capital 

accumulation and availability of labour, new factors such as information, innovation, creativity and diversity 

constitute the dynamic forces of today's world economy. We are committed to bridging the digital divide and 

ensuring harmonious, fair, equitable and sustainable development for all women and men and to building an 

inclusive information society, which will require genuine equal partnership and cooperation among Governments 

and other stakeholders, i.e. the private sector, civil society and international organisations, in which rights and 

responsibilities of all parties are reciprocal. 

11. A more positive integration of developing countries and those developing countries with economies in 

transition into the international economy and the multilateral trading system depends also on the adoption of 

internal policies to move up the ladder towards sectors that incorporate innovation and that expand more 

dynamically. To achieve these results, countries must have the policy space to pursue diverse policy options in 

order to arrive at the best possible balance between different approaches in their national development strategies. 

12. The process of sustainable development requires increased and equitable participation of all social and political 

forces in the creation of consensus for the adoption of effective national policies, which, in turn, requires 

democratic policies and institutions. We acknowledge the importance of all stakeholders, i.e. governments, the 

private sector, civil society and international organisations and the contribution all can make, in every country, to 

good governance. While development is the primary responsibility of each country, domestic efforts should be 

facilitated and complemented by an enabling international environment. Development policies should take 

cognisance of market forces in the promotion of growth, through trade, investment and innovation. They should 

also acknowledge the central role of the State in conferring political and economic stability, developing the 

required regulatory frameworks, channelling the resources for infrastructure and social projects, promoting social 

inclusion and reducing inequalities. We are committed to supporting national efforts dedicated to institution 

building in developing countries and countries in transition. 

13. Although still limited to a small number of countries, there are encouraging signs that a significant source of 

global growth is being generated in the South. This new development could contribute to creating to a new 

geography of world trade. We underscore the importance of initiatives to facilitate the emergence of new dynamic 

centres of growth in the South through additional steps for the integration of these emerging economies with 

other developing ones. This can be achieved, inter alia, by means of amore comprehensive Global System of 

Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which should also address the problems of the LDCs and 

economies in transition. 

14. Given the growing importance of regional and interregional initiatives, we encourage UNCTAD to further 

develop capabilities designed to assist countries to participate effectively in these initiatives, while ensuring 

functional and coherent linkages with the multilateral system. 

15. The decisions we have adopted at this UNCTAD XI, in addition to the Bangkok Plan of Action form a solid basis 

and are essential instruments in our continued commitment to support UNCTAD in fulfilling and strengthening its 

mandate as the focal point internationally for the integrated treatment of trade and development, on the road to 

its Twelfth Session in 2008. 







The UN has recognised that gender equality is both a core value for sustainable development and a prerequisite 

for poverty elimination. With the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and 

the Beijing Platform for Action, the UN has developed an internationally accepted analytical framework and action 

plan for gender equality. We welcome the creation of the UNCTAD-led Task Force on Gender and Trade set up by 

the UN Inter-Agency Working Group in February 2003 and the UNCTAD XI initiative to highlight gender and trade 

as a cross-cutting issue. 

As a UN body, UNCTAD has both the responsibility and the competence to take a leadership role in ensuring that 

gender concerns are incorporated in a meaningful way in macro-economic policy. Trade policies impact on gender 

relations and human development by rearranging relations of power and access to resources between women and 

men. If trade policies are assumed to be gender neutral, they may reproduce or even worsen current forms of 

inequality and discrimination against women in all countries. 

We also welcome the statement of the European Union that 'UNCTAD should mainstream gender equality in its 

work. UNCTAD's support to developing countries should enable their economic and trade policies to empower 

women as both actors in, and beneficiaries of, economic growth.' Gender mainstreaming must be understood in 

the agreed terms of CEDAW and the BPFA as being strategy towards transformation of gender relations and 

gender stereotypes, and the empowerment of women. 

The impact of trade policy on the lives and livelihoods of women is compounded in countries of the South by the 

structural inequalities between North and South. The international economic order through UNCTAD, therefore 

must proactively promote the interests of those women who are most vulnerable to the negative impacts of 

international trade agreements. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and 

engendering their national and regional trade and other economic policies to ensure gender equity and women's 

empowerment. 

UNCTAD must take a leadership role by 

Promoting the implementation of UN gender equality and women's empowerment agreements within trade 

agreements. 

Devoting increased emphasis in its work to the social implications of trade and other economic policies, including 

their gender impact. 

Developing systems of gender and trade indicators and gender impact assessment mechanisms in both 

monitoring trade agreements and in ex ante assessment to forestall negative impacts of trade agreements on 

vulnerable women and men. 

Including in its independent research and analysis the evaluation of the impact of trade on women. Such 

research should focus not only on criticising the current neo-liberal framework, but on developing alternatives, 

drawing, for example, on the established body of feminist economics, and on the range of existing local level 

alternatives. 

Focusing its gender analysis not only on improving the condition of women in their current roles (e.g. better 

access to credit and micro-finance etc) and seeing them as potential actors in economic growth, but should draw 

on the transformative analysis of CEDAW to ensure that women are not confined in discriminatory positions by 

gender stereotyping. 

UNCTAD must ensure that every country has the competence and freedom to design development measures 

aimed at achieving gender equality and social justice. Donor countries should ensure that appropriate resources 

are directed to UNCTAD's work on gender equality. 

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WIDE (Network Women In Development Europe) 

Banúlacht - Women in Ireland for Development, WIDE Ireland 

CONDGE (Coordinadora de ONGs), WIDE Spain 

KULU - Women in Development, Denmark, WIDE Denmark 

Danish 92 Group 

ICDA (International Coalition of Development Action) 

Cafra (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action)


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EWL (European Women's Lobby) 

IGTN-E - International Gender and Trade Network (Europe) 

Trade Matters Ireland

About globalizacija.com 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_rur.htm (1 van 2)19-1-2006 13:23:53 

About GLOBALIZACIJA.COM 

Globalisation is one of the contemporary issues that have become more frequent topics of 

lively debates in recent years. We can read about globalisation in various contexts and 

forms, from newspaper articles to scholarly research. Although there is no universal 

agreement on its definition and components, the word globalisation is being used more 

often, by politicians, researchers, academics, economists, lawyers, environmentalists, 

sociologists, and other experts, as well as human rights activists, anti-globalists and alterglobalists. 

The lack of an internationally accepted definition of globalisation incites 

controversies about the concept. There are also quite different views on whether or not 

globalisation is a novel phenomenon. 

Despite differences of opinion about globalisation, there is no doubt that global 

macroeconomic tendencies have direct and/or indirect influence on the lives of every one 

of us; that global development of technology and information is increasingly visible 

around us; and that decisions of policy makers in the International Monetary Fund, the 

World Bank and the World Trade Organisation indirectly influence the possibilities from 

which we can make choices and decisions. 

However, what are the effects of globalisation from the human rights perspective? Do all 

people have equal access to the benefits of contemporary development? Do all individuals 

have equal access to resources, employment, education, health care, food and water? Do 

a Cambodian peasant, a female Philippino labourer and a yuppie from New York City gain 

equal benefits from open markets with free flow of capital and goods across borders? Do 

high levels of foreign direct investment (FDI) bring development and economic well-being 

to the receiving countries? How does FDI impact the structure of the labour force? Do 

foreign investments have the same influence on employment possibilities for women and 

for men? Do they contribute to improvement of the common well-being? Will privatisation 

of water, hospitals and schools contribute to better quality of these services? Who will 

benefit, and who will lose? Do economic and technological development help decrease the 

number of homeless, hungry, unhealthy and powerless people? Despite enormous, fast 

technological development, why are there still millions of poor people? What is widening 

the gap between those who have and those who have not? Why is the gender perspective 

important in linking poverty with human rights? 

What is GATS; what is TRIPS; why is it important to know what lies behind these 

abbreviations? What will citizens get from their country’s membership in the World Trade 

Organisation? Will they lose or win? What are roles of the International Monetary Fund 

and World Bank in the Globalisation Story? What is neoliberalism? How is it connected 

with regional security and militarism? What does the Bolkeinstain Initiative mean to us? 

What are the implications of neoliberal macroeconomic policy and practices on human 

rights and well-being? Is development based on private capital and profit the only 

possible path to economic development and human well-being? Are there alternatives to 

neoliberalism; and, if so, what are they? Is it possible to develop novel indicators of 

economic development? What is the ‘care economy’, and how is it connected to a national 

economy? How is unpaid women’s work in their homes linked to economic development? 

What is ‘gender budgeting,’ and how can it contribute to promotion and implementation 

of women’s rights? Why have women’s rights become indispensable to researching 

various aspects of globalisation? 

These are some of the questions that will be highlights of articles and research present in 

this web site, written by eminent experts in fields such as economics, law, human rights, 

women’s rights, sociology, and political sciences. The aim of this online publication, as 

well as the printed version that will be published twice a year in Serbian and English, is to 

offer public access to the knowledge and research of experts from relevant institutes and 

of members of international networks with whom we have collaborated over the years. 

The web site will be updated twice monthly.

About globalizacija.com 

In contrast to the richness of expert articles and publications on these issues that 

characterises the English-speaking parts of the world, in Southeastern Europe such work 

is rare and insufficiently presented to the public. On the other hand, the transition from 

the socialistic economies to market economies has already marked both the economy and 

the population in all of the countries in this region. Willing to accept globalisation or not, 

being for or against it, is of no consequence – globalisation ‘happens’ to us and around 

us. 

Awareness of the complex social processes in progress, as well as of their effects on a 

National Economy, State, Society, Family and Individual, is the prerequisite for their 

comprehension. Interdisciplinary studies of development and research on globalisation 

are well developed in many countries. Thus, for us, living in the region of Southeastern 

Europe, it is useful to be introduced to and informed about existing expert analyses of 

these phenomena, their theoretical aspects and analyses of practices and experiences of 

other countries. To perceive, to question and to comprehend are the first steps toward 

achieving positive social changes. This inquiry into policies and practices will help us to 

recognise what happens (to us), whether we are on a good path, and how to move 

forward if we long for a better, more equitable, more humane world. There are always 

alternatives, and the choice ours. 

The best way to predict future is to create it. 

Mirjana Dokmanovic, 

Editor-in-Chief 

Bela Orcic, 

Webmaster & Design 

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Partners 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_par.htm (1 van 2)19-1-2006 13:23:58 

PARTNERS 

Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) 


Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) is an international membership 

organization connecting, informing, and mobilizing people and organizations committed 

to achieving gender equality, sustainable development, and women's human rights. 

AWID's web site is divided into four major themes: Feminist Organizational Development, 

Gender Equality and New Technologies, Women's Rights and Economic Change, and 

Young Women and Leadership. Within each theme, there are innovative advocacy, 

research, or development initiatives and analyses of new theories in the field, as well as 

book and article reviews and members' comments on provocative and fundamental 

issues. In addition, there are practical tools, such as resources and manuals, advocacy 

opportunities, and recent news items on local actions and successes. 

Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation 

http://www.bgrf.org 

Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF) is an NGO of public utility that promotes 

social equality and women’s human rights in Bulgaria through research, education and 

advocacy programs. The BGRF is based in Sofia. Its team consists of lawyers, academics, 

experts in advocacy, education, monitoring violations of human rights, lobbying for 

legislative changes, preparing publications, networking. The BGRF has branches in 

Plovdiv, Haskovo, Gorna Oryahovitza. 


http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge 

BRIDGE (development-gender) is an information resource on mainstreaming gender in 

development. The site produces a newsletter, articles, research papers on gender and 

development, and guides in gender mainstreaming. 

FemCities 

http://www.femcities.at/ 

FemCities is a service-oriented platform with the aim of connecting women and providing 

information, support and mutual advice. The in-depth information pool is open to a broad 

public, regardless of gender or profession. FemCities address everyone who is interested 

and/or involved in gender and feminist topics in the fields of politics, economy, culture, 

the arts, social affairs, technology, science, health, law, media, etc. 

Karat Coalition 

http://www.karat.org/ 

KARAT is a regional coalition of organizations and individuals that works to ensure gender 

equality in the CEE/CIS countries, monitors the implementation of international 

agreements and lobbies for the needs and concerns of women in the region at all levels 

of decision-making fora. 

Les Penelopes 

http://www.penelopes.org 

Les Pénélopes of today weave the web aimed at promoting, editing and diffusing 

information using all types of media, from the point of view of women and to favour all 

activity ensuring the exchange, the handling, the updating, the centralization, and the 

diffusion of this information in favour of all women of the world. 

Network of the East-West Women-Polska (NEWW-Polska) 

http://www.neww.org.pl/ 

The NEWW links women across national and regional boundaries to share resources, 

knowledge, and skills. Its mission is to empower women and girls throughout the East 

(Central and Eastern Europe, and Newly Independent States and the Russian Federation) 

and the West by dialogue, networking, campaigns, and educational and informational 

exchanges. The international Secretariat of NEWW is run by NEWW-Polska in Gdansk. 

Network Women in Development (WIDE) 


Network Women in Development (WIDE) articulates principles of gender equality and

Partners 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_par.htm (2 van 2)19-1-2006 13:23:58 

justice in the development processes through various its analytical papers, reports, and 

advocacy activities. WIDE monitors and influences international economic and 

development policy and practice from a feminist perspective. WIDE’s work is grounded on 

women’s rights as the basis for the development of a more just and democratic world 

order. The WIDE site features readings on women's economic rights, liberalisation and 

globalisation, the European Union, and relevant United Nations documents and events. It 

also includes information on the WIDE organizational structure, training courses, 

newsletter, publications and resources in Spanish. 

Women’s Information Technology Transfer (WITT) 

http://www.witt-project.net/ 

Women’s Information Technology Transfer (WITT) is a portal site to link women’s 

organizations and feminist advocates for the Internet in Eastern and Central Europe. 

www.witt-project.net is a website, providing strategic ICT information to all, and 

supporting, in a collective way, Central and Eastern European women in developing the 

web as an instrument in their social activism. WITT is committed to bringing women’s 

actions, activities and struggles into the spotlight, promoting the use of free software as 

a way to highlight women’s voices. 

Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace 

http://www.womenwagingpeace.net 

The Network advocates for the full participation of all stakeholders, especially women, in 

peace processes. Creating sustainable peace is achieved best by a diverse, citizen-driven 

approach. Of the many sectors of society currently excluded from peace processes, none 

is larger – or more critical to success – than women. Since 1999, the Waging has 

connected more than 400 women experts with over 3.000 policy shapers to collaborate 

on fresh, workable solutions to long-standing conflicts across the globe. Waging’s Policy 

Commission is researching and documenting women’s activities in conflict prevention, 

negotiations, and post-conflict reconstruction in some 15 conflicts; these studies provide 

models to encourage policymakers to include women and gender perspectives in their 

program designs and budgets. 

We appreciate support from: 

Humanist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos) 

http://www.hivos.nl 

The Humanist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos) is a Dutch nongovernmental 

organisation that aims to contribute towards a free, just and sustainable 

world. It is committed to the poor and marginalized - and to the organisations that 

promote Hivos’s priority issues in countries in the South and in South-East Europe. 

Sustainable improvement of their situation is the ultimate benchmark for Hivos's work. 

An important cornerstone here is strengthening of the position of women in society. 

Mama Cash Fund for Women 

http://www.mamacash.nl 

Mama Cash, the world’s first independent funding organization for women, strives for a 

peaceful and just world where women are free to make their own choices and to develop 

their myriad talents and skills. It is for these reasons that Mama Cash supports women's 

groups that blaze the trail with self-initiated projects. The fact that Mama Cash supports 

groundbreaking projects initiated by new and local women’s groups sets Mama Cash 

apart from other grant making organizations.

Links 

http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_lin.htm (1 van 9)19-1-2006 13:24:04 

LINKS 

United Nations 

Gender Equality & the Millennium Development Goals 

http://www.mdgender.net 

The UN Interagency Network on Women and Gender Equality, the OECD/DAC Network on 

Gender Equality and the Multilateral Development Bank Working Group on Gender are 

pleased to announce the launch of the MDGenderNet website - an online resource on 

gender equality and the Millennium Development Goals. 

United Nations System of Organizations 

http://www.unsystem.org 

The United Nations System of Organizations is the official portal to websites of UN 

organizations. It also gives direct links to projects and initiatives and various joint 

programs of the UN system. 

The United Nations 

http://www.un.org 

The United Nations home page provides access to news, texts of documents, online 

databases, and links to UN offices and agencies. The Human Rights section provides the 

text of documents and treaties and reports on the status of human rights around the 

world. 

UN Division for the Advancement of Women 

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw 

The UN Division for the Advancement of Women is tasked to promote women’s equality 

and human rights. It features news and information about women-focused programs and 

meetings within the UN. 

The United Nations Human Rights Page 

http://www.un.org/rights 

The United Nations Human Rights Page provides quick links to the websites of the United 

Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; the Universal Declaration of Human 

Rights; the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and 

Related Intolerance; the International Criminal Court for the Former Yugoslavia; human 

rights treaties; human rights documents; and, a background information on the work of 

the United Nations in relation to the promotion and protection of human rights. 

UNESCO Division of Human Rights, Democracy, Peace & Tolerance 

http://www.unesco.org 

The website of the Division of Human Rights, Democracy, Peace & Tolerance of the 

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) provides 

information on United Nations activities in the areas of human rights, democracy, peace, 

and tolerance. Among the features of the site are definitions of these areas, documents, 

databases, education opportunities, relevant sites, and publications. 

United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) 

http://www.unifem.undp.org 

The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) is the women's fund at the 

United Nations. It provides financial and technical assistance to innovative programs and 

strategies that promote women's human rights, political participation, and economic 

security. Within the United Nations system, UNIFEM promotes gender equality and links 

women's issues and concerns to national, regional, and global agendas by fostering 

collaboration and providing technical expertise on gender mainstreaming and women's 

empowerment strategies. 

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 

http://www.undp.org 

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is the UNs' global development 

network. It advocates for change and connects countries to knowledge, experience, and 

resources to help people build a better life. The UNDP's network links and coordinates 

global and national efforts to reach its goals. It aims to help countries build and share



solutions to the challenges of democratic governance, poverty reduction, crisis prevention 

and recovery, energy and environment, information and communications technology, and 

HIV/AIDS. It helps developing countries attract and use aid effectively. It also promotes 

the protection of human rights and the empowerment of women. 

United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) 

http://www.unchs.org 

The United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) aims to promote 

sustainable urbanization through policy formulation, institutional reform, capacitybuilding, 

technical cooperation, and advocacy; and, monitor and improve the state of 

human settlements worldwide. 

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) 

http://www.unhchr.ch 

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), is the 

UN lead agency for the promotion of human rights. The UNHCHR site provides general 

information about the agency and its programs and activities, databases on treaty bodies 

and charter-based bodies, reports and press releases on the outcomes of sessions and 

meetings, and announcements about agency events. 

United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) 

http://www.unece.org/oes/gender 

The website of the UNECE contains gender section introducing activities aim at 

mainstreaming gender into data collection and statistics, economic research and analysis 

(including population studies) and economic policies. Special attention is given to Eastern 

and South-Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, where in many respects 

women's position has deteriorated during the transition process. The site offers Gender 

Statistics Data Base and assessments of gender statistic in selected countries; Gender 

analysis of selected economic trends in the 'Economic Survey for Europe'; Exchange of 

good practice on gender aspects of economic policies, and support of women’s 

entrepreneurship. It also introduces documents, publications, news and events, and links 

to UN-DAW, Regional Commissions, partner organisations and NGOs. 

United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure 

http://www.unhchr.ch/hrostr.htm 

The United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure site provides a chart intended 

to describe the functioning of the United Nations system in the field of human rights. It 

places emphasis on those bodies and programs with major human rights responsibilities, 

such as the General Assembly, Security Council, Secretariat, and Treaty-monitoring 

bodies. 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 

http://www.unhcr.org 

The website of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) features the 

activities of the agency. It is also a portal of information on the plight of refugees and 

internally displaced people worldwide and various campaigns to help them. 

United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the 

Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) 

http://www.un-instraw.org 

The United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of 

Women (INSTRAW) is committed to promoting gender equality and women's 

advancement worldwide through research, training, and the collection and dissemination 

of information. Its operational methodology, the Gender Awareness Information and 

Networking System (GAINS), is an internet-based international research and training 

environment driven by a worldwide decentralized network. The INSTRAW site offers an 

online library that houses over 1,000 gender-related resources from around the world, 

including bibiliographies, summaries of and links to online documents, contact 

information of gender research and training organizations, websites that focus on gender 

issues, and discussion forums and newsletters. The site also features new publications, 

news and announcements, and information about the INSTRAW network and training 

activities. 

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) 

http://www.unrisd.org 

The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) aims to carry 

out multidisciplinary research on the social dimensions of contemporary problems 

affecting development. The web site offers information on a variety of topics, including 

gender, HIV/AIDS, human rights, and sustainable development.



United Nations Integrated Regional Information News Network (IRIN) 

http://www.irinnews.org 

The website of United Nations Integrated Regional Information News Network (IRIN) 

contains news and features that aim to provide an accurate picture of issues and events 

relevant to people’s human rights and welfare in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia. 

United Nations News Wire (UNWire) 

http://www.unwire.org 

The United Nations News Wire produces daily news about the activities of the United 

Nations and mainstream and alternative media news on issues relevant to the work of 

the United Nations. 

International Court of Justice 

http://www.icj-cij.org 

The International Court of Justice is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. Its 

seat is at the Peace Palace in The Hague (Netherlands). The Court has a dual role: to 

settle in accordance with international law the legal disputes submitted to it by States; 

and, to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized 

international organs and agencies. 

International Labor Organization 

http://www.ilo.org 

The International Labor Organization (ILO) is a UN specialized agency that promotes 

social justice and protection of human and labor rights. The website provides information 

about the agency’s programs and activities, meetings and events related to labor, and 

links to other ILO sites and UN agencies. 

International Telecommunication Union (ITU) 

http://www.itu.int/home 

The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) is an international organization within 

the UN system, formed by governments and private sector groups to coordinate global 

telecom networks and services. Access this site to know more about the history and work 

of the ITU, including one of its major projects, the World Summit on the Information 

Society. 

Setting the Record Straight: Facts about the United Nations 

http://www.un.org/News/facts 

Visit this site to find out about the following topics: the International Criminal Court, the 

UN and business, protecting the environment, global climate change, UN conferences, 

and the UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons. 

Women's Rights are Human Rights 

http://www.unhchr.ch/women 

Set up by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Women's Rights 

are Human Rights website gives readers a menu of basic information on the "women's 

rights as human rights" framework, as well as the latest news, conferences, documents, 

and other information arising from the UN's work to promote and protect women's rights. 

Women and Gender Equality 

http://www.unesco.org/women/index_en.htm 

Visit this site to find out more about the Women and Gender Equality unit of the United 

Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The site offers the 

latest news about UNESCO’s programs for women, as well as informative readings on 

women and gender. 

WomenWatch 

http://www.un.org/womenwatch 

WomenWatch is a gateway to the information and resources on the promotion of gender 

equality throughout the United Nations system, including the United Nations Secretariat, 

regional commissions, funds, programs, and specialized agencies. Created in March 1997, 

WomenWatch provides Internet space for global gender equality issues and supports the 

implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action. The web site also provides information 

on the outcomes of women-related UN meetings and conferences. It also informs about 

efforts to incorporate gender perspectives into the follow-up to global conferences, such 

as the International Conference on Financing for Development, the World Summit on 

Aging, the Children's Summit, and the World Summit on Sustainable Development.



World Health Organization (WHO) - Gender and Women's Health Department 

http://www.who.int/frh-whd/index.html 

The World Health Organization (WHO) -- Gender and Women's Health Department web 

site provides information on health issues related to women. The topics it usually covers 

are female genital mutilation, violence against women, and women and HIV/AIDs. 

International Human Rights Instruments 

http://www.unhchr.ch/html/intlinst.htm 

Lodged within the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 

the International Human Rights Instruments page offers the complete list of international 

declarations, resolutions, statutes, treaties and conventions pertaining to various 

concerns under human rights. 

United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure 

http://www.unhchr.ch/hrostr.htm 

The United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure website provides a chart that 

describes the functioning of the United Nations system in the field of human rights. It 

places emphasis on those bodies and programs with major human rights responsibilities, 

such as the General Assembly, Security Council, Secretariat, and Treaty-monitoring 

bodies. 

Links to UN Conference Sites 

Recent world conferences have produced powerful plans of action that have in common 

the protection and betterment of all human futures, North and South, specifically 

addressing the protection of women's human rights and generally promoting human 

rights principles. Taken together, existing international norms and standards and the 

proclamations resulting from these world conferences provide the basis for 

comprehensive actions against threats to human dignity and security. 

UN Conference for Environment and Development(Rio de Janeiro, 1992) 

http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/rio.html 

World Conference on Human Rights (Vienna, 1993) 

http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/vienna.html 

International Conference on Population and Development (Cairo, 1994) 

http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/cairo.html 

World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen, 1995) 

http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/copenhagen.html 

Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) 

http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/beijing.html 

Second World Conference on Human Settlements (Istanbul, 1996) 

http://www.undp.org/un/habitat/index.htlm 

50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights". 

http://www.unhchr.ch/htm/50 th /50anniv.htm 

Research on Globalization 

Development Alternatives for Women in the New Era (DAWN) 

http://www.dawn.org.fj 

The network of the Development Alternatives for Women in the New Era (DAWN extends 

throughout the regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and the Pacific. Its 

advocacy work covers themes of the Political Economy of Globalization; Political 

Restructuring and Social Transformation; and Sexual and Reproductive Health and 

Rights. DAWN's site regularly posts analytical papers on covered themes and reports on 

relevant world events written from a Southern feminist perspective. 

Grassroots Women 

http://www3.telus.net/grassrootswomen 

Grassroots Women is a Canada-based organization that aims to address the systemic 

political and economic marginalization of working class women caused by imperialism. 

Since 1995, a diverse group of women have joined Grassroots Women discussions, 

events, marches, and conferences on issues such as health, immigration, childcare, and 

globalization. The website contains organizational and campaign news and information.



World Socialist Website 

http://www.wsws.org/index.shtml 

The World Socialist Website is an online publication that provides news and analytical 

articles on global concerns such as globalization, anti-war movements, and workers' 

rights. 

Socialist Worker Online 

http://www.socialistworker.org 

Socialist Worker Online is the newspaper of the International Socialist Organization. The 

publication features news, announcements on events, and analytical articles on trade and 

globalization, anti-war movements, workers' rights, racism and numerous other topics 

under social, economic and political justice issues. 

Social Watch 

http://www.socwatch.org.uy 

A website produced by an international coalition of citizens dedicated to monitoring the 

world's governments' activities related to the eradication of poverty and attainment of 

gender equity. The site offers a very informative collection of country reports, web 

resources, in-depth reports, news and events, and outcomes and analyses of relevant 

conferences. 

World Bank Research on Globalization 

http://econ.worldbank.org 

Collection of topic papers and reports 

Global Policy Forum 

http://www.imf.org/external/np/ 

Useful set of resources and links that explore the nature of globalization. 

General Gender Resources 

Collection of News on Gender 

http://www.oneworld.net 

OneWorld is an international network of cooperative centers that aims to be an online 

media gateway that effectively informs a global audience about human rights and 

sustainable development. You can view an archive of news articles on gender and 

women's rights from the news section of the site. 

GenderStats 

http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats/home.asp 

GenderStats is a database of gender statistics, the website is currently a work in 

progress, but it is already an excellent resource for statistics that are available by country 

on gender profile summaries, basic demographic data, population dynamics, labor force 

structure, education, and health. Also available are international comparisons on gender 

differences, gender and education, and reproductive health from World Development 

Indicators (WDI 2000). 

Siyanda 

http://www.siyanda.org 

Siyanda is an on-line database of selected gender and development materials from 

around the world. It is also an interactive space for practitioners, policymakers and 

academics to share ideas, experiences and resources for mainstreaming gender in 

development. 

International Gender Studies Resources 

http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/GlobalGender/index.html 

The International Gender Studies Resources aims to facilitate the integration of Women's 

and Gender Studies into International and Area Studies philosophy and curricula. General 

and specific bibliographies and filmographies on issues pertaining to women and gender 

in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and Arab World, and among minority 

cultures in North America and Europe are provided. The site also includes links to related 

resources on the Internet. 

International Information Center and Archives for the Women’s Movement 

(IIAV) 

http://www.iiav.nl/eng 

The International Information Center and Archives for the Women’s Movement (IIAV) is a 

source, intermediary and the supplier of information and documentation for all those who



occupy themselves with the position of women. The site provides comprehensive 

information on books, periodicals, data, addresses, archives, visual materials, current or 

historical, national or international. Its computer database facilities and Women's 

Thesaurus allow researchers to enter and receive answers on special queries. Most 

collections listed in the site are available at the IIAV facility in Amsterdam, The 

Netherlands. 

Development-Gender (BRIDGE) 

http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge 

Development-Gender (BRIDGE) is an information resource on mainstreaming gender in 

development. The site produces a newsletter, articles, research papers on gender and 

development, and guides in gender mainstreaming. 

International Association of Feminists Economists (IAFFE) 

http://www.iaffe.org 

The International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE) is a non-profit organization 

that seeks to advance feminist inquiry of economic issues and to educate economists and 

others on feminist points of view on economic issues. In 1997 IAFFE gained NGO in 

special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. 

European and North American WomenAction (ENAWA) 

http://www.enawa.org 

The European and North American WomenAction (ENAWA) is a network of media, 

information and communication technology (ICT), information, and advocacy 

organizations. It is a web-based community of feminist organizations committed to 

developing networks that contribute to the quality of the lives of women in Europe and 

North America and to the quality of the lives of women worldwide who are affected by 

politics and developments in these regions. 

Economic, Social & Cultural Rights 

Center for Economic and Social Rights (CESR) 

http://www.cesr.org 

CESR pushes for social justice through its various advocacies on people's economic and 

social rights. It is a co-initiator of the Women's Economic Equality Project (WEEP), along 

with the National Association of Women and the Law, which is based in Canada. 

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 

http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_cescr.htm 

This site presents the full copy of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and 

Cultural Rights that was entered into force on January 3, 1976. 

The International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESCR-Net) 

http://www.escr-net.org 

ESCR-Net is an emerging coalition of organizations and activists from around the world 

dedicated to advancing economic, social, and cultural rights. This web site contains four 

interactive, searchable databases (or directories) of organizations and individuals, project 

and activities, regional and domestic case law, and events. 

Communication Initiative 

http://www.comminit.com/index.html 

The Communication Initiative is a partnership of development organisations seeking to 

support advances in the effectiveness and scale of communication interventions for 

positive international development. Its activities include an extensive web site, 

e-publications, and specific projects in support of development communication. 

Equality & Non Discrimination 

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women 

(CEDAW) 

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/cedaw.htm 

This site provides the full text of the international human rights instrument for women, 

the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women 

(CEDAW). 

Bringing Equality Home: Implementing the CEDAW 

http://www.unifem.undp.org/cedaw/indexen.htm



Shanthi Dairiam, director of the International Women's Rights Action Watch (IWRAW) 

Asia Pacific, writes a booklet of case studies exploring the ways and extent to which the 

CEDAW has been implemented in various countries. 

Equality Now 

http://www.equalitynow.org 

International human rights organization Equality Now commits itself to protecting the 

civil, political, economic and social rights of girls and women around the world. It uses 

traditional and new forms of communication, organizes media events, conducts research, 

and mounts campaigns to condemn abuses against women, and promote awareness on 

women's rights and influence political leaders and policy-makers. Its Women Action 

Network, which is composed of women's rights groups and advocates from around the 

world, serves as the center of information gathering and dissemination of international 

appeals and protests. 


http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/equ_opp/index_en.htm 

This is the website of the Unit for Equal Opportunities for women and men of the 

Directorate General for Employment and Social Affairs of the European Commission. The 

website contains information of the European Commission's activities in relation to the 

integration of a gender perspective in European Community policies, compilation of news 

and documents arranged according to themes, news on follow-up activities to Beijing+5, 

and links to other government and non government websites with a gender focus. 

Women and Gender Equality 

http://www.unesco.org/women/index_en.htm 

The website of the Women and Gender Equality unit of the United Nations Educational, 

Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). It offers the latest news about UNESCO's 

programs for women, as well as informative readings on women and gender. 

International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN) 

http://www.genderandtrade.net 

The IGTN is an international network of gender advocates actively working to promote 

equitable, social, and sustainable trade. The Network utilizes research, advocacy and 

economic literacy to address the specific trade issues of the seven regions: Africa, Asia, 

Caribbean, Europe, Latin America, North America and the Pacific. 

International Non-Governmental Organizations and Movements 

World Social Forum 

http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br 

The World Social Forum is an open meeting place where groups and movements of civil 

society opposed to neo-liberalism and a world dominated by capital or by any form of 

imperialism, but engaged in building a planetary society centred on the human person, 

come together to pursue their thinking, to debate ideas democratically, for formulate 

proposals, share their experiences freely and network for effective action. The WSF 

proposed to debate alternative means to building a globalization in solidarity, which 

respects universal human rights and those of all men and women of all nations and the 

environment, and is grounded in democratic international systems and institutions at the 

service of social justice, equality and the sovereignty of peoples. 

Regional Social Forums: 

Pan-Amazonian Social Forum 

http://www.ivforumpan.com.br 

European Social Forum 

www.fse-esf.org 

Mediterranean Social Forum 

http://www.fsmed.info 

American Social Forum 

http://www.forosocialamericas.org 

They are part of World Social Forum mundialization process and are followed by the WSF 

International Council. They are called “regional” because they take place at a macroregional 

level. They follow the methodology and political criteria that the WSF Charter of 

Principles have set and they aim to make World Social Forum closer to the reality of



social movements and entities around different regions worldwide and vice-versa. For 

instance, there are European, Pan-Amazonian and Americas Social Forums. 

Peoples’ Global Action 

http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/ 

In 1998 movements from all continents met in Geneva to launch a worldwide 

coordination of resistances to the global market, a new alliance of struggle and mutual 

support called Peoples' Global Action against "Free" Trade and the World Trade 

Organisation (PGA). This platform, defined by the PGA hallmarks, manifesto and 

organisational principles, is an instrument for communication and coordination for all 

those fighting against the destruction of humanity and the planet by capitalism, and for 

building alternatives. These documents have evolved during subsequent conferences, in 

particular to take a clearly anti-capitalist (not just anti-neoliberal) stand, to avoid 

confusion with right-wing anti-globalisers and to strengthen the perspective on gender. 

People’s Movement for Human Rights Education 

http://www.pdhre.org/index.html 

Founded in 1988, the People's Decade of Human Rights Education (PDHRE-International) 

is a non-profit, international service organization that works directly and indirectly with 

its network of affiliates — primarily women's and social justice organizations — to 

develop and advance pedagogies for human rights education relevant to people's daily 

lives in the context of their struggles for social and economic justice and democracy. 

Our World is Not for Sale Coalition 

http://www.ourworldisnotforsale.org/ 

International coalition to stop corporate globalization. 

Debt 

Jubilee + 

http://www.jubileeplus.org 

Drop the Debt 

http://www.dropthedebt.org 

International Financial & Multilateral Institutions 

World Trade Organization 

http://www.wto.org 

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is the only global international organization dealing 

with the rules of trade between nations. At its heart are the WTO agreements, negotiated 

and signed by the bulk of the world's trading nations and ratified in their parliaments. The 

goal is to help producers of goods and services, exporters, and importers conduct their 

business. 

The World Bank Group 

http://www.worldbank.org 

The World Bank Group consists of five closely associated institutions: the International 

Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD); International Development Association 

(IDA), International Finance Corporation (IFC); Multilateral Investment Guarantee 

Agency (MIGA); and the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes 

(ICSID). 

The World Bank's Debt Initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) 

http://www.worldbank.org/hipc 

International Monetary Fund 

http://www.imf.org 

An international organization of 182 member countries, established to promote 

international monetary cooperation, exchange stability, and orderly exchange 

arrangements; to foster economic growth and high levels of employment; and to provide 

temporary financial assistance to countries under adequate safeguards to help ease 

balance of payments adjustment. 

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 

http://www.oecd.org



The Free Trade Area of the Americas 

http://www.ftaa-alca.org/alca_e.asp 

The Secretariat of the North American Free Trade Agreement 

http://www.nafta-sec-alena.org

Contact 

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Surname: 

E-mail: 

Organisation: 

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WTO Meeting in Hong Kong: What's in it for Women? By ... - Aletta

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