Statement of the Human Rights Caucus On the occasion of ... - Aletta
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Updated: December 15, 2005<br />
<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Sixth Ministerial Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade<br />
Organization<br />
December 10, 2005<br />
In a matter <strong>of</strong> days, government delegates will be ga<strong>the</strong>ring in<br />
Hong Kong for <strong>the</strong> latest landmark event in <strong>the</strong> ongoing process<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic globalization--<strong>the</strong> Sixth Ministerial Conference <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization (WTO). We, members <strong>of</strong> civil<br />
society from developed and developing countries, concerned<br />
about <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> this process on <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights and fundamental freedoms <strong>of</strong> people all over <strong>the</strong> world,<br />
take <strong>the</strong> opportunity <strong>of</strong> International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Day to<br />
remind our governments that <strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations<br />
cannot be abandoned at <strong>the</strong> WTO door.<br />
Whose Development is it Anyway?<br />
A Gender Perspective on <strong>the</strong> EU’s Position in <strong>the</strong> WTO<br />
Negotiations<br />
WIDE statement, November 2005<br />
WIDE is deeply concerned about <strong>the</strong> European Commission’s<br />
insistence on pushing for <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> trade rules that<br />
threaten <strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> poor women and men in <strong>the</strong> South<br />
and that perpetuate gender inequality, unfair gender relations<br />
as well as structural inequalities between women and men and<br />
within and between countries and regions. The EU is<br />
aggressively pursuing new markets, while <strong>of</strong>fering little in<br />
return to developing countries.<br />
Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
The Views and Counterviews<br />
By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D.<br />
The issue <strong>of</strong> privatization has been a subject <strong>of</strong> intense global<br />
debate in recent years. In Africa, it has remained highly<br />
controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria has<br />
not been a popular reform. It has received so much criticism<br />
from labor, academia, and individuals. There have been<br />
numerous strikes against proposed sell-<strong>of</strong>fs by unions fearing<br />
loss <strong>of</strong> jobs. While proponents <strong>of</strong> privatization see that aspect <strong>of</strong><br />
economic reform as an instrument <strong>of</strong> efficient resource<br />
management for rapid economic development and poverty<br />
reduction…<br />
Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on<br />
Women in Georgia<br />
By Charita Jashi, Ph.D.<br />
Liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world economy creates new opportunities<br />
to take full advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market economy. The trade<br />
policies <strong>of</strong> national governments and <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World<br />
CONFERENCES & EVENTS<br />
The Close <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Summit on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Information Society:<br />
The civil society verdict<br />
For more information, please visit: www.<br />
apc.org/english/wsis/<br />
White band Day 3 - Putting <strong>the</strong><br />
Spotlight on Trade (in)justice<br />
For more information, please visit:<br />
http://www.whiteband.org<br />
The World Trade Organization<br />
6 th Ministerial Conference,<br />
Hong Kong,<br />
December 13-18, 2005<br />
http://www.wto.org<br />
Conference<br />
"Nationalism in an Age <strong>of</strong><br />
Globalization"<br />
11th Annual World Convention <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Association for <strong>the</strong> Study <strong>of</strong><br />
Nationalities (ASN)<br />
International Affairs Building,<br />
Columbia University, NY<br />
March 23-25, 2006<br />
www.nationalities.org<br />
EUROPEAN SOCIAL FORUM<br />
April 2006<br />
A<strong>the</strong>ns, Greece<br />
http://www.fse-esf.org<br />
Conference "Economic<br />
Globalization and<br />
Environmental Policy"<br />
May 25-26, 2006<br />
Warsaw School <strong>of</strong> Economics<br />
Warsaw, Poland www.globalization.<br />
waw.pl<br />
The IFOR Women Peacemakers<br />
Program (WPP)<br />
Training <strong>of</strong> Trainers<br />
June 10 – 26, 2006,<br />
The Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands<br />
Web: http://www.ifor.org/WPP<br />
The Sixth European Gender<br />
Research Conference<br />
"Gender and Citizenship in a<br />
Multicultural Context"<br />
In Lodz, Poland,<br />
August 31-September 3, 2006<br />
www.gender2006.pl<br />
ASN 2006 European Conference<br />
on Globalization, Nationalism<br />
and Ethnic Conflicts in <strong>the</strong><br />
Balkans and its Regional<br />
Context<br />
will be organized by <strong>the</strong> Forum for<br />
Ethnic Relations<br />
in Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
on September 28 - 30, 2006<br />
WORLD SOCIAL FORUM<br />
in 2006<br />
will be realised in a spread out manner<br />
in different places in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
www.forumsocialmundial.org.br
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Trade Organization (“WTO”) have a significance influence on <strong>the</strong><br />
economic and social development in <strong>the</strong> world. The modern<br />
global marketplace is characterized by a high degree <strong>of</strong><br />
monopolization. It is very difficult for <strong>the</strong> developing countries<br />
to access <strong>the</strong>se markets.<br />
Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business? Corporate<br />
Behaviour from a <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Perspective<br />
By Karin Lukas<br />
In <strong>the</strong> last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic<br />
and political power from states to corporate institutions. <strong>On</strong>e<br />
indicator <strong>of</strong> this trend is <strong>the</strong> sheer amount <strong>of</strong> capital that<br />
corporations generate: Micros<strong>of</strong>t makes more money than <strong>the</strong><br />
31 Least Developed Countries toge<strong>the</strong>r. A study by Anderson/<br />
Cavanagh found that 51 corporations are “among <strong>the</strong> top 100<br />
largest economies in <strong>the</strong> world, while only 49 are countries.”<br />
The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
by Dejan Petrovic<br />
The globalization <strong>of</strong> economic flows may be <strong>the</strong> most manifest<br />
nowadays, and it is <strong>the</strong> first thing one thinks <strong>of</strong> when<br />
globalization itself is discussed. Limiting <strong>the</strong> once sovereign role<br />
<strong>of</strong> nation-state, expanding <strong>the</strong> market across <strong>the</strong> planet without<br />
a visible chance <strong>of</strong> anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in<br />
ever fewer countries is combined with <strong>the</strong> growing disproportion<br />
between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor within <strong>the</strong>se countries. What<br />
seemed probable over <strong>the</strong> few decades after World War II – <strong>the</strong><br />
prominent role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called nation state, care for <strong>the</strong> less<br />
able, less healthy and elderly population, free schooling and<br />
healthcare – seem to be vanishing into historic oblivion.<br />
Sex Trafficking: The Impact <strong>of</strong> War, Militarism and<br />
Globalization in Eastern Europe<br />
By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D.<br />
Uneven distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth has always been among <strong>the</strong> main<br />
generators <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking. However, only in <strong>the</strong> past several<br />
decades has sex trafficking become a global problem. As Dutch<br />
researcher Sietske Altink observes, “more and more countries<br />
are joining <strong>the</strong> ranks <strong>of</strong> sending countries and increasing<br />
numbers are becoming target countries.”<br />
The Made-Up Crisis:<br />
Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey<br />
Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery<br />
Systems.<br />
A Need for New Allocations <strong>of</strong> Liability for <strong>the</strong> New<br />
Health Care Paradigm.<br />
By Ilise L. Feitshans<br />
Protests in <strong>the</strong> streets and chanting with posters on <strong>the</strong> steps <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> statehouses <strong>of</strong> New Jersey and Pennsylvania in 2003 had<br />
one remarkable shared feature: <strong>the</strong>ir constituents. These<br />
protests came not from <strong>the</strong> vast unemployed masses<br />
demanding jobs, fair wages, or educational opportunities for <strong>the</strong><br />
underemployed, underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor were<br />
<strong>the</strong>se protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in<br />
opposition to some war in a place far away. These protests<br />
came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector<br />
physicians.<br />
Faites vos jeux, Messieurs!<br />
or<br />
A Case Study on <strong>the</strong> Impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> General Agreement on<br />
Trade in Services (GATS) in Bulgaria - The Concession <strong>of</strong><br />
S<strong>of</strong>ia Water Supply and Wastewater Services: Legal,<br />
Inclusive Security,<br />
Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit<br />
for Advocacy and Action<br />
Authors: Women Waging<br />
Peace; International Alert<br />
Produced by: Women Waging<br />
Peace, Cambridge<br />
Available online at:<br />
www.eldis.org
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Economic, Social and Gender Aspects<br />
By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D.<br />
By joining GATS <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian government had to start playing<br />
<strong>the</strong> GATS game and, subsequently, to follow its rules. GATS is<br />
<strong>the</strong> first multilateral agreement containing <strong>the</strong> commitment for<br />
a continuous liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trade in all services, essential<br />
services included, through binding rules. The aim <strong>of</strong> GATS is to<br />
increase international trade by removing any control and<br />
restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities,<br />
environment protection, existing social standards or laws which<br />
maintain <strong>the</strong> public monopoly on some services.<br />
A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives<br />
Throughout Europe<br />
By Elisabeth Klatzer. Ph.D.<br />
Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European<br />
countries, initially inspired by <strong>the</strong> work in Australia, South Africa<br />
and <strong>the</strong> UK. In recent years a diversification <strong>of</strong> strategies,<br />
methodologies and practices adopting to country-specific<br />
circumstances can be observed throughout Europe. In several<br />
countries <strong>the</strong>re is work on its way to implement Gender<br />
Budgeting into <strong>the</strong> regular tasks <strong>of</strong> public administration.<br />
Relevance <strong>of</strong> New Solutions:<br />
The Example <strong>of</strong> Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro<br />
By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D.<br />
The transfer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economy into <strong>the</strong> phase <strong>of</strong> New<br />
Economics more than ever gives significance to <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> new solutions being limited by time and <strong>the</strong><br />
issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> knowledge and skills <strong>of</strong> particular subjects<br />
required to deal with change successfully. The problem <strong>of</strong><br />
changing patterns <strong>of</strong> successful functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global<br />
economy and its subjects does not lie only in <strong>the</strong> strength <strong>of</strong><br />
arguments and positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> participants in <strong>the</strong> debate.<br />
Public Goods – The Economic vs <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D.<br />
The phenomenon <strong>of</strong> public goods has existed since <strong>the</strong> dawn <strong>of</strong><br />
civilization, but <strong>the</strong>ir significance and <strong>the</strong> approach to <strong>the</strong>m has<br />
been different in various historical, and especially socioeconomic,<br />
stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> civilization. This issue is<br />
becoming emphasized in <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
New Economy (or Total Economy), especially in countries in<br />
transition.
<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> Occasion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Sixth Ministerial Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization<br />
December 10, 2005<br />
In a matter <strong>of</strong> days, government delegates will be ga<strong>the</strong>ring in Hong Kong for <strong>the</strong> latest landmark event in <strong>the</strong><br />
ongoing process <strong>of</strong> economic globalization - <strong>the</strong> Sixth Ministerial Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization<br />
(WTO). We, members <strong>of</strong> civil society from developed and developing countries, concerned about <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> this<br />
process on <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> human rights and fundamental freedoms <strong>of</strong> people all over <strong>the</strong> world, take <strong>the</strong><br />
opportunity <strong>of</strong> International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Day to remind our governments that <strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations<br />
cannot be abandoned at <strong>the</strong> WTO door.<br />
The moral and legal primacy <strong>of</strong> human rights<br />
The human rights struggle is <strong>the</strong> struggle for human dignity, which is a fundamental and defining ethical value in<br />
any culture. Trade liberalization on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand is a means, not an end in itself. The end that must be served<br />
by trade, as well as o<strong>the</strong>r aspects <strong>of</strong> economic policy, is increased human wellbeing through development. This is<br />
<strong>the</strong> only basis on which a given economic policy can claim moral and political legitimacy.<br />
The canon <strong>of</strong> international human rights law (comprising civil, political,economic, social and cultural rights) <strong>of</strong>fers<br />
a comprehensive legal definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fundamental elements <strong>of</strong> human wellbeing and human dignity. Therefore,<br />
any trade or o<strong>the</strong>r economic policy that <strong>of</strong>fends against <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> human rights, ei<strong>the</strong>r in design or practice,<br />
lacks moral and political legitimacy.<br />
<strong>Human</strong> rights are enshrined in numerous international treaties and in many national constitutions. Substantial<br />
portions <strong>of</strong> human rights law are regarded as having achieved <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> customary international law. Some <strong>of</strong><br />
its foundational principles are recognized as peremptory norms <strong>of</strong> international law.<br />
The promotion and protection <strong>of</strong> human rights are included in <strong>the</strong> UN Charter as being among <strong>the</strong> fundamental<br />
purposes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations. Through Articles 55(c) and 56 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN Charter, Members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations<br />
pledge to take joint and separate action to "promote universal respect for, and observance <strong>of</strong>, human rights and<br />
fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex language or religion.” Charter Article 103<br />
expressly and unambiguously provides that “[i]n <strong>the</strong> event <strong>of</strong> a conflict between <strong>the</strong> obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Members <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> United Nations under <strong>the</strong> present Charter and <strong>the</strong>ir obligations under any o<strong>the</strong>r international agreement, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
obligations under <strong>the</strong> present Charter shall prevail.”<br />
Increased trade can undoubtedly serve as one means for <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> human rights--especially <strong>the</strong> right to<br />
development--but it does not automatically or necessarily do so. Even when trade does bring increased wealth,<br />
poor distribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> benefits both within and between nations, perpetuates poverty and impedes <strong>the</strong><br />
progressive realization <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
The Doha Development Agenda & coherence in law, policy and practice<br />
<strong>Human</strong> rights and economic policy are interconnected to a degree that demands coherence in international and<br />
national law, policy and practice. In <strong>the</strong> wider context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> security-development-human rights nexus, UN<br />
Secretary-General K<strong>of</strong>i Annan has declared in his March 2005 report, In Larger Freedom, that:<br />
"We will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security without development, and we will not<br />
enjoy ei<strong>the</strong>r without respect for human rights. Unless all <strong>the</strong>se causes are advanced, none will succeed."<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> international trade regime has repeatedly denied and rejected any intersection between its<br />
mandate and human rights. This is both logically and legally indefensible especially since most WTO members<br />
have ratified at least one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major UN human rights treaties.<br />
This isolationism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international trade community is based in part on a lack <strong>of</strong> knowledge <strong>of</strong> human rights - in<br />
particular <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights as an inseparable element <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> canon <strong>of</strong> international human<br />
rights law - and also <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> important contribution that human rights can make to desired development outcomes<br />
<strong>of</strong> trade policy and practice.<br />
Isolationism has resulted as well from <strong>the</strong> disconnection <strong>of</strong> international trade policies and practices from <strong>the</strong> goal<br />
<strong>of</strong> increased human wellbeing. Increased trade and trade liberalization have become ends in <strong>the</strong>mselves, and<br />
trade negotiations pit governments against each o<strong>the</strong>r in a competitive process driven by corporate interests<br />
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<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than human development.<br />
We denounce this isolationist tendency, which runs counter to <strong>the</strong> Preamble <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Marrakech Agreement, and<br />
demand that our governments take specific steps to ensure coherence between trade means and human rights<br />
ends.<br />
● WTO member States must take <strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations into account in all aspects <strong>of</strong> trade policy<br />
development, negotiation and practice.<br />
● WTO member States must undertake human rights impact assessments before concluding new trade<br />
agreements or revisions <strong>of</strong> existing trade agreements, as well as in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> implementing existing<br />
agreements.<br />
● Information about human rights impacts should be included in trade policy reviews, both in <strong>the</strong> members'<br />
own reports and in <strong>the</strong> reports prepared by <strong>the</strong> WTO secretariat, including information provided by civil<br />
society sources.<br />
● The WTO should be receptive to human rights arguments in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> dispute settlement, including<br />
through <strong>the</strong> possibility for human rights organizations to submit amicus curiae briefs to <strong>the</strong> panels and <strong>the</strong><br />
Appellate Body set up under <strong>the</strong> Dispute Settlement Understanding.<br />
● States should establish effective mechanisms within government to enhance policy coherence between<br />
human rights and trade. Trade ministries and trade representatives should receive human rights<br />
information and assessments from both governmental and non-governmental sources, in order to formulate<br />
and advocate for coherent policy decisions in international economic forums.<br />
Extraterritorial Obligations<br />
No country has, as yet, made a sufficient attempt to ensure that its policy positions in international economic<br />
forums are consistent with its domestic human rights obligations and with <strong>the</strong> human rights obligations <strong>of</strong> its<br />
trading partners.<br />
International human rights law places obligations upon States with regard to international assistance and<br />
cooperation. These obligations require that States refrain from actions (including in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> negotiating and<br />
implementing international trade agreements) that could interfere, directly or indirectly, with <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong><br />
human rights in o<strong>the</strong>r countries, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir own. Such extraterritorial obligations mean that steps should be<br />
taken to ensure that activities undertaken by States individually or within multilateral processes including trade<br />
negotiations do not undermine <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r States to meet <strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations.<br />
● Developed States must take into account <strong>the</strong>ir responsibility for international assistance and cooperation for<br />
<strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
● UN human rights treaty bodies should streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>ir capacity to examine <strong>the</strong> human rights impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
international trade agreements and policies and to make observations concerning policy coherence.<br />
Agricultural trade, and <strong>the</strong> human right to food<br />
In a world that has more than enough food to feed everyone, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> people who suffer from hunger and<br />
malnutrition is increasing. According to <strong>the</strong> UN Food and Agriculture Organization, more than 850 million people<br />
lack adequate food. Every five seconds a child under <strong>the</strong> age <strong>of</strong> five dies <strong>of</strong> hunger or hunger-related disease. The<br />
international trade in agricultural food products must be part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> solution, not part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem, in relation to<br />
this tragedy.<br />
There are close linkages between agricultural trade liberalization and <strong>the</strong> failure to respect, protect or fulfill <strong>the</strong><br />
human right to food. Developing countries have been pushed to open <strong>the</strong>ir agricultural markets to foreign imports<br />
that are <strong>of</strong>ten exported at less than <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> production. Unfair trade rules, coupled with international financial<br />
institution loan conditions, have limited <strong>the</strong> policy space for developing country governments to meet <strong>the</strong>ir human<br />
rights obligations.<br />
The Doha Development Agenda requires that WTO members address livelihood and food security concerns by<br />
establishing adequate flexibilities within new rules for trade in agriculture. However, on <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 6 th WTO<br />
Ministerial Meeting, very little hope <strong>of</strong> progress towards this goal can be <strong>of</strong>fered to millions <strong>of</strong> poor farmers and<br />
people suffering from hunger around <strong>the</strong> world, and to <strong>the</strong> societies <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong>y are a part.<br />
● WTO members must honour <strong>the</strong>ir commitment to make special and differential treatment for developing<br />
countries an integral part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> negotiations, including in agriculture negotiations.<br />
● Market access rules must allow for differentiation, and allow developing countries to adopt rules and<br />
practices for <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> protecting <strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir agriculture-reliant poor.<br />
● Developing countries must have sufficient policy space to enable <strong>the</strong>m to support small farmers and to<br />
protect <strong>the</strong>ir agricultural markets from cheap imports, especially for food staples.<br />
● Developed countries must end <strong>the</strong> dumping <strong>of</strong> subsidized agricultural production.<br />
Trade in services and equitable provision <strong>of</strong> essential services<br />
Current negotiations on <strong>the</strong> WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) threaten to erode <strong>the</strong> ability<br />
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<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> national governments to implement measures for <strong>the</strong> equitable provision <strong>of</strong> essential services (such as health,<br />
water, sanitation and education) to all <strong>the</strong>ir citizens. The implementation <strong>of</strong> such measures is a central<br />
requirement <strong>of</strong> States under <strong>the</strong>ir human rights treaty commitments. While <strong>the</strong> GATS does not technically require<br />
withdrawal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State from <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> essential services, <strong>the</strong> logic <strong>of</strong> liberalization <strong>of</strong> trade in services does<br />
not favour equitable provision <strong>of</strong> those services. The legal requirements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GATS continue to threaten<br />
effective State involvement and oversight in this area. Fur<strong>the</strong>r mandated negotiations may also threaten<br />
governments’ capacity to regulate services in <strong>the</strong> public interest.<br />
Moreover, consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> potential impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GATS should address <strong>the</strong> power imbalances between<br />
countries in <strong>the</strong> negotiation process, and <strong>the</strong> existing pressure towards privatization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector under <strong>the</strong><br />
policy prescriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> IFIs.<br />
Ins<strong>of</strong>ar as <strong>the</strong> human rights obligations <strong>of</strong> private corporations are not, as yet, legally enforceable in all<br />
circumstances, as <strong>the</strong> home States <strong>of</strong> those corporations are hesitant to adopt extra-territorial legislation to that<br />
effect, and as <strong>the</strong> host States may find it legally or practically impossible to impose strict obligations on foreign<br />
corporations, <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> poor and vulnerable populations to <strong>the</strong> highest attainable standard <strong>of</strong> health, nutrition,<br />
education etc., may be put in jeopardy.<br />
● Essential services with direct implications for specific human rights--such as <strong>the</strong> human right to health,<br />
water and education—should be excluded from negotiations under <strong>the</strong> GATS.<br />
● There should be no new approaches within <strong>the</strong> GATS negotiations (such as ‘benchmarking’or sectoral<br />
approaches) that could undermine <strong>the</strong> existing flexibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> positive list approach.<br />
● The ability <strong>of</strong> Governments to regulate in <strong>the</strong> public interest must not be subjected to new constraints.<br />
Trade-related intellectual property rights, and <strong>the</strong> human right to health<br />
The WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property <strong>Rights</strong> (TRIPS) has posed formidable obstacles to <strong>the</strong><br />
progressive realization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human right to health and <strong>the</strong> right to life, particularly in terms <strong>of</strong> access to<br />
medicines. By protecting, or indeed mandating, monopoly rights for at least 20 years, and stifling competition<br />
from lower-cost producers, <strong>the</strong> TRIPS Agreement enables drug prices to be set high and to stay high.<br />
The 2001 Doha Declaration on <strong>the</strong> TRIPS Agreement and Public Health recognized <strong>the</strong> practical problems for<br />
public health posed by TRIPS compliance and encouraged WTO members to take advantage <strong>of</strong> TRIPS flexibilities.<br />
However, many commercial and political disincentives continue to limit <strong>the</strong> practical availability and utility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
flexibilities, such as compulsory licensing and parallel importation, and hamper <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> poorer countries to<br />
ensure that TRIPS outcomes are consistent with <strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> crisis regarding<br />
neglected diseases (mainly those affecting populations in <strong>the</strong> developing world) demonstrates <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> market-based justification for stringent intellectual property laws - i.e. incentive for innovation.<br />
In addition, <strong>the</strong> TRIPS provision allowing patent monopolies over living organisms is <strong>of</strong>fensive to many religions<br />
and spiritual traditions and is <strong>the</strong>refore a violation <strong>of</strong> cultural rights.<br />
● States must ensure that intellectual property rules in TRIPS and in o<strong>the</strong>r trade agreements do not obstruct<br />
or undermine any State’s ability to comply with its human rights obligations, including equitable access to<br />
medicines.<br />
● Assurances must be made that <strong>the</strong> additional seven year delay granted to Least Developed Countries<br />
(LDCs) for <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> TRIPS is not used to obtain concessions in agriculture, services or nonagriculture<br />
market access (NAMA).<br />
● G8 countries must honour <strong>the</strong>ir commitment at Gleneagles to ensure "universal access to (HIV) treatment<br />
for all those who need it by 2010", and pursuant to that commitment to take all necessary steps to mitigate<br />
<strong>the</strong> restraining effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> TRIPS Agreement on access to ARVs in <strong>the</strong> developing world.<br />
● The review under provision 27(3)(b) should proceed and lifeform patents should be removed from <strong>the</strong><br />
agreement.<br />
The above statement has been drafted by a group <strong>of</strong> human rights organizations and advocates from around <strong>the</strong><br />
world. The group functions as a civil society "human rights caucus" around <strong>the</strong> WTO. The statement was<br />
released on December 10 - International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Day - in Hong Kong on <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WTO Ministerial<br />
Meeting.<br />
Until December 10, <strong>the</strong> Joint <strong>Statement</strong> has been endorsed by 108 human rights organisations all around <strong>the</strong><br />
world. It wil remain open for additional signatories until December 18. Please forward any new endorsement to<br />
Tamara at globalisation@dd-rd.ca. This <strong>Statement</strong> and o<strong>the</strong>r information on <strong>the</strong> Ministerial are availabe on <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong> and Democracy website at:<br />
www.dd-rd.ca/frame2.iphtml?langue=0&menu=m01&urlpage=english/commdoc/publications/globalization/wto<br />
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<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
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Whose Development is it Anyway?<br />
A Gender Perspective on <strong>the</strong> EU’s Position in <strong>the</strong> WTO Negotiations<br />
WIDE statement, November 2005<br />
WIDE is deeply concerned about <strong>the</strong> European Commission’s insistence on pushing for <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> trade<br />
rules that threaten <strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> poor women and men in <strong>the</strong> South and that perpetuate gender inequality,<br />
unfair gender relations as well as structural inequalities between women and men and within and between<br />
countries and regions. The EU is aggressively pursuing new markets, while <strong>of</strong>fering little in return to developing<br />
countries. Of particular concern is <strong>the</strong> EU’s continued insistence on pushing for progress on non-agricultural<br />
market access (NAMA) and services negotiations in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Doha Development Round whose objective is<br />
stated to be that <strong>of</strong> putting ‘development at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WTO’ (Doha Declaration 2001). As a European<br />
network promoting gender equality and social justice, WIDE joins o<strong>the</strong>r social movements and NGOs in <strong>the</strong> EU in<br />
challenging <strong>the</strong> assumption that increased trade and opening <strong>of</strong> markets will yield equitable development.<br />
From a gender perspective, we are deeply concerned about <strong>the</strong> ways in which neo-liberalism, founded on <strong>the</strong><br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> a radical ‘free-trade’ regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation has both exacerbated<br />
already pr<strong>of</strong>ound inequalities and led to <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> new inequalities. It has led to <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong><br />
precarious employment, (poor working conditions, low wages, unsustainable perspectives) intensified exploitation<br />
<strong>of</strong> women’s unpaid work in <strong>the</strong> caring economy and has undermined <strong>the</strong> livelihood strategies <strong>of</strong> poor women,<br />
including migrant women, in all areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world. WIDE appeals for a rethinking <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structural inequities on<br />
which <strong>the</strong>se policies are based. We question <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> progressive trade liberalisation as a “one-size-fits-all”<br />
recipe for development. We cannot afford <strong>the</strong> prioritisation <strong>of</strong> market access over development goals, nor <strong>the</strong><br />
false division between social and economic policies. WIDE contests <strong>the</strong> current neo liberal economic regime which<br />
promotes EU’s self-interest at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> women and men in <strong>the</strong> South.<br />
WIDE does not support <strong>the</strong> “aid for trade” policies promoted by <strong>the</strong> EU alongside <strong>the</strong> World Bank and <strong>the</strong><br />
International Monetary Fund. These policies promote <strong>the</strong> making <strong>of</strong> loans only in order to fund <strong>the</strong> adjustments<br />
required to facilitate trade liberalisation. As feminists and economic and social justice advocates, we believe that<br />
Official Development Assistance should not be linked with conditionalities. We also strongly oppose <strong>the</strong><br />
approaches that aim to ‘add women in’ to <strong>the</strong> liberalisation process as ‘beneficiaries’ without questioning<br />
underlying structural inequities.<br />
The time has come to change EU trade policies. They must be constrained and bound by existing international<br />
agreements that promote human rights and women’s rights, ecological sustainability, human dignity and <strong>the</strong>y<br />
must aim to end poverty and promote well-being. EU trade policies can no longer be dictated by <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong><br />
EU corporations. Current WTO negotiations should not undermine EU commitments to implement <strong>the</strong> Beijing<br />
Declaration and Platform for Action agreed at <strong>the</strong> Fourth World Conference on Women or <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality and women’s human rights as enshrined in <strong>the</strong> Convention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong><br />
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).<br />
WIDE calls <strong>the</strong>refore EU trade ministers, Member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Parliament and <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Commission to:<br />
■ Ensure access to essential services for women and men. The EU should stop pushing in <strong>the</strong> General<br />
Agreement on Trade in Services negotiations its proposal for “Complementary Approaches” which by setting<br />
quantitative as well as qualitative targets is a paradigm shift from <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> flexibility to an approach<br />
<strong>of</strong> coercion within <strong>the</strong> GATS. Nor should <strong>the</strong> EU push for <strong>the</strong> Bolkestein Directive within <strong>the</strong> EU. Essential<br />
services such as water, education, health should be excluded from <strong>the</strong> GATS negotiations.<br />
■ Recognise and guarantee government’s policy space and flexibilities by halting <strong>the</strong> NAMA<br />
negotiations and drop reciprocity demands in <strong>the</strong> EPA negotiations. Governments should have <strong>the</strong><br />
right to use policy tools, including trade measures that preserve government’s policy space to:<br />
- Develop fair and sustainable economies that contribute to women’s empowerment;<br />
- Protect and promote employment, social welfare, health for women and men and <strong>the</strong> environment;<br />
- Promote sustainable conservation and <strong>the</strong> sustainable management <strong>of</strong> all resources.<br />
■ Ensure people’s food sovereignty. The EU should respect <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> developing countries to develop<br />
and implement agricultural policies that guarantee food security and streng<strong>the</strong>n domestic agricultural<br />
markets, most particularly those where small-scale farmers trade <strong>the</strong>ir products. We <strong>the</strong>refore call on <strong>the</strong><br />
EU to remove agriculture from <strong>the</strong> WTO.<br />
■ Ensure that Official Development Assistance is not linked to any conditionality.<br />
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■ Complete systematic public impact assessments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development, social, environmental and<br />
gender impact <strong>of</strong> trade negotiations before proceeding to <strong>the</strong> next phases <strong>of</strong> negotiations. Such<br />
assessment should involve civil society and more specifically women’s organisations from both Europe and<br />
countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South, which <strong>the</strong> EU is targeting. Ra<strong>the</strong>r than being considered simply as flanking<br />
measures, which has been EU practice with o<strong>the</strong>r impact assessments, <strong>the</strong>se assessments should inform<br />
and also influence EU policy changes.<br />
Celebrating its 20 th anniversary WIDE is a European women’s network whose main activities are lobbying,<br />
advocacy and awareness raising; networking and capacity building on global trade agenda, macro-economic<br />
policy, gender and development policy and women’s human rights. WIDE is a member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Seattle to Brussels<br />
Network, <strong>the</strong> International Gender and Trade Network and <strong>the</strong> Our World Is Not For Sale Network.<br />
Visit <strong>the</strong> WIDE website: www.wide-network.org<br />
For fur<strong>the</strong>r information, please contact:<br />
Meagen Baldwin, Executive Director, meagen@wide-network.org<br />
Amandine Bach, GATS and WTO Project Coordinator, amandine@wide-network.org<br />
Barbara Specht, Information Officer, Barbara@wide-network.org<br />
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Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
The Views and Counterviews<br />
By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D., Nigerian Institute <strong>of</strong> Management, Nigeria<br />
The issue <strong>of</strong> privatization has been a subject <strong>of</strong> intense global debate in recent years. In Africa, it has remained<br />
highly controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria has not been a popular reform. It has received so<br />
much criticism from labor, academia, and individuals. There have been numerous strikes against proposed sell<strong>of</strong>fs<br />
by unions fearing loss <strong>of</strong> jobs. While proponents <strong>of</strong> privatization see that aspect <strong>of</strong> economic reform as an<br />
instrument <strong>of</strong> efficient resource management for rapid economic development and poverty reduction, <strong>the</strong> critics<br />
argue that privatization inflicts damage on <strong>the</strong> poor through loss <strong>of</strong> employment, reduction in income, and<br />
reduced access to basic social services or increases in prices. Whatever are <strong>the</strong> views <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two parties, <strong>the</strong> only<br />
group that has no voice in <strong>the</strong> matter is <strong>the</strong> poor. The author is <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> view that privatization is not inherently<br />
good or bad, but <strong>the</strong> poor performance or effectiveness depends on implementation (Nightingale and Pindus,<br />
1997).<br />
This paper draws extensively from <strong>the</strong> empirical research by <strong>the</strong> author, Management Practices and Performance<br />
Determinants <strong>of</strong> Public and Private Sector Enterprises in Anambra, Edo and Delta States <strong>of</strong> Nigeria: A Factor<br />
Analysis (Nwoye, 1997). Comparing <strong>the</strong> effectiveness <strong>of</strong> public versus private service delivery, <strong>the</strong> analysis shows<br />
no clear evidence that private service delivery is inherently more effective or less effective than public service<br />
delivery but ra<strong>the</strong>r that each sector has its own strengths and weaknesses.<br />
The paper provides a general overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> extent, effect, and consequences <strong>of</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> public<br />
enterprises in Nigeria in terms <strong>of</strong> opinions held within various schools <strong>of</strong> thought. The paper is not intended in any<br />
way to be a panacea in <strong>the</strong> treatment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> overall subject <strong>of</strong> privatization; ra<strong>the</strong>r, it is a review <strong>of</strong> support or<br />
apprehension specifically relating to <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> employment, income, social services, and economic welfare<br />
including prices.<br />
Conceptual Issues<br />
The concept <strong>of</strong> privatization in recent times evokes sharp political reactions from many angles. Privatization can<br />
be defined as <strong>the</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> ownership and control <strong>of</strong> enterprise from <strong>the</strong> state to <strong>the</strong> private sector. Various<br />
groups have also defined it differently. The Privatization and Commercialization Act <strong>of</strong> 1988 and <strong>the</strong> Bureau <strong>of</strong><br />
Public Enterprises Act <strong>of</strong> 1993 defined privatization as <strong>the</strong> relinquishment <strong>of</strong> part or all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> equity and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
interests held by <strong>the</strong> Federal Government or any <strong>of</strong> its agencies, in enterprises whe<strong>the</strong>r wholly or partly owned by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Federal Government. But, however privatization is defined, it transfers ownership <strong>of</strong> production and control <strong>of</strong><br />
enterprises from <strong>the</strong> public to <strong>the</strong> private sector. It is an ideological concept.<br />
Justification for Establishment <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises<br />
Many reasons have been adduced as <strong>the</strong> justification for creating public enterprises. Following are six important<br />
ones:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
The first <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se, especially in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> developing countries such as Nigeria, is <strong>the</strong> development<br />
emphasis. In many developing countries, <strong>the</strong> resources available to <strong>the</strong> private sector are not adequate for<br />
<strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> certain goods and services. For example, <strong>the</strong> investments required in <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a<br />
hydroelectricity-generating plant or a water scheme for a large urban center are quite enormous and <strong>the</strong><br />
returns on such investments will take a very long time to realize.<br />
Secondly, political considerations influence governmental involvement in <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> certain social and<br />
economic services. In many African countries, development is closely associated with <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> social<br />
services; consequently, <strong>the</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government, in many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se countries, is evaluated on<br />
<strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> its ability to provide different types <strong>of</strong> public services in areas where such services do not exist.<br />
The third reason for governmental intervention in <strong>the</strong> provision and management <strong>of</strong> goods and services in<br />
many parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world is <strong>the</strong> fact that no person should be permanently deprived <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> access to such<br />
facilities because <strong>of</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> finances or by reason <strong>of</strong> geographical location.<br />
A fourth reason relates to <strong>the</strong> need to protect <strong>the</strong> consumer, which may not be <strong>of</strong> interest to <strong>the</strong> private<br />
sector. For example, government intervenes in <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> education in many countries to protect<br />
children, who are not capable <strong>of</strong> making important decisions for <strong>the</strong>mselves, by making education up to a<br />
certain age compulsory and free.<br />
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Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
●<br />
The fifth reason for governmental intervention in <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> certain goods and services relates to <strong>the</strong><br />
indivisibility that characterizes such services. Some facilities, such as bridges, tunnels, roads, streetlights,<br />
and waste disposal facilities, cannot be divided or partially provided. Ei<strong>the</strong>r streetlights are provided for <strong>the</strong><br />
benefit <strong>of</strong> everybody in <strong>the</strong> community or <strong>the</strong>y are not. Facilities <strong>of</strong> this type must <strong>the</strong>refore be provided<br />
publicly and financed through taxation.<br />
The sixth reason for governmental intervention is <strong>the</strong> consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> national security. Certain<br />
facilities, like <strong>the</strong> National Ports Authority and <strong>the</strong> police, are too vital to be left at <strong>the</strong> mercy <strong>of</strong> private<br />
citizens.<br />
The evolution <strong>of</strong> public sector enterprises <strong>of</strong>ten takes one <strong>of</strong> two forms. First, <strong>the</strong>y could evolve from local calls or<br />
responses to an ad-hoc economic crisis, a specific shortage, flagrant abuse <strong>of</strong> monopoly or oligopoly powers by<br />
private producers, economic bottlenecks and scarcities, apparent market failures in resource allocation, etc. It is<br />
economic crises that create socioeconomic conditions that justify public intervention. Alternatively, <strong>the</strong> evolution<br />
can take <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> a carefully planned body <strong>of</strong> ideas involving <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> management, financial control,<br />
and/or pricing. In most situations, <strong>the</strong> primary interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> society such as “welfarism” [1] are predetermined<br />
and postulated. These two processes have characterized <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> public sector enterprises in Nigeria,<br />
which dates back to <strong>the</strong> precolonial era.<br />
A Brief Historical Perspective on Development <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria<br />
The private sector was <strong>the</strong> traditional structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s economies. The Nigerian economy is largely privatesector<br />
based. The public sector emerged in Nigeria as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> need to harness rationally <strong>the</strong> scarce<br />
resources to produce goods and services for economic improvement, as well as for promotion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> welfare <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
citizens. The involvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector in Nigeria became significant during <strong>the</strong> period after independence.<br />
The railways were probably <strong>the</strong> first major example <strong>of</strong> public sector enterprises in Nigeria. At first, conceived<br />
mainly in terms <strong>of</strong> colonial strategic and administrative needs, <strong>the</strong>y quickly acquired <strong>the</strong> dimension <strong>of</strong> a welcomed<br />
economic utility for transporting <strong>the</strong> goods <strong>of</strong> international commerce, like cocoa, groundnut, and palm kernels.<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> structural nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial private ownership and control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> railways in <strong>the</strong> metropolitan<br />
countries, it would hardly be expected that <strong>the</strong> Nigerian Railways Corporation could have been started as any<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r project than as a public sector enterprise for such mass transportation.<br />
The colonial administration was <strong>the</strong> nucleus <strong>of</strong> necessary economic and social infrastructural facilities that private<br />
enterprise could not provide. Facilities included railways, roads, bridges, electricity, ports and harbors,<br />
waterworks, and telecommunication. Social services like education and health were still substantially left in <strong>the</strong><br />
related hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Christian Mission. But even at this initial stage government itself moved positively into some<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> direct productive sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy: <strong>the</strong> stone quarry at Aro, <strong>the</strong> colliery at Udi, and <strong>the</strong> saw mill and<br />
furniture factory at Ijora. Those were <strong>the</strong> early stages.<br />
The emergence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> crude oil industry into <strong>the</strong> Nigerian economy, after <strong>the</strong> civil war in <strong>the</strong> 1970s, with <strong>the</strong><br />
associated boom intensified governmental involvement in production and in control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nigerian economy. <strong>On</strong>e<br />
major aim <strong>of</strong> government at that time was to convert as much as possible <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> growing oil revenue into social,<br />
physical, and economic infrastructural investments. The Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree <strong>of</strong> 1972, which<br />
took effect on 1 April, 1974, with its subsequent amendment in 1976, provided a concrete basis for government’s<br />
extensive participation in <strong>the</strong> ownership and management <strong>of</strong> enterprises. Given <strong>the</strong>se developments, public<br />
enterprises at <strong>the</strong> federal level had exceeded 100 in number by 1985; and <strong>the</strong>se had spread over agriculture,<br />
energy, mining, banking, insurance, manufacturing, transport, commerce, and o<strong>the</strong>r service activities. Before<br />
long, <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> Nigerian public enterprises had stretched from farm organizations to manufacturing, from<br />
municipal transport to mining, from housing to multipurpose power, and from trading to banking and insurance.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> state and local governmental levels, <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> activities that had attracted public sector investment also<br />
had become quite large. Thus, a variety <strong>of</strong> enterprises - with public interest in terms <strong>of</strong> majority equity<br />
participation or fully-owned by state and local government as well as o<strong>the</strong>r governmental entities - became visible<br />
in various parts <strong>of</strong> Nigeria. Between 1975 and 1995, it was estimated that <strong>the</strong> Federal Government <strong>of</strong> Nigeria had<br />
invested more than $100 billion in public enterprises.<br />
Problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Economy in <strong>the</strong> 1980s<br />
The 1980s witnessed steady economic deterioration and seemingly faulty economic policies. At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> 1980s, <strong>the</strong> country had entered difficult times. Scarcity <strong>of</strong> foreign exchange had set in. By <strong>the</strong> mid-1980s,<br />
reality had dawned on <strong>the</strong> nation’s economy. Retrenchment <strong>of</strong> workers was rampant in both private and public<br />
sectors. There were inflation, very high levels <strong>of</strong> unemployment affecting both skilled and unskilled workers, and<br />
low levels <strong>of</strong> plant capacity utilization. The origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> socioeconomic difficulties was generally traced to <strong>the</strong><br />
global economic recession which opened with <strong>the</strong> decade <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s. Earlier, <strong>the</strong>se socioeconomic problems had<br />
forced <strong>the</strong> Federal Government, under President Shehu Shagari, to embark on an economic stabilization program<br />
(Aboyade, 1974).<br />
The problems <strong>of</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector enterprises in Nigeria were fur<strong>the</strong>r complicated by <strong>the</strong> downturn<br />
in socioeconomic development in <strong>the</strong> country due to <strong>the</strong> global economic recession and <strong>the</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oil<br />
market. Thus, Nigeria’s precarious fiscal and monetary posture could no longer sustain <strong>the</strong> requirements <strong>of</strong> its<br />
public sector enterprises, particularly since <strong>the</strong>y performed below expectations in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir returns on<br />
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investments and quality <strong>of</strong> services. Towards <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 1980s, <strong>the</strong> public enterprises, which had grown too large,<br />
began to suffer from fundamental problems <strong>of</strong> defective capital structures, excessive bureaucratic control and<br />
intervention, inappropriate technologies, gross incompetence, and blatant corruption. With <strong>the</strong> deep internal crises<br />
that included high rates <strong>of</strong> inflation and unemployment, external debt obligations, and foreign exchange<br />
misalignment, Nigeria and many o<strong>the</strong>r African countries were strongly advised by <strong>the</strong> worldwide lending agencies,<br />
particularly IMF and <strong>the</strong> World Bank, to divest <strong>the</strong>ir public enterprises as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conditions for economic<br />
assistance. With <strong>the</strong> intensified push for economic liberalization, Nigerian and o<strong>the</strong>r African leaders were told that<br />
privatization as an economic reform would help cut public sector inefficiency and waste, provide greater scope to<br />
<strong>the</strong> private sector, attract more investments, bring in new technologies, and hence revive economic growth. Thus<br />
many countries, including Nigeria, embarked on privatization and o<strong>the</strong>r market oriented reforms to pull <strong>the</strong>m out<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structural imbalances (Nwoye, 1997).<br />
It is against this background that <strong>the</strong> Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) proposed a kind <strong>of</strong> reform which<br />
would affect <strong>the</strong> goals, administration, and management <strong>of</strong> most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector enterprises for purposes <strong>of</strong><br />
efficiency (Federal Republic <strong>of</strong> Nigeria, 1986). <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main objectives <strong>of</strong> SAP was, <strong>the</strong>refore, to pursue<br />
deregulation and privatization leading to removal <strong>of</strong> subsidies, reduction in wage expenses, and retrenchment in<br />
<strong>the</strong> public sector ostensibly to trim <strong>the</strong> state down to size.<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> reformation scheme, public sector enterprises were expected to be classified into three broad<br />
categories:<br />
1. fully privatized or partially privatized,<br />
2. fully commercialized or partially commercialized, or<br />
3. retained as public sector institutions.<br />
Whereas SAP has shown <strong>the</strong> broad categories under which <strong>the</strong> public sector enterprises can be grouped, it has<br />
failed to actually classify <strong>the</strong> existing enterprises into specific categories.<br />
Privatization in Nigeria<br />
Privatization in Nigeria was formally introduced by <strong>the</strong> Privatization and Commercialization Act <strong>of</strong> 1988, which<br />
later set up <strong>the</strong> Technical Committee on Privatization and Commercialization (TCPC) chaired by Dr. Hamza Zayyad<br />
with a mandate to privatize 111 public enterprises and commercialize 34 o<strong>the</strong>rs. In 1993, having privatized 88 out<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 111 enterprises listed in <strong>the</strong> decree, <strong>the</strong> TCPC concluded its assignment and submitted a final report. Based<br />
on <strong>the</strong> recommendation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> TCPC, <strong>the</strong> Federal Military Government promulgated <strong>the</strong> Bureau for Public<br />
Enterprises Act <strong>of</strong> 1993, which repealed <strong>the</strong> 1988 Act and set up <strong>the</strong> Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE) to<br />
implement <strong>the</strong> privatization program in Nigeria. In 1999, <strong>the</strong> Federal Government enacted <strong>the</strong> Public Enterprise<br />
(Privatization and Commercialization) Act, which created <strong>the</strong> National Council on Privatization chaired by <strong>the</strong> Vice<br />
President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. The functions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> council include:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
making policies on privatization and commercialization;<br />
determining <strong>the</strong> modalities for privatization and advising <strong>the</strong> government accordingly;<br />
determining <strong>the</strong> timing <strong>of</strong> privatization for particular enterprises;<br />
approving <strong>the</strong> prices for shares and <strong>the</strong> appointment <strong>of</strong> privatization advisers;<br />
ensuring that commercialized public enterprises are managed in accordance with sound commercial<br />
principles and prudent financial practices; and<br />
interfacing between <strong>the</strong> public enterprises and <strong>the</strong> supervising ministries in order to ensure effective<br />
monitoring and safeguarding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> managerial autonomy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public enterprises.<br />
The 1999 Act also established <strong>the</strong> Bureau <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises (BPE) as <strong>the</strong> secretariat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Council on<br />
Privatization. The functions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bureau include among o<strong>the</strong>rs to do <strong>the</strong> following:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
implement <strong>the</strong> council’s policies on privatization and commercialization;<br />
prepare public enterprises approved by <strong>the</strong> council for privatization and commercialization;<br />
advise <strong>the</strong> council on capital restructuring needs <strong>of</strong> enterprises to be privatized;<br />
ensure financial discipline and accountability <strong>of</strong> commercialized enterprises;<br />
make recommendations to <strong>the</strong> council in <strong>the</strong> appointment <strong>of</strong> consultants, advisers, investment bankers,<br />
issuing houses, stockbrokers, solicitors, trustees, accountants, and o<strong>the</strong>r pr<strong>of</strong>essionals required for <strong>the</strong><br />
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●<br />
purpose <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r privatization or commercialization; and<br />
ensure <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> privatization and commercialization implementation through monitoring and<br />
evaluation.<br />
The subsequent exercise brought with it controversies that are still raging on. Western countries, and in particular<br />
IMF and <strong>the</strong> World Bank, have been blamed for forcing <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> public services and natural resources in<br />
Africa as a condition for development assistance (Nwoye, 1995). They are accused <strong>of</strong> telling impoverished<br />
countries to turn <strong>the</strong>ir public services over to private owners and to sell <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong>ir oil, gas, mining, electric,<br />
telecommunication, transport, and water companies, which are also said to be conditions for debt relief. Many<br />
African countries are neck deep in debt and begging for debt forgiveness. It is said that Nigeria has a debt burden<br />
<strong>of</strong> $32.3 billion, where servicing is estimated to gulp as much as $2.91 billion in 2003.<br />
Bias against Privatization<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> initial impetus for privatization in Africa came from creditor institutions, especially <strong>the</strong> IMF<br />
and <strong>the</strong> World Bank, as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> push for structural adjustment, many believed that <strong>the</strong>re must be a hidden<br />
agenda in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> economic exploitation. It is principally <strong>the</strong> conditionality that was attached to privatization<br />
vis-à-vis debt relief and financial assistance that provoked resentment from <strong>the</strong> public view, especially labor,<br />
which views privatization as creditors’ initiative. As in some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r African countries, resentment is<br />
intensified because a good number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> larger enterprises being privatized are bought over by foreign interests.<br />
Several <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arguments against privatization are as follows:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Rising Prices - Opponents fear that <strong>the</strong> private sector will exploit consumers where <strong>the</strong>re is monopoly or<br />
oligopoly power such as by raising <strong>the</strong> prices <strong>of</strong> goods.<br />
Creating Poverty - At <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> criticism <strong>of</strong> privatization is <strong>the</strong> perception that it has not been fair -<br />
hurting <strong>the</strong> poor and <strong>the</strong> vulnerable work force, while benefiting <strong>the</strong> rich, <strong>the</strong> powerful, and <strong>the</strong> privileged -<br />
<strong>the</strong>reby perpetrating poverty.<br />
Breaking <strong>of</strong> Unions - Workers dismissed as a result <strong>of</strong> privatization have great difficulty finding o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
work; <strong>the</strong> large number <strong>of</strong> people out <strong>of</strong> jobs is forced to accept jobs with lower pay, less security, and<br />
fewer benefits. They, <strong>the</strong>refore, believe that <strong>the</strong> aims <strong>of</strong> privatization are to reduce labor costs and<br />
numbers, and to break union power.<br />
Corruption - There is this argument that even if privatization contributes to improved efficiency and<br />
financial performance, it has a negative effect on <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth perhaps arising from corruption.<br />
Corruption is <strong>the</strong> single most destructive factor responsible for <strong>the</strong> pitiable state <strong>of</strong> affairs in many<br />
developing countries. It distorts <strong>the</strong> economy through waste and misallocation <strong>of</strong> resources and creates<br />
need for external assistance. Transparency International has for a long time decried <strong>the</strong> evil consequences<br />
<strong>of</strong> corruption and has identified acute corruption in many developing countries. For example, in 1997 [2] ,<br />
its Annual Corruption Index rated Nigeria as <strong>the</strong> most corrupt country on earth, followed by Pakistan and<br />
Kenya. By 1998, <strong>the</strong> index moved and Cameroon displaced Nigeria as number one. [3] Some misguided<br />
Nigerians have argued thus “…after all, corruption is everywhere, including industrialized countries.” It is<br />
true that corruption is a worldwide phenomenon, and so are industrial development and technological<br />
advancement. Why is it <strong>the</strong>n that when industrialized countries are pushing for technological invention,<br />
African countries are busy expanding only <strong>the</strong> frontiers <strong>of</strong> corruption and poverty-prone ventures?<br />
Public Enterprises Should Stay - There is this strong belief that privatization is not necessary. Public<br />
enterprises need not run at a loss; all <strong>the</strong>y require is good managers, less political interference, competent<br />
boards <strong>of</strong> directors, and especially more rational pricing policies.<br />
Injustice - There is an assertion that it is <strong>the</strong> politicians and bureaucrats that caused <strong>the</strong> public enterprises<br />
to perform poorly but only labor is asked to carry <strong>the</strong> burden <strong>of</strong> reform. Critics view this as injustice.<br />
Exploitation by Capitalist Countries - Privatization is seen as an imposition by foreign capitalists and<br />
agencies like <strong>the</strong> IMF and <strong>the</strong> World Bank; <strong>the</strong>refore, privatization must be meant to exploit <strong>the</strong> developing<br />
countries.<br />
Privatization Is Foreign - Some critics have argued that privatization is neo-colonialism since <strong>the</strong> policy<br />
is being pushed by International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and <strong>the</strong>ir agencies. It is not an indigenous<br />
idea; <strong>the</strong>refore, it will not work.<br />
Labor’s Demands for Job Protection -Right from <strong>the</strong> onset, <strong>the</strong> most publicly persistent and organized<br />
opposition <strong>of</strong> privatization in Nigeria has come from <strong>the</strong> labor movement. There always have been strikes<br />
and counterstrikes against any decision to privatize a government agency. Sometimes workers have<br />
succeeded in blocking or slowing down <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> specific enterprises. In o<strong>the</strong>r cases <strong>the</strong><br />
government simply has brushed aside <strong>the</strong> labor opposition leaving a legacy <strong>of</strong> anger and political tension.<br />
What is obvious is that workers are reacting against threatened jobs or <strong>the</strong> possibility that benefits might<br />
be jeopardized under new management.<br />
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Perhaps it may be likely that it is <strong>the</strong> continued pressure from World Bank to get <strong>the</strong> reform process moving and<br />
to keep it on track that causes some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se humanitarian issues somehow to be brushed aside. These<br />
indictments are not a rarity. The fears about privatization are not only Nigerian-made apprehensions. Worldwide,<br />
proponents <strong>of</strong> labor have been <strong>the</strong> most vigorous and persistent. Critics <strong>of</strong> privatization are consistently portraying<br />
its negative effects on income distribution and worker welfare. Not enough is yet known empirically about <strong>the</strong><br />
impact <strong>of</strong> privatization in Nigeria to form definitive judgments; <strong>the</strong> current statements on <strong>the</strong> issue still lie<br />
between propositions and conclusions.<br />
Objectives <strong>of</strong> Privatization<br />
It is possible that some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se popular and critical perceptions and assertions about privatization are accurate.<br />
There is no doubt that mistakes have been made in <strong>the</strong> past and that promises have not been kept, for instance<br />
<strong>the</strong> incidence <strong>of</strong> interference from political <strong>of</strong>fice holders. However, it may turn out to be a mistake to judge<br />
privatization from a limited perspective. The set <strong>of</strong> objectives privatization programs are meant to achieve is<br />
broad and involved; it has many fundamental components that can act toge<strong>the</strong>r for <strong>the</strong> enhancement <strong>of</strong><br />
microeconomic efficiency. There are, indeed, some critical long run objectives to be achieved through privatization<br />
including <strong>the</strong> following:<br />
● increasing productive efficiency;<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> private sector in <strong>the</strong> economy, which will guarantee employment and higher<br />
capacity utilization;<br />
improving <strong>the</strong> financial health <strong>of</strong> public services with savings from suspended subsidies;<br />
freeing more resources for allocation to o<strong>the</strong>r needy areas <strong>of</strong> governmental activities (for example, finances<br />
that would have been applied for subsidies should now be channeled to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> rural<br />
communities); and<br />
reducing corruption because interference by politicians will cease.<br />
Invariably, a privatization program ought to be judged and assessed by <strong>the</strong> extent to which <strong>the</strong> stated objectives<br />
have been met. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore privatization could take a slow but steady developmental speed.<br />
Agenda for a Successful Privatization Exercise<br />
Capturing <strong>the</strong> Confidence <strong>of</strong> Labor<br />
Government should endeavor to win over labor’s acceptance <strong>of</strong> privatization by giving <strong>the</strong>m ownership <strong>of</strong> shares<br />
in <strong>the</strong> enterprises. Workers could be allocated a percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shareholding at a special discounted price.<br />
There is need for good follow up on privatized enterprises. There is need to keep a record <strong>of</strong> accurate figures on<br />
pre- and post-privatization employment levels including statistics to show whe<strong>the</strong>r employment is declining or<br />
increasing to calm <strong>the</strong> fear <strong>of</strong> labor unions. O<strong>the</strong>r statistics should include how much <strong>of</strong> capable and qualified labor<br />
will be absorbed by <strong>the</strong> buyers, etc.<br />
Addendum<br />
Labor on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand must also realize that many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> jobs also might have been lost anyway by<br />
retrenchment, since government could not keep subsidizing crises-ridden public enterprises indefinitely; <strong>the</strong> only<br />
exercise that could be guaranteed is constant lay<strong>of</strong>f. O<strong>the</strong>r than privatization, any serious attempt to address <strong>the</strong><br />
deficiencies and losses <strong>of</strong> public sector enterprises must necessarily involve downsizing.<br />
Inclusion <strong>of</strong> Labor<br />
Interaction with <strong>the</strong> unions as stakeholders is <strong>of</strong>ten a good strategy. <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major mistakes that is common in<br />
privatization in Africa is taking <strong>the</strong> workers for granted. When <strong>the</strong> unions are not involved in <strong>the</strong> organized<br />
process, it may be difficult to gain <strong>the</strong>ir cooperation. The stakeholders must be sensitized to <strong>the</strong> impending<br />
constraints that privatization is likely to bring about, especially in <strong>the</strong> short run.<br />
Monitoring <strong>of</strong> Privatization Processes<br />
Some countries have created strong semi-autonomous privatization commissions with participation from<br />
government, business, and o<strong>the</strong>r sectors. Nigeria can create such a commission consisting <strong>of</strong> governmental<br />
representative(s) - possibly <strong>the</strong> BPE, labor union representative(s), and representatives <strong>of</strong> Chambers <strong>of</strong><br />
Commerce - to be involved in <strong>the</strong> monitoring and implementation processes.<br />
Transparency and Accountability<br />
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Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most important issues in privatization is <strong>the</strong> concern for transparency and accountability. The Nigerian<br />
nation is characterized by distrust and suspicion. Suspicions <strong>of</strong> corruption that follow privatization deals require<br />
that separate auditing and House <strong>of</strong> Assembly Oversight Committees be established to help in <strong>the</strong> monitoring<br />
process. Transparency creates a perception <strong>of</strong> honesty and accountability. The funds realized from sale <strong>of</strong> public<br />
enterprises can be invested in tangible public interests like services <strong>of</strong> education and health. Some developing<br />
countries apply <strong>the</strong>ir proceeds towards debt repayments. It is my considered opinion that money realized from<br />
sale <strong>of</strong> public enterprises and saved through withdrawal <strong>of</strong> subsidies should be invested in <strong>the</strong> hinterland for<br />
provision <strong>of</strong> infrastructure. This will not only enhance development, but also will check <strong>the</strong> drift <strong>of</strong> rural-urban<br />
migration, especially among <strong>the</strong> youth, since <strong>the</strong> cities are getting overpopulated while <strong>the</strong> rural areas are quickly<br />
deteriorating.<br />
Consistency and Credibility<br />
I learned sometime ago that consistency plus credibility equals economic confidence. There is no doubt that <strong>the</strong><br />
public always desires an unbroken record <strong>of</strong> credibility to win <strong>the</strong>ir confidence in any structural reform program.<br />
The key to credibility is consistency and communication. Whenever government lacks credibility, people refuse to<br />
change, until <strong>the</strong> confrontation that ensues imposes unavoidable cost on <strong>the</strong> warring parties at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
economy.<br />
Ideological Imperatives<br />
It is quite instructive to note that successful structural reform cannot be recorded unless:<br />
1. <strong>the</strong> government trusts, respects, and, most importantly, informs <strong>the</strong> public adequately, every step <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
way, as to why certain actions are being taken<br />
2. privatization is done properly with no special concessions or privileges when selling public enterprises; and<br />
3. <strong>the</strong> creditor countries consider Nigeria’s specific circumstances while mounting pressure on <strong>the</strong> speed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
privatization exercise because ours is a low-income country characterized by poverty.<br />
The Bottom Line<br />
The concluding point is that if privatization is carried out with sincerity <strong>of</strong> purpose, almost every group will come<br />
out ahead as a result <strong>of</strong> divestiture. Workers will be shareholders. Consumers will be better <strong>of</strong>f because <strong>of</strong> better<br />
services. New graduates and <strong>the</strong> unemployed will get jobs because <strong>of</strong> expansion. Government will be relieved <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> burden <strong>of</strong> subsidies. Investors will gain investment opportunities. Ultimately, <strong>the</strong> public (both foreigners and<br />
nationals) will be free to pursue any private economic interest.<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> enormity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> socioeconomic problems facing Nigeria, <strong>the</strong>re is every reason to worry about <strong>the</strong> state<br />
<strong>of</strong> our plans and actions. The issues involved, from development <strong>of</strong> infrastructure through production <strong>of</strong><br />
vegetables, all have serious ramifications, not only for <strong>the</strong> public sector but also for <strong>the</strong> economy as a whole.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Aboyade, O. [1974]: "Nigerian Public Enterprises as an Organizational Dilemma" in Public Enterprises in Nigeria.<br />
Proceedings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1973 Annual Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nigerian Economic Society.<br />
Federal Republic <strong>of</strong> Nigeria [1986]: Structural Adjustment Programme for Nigeria. Lagos: Federal Government<br />
Printers.<br />
Nightingale, S.M; Pindus, M.N. [1997]: Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Social Service: A Background Paper. Unpublished.<br />
Nwoye, M.I. [1995]: Small Business Enterprise: How to Start and Succeed. Benin: Benin Social Science Series for<br />
Africa.<br />
Nwoye, M.I. [1997]: Management Practices and Performance Determinants <strong>of</strong> Public and Private Sector<br />
Enterprises in Anambra, Edo and Delta States <strong>of</strong> Nigeria: A Factor Analysis.<br />
National Productivity Centre, [1991]: Productivity for Self-Reliance and Excellence.<br />
Proceedings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1st National Productivity Day Celebration, 21 February 1991, Lagos.<br />
Obadan, M.I. [1993]: Wi<strong>the</strong>r Structural Adjustment in Nigeria. Ibadan: NCEMA Monograph Series No. 3.<br />
Transparency International, “Transparency International publishes 1997 Corruption Percpetion Index”, Press<br />
Release, Berlin 31 July 1997<br />
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Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
Yahaya, S. [1991]: "The Performance <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in an International Context: An Empirical Study" in<br />
Public Enterprises in Nigeria. The Nigerian Economic Society Annual Conference, Sokoto.<br />
World Bank [1994a]: Adjustment in Africa: Reforms, Results and <strong>the</strong> Road Ahead. Washington, DC: The World<br />
Bank.<br />
World Bank [1994b]: World Development Report, 1994: Infrastructure for Development. Washington, DC: The<br />
World Bank.<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D., (Nigeria), obtained her BBA (Accounting) from George Washington University,<br />
USA, MBPA (Finance) from SouthEastern University, Wasington DC, and Ph.D (Management), University <strong>of</strong> Benin,<br />
Nigeria. She is Certified National Accountant <strong>of</strong> Nigeria (CNA), and a member, Nigerian Institute <strong>of</strong> Management.<br />
She is a Nigerian female writer. Her doctoral dissertation research was related to <strong>the</strong> Public and Private sector<br />
enterprises in Nigeria. She is <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> books and many scholarly articles on entrepreneurship<br />
and management in many local and international journals.<br />
E-mail : maynwoye@yahoo.com<br />
[1] ‘Welfarism” - <strong>the</strong> set <strong>of</strong> attitudes and policies characterizing or tending toward <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> a welfare<br />
state (note <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> editor).<br />
[2] Transparency International, “Transparency International publishes 1997 Corruption Percpetion Index”, Press<br />
Release, Berlin 31 July 1997, p. 2. Available at:<br />
http://www.transparency.org/cpi/1997/cpi1997.pdf (added by <strong>the</strong> editor)<br />
[3] See: http://www.transparency.org/cpi/1998/cpi1998.html (added by <strong>the</strong> editor)<br />
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Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia<br />
Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia<br />
By Charita Jashi, Ph.D., Tbilisi State University, Georgia<br />
Liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world economy creates new opportunities to take full advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market economy. The<br />
trade policies <strong>of</strong> national governments and <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization (“WTO”) have a<br />
significance influence on <strong>the</strong> economic and social development in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
The modern global marketplace is characterized by a high degree <strong>of</strong> monopolization. It is very difficult for <strong>the</strong><br />
developing countries to access <strong>the</strong>se markets. Such countries are unable to compete for trade due to serious<br />
domestic political and economic problems.<br />
Georgia became <strong>the</strong> 137th member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WTO in June 2000. Georgia was <strong>the</strong> fourth former Soviet republic to<br />
join <strong>the</strong> WTO. Accession to <strong>the</strong> WTO was a significant step in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> transition to a market economy. The<br />
process <strong>of</strong> accession into <strong>the</strong> WTO was preceded by a series <strong>of</strong> substantial changes in national legislation in <strong>the</strong><br />
areas <strong>of</strong> intellectual property; trade-related investment regime; trade in services; government procurement and<br />
etc.<br />
The Georgian government hoped that by assuming a place in <strong>the</strong> global trading system it would achieve prosperity<br />
and stability and expand its activity in <strong>the</strong> world economic arena. The membership in <strong>the</strong> WTO has encouraged<br />
Georgia’s integration with Europe. The Georgian government has committed to implement all international<br />
obligations regarding tariffs, international investments, and a favorable business climate in Georgia, which are<br />
supposed to facilitate <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> economic development. But due to <strong>the</strong> asymmetric development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
political and economic processes in <strong>the</strong> country, <strong>the</strong>se conditions have not been implemented.<br />
As a result, Georgia had experienced <strong>the</strong> following effects: rapid decline <strong>of</strong> national economy; a trade policy<br />
oriented towards imports only; limited potential to increase exports; a flourishing shadow economy, and increased<br />
prices <strong>of</strong> goods and services in <strong>the</strong> country. Additionally, political and social instability, corruption, and security<br />
concerns have hampered <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> direct foreign investment.<br />
Georgian exports are partially concentrated on low value-added commodities such as ferrous metals, copper,<br />
aluminium, iron steel, and mineral fuels. However, <strong>the</strong> dynamics <strong>of</strong> exports indicates that <strong>the</strong> concentration <strong>of</strong><br />
exports on low value-added commodities will decrease gradually over time. Imports are dominated by mineral<br />
products (importantly including natural gas, oil and oil products), and electricity, which indicates <strong>the</strong> dependence<br />
<strong>of</strong> Georgia on foreign energy. [1]<br />
The advantages created by membership in <strong>the</strong> WTO have not been fully realized. Transitional mechanisms for<br />
domestic market protection are insufficient. Approximately 51.1 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population lives below <strong>the</strong> poverty<br />
line, and 23.6 percent is unemployed. Widespread illicit activity has undermined <strong>the</strong> competitiveness <strong>of</strong> legal<br />
imports and locally produced goods. Most Georgians earn <strong>the</strong>ir livelihood in <strong>the</strong> agricultural sector. As a result <strong>of</strong><br />
land reform, 57 percent <strong>of</strong> arable land is now privately owned and 27 percent is leased by <strong>the</strong> state to farmers. [2]<br />
However, agricultural output is limited by inadequate access to credit, poor irrigation, and <strong>the</strong> high cost <strong>of</strong> inputs<br />
such as fuel, pesticides, and machinery. Pr<strong>of</strong>itability is also affected by exorbitant transportation costs and<br />
constrained manufacturing growth, resulting in an urban unemployment rate that is greater than 40 percent.<br />
The process <strong>of</strong> globalization and trade liberalization has impacted negatively <strong>the</strong> population <strong>of</strong> Georgia. It is<br />
interesting to analyze <strong>the</strong>se effects from gender perspective . Currently, <strong>the</strong>re is a lack <strong>of</strong> information and<br />
research on this issue in Georgia. The effects <strong>of</strong> trade on women, who make up <strong>the</strong> vast majority <strong>of</strong> Georgia’s<br />
poorest citizens, should be carefully examined. If trade is to reduce poverty, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re should be positive<br />
benefits for poor women. A small increase in income could have an enormous impact on a poor woman’s quality <strong>of</strong><br />
life. Processes <strong>of</strong> reforms, that affected practically all sectors <strong>of</strong> economy and social sphere, conditioned significant<br />
differentiation <strong>of</strong> women based on income, level <strong>of</strong> life, conditions in labor market, and demands in particular<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> social support. In addition, <strong>the</strong>re were impacts <strong>of</strong> such factors as a difference regarding <strong>the</strong> access <strong>of</strong><br />
men and women to financial and credit resources, and property, including land and realty.<br />
Although Georgia is strategically located as a bridge between Europe and Asia, is a European Union (EU)<br />
neighboring country, and has access to Commonwealth <strong>of</strong> Independent States (CIS) markets, a democratic and<br />
liberal policy, a competitive export regime, a liberal and simplified tax code, an agricultural sector with significant<br />
potential, and a transport and communication infrastructure, but still <strong>the</strong>re has been a lack <strong>of</strong> foreign investment.<br />
This impeded <strong>the</strong> process economic stabilization aimed at streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>the</strong> country’s foreign economic relations<br />
and increasing <strong>the</strong> volume <strong>of</strong> trade, finance and investment. Georgia's main economic activities include <strong>the</strong><br />
cultivation <strong>of</strong> agricultural products such as citrus fruits, tea, hazelnuts, and grapes; mining <strong>of</strong> manganese and<br />
copper; and output <strong>of</strong> a small industrial sector producing alcoholic and nonalcoholic beverages, metals,<br />
machinery, and chemicals. The country imports <strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong> its energy needs, including natural gas and oil<br />
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Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia<br />
products. Its only sizable internal energy resource is hydropower.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> severe damage <strong>the</strong> economy has suffered due to civil strife, Georgia, with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> international<br />
donors, has made substantial economic gains, achieving positive gross domestic product (GDP) growth and<br />
curtailing inflation. The Georgian new government is making progress in reforming <strong>the</strong> tax code, enforcing taxes,<br />
and cracking down on corruption. However, low wages and pensions, increasing social injustice, and decreasing<br />
purchasing power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population remain crucial issues for Georgia.<br />
Georgia also suffers from energy shortages; it privatized <strong>the</strong> T'bilisi electricity distribution network in 1998, but<br />
payment collection rates remain low, both in T'bilisi and throughout <strong>the</strong> regions. The country is pinning its hopes<br />
for long-term growth on its role as a transit state for pipelines and trade. The construction on <strong>the</strong> Baku-T'bilisi-<br />
Ceyhan oil pipeline and <strong>the</strong> Baku-T'bilisi-Erzerum gas pipeline have brought much-needed investment and job<br />
opportunities to <strong>the</strong> country.<br />
The transformational processes underway in <strong>the</strong> country have greatly influenced <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality. As a result <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal economic policy, restructuring has taken place in various fields <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy.<br />
The implementation <strong>of</strong> a macroeconomic policy that did not consider social factors brought about a sharp decrease<br />
<strong>of</strong> social guarantees and a mass exodus <strong>of</strong> women from production facilities.<br />
The sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy in which women majority traditionally participated have changed dramatically in<br />
recent years. Gender inequality in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> accessibility <strong>of</strong> resources, has become more acute, and women’s<br />
security and <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir labor rights have become considerably worse. The socioeconomic situation and<br />
gender-neutral policies create specific barriers that obstruct women’s successful political and pr<strong>of</strong>essional careers.<br />
The economic reforms launched in <strong>the</strong> country, <strong>the</strong> restructuring processes, and privatization have caused <strong>the</strong><br />
polarization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population into rich and poor strata. A social layer <strong>of</strong> entrepreneurs and private owners was<br />
formed, which, through <strong>the</strong> initiative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, appropriated privatized facilities.<br />
Great hopes were pinned on <strong>the</strong> privatization process, because it was believed that it would create new jobs, but<br />
all those hopes proved unfounded. Meanwhile, a huge number <strong>of</strong> unemployed persons was created, without any<br />
social guarantees. The sharp reduction in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> jobs has caused <strong>the</strong> decrease <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> demand for labor<br />
and <strong>the</strong> fewer employment options for men and women. <strong>On</strong> one hand, this can be explained by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong><br />
traditionally “women’s fields” (textile industries, food industry, chemical production, <strong>the</strong> social sphere, etc.)<br />
experienced <strong>the</strong> greatest negative effects as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic restructuring and trade liberalization in<br />
Georgia. Unemployment among women has reached a massive scale. Unfortunately, <strong>of</strong>ficial statistics hardly<br />
reflect <strong>the</strong> existing reality.<br />
In 1994, <strong>the</strong> first stage <strong>of</strong> privatization in Georgia gave birth to a new stratum <strong>of</strong> enterprisers in <strong>the</strong> country. The<br />
existing legal basis (specifically, <strong>the</strong> law on privatization) did not restrict <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population in this<br />
process. This paper will not give a legal assessment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> privatization process, but it is clear that a large part <strong>of</strong><br />
state property was appropriated by those entrenched in <strong>the</strong> governmental hierarchy, i.e. those who already<br />
exercised great power. Because women’s participation in <strong>the</strong> top levels <strong>of</strong> state management was practically<br />
negligible, <strong>the</strong>y were unable to acquire any large industrial or agricultural facilities and managed only to become<br />
proprietors <strong>of</strong> small enterprises in <strong>the</strong> service field. They did not possess <strong>the</strong> capital needed to purchase <strong>the</strong><br />
facilities which were available for purchase through <strong>the</strong> privatization process.<br />
The data show that women are <strong>the</strong> majority in <strong>the</strong> education and health care sectors only, which are typically less<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>itable. O<strong>the</strong>r business sectors that are likely to hire women are <strong>the</strong> mass media and entertainment sectors.<br />
The mass media is well known as a “women’s sector;” two-thirds <strong>of</strong> reporters are women, and <strong>the</strong>re has been a<br />
sharp increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women holding leading administrative positions. Ano<strong>the</strong>r example is <strong>the</strong><br />
entertainment business, where young women are working as artists, designers, and advertising agents.Especially<br />
striking is <strong>the</strong> small number <strong>of</strong> privatized facilities in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> banking, energy, and building. In those spheres,<br />
where <strong>the</strong> opportunity to gain pr<strong>of</strong>it is higher, women’s participation is non-existent, which means that women’s<br />
enterprising opportunities are developed in Georgia in accordance with pr<strong>of</strong>essional gender segregation.<br />
In 2004, with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US Agency for International Development (USAID), <strong>the</strong> Entrepreneur Support<br />
Association conducted a special survey in order to study <strong>the</strong> situation in 50 large companies in Georgia. The study<br />
showed that only two women occupied high-level positions in <strong>the</strong>se companies. Women are mostly involved in<br />
small businesses, especially in <strong>the</strong> service areas, such as education, health care, trade, restaurants, hotels,<br />
pharmacies, publishing houses, etc. In recent years, economic growth in Georgia has been concentrated in sectors<br />
such as communications, transport, financial services, industry and trade; most <strong>of</strong> those engaged in <strong>the</strong>se fields<br />
and in leadership positions within <strong>the</strong>m are men.<br />
It is interesting to note that <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficially employed women (70 percent) belong to <strong>the</strong> so-called selfemployed<br />
group, and only 30 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are occupied in various enterprises and organizations. <strong>On</strong>ly 15<br />
percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> self-employed women works as employers in <strong>the</strong> informal sector, whereas <strong>the</strong> vast<br />
majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> self-employed are on <strong>the</strong> verge <strong>of</strong> poverty. [3]<br />
The link between working in <strong>the</strong> informal economy and being poor is stronger for women than for men. Working in<br />
<strong>the</strong> informal sector has become a common form <strong>of</strong> occupation for women. The combination <strong>of</strong> formal work with<br />
secondary work in order to earn a sufficient income has become a widespread practice. The overwhelming<br />
majority <strong>of</strong> women are employed in <strong>the</strong> agricultural sector. Work in <strong>the</strong> informal sector is regarded as a necessary<br />
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strategy for physical survival, especially in cases when <strong>the</strong>re is no o<strong>the</strong>r alternative for finding a job. Many women<br />
are similarly engaged in unpaid labor in <strong>the</strong>ir households.<br />
The difference is especially significant in terms <strong>of</strong> income. The average salary and income <strong>of</strong> employed women<br />
lags behind that <strong>of</strong> men considerably. In particular, <strong>the</strong> average salary <strong>of</strong> women working in <strong>the</strong> state sector on<br />
<strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> contracts amounts to only 55.1 percent <strong>of</strong> men’s compensation. In <strong>the</strong> budget organizations and <strong>the</strong><br />
organs <strong>of</strong> state management, this number stands at 46 percent; in <strong>the</strong> non-governmental sector it is 63.6<br />
percent, in agriculture – 82.5percent, in trade – 71.2 percent, in education - 72.6 percent, in health care – 71.3<br />
percent, and in o<strong>the</strong>r fields <strong>of</strong> social services this figure amounts to 51.7 percent. [4] .<br />
This difference is significant among employers as well as <strong>the</strong> employed. The income <strong>of</strong> women entrepreneurs is<br />
34.7 percent less than that <strong>of</strong> male employers, and among women hired as employees it is 21.8 percent less than<br />
men. This data indicates that women (especially hired employees) are mostly engaged in low-qualified work and<br />
can only obtain relevantly low positions (with <strong>the</strong> corresponding low salaries).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> top positions in management organs, men outnumber women 26 to 1. In contrast, women constitute a<br />
majority <strong>of</strong> highly-qualified specialists – 1.7 times <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> men, though close to an equal number <strong>of</strong> men<br />
and women have received pr<strong>of</strong>essional education <strong>of</strong> this level. Half <strong>of</strong> employed women are unskilled laborers, as<br />
compared to 48.5 percent <strong>of</strong> men.<br />
The research materials show that <strong>the</strong> informal sector is more dominated by women, whereas <strong>the</strong> private sector is<br />
primarily occupied by men. [5] Women’s participation in <strong>the</strong> private sector is ra<strong>the</strong>r limited, and <strong>the</strong>ir labor rights<br />
are frequently violated; in <strong>the</strong> current situation, chances for improvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir material welfare are almost nonexistent.<br />
Women take such work only for <strong>the</strong> sake <strong>of</strong> saving <strong>the</strong>ir families from starving. Unfortunately, due to<br />
scanty information, gender analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> private sector is very difficult, but disproportion between <strong>the</strong> sexes is<br />
still apparent in this sector.<br />
The unfavorable environment for entrepreneurship in Georgia creates more problems for women than for men.<br />
Because <strong>of</strong> unfair competition in business management and women’s lack <strong>of</strong> experience “cutting deals” (<strong>of</strong>ten<br />
illegal) with public or private <strong>of</strong>ficials, women have great difficulties acquiring <strong>the</strong> trust and confidence <strong>of</strong> potential<br />
partners when starting businesses. Even in <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> uncontrolled allocation <strong>of</strong> large-scale credits, no women<br />
businessmen were able to obtain such credit.<br />
Entrepreneurship automatically does not follow from liberalization and privatization. An entrepreneurial<br />
economy must be promoted through appropriate policies and adequate institutions in many areas, such as<br />
education and training and starting capital. The first step must involve research on businesswomen and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
status in <strong>the</strong> labour market, to be used as <strong>the</strong> basis for subsequent policies.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> biggest problems faced by Georgia on <strong>the</strong> path to economic growth is that micro and small businesses<br />
have a hard time gaining access to credit. In every vibrant economy, micro and small businesses are at <strong>the</strong> core<br />
<strong>of</strong> job creation and inceasing incomes.<br />
If Georgia’s small entrepreneurs continue to find it difficult to gain access to credit, <strong>the</strong> country’s economy will<br />
have a hard time developing. Georgia could very well address <strong>the</strong> big issues faced by large business – taxes,<br />
overregulation, lack <strong>of</strong> investment, etc. – but without making <strong>the</strong> business environment friendlier to <strong>the</strong> micro,<br />
small, and medium businesses, a large section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy will not grow.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> government cannot expect to maintain a system in which only large business constitutes<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation’s tax base – without tax contribution from small business, <strong>the</strong> government will never have sufficient<br />
resources to provide <strong>the</strong> services it is charged with providing.<br />
Currently, <strong>the</strong>re is an additional problem faced by micro-, small-, and medium-businesses in<br />
Georgia. Following <strong>the</strong> Rose Revolution, many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> micro-sale “stores” (<strong>the</strong> so-called “outside<br />
salespeople”) as well as flee markets across Georgia were closed down in a very abrupt way. This<br />
happened very quickly, with virtually no warning and no planning for how to ensure that <strong>the</strong><br />
thousands <strong>of</strong> individuals engaged in this work would not suffer tremendous adverse consequences.<br />
The majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m were women. They have faced bankruptcy, job loss, and large debts to some<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> micro-credit banks. It essential to help <strong>the</strong>se individuals in light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problems that <strong>the</strong>y have<br />
faced.<br />
Violence against women in <strong>the</strong> workplace has become a serious problem. Because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> high rate <strong>of</strong> competition<br />
in <strong>the</strong> labor market, women are afraid <strong>of</strong> losing <strong>the</strong>ir jobs and <strong>the</strong>refore, in most cases, do not report abuse<br />
perpetrated against <strong>the</strong>m. However, most Georgians are aware that such acts are committed in many <strong>of</strong>fices and<br />
institutions. Prestigious and highly paid jobs, along with those in pr<strong>of</strong>essional sectors create discriminatory<br />
requirements for women seeking employment, i.e. physical appearance requirements and age restrictions. In<br />
cases <strong>of</strong> pregnancy, it employers <strong>of</strong>ten deny women <strong>the</strong> privileges <strong>the</strong>y are entitled to by law.<br />
All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se factors impede <strong>the</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> private sector. It should be emphasized that women<br />
have a lot to contribute to business, and it is detrimental to society when <strong>the</strong>ir participation in this sphere is<br />
limited. Equalizing <strong>the</strong> work opportunities <strong>of</strong> men and women requires a whole range <strong>of</strong> measures, such as<br />
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Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia<br />
credits with discounts, micro financing, improving legal protection <strong>of</strong> women’s labor rights, etc.<br />
It is important to analyze global trade issues from different perspectives. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> one hand, trade expansion can<br />
cause displacement, unemployment and new hardships. Those sectors likely to suffer most from international<br />
competition should <strong>the</strong>refore be targeted for public support and financial and technical assistance. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
hand, many new income and employment opportunities emerge with liberalization. Efforts should be made to<br />
identify such potential growth areas, and women should be provided with <strong>the</strong> necessary skills, training,<br />
information and contacts to be able to take full advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se openings. [6] .<br />
As mentioned above, <strong>the</strong> globalization process has influenced <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> employment in Georgia<br />
considerably. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> international market, <strong>the</strong> demand for women’s work as a relatively cheap labor source has<br />
increased greatly. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women and <strong>the</strong>ir share among labor emigrants has become quite<br />
substantial. Feminization is considered to be a new stage in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> working emigration and is<br />
regarded as important progress on <strong>the</strong> road to achieving gender equality. [7]<br />
Before 1990, <strong>the</strong> migration <strong>of</strong> Georgian women abroad for work was highly uncommon. Within Georgian society,<br />
it was completely unacceptable for a woman to leave her family and go abroad to earn a living. But as a result <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> existing reality and <strong>the</strong> deep social crisis, as well as <strong>the</strong> sharp fall in <strong>the</strong> standard <strong>of</strong> living, labor migration<br />
became one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways for <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Georgia to meet <strong>the</strong>ir most basic physical needs. This gave way to <strong>the</strong><br />
broad involvement <strong>of</strong> women in labor migration.<br />
In developing countries all over <strong>the</strong> world, women have had to move to a lower stage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> service infrastructure,<br />
and <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are obliged to work as nurses, shop assistants, waitresses, and in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
unskilled positions. In <strong>the</strong> free economic zones <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> South Asia and Eastern Africa, women<br />
constitute 80 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total labor force (cheap working force). Many women become victims <strong>of</strong> trafficking.<br />
More <strong>of</strong>ten women find <strong>the</strong> jobs not adequate to <strong>the</strong>ir qualification while being abroad, its subsequence is a total<br />
devaluation <strong>of</strong> value <strong>of</strong> women labor force. No guarantee for social protection is available for <strong>the</strong>m. All above<br />
mentioned have had negative impacts on women and families and was reflected in <strong>the</strong> demography situation and<br />
<strong>the</strong> devaluation <strong>of</strong> family values as well.<br />
Globalization also tends to privilege large companies (in which <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> employees are men) as <strong>the</strong>y can<br />
capture new markets quickly and easily to <strong>the</strong> disadvantage <strong>of</strong> small and micro entrepreneurs (where women are<br />
<strong>the</strong> majority), which face difficulties gaining knowledge <strong>of</strong> and access to emerging markets. In sum, globalization<br />
puts pressure on low-skilled workers and petty producers by weakening <strong>the</strong>ir bargaining power and subjecting<br />
<strong>the</strong>m to increasing competition. These trends have negative impacts on women, especially in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> low<br />
wages, lack <strong>of</strong> benefits, and lack <strong>of</strong> security in <strong>the</strong> workplace.<br />
The recent events that have taken place in Georgia (namely, <strong>the</strong> so-called “Rose Revolution”) have considerably<br />
accelerated changes in <strong>the</strong> political and economic life <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country; <strong>the</strong> belief that <strong>the</strong> country will embark on a<br />
road <strong>of</strong> economic revival and fully adopt European values has become quite tangible. Yet greater efforts are<br />
needed to turn Georgia into an economically powerful state capable <strong>of</strong> occupying its rightful place in <strong>the</strong><br />
globalization processes that are underway in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
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Jashi, Ch. Gender Economic Issues: The Case <strong>of</strong> Georgia, Tbilisi: UNDP, SIDA, 2005<br />
Joekes, S., “A Gender-Analytical Perspective on Trade and Sustainable Development”. In UNCTAD, Trade,<br />
Sustainable Development and Gender. New York and Geneva: United Nations, 1999<br />
Papava, V. The International Monetary Fund in Georgia, Achievements and Errors, Tbilisi, 2002 (in Georgian)<br />
Ruminska-Zimmy, E., Employement Policy in Transition Countries, Geneva:UNECE, 2004<br />
The Millennium Objectives in Georgia, Tbilisi, 2003 (in English)<br />
Trade Policy and external Trade , Invest in Georgia, Tbilisi: Georgian National Investment and Export Promoting<br />
Agency, 2005<br />
WIDE, Globalization, Development and Sustainability, Brussels: WIDE, 2002<br />
WIDE, Transformation, Participation, Gender Justice: Feminist Challenges in A Globalizated Economy , WIDE<br />
Bulletin, Brussels: WIDE, 2003<br />
Williams, M., Women in Labour Market, Brussels: WIDE, 2000<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Charita Jashi, Ph.D., (Georgia), Associate Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Tbilisi State University, Founder and Head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Association <strong>of</strong> Gender For Social Economic Development, President <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Association for Economic Education.<br />
Formerly served as Georgia’s National Coordinator for <strong>the</strong> United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP)<br />
“Women in Development” and “Gender in Development” projects. She has worked on gender issues and<br />
economics issues for nearly a decade. is Currently, she is a consultant for <strong>the</strong> UNDP project “Gender in Politics<br />
in <strong>the</strong> South Caucasus” on Gender Responsive Budget”.She is a member <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> organizations, including<br />
<strong>the</strong> Network <strong>of</strong> Women in Development Europe (WIDE), <strong>the</strong> International Association for Feminist Economics<br />
(IAFFE), Gender Expert Panel/OSCE <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong> Democratic Institutions and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and <strong>the</strong> Coalition <strong>of</strong><br />
Georgian Women’s NGOs. She is author <strong>of</strong> 5 books and 40 articles on gender and economic issues in Georgia<br />
and recently published <strong>the</strong> book Gender Economic, The Case <strong>of</strong> Georgia, Tbilisi: UNDP (2005).<br />
Contact: charita@access.sanet.ge<br />
[1] Trade Policy and external Trade , Invest in Georgia, Tbilisi: Georgian National Investment and Export<br />
Promoting Agency, 2005<br />
[2] World Bank Report, Economic Trends <strong>of</strong> Georgia, o.26964, GE. Aug. 20, 2003<br />
[3] Household enterprises with little land , <strong>the</strong> informal petty traders booth and market stalls, as well as people<br />
employed in <strong>the</strong> service create <strong>the</strong> category <strong>of</strong> self-employed. According to <strong>the</strong> mitigal criteria <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> definition <strong>of</strong><br />
unstable employment if an individual work for a at least one hour a week ,he/she will be considered selfemployed.<br />
[4] See: Women and Men, Statistical abstract, Tbilisi, 2005<br />
[5] Studies from Hungary and East Germany indicate that as banking, insurance and <strong>the</strong> entire financial sector<br />
have become privatized, increasingly central to <strong>the</strong> economy, and significantly more lucrative, men have streamed<br />
into jobs <strong>the</strong>re. Men started to occupy leadership positions even though women have dominated banking for<br />
decades before, when it consisted largely <strong>of</strong> routine accounting. See, Karadenizli, M. “A Research Agenda For <strong>the</strong><br />
Analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Impact <strong>of</strong> Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment on Women`s Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong> in<br />
The Transition Countries,”, in Dokmanovic, M.(ed.), Transition, Privatization and Women, Subotica: Women’s<br />
Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 2002, p. 37<br />
[6] Carr, M and Chen, M. Globalization and Informal Economy : How Global Trade and Investment Impact on he<br />
Working Poor , Cambridge: Harvard University, 2001.<br />
[7] Castles S. and Miller J. The Age <strong>of</strong> Migration, International Population, Movements to <strong>the</strong> Modern World,<br />
London, 1993<br />
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Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia<br />
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Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business?<br />
Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business? Corporate Behaviour from a <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Perspective<br />
By Karin Lukas, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Austria<br />
Introduction<br />
In <strong>the</strong> last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic and political power from states to corporate<br />
institutions. <strong>On</strong>e indicator <strong>of</strong> this trend is <strong>the</strong> sheer amount <strong>of</strong> capital that corporations generate: Micros<strong>of</strong>t<br />
makes more money than <strong>the</strong> 31 Least Developed Countries toge<strong>the</strong>r [1] . A study by Anderson/Cavanagh [2]<br />
found that 51 corporations are “among <strong>the</strong> top 100 largest economies in <strong>the</strong> world, while only 49 are<br />
countries.” [3]<br />
Before “Corporate Social Responsibility” became corporate jargon, <strong>the</strong> opinion on <strong>the</strong> relationship between human<br />
rights and business activities was that human rights are no business <strong>of</strong> business. What were <strong>the</strong> arguments for<br />
this position? Muchlinski names two:<br />
● Corporations are only obliged to <strong>the</strong>ir shareholders and to <strong>the</strong> legal environment where <strong>the</strong>y operate.<br />
● The “Free Rider” problem: <strong>the</strong> more ethical corporations invest time and money to observe human rights,<br />
<strong>the</strong> more <strong>the</strong>y will be at a competitive disadvantage with corporations that do not care about human rights.<br />
[4] (Muchlinski 2001, 35)<br />
Meanwhile, <strong>the</strong> attitude that human rights are no business <strong>of</strong> business has changed due to <strong>the</strong> growing pressure<br />
by NGOs and <strong>the</strong> consumer public following human rights violations by corporations. Several corporations see<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves as responsible members <strong>of</strong> society and have started to meet <strong>the</strong> demands <strong>of</strong> “corporate social<br />
responsibility”(CSR). In <strong>the</strong> following chapters, I will outline <strong>the</strong> most recent developments in this regard, which<br />
will also give answers to <strong>the</strong> arguments made by Muchlinski.<br />
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)<br />
From a business perspective, corporate social responsibility can be understood as a “strategic and long-term<br />
management concept that should meet actual problems in society by advancing new solutions.” [5] There is no<br />
generally accepted definition <strong>of</strong> CSR, but <strong>the</strong>re is agreement that <strong>the</strong> overall objective [word missing here --<br />
objective/goal?] <strong>of</strong> CSR is its contribution to ”sustainable development.” [6] According to this concept, economic<br />
and social goals are seen as complementary and not as antagonistic.<br />
Two recent reports by SustAinability [7] and <strong>the</strong> World Bank Group [8] assess <strong>the</strong> status quo <strong>of</strong> CSR, and both<br />
reach similar results:<br />
A growing number <strong>of</strong> enterprises are heading in <strong>the</strong> right direction, acknowledging external stakeholders and<br />
launching more CSR activities in important areas <strong>of</strong> business activity. First, “good practice” examples, including<br />
cooperation with NGOs and trade unions, have emerged. There is also growing public awareness and importance<br />
placed on CSR activities. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, most CSR measures remain isolated activities that do not influence<br />
<strong>the</strong> core business <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> corporation and are not part <strong>of</strong> a long-term strategy. Thus, even leading CSR<br />
corporations tend to show conflicting behaviour, for example by establishing CSR activities in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong><br />
employee non-discrimination while at <strong>the</strong> same time lobbying for lower social and environmental standards. In<br />
addition, most initiatives are not linked with each o<strong>the</strong>r or with global initiatives, which prevents <strong>the</strong>m from<br />
having a substantial impact. Ano<strong>the</strong>r problem with <strong>the</strong> CSR concept is its implementation: very few corporations<br />
allow independent verification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir CSR activities and attempts to create uniform reporting standards on <strong>the</strong>se<br />
activities are only beginning to emerge.<br />
CSR Reporting and Verification <strong>of</strong> CSR activities<br />
First, it must be noted that <strong>the</strong>re are no generally accepted standards for voluntary social and human rights<br />
reporting. Without standards that oblige corporations to address human rights issues, it is up to <strong>the</strong> corporations<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves to decide how <strong>the</strong>y will address <strong>the</strong>se issues-- a slightly unsystematic method. This impression is<br />
confirmed by an analysis <strong>of</strong> reports <strong>of</strong> Talisman, Premier Oil and BP and <strong>the</strong>ir activities in Sudan that reveals a<br />
tendency to palliate <strong>the</strong>se activities. [9] Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> reports could not be objectively verified. It is not<br />
sufficient to be able to verify <strong>the</strong> accuracy <strong>of</strong> facts and data; <strong>the</strong> methods and tools used to gain <strong>the</strong>se facts and<br />
data must be verifiable as well.<br />
Corporations seem, prima facie, not very well qualified to spell out <strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations, especially when<br />
those obligations are in contradiction with <strong>the</strong> incentive to make pr<strong>of</strong>its, as was <strong>the</strong> case with Talisman, Premier<br />
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Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business?<br />
Oil and BP in Sudan.<br />
Thus, CSR seems to reach its limits [what does this mean?]. So far, only very few corporations have been able to<br />
combine CSR with market gains, and <strong>the</strong>re is still little exchange between national policy and CSR activities.<br />
Connected with <strong>the</strong>se limitations is a growing scepticism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> truthfulness <strong>of</strong> CSR activities. Corporations have<br />
to increase <strong>the</strong>ir efforts for transparency and independent verification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir activities by involving external<br />
stakeholders. Increasing influence <strong>of</strong> CSR national and international policies and standards seems necessary and<br />
inevitable, especially in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Corporate Behaviour<br />
When looking at this question, <strong>the</strong>re are two distinct approaches: First, is <strong>the</strong>re an indirect human rights<br />
responsibility <strong>of</strong> corporations that arises from <strong>the</strong> human rights obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir home states? And second, is<br />
<strong>the</strong>re a human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> corporations <strong>the</strong>mselves, thus a direct human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong><br />
corporations regardless <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international commitments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir home states?<br />
1. The indirect human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> corporations arising from <strong>the</strong> human rights obligations<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> home states<br />
All UN member states have made legally binding commitments to respect, protect and fulfil human rights. This<br />
includes <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> human rights from potential (violations that may happen) or factual violations (that<br />
have already taken place) by private actors. [10] This duty to protect vis-à-vis private actors is stipulated explicitly<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, in <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child, and in <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination. [11] A state that<br />
has legally bound itself to uphold human rights is also obliged to hold corporations in violation <strong>of</strong> human rights<br />
accountable for <strong>the</strong>ir behaviour.<br />
However, some states where companies operate (so-called host states) are not able [12] or willing to hold<br />
corporations accountable. [13] Examples <strong>of</strong> this unwillingness have attracted considerable public attention, such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> human rights violations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government <strong>of</strong> Nigeria and <strong>the</strong> Shell corporation in <strong>the</strong> Niger delta, [14] or<br />
those <strong>of</strong> Myanmar and Unocal in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> natural gas extraction. [15]<br />
In situations where host states are unable or unwilling to uphold human rights, <strong>the</strong>re is a so-called “accountability<br />
gap” which has to be met with implementable standards <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r direct or indirect corporate human rights<br />
responsibility. Due to this accountability gap, courts in <strong>the</strong> home states <strong>of</strong> corporations have started to accept<br />
claims <strong>of</strong> human rights violations committed by corporations. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se cases are pending in US and UK<br />
courts.<br />
In addition, in a few countries such as <strong>the</strong> US, Australia and <strong>the</strong> UK, bills have been drafted to outline corporate<br />
responsibility through legislation. In <strong>the</strong> UK, a “Corporate Responsibility Bill” was drafted in 2003. This bill<br />
stipulates that business activities must be in accordance with international human rights standards and<br />
responsibilities; this must be verifiable in annual reports. The bill fur<strong>the</strong>rmore foresees a liability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> directors if<br />
<strong>the</strong> business operations have “any significant adverse social, environmental and economic impacts” which arise<br />
from:<br />
● negligence by it;<br />
● any wilful misconduct by directors/managers <strong>of</strong> business operations in relation to specific business duties<br />
that are outlined in <strong>the</strong> bill;<br />
● any wilful misconduct relating to <strong>the</strong> disclosure <strong>of</strong> information required by <strong>the</strong> bill.<br />
The bill’s scope extends to all businesses that generate pr<strong>of</strong>its above an annual turnover <strong>of</strong> 5 million pounds that<br />
operate or are registered in <strong>the</strong> UK. Thus, very importantly, <strong>the</strong> bill applies also to business operations abroad if<br />
<strong>the</strong> company is registered in <strong>the</strong> UK.<br />
Similar bills have been drafted in <strong>the</strong> US and Australia. Even though it is unlikely that any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se bills will<br />
become binding legislation in <strong>the</strong> near future, <strong>the</strong>se documents express a growing willingness[ to hold businesses<br />
accountable and are an important precedent in that regard.<br />
2. Is <strong>the</strong>re a direct human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> corporations in international law that makes private<br />
businesses accountable for human rights violations?<br />
Currently, such a direct responsibility only exists as ”s<strong>of</strong>t law,” which is not legally binding upon corporations and<br />
thus, corporations cannot be sanctioned if <strong>the</strong>y violate <strong>the</strong>se norms. Examples include <strong>the</strong> OECD Guidelines for<br />
Multinational Enterprises [16] and <strong>the</strong> ILO Tripartite Declaration on Multinational Enterprises and Social Policy. [17]<br />
The OECD Guidelines primarily regulate commercial matters but also include provisions on workers rights and<br />
environmental issues. To observe compliance with <strong>the</strong> Guidelines, “National Contact Points” (NCP) have been set<br />
up to facilitate, and if possible, provide solutions in response to complaints. However <strong>the</strong> NCP can only make nonbinding<br />
recommendations to <strong>the</strong> parties.<br />
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The ILO Tripartite Declaration is, not surprisingly, much more detailed on workers rights issues and contains<br />
provisions on <strong>the</strong> right to organize and form trade unions, on <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> non-discrimination in <strong>the</strong> workplace,<br />
etc. The Declaration has an observatory body as well: <strong>the</strong> Committee on Multinational Enterprises. This<br />
Committee receives state reports and may also make recommendations on disputes arising from <strong>the</strong> differing<br />
interpretations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> both instruments is limited due to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> sanction mechanisms, <strong>the</strong>ir potential to<br />
change <strong>the</strong> business environment towards more ethical conduct would be enhanced if <strong>the</strong>se instruments were<br />
more widely known and if <strong>the</strong>se guidelines were used by <strong>the</strong> OECD states as preconditions for certain activities,<br />
such as procurement and credit acquisition.<br />
A third possibility exists: <strong>the</strong> possibility to make voluntary provisions <strong>of</strong> corporate responsibility (similar to “human<br />
rights clauses”) binding by integrating <strong>the</strong>m into civil contracts or international conventions. This has already been<br />
realised in international environmental law. The Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage provides that<br />
<strong>the</strong> owner <strong>of</strong> a ship (natural or legal person) may be liable for environmental damage caused by <strong>the</strong> ship’s<br />
operations . [18] There are similar provisions in <strong>the</strong> UN Convention on <strong>the</strong> Law <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sea. [19] During <strong>the</strong><br />
drafting process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se Conventions, interestingly, no state or business argued for “privatization <strong>of</strong><br />
responsibility”or that state responsibility is weakened . [20]<br />
A growing number <strong>of</strong> voices in international political and legal discourse see a shift <strong>of</strong> power in <strong>the</strong> international<br />
arena from states to corporations, a change in power relations that <strong>the</strong> law must acknowledge. The state, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
argue, has lost its monopoly <strong>of</strong> power, and thus it can and must share some <strong>of</strong> its human rights responsibility with<br />
private actors. [21] This discussion is reflected by recent developments in international law to establish <strong>the</strong><br />
human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> non-state actors. <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most important examples is <strong>the</strong> International Criminal<br />
Court (ICC): <strong>the</strong> Rome Statute recognizes <strong>the</strong> human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> non-state actors for grave human<br />
rights violations. [22]<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r milestone in developing <strong>the</strong> direct human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> corporations was <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
“Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r Business Enterprises with Regard to<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>” [23] by <strong>the</strong> UN Sub-Commission on <strong>the</strong> Promotion and Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>. [24]<br />
According to this instrument, <strong>the</strong> primary human rights responsibility rests with states; but <strong>the</strong>re are specific<br />
areas in which a complementary human rights responsibility exists for businesses. These areas are:<br />
● Non-discrimination issues;<br />
● Right to personal security (no engagement in or benefit from war crimes, crimes against humanity,<br />
genocide, torture, forced labour, etc.);<br />
● Workers’ rights;<br />
● Respect for national sovereignty and human rights (including issues <strong>of</strong> transparency, <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> law, anticorruption,<br />
etc.);<br />
● Respect for and contribution to economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
Regarding <strong>the</strong> general complementary human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> businesses, <strong>the</strong> commentary [25] <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN<br />
Sub-Commission to <strong>the</strong> Norms clearly states that business have a responsibility to:<br />
● Use due diligence in ensuring that <strong>the</strong>ir activities do not contribute directly or indirectly to human rights<br />
abuses;<br />
● Ensure that <strong>the</strong>y do not benefit from such abuses;<br />
● Refrain from activities that undermine <strong>the</strong> promotion and protection <strong>of</strong> human rights;<br />
● Use <strong>the</strong>ir influence to promote and ensure respect for human rights;<br />
● Inform <strong>the</strong> staff/management <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> businesses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human rights impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir principal activities.<br />
Regarding <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Norms, <strong>the</strong> document remains a bit vague, stating that: <strong>the</strong> Norms should<br />
be integrated in internal business operations; [26] internal evaluations on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Norms on those<br />
internal business operations should be made; external monitoring (by <strong>the</strong> UN or o<strong>the</strong>r institutions) should take<br />
place, and reparations via national and international courts are envisaged. This section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Draft Norms leaves<br />
some open questions that require fur<strong>the</strong>r in-depth discussion, such as <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> “complicity” (<strong>of</strong> businesses<br />
operating in states in human rights violations) and <strong>the</strong> “sphere <strong>of</strong> influence” <strong>of</strong> company activities that might<br />
establish <strong>the</strong>ir human rights responsibility. In answering <strong>the</strong>se questions, reference can be made, for example, to<br />
international comparative criminal law [27] and jurisprudence relating to <strong>the</strong> US Alien Tort Claims Act.<br />
Concerning <strong>the</strong> monitoring and implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Norms, <strong>the</strong> international discussion will surely take some<br />
time. However, networks like <strong>the</strong> International Business Leaders Forum noted that <strong>the</strong> draft Norms are a<br />
meaningful basis for fur<strong>the</strong>r dialogue and development <strong>of</strong> “good practice” and “benchmarking” activities on human<br />
rights practices by businesses.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> criticism that <strong>the</strong> Norms received, especially in <strong>the</strong> business community, <strong>the</strong>y can be viewed as an<br />
”authoritative guide ” [28] to corporate social responsibility and are an important step to clarify <strong>the</strong> human rights<br />
responsibilities <strong>of</strong> businesses. In a very clear and precise manner, <strong>the</strong> Norms summarize key human rights areas<br />
<strong>of</strong> business responsibility (non-discrimination, <strong>the</strong> right to security, and <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> economic, social and<br />
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cultural <strong>Rights</strong>) in a field that where <strong>the</strong>re are many standards, interpretations and perspectives.<br />
The written statements to <strong>the</strong> Norms by relevant actors such as <strong>the</strong> European Union, <strong>the</strong> International Labour<br />
Organization, <strong>the</strong> US government, and o<strong>the</strong>r states, point demonstrate that <strong>the</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>rance <strong>of</strong> ”corporate<br />
accountability” through direct state responsibility is widely supported; however, <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> direct corporate<br />
human rights responsibility (as <strong>the</strong> draft Norms stipulate, for example) is largely contested and leaves many open<br />
questions. However, <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN Sub-Commission should be used and developed fur<strong>the</strong>r to address <strong>the</strong>se<br />
questions.<br />
Against <strong>the</strong> background <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se developments, <strong>the</strong> heated debate on voluntary versus binding CSR norms goes<br />
on. As obvious as <strong>the</strong> lines <strong>of</strong> division seem to be (businesses pro voluntary, NGOs pro binding) <strong>the</strong>re are good<br />
reasons for businesses to argue for binding regulations as well, for <strong>the</strong> following reasons: [29]<br />
● Binding regulations prevent unethical business competitors from gaining competitive advantage by not<br />
engaging in human rights activities. Uniform standards would create a “level-playing field” for all<br />
businesses;<br />
● Legal provisions provide clarity when <strong>the</strong> human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> businesses is unclear. Because<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is no applicable law that gives guidance on <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> this responsibility, businesses have more<br />
difficulties demonstrating that <strong>the</strong>y comply with <strong>the</strong>ir responsibilities.<br />
These development show that today, corporations are not only obliged to <strong>the</strong>ir shareholders. A direct<br />
responsibility <strong>of</strong> businesses for human rights violations can no longer be excluded categorically. [30] As this<br />
paper demonstrates, <strong>the</strong>re are already areas <strong>of</strong> international law where <strong>the</strong> legal liability <strong>of</strong> legal persons and<br />
private entities exist.<br />
Conclusion<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> international level, human rights are gradually being integrated into existing CSR concepts and initiatives.<br />
There is a growing conviction that human rights must be an integral part <strong>of</strong> socially responsible corporate<br />
behaviour.<br />
This paper has attempted to provide some initial insight into <strong>the</strong> very dynamic and complex balancing act<br />
businesses in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> human rights in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> corporate social responsibility. As <strong>of</strong> today, <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
only “patchwork” mechanisms to hold businesses accountable for human rights. However, <strong>the</strong> international trend<br />
is moving towards standardisation and clarification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human rights responsibility <strong>of</strong> businesses. This<br />
responsibility can be seen from three different perspectives: (1) from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> a direct state<br />
responsibility for human rights conformity <strong>of</strong> businesses; (2) from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> a direct human rights<br />
responsibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> businesses <strong>the</strong>mselves; and (3) from <strong>the</strong> perspective <strong>of</strong> voluntary business activities (CSR in<br />
<strong>the</strong> “classical sense”) to respect and promote human rights.<br />
All three approaches are being developed on <strong>the</strong> national and international level. The development <strong>of</strong> a direct<br />
business responsibility is <strong>the</strong> most contested but also <strong>the</strong> most encompassing approach. It is important to keep in<br />
mind that provisions <strong>of</strong> a general nature such as <strong>the</strong> UN Norms have to be applied flexibly on a case by case<br />
basis. For example, corporations that exploit natural resources have different human rights responsibilities than<br />
corporations that hire – through subcontractors - women workers to produce textiles in a working environment<br />
where trade unions are forbidden and <strong>the</strong> salaries are below ILO standards.<br />
However, one fact should be kept in mind: states still account for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> human rights violations; even in<br />
cases <strong>of</strong> human rights violations <strong>of</strong> corporations (such as Shell in Nigeria and BP in Colombia), states have been<br />
heavily involved in violations. Here, it must be stressed that <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> human rights responsibilities <strong>of</strong><br />
businesses does not mean that states may in turn dispense with <strong>the</strong>ir responsibilities. A “trade-<strong>of</strong>f” <strong>of</strong><br />
responsibilities is unacceptable. But more urgently <strong>the</strong>n ever, answers must be found to meet <strong>the</strong> challenges <strong>of</strong> a<br />
globalization process where non-state actors have gained economic and political power and have caused and<br />
contributed to human rights violations.<br />
The analyses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank Group and SustAinability show that it is necessary to link CSR with policy<br />
guidelines to enhance <strong>the</strong>ir impact, coherence and conformity with human rights standards. States and politicians,<br />
as well as NGOs and consumers, have an important task to fulfil.<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Karin Lukas holds an E.MA (<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>), LL.M (Gender & <strong>the</strong> Law). She has been a legal reseacher at <strong>the</strong><br />
Ludwig Boltzmann Institute <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> since 2001. She is also an activist <strong>of</strong> feministAttac Vienna and<br />
member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gender Mainstreaming Gremium <strong>of</strong> Attac Austria.<br />
References:<br />
Anderson/Cavanagh, The Top 200: The Rise <strong>of</strong> Global Corporate Power (2000).<br />
Carolin F. Hillemans (2003), UN Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r Business<br />
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Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business?<br />
Enterprises with Regard to <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, German Law Journal, Vol. 04, No. 10, S. 1065.<br />
Green Paper <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission, 2002<br />
International Council on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Beyond Voluntarism. <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and <strong>the</strong> Developing International<br />
Legal Obligations <strong>of</strong> Companies (2002)<br />
Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004<br />
Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r Business Enterprises with Regard to <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003).<br />
Peter Muchlinski (2001), <strong>Human</strong> rights and multinationals: is <strong>the</strong>re a problem?<br />
Sarah Joseph, Taming <strong>the</strong> Leviathans: Multinational Enterprises and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1999)<br />
Siehe Gagnon/Macklin/Simons (2003), Deconstructing Engagement<br />
SustAinability, Gearing Up (2004), an Assessment mandated by <strong>the</strong> UN Global Compact<br />
Walter Saurer, CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility, in: Global View, Heft II/2004<br />
Weissbrodt/Kruger; Businesses as Non-State Actors (in Alston (ed.) Non-State Actors and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, p.318,<br />
fn 15, Oxford 2005<br />
World Bank, Company Codes <strong>of</strong> Conduct and International Standards: An Analytical Comparison, Part I and II<br />
(2003).<br />
[1] Financial Times, 2001<br />
[2] Anderson/Cavanagh, The Top 200: The Rise <strong>of</strong> Global Corporate Power (2000)<br />
[3] Cited from: Weissbrodt/Kruger; Businesses as Non-State Actors (in Alston (ed.) Non-State Actors and Hman<br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, p.318, fn 15, Oxford 2005).<br />
[4] Peter Muchlinski (2001), <strong>Human</strong> rights and multinationals: is <strong>the</strong>re a problem?<br />
[5] Walter Saurer, CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility, in: Global View, Heft II/2004, S. 7.<br />
[6] See Green Paper <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission, 2002.<br />
[7] SustAinability, Gearing Up (2004), an Assessment mandated by <strong>the</strong> UN Global Compact.<br />
[8] World Bank, Company Codes <strong>of</strong> Conduct and International Standards: An Analytical Comparison, Part I and II<br />
(2003).<br />
[9] Siehe Gagnon/Macklin/Simons (2003), Deconstructing Engagement, p. 100.<br />
[10] See, Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, General Comment No. 14 , para. 42: ”While only<br />
States are parties to <strong>the</strong> Covenant and thus ultimately accountable for compliance with it, all members <strong>of</strong> society -<br />
individuals, including health pr<strong>of</strong>essionals, families, local communities, intergovernmental and non-governmental<br />
organizations, civil society organizations, as well as <strong>the</strong> private business sector - have responsibilities regarding<br />
<strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to health. State parties should <strong>the</strong>refore provide an environment which facilitates <strong>the</strong><br />
discharge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se responsibilities.”<br />
[11] See Sarah Joseph, Taming <strong>the</strong> Leviathans: Multinational Enterprises and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1999), p. 175. All<br />
above mentionned conventions available at: http://www.ohchr.org/english/law/<br />
[12] “Some states lack effective control over all or certain parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country, or are unable to regulate<br />
companies effectively because <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r legal or political obstacles. In <strong>the</strong>se situations international standards have<br />
started to, and must fur<strong>the</strong>r develop, criteria that define <strong>the</strong> direct responsibility <strong>of</strong> companies under human rights<br />
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Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business?<br />
law.” See International Commission <strong>of</strong> Jurists, Response to <strong>the</strong> UN Draft Norms, p. 43.<br />
[13] Sara Joseph, p. 176f., Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004), p. 3.<br />
International Commission <strong>of</strong> Jurists, Response to <strong>the</strong> UN Draft Norms, p. 43.<br />
[14] Wiwa versus Royal Duth Petroleum Company.<br />
[15] Doe versus Unocal.<br />
[16] The Guidelines can be downloaded from http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/56/36/1922428.pdf.<br />
[17] The Declaration can be downloaded from http://www.logos-<br />
net.net/ilo/150_base/en/instr/tri_dec.htm.<br />
[18] Art III <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Convention.<br />
[19] Art 137(1) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Convention.<br />
[20] See Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004), p. 3.<br />
[21] Joseph, p. 186, Kamminga, p. 3, Muchlinski, p. 40, International Commission <strong>of</strong> Jurists, supra.<br />
[22] During <strong>the</strong> drafting process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rome Statute establishing <strong>the</strong> ICC, discussions arose regarding <strong>the</strong><br />
extension <strong>of</strong> human rights responsibilities not only to natural but also to legal persons; however, this proposal did<br />
not gain majority support and was not included in <strong>the</strong> statute.<br />
[23] Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r Business Enterprises with Regard to<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003).<br />
[24] The Sub-Commission is a sub-body <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Commission.<br />
[25] Commentary on <strong>the</strong> Norms, UN Doc E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/38/Rev.2 (2003)<br />
[26] Draft Norms, paras 15-18.<br />
[27] See Gagnon/Macklin/Simons, p. 126f.<br />
[28] Carolin F. Hillemans (2003), UN Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Business Enterprises with Regard to <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, German Law Journal, Vol. 04, No. 10, S. 1065.<br />
[29] See International Council on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Beyond Voluntarism. <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and <strong>the</strong> Developing<br />
International Legal Obligations <strong>of</strong> Companies (2002), p.20. The paper can be downloaded at<br />
http://www.ichrp.org/index.html?project=107]<br />
[30] In <strong>the</strong> same vein, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Commission <strong>of</strong> Jurists (ICJ) to <strong>the</strong> Draft Norms states:<br />
“It is sometimes contended that human rights only bind states and not non-state actors and can <strong>the</strong>refore not be<br />
imposed on private companies. There are, however, no legal or conceptual arguments that prevent companies<br />
[from] having direct responsibilities for human rights violations. It is clear that states may decide at an<br />
international level to recognise rights and duties <strong>of</strong> non-state actors. The Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
itself affirms <strong>the</strong> duty <strong>of</strong> everyone, not only states, to uphold human rights; international humanitarian law binds<br />
armed opposition groups; non-state actors can commit crimes under international law, such as slavery, crimes<br />
against humanity, genocide or war crimes – to name but <strong>the</strong> most obvious examples…” (Excerpt <strong>of</strong> ICJ’s opinion<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Draft Norms, p. 43).<br />
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The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
by Dejan Petrovic, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
The globalization <strong>of</strong> economic flows may be <strong>the</strong> most manifest nowadays, and it is <strong>the</strong> first thing one thinks <strong>of</strong><br />
when globalization itself is discussed. Limiting <strong>the</strong> once sovereign role <strong>of</strong> nation-state, expanding <strong>the</strong> market<br />
across <strong>the</strong> planet without a visible chance <strong>of</strong> anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in ever fewer countries is<br />
combined with <strong>the</strong> growing disproportion between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor within <strong>the</strong>se countries. What seemed<br />
probable over <strong>the</strong> few decades after World War II – <strong>the</strong> prominent role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called nation state, care for <strong>the</strong><br />
less able, less healthy and elderly population, free schooling and healthcare – seem to be vanishing into historic<br />
oblivion. The ancient principle <strong>of</strong> survival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fittest is more and more at work, not even trying too hard to<br />
mask its role with seemingly humane goals. As early as twenty years ago, far-sighted economists foresaw <strong>the</strong><br />
creation <strong>of</strong> new – global – economy, which would be something different from <strong>the</strong> currently known and widely<br />
accepted international economy.<br />
The so-called welfare states owe most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir current problems to <strong>the</strong> structural change <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s economic<br />
system, which is, for some, a synonym for globalization. As we have already said, <strong>the</strong>se changes greatly limit<br />
(even tend to fully abolish!) <strong>the</strong> force <strong>of</strong> action <strong>of</strong> nation-states so that, even if <strong>the</strong>y want it, <strong>the</strong>y are unable to<br />
provide <strong>the</strong>ir own citizens with what <strong>the</strong>y have been used to for decade. Transnational capital does not have much<br />
mercy on social policy, equal care for all strata <strong>of</strong> population, especially those who are unable to generate pr<strong>of</strong>it.<br />
The increasing dissatisfaction <strong>of</strong> masses spurred by this is directed at <strong>the</strong>ir own governments, who, in turn, have<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir hands tied. Unless an international system is created in <strong>the</strong> foreseeable future whereby <strong>the</strong> control and<br />
freedoms <strong>of</strong> states, corporations and individuals will be regulated more clearly, <strong>the</strong>re are ever smaller chances<br />
that citizens will receive any kind <strong>of</strong> protection from <strong>the</strong>ir governments. This also renders <strong>the</strong> institution <strong>of</strong><br />
democratic elections senseless, reducing it to <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> mere political folklore. It is implied that <strong>the</strong> poor societies<br />
(mostly those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third and even <strong>the</strong> Second World) have nothing to seek in <strong>the</strong> “fair competition”. A newly<br />
imposed problem is <strong>the</strong> fear that even <strong>the</strong> wealthiest and <strong>the</strong> most stable societies will not be able to endure this<br />
race. If <strong>the</strong> market demands as advocated by <strong>the</strong> neo-liberal ideologists are accepted, <strong>the</strong> already attained wide<br />
scope <strong>of</strong> various social rights that <strong>the</strong>ir citizens are used to does not have much chance to survive. As Habermas<br />
clearly formulates it: ‘To remain competitive on <strong>the</strong> growing global market, <strong>the</strong>y (<strong>the</strong> OECD states) have to take<br />
steps causing irreparable damage to <strong>the</strong> harmony <strong>of</strong> civil society… <strong>the</strong> most urgent task <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> First World in <strong>the</strong><br />
forthcoming decade will <strong>the</strong>refore be squaring <strong>the</strong> circle <strong>of</strong> welfare, social harmony and political freedom.’ [1] And<br />
we know all too well what a simple task squaring <strong>the</strong> circle is.<br />
Attempts at an appropriate response to <strong>the</strong> collapse (after a lengthy agony) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called laissez-faire<br />
capitalism date back as early as <strong>the</strong> times <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great economic crisis in <strong>the</strong> 1920s. This is <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
occurrence <strong>of</strong> ‘controlled capitalism’ [2] , taking three forms in capitalist communities: as <strong>the</strong> ‘New Deal’ in <strong>the</strong><br />
USA, ‘protective’ in Japan, and ‘social capitalism’ in Western Europe. Regardless <strong>of</strong> certain differences, <strong>the</strong><br />
common element in all <strong>the</strong>se three forms <strong>of</strong> reformed capitalism presents a concern for wide strata <strong>of</strong> population.<br />
They form <strong>the</strong> basis on which <strong>the</strong> welfare state developed later. Witnessing <strong>the</strong> return to some old economic<br />
models thought to be outdated, we can conclude that this actually specific historical regression. If this opinion is<br />
founded, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> not so loud discourse <strong>of</strong> neo-liberally oriented intellectuals and economists on history, which<br />
has reached its final, ultimate step (<strong>of</strong> evolution) – has no foundation. But more will be said on this later.<br />
As it was compellingly demonstrated by Naomi Klein as well, all <strong>the</strong> trends <strong>of</strong> capital ‘movement’ to<br />
underdeveloped regions are present, but not out <strong>of</strong> concern for <strong>the</strong> welfare <strong>of</strong> local population as it is declaratively<br />
stated, but for <strong>the</strong>ir ruthless exploitation. But at <strong>the</strong> same time, such a manner <strong>of</strong> re-distributing production to <strong>the</strong><br />
poor regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third World will render millions <strong>of</strong> domestic workforce jobless, closing <strong>the</strong> circle <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />
Regardless <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proclamations on <strong>the</strong> ‘visible progress’ <strong>of</strong> global economy. ‘The current progress <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
globalization points to <strong>the</strong> fact that capital is moving to underdeveloped regions, i.e. escaping developed regions,<br />
causing, primarily, social problems in <strong>the</strong>m. Stopping this process would mean leaving underdeveloped regions to<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir ‘fate’ which would, in turn, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y get ‘stuck’ with being underdeveloped, or choose <strong>the</strong>ir own way <strong>of</strong><br />
developing which could be radically different from <strong>the</strong> Western, mean <strong>the</strong> discontinuation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> current<br />
globalization trend, or it would be limited only to developed regions as some kind <strong>of</strong> “mini-globalization”.’ [3] It is<br />
clear that this is a threat to globalization itself, if it is to be understood as <strong>the</strong> export <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western, already<br />
confirmed model <strong>of</strong> organizing human society. If it remained only in some regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> planet, <strong>the</strong>n it could not<br />
be fully and duly labeled as globalization. If it were <strong>the</strong> generator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> an alternative globalization,<br />
<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> results would be even worse for <strong>the</strong> neo-liberal ideology. This is undoubtedly one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major problems<br />
to which <strong>the</strong> above-mentioned have not provided an adequate answer so far.<br />
Moreover, despite <strong>the</strong> proclaimed efforts (and perhaps even a genuine wish) to put an end to ethnically-based<br />
conflicts by reducing <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> local identities, <strong>the</strong> growing poverty among and within various societies<br />
seems to be encouraging animosities, conflicts, and, in <strong>the</strong> foreseeable future, even wars <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conflicting ethic,<br />
religious, racial or class groups. ‘The neo-liberal type <strong>of</strong> globalization is creating a new geography <strong>of</strong> social<br />
inclusion (apar<strong>the</strong>id). The worlds <strong>of</strong> wealth and extreme poverty are not divided by <strong>the</strong> Great Wall <strong>of</strong> China – a<br />
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The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
new poverty is spreading amid <strong>the</strong> society <strong>of</strong> affluence. The “black holes <strong>of</strong> globalization”, people and regions<br />
excluded from progress, can be found in all <strong>the</strong> cities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “First World” – in American urban ghettoes, North<br />
African communities in France, Japanese Yoseba slums, Asian megalopolises. They are inhabited by millions <strong>of</strong><br />
homeless people, by a world <strong>of</strong> prostitution, crime and drugs, <strong>the</strong> sick and <strong>the</strong> illiterate.’ [4] In one <strong>of</strong> her texts<br />
[5] , Naomi Klein gives a vivid example <strong>of</strong> how ‘real’ is <strong>the</strong> advice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intellectual gurus <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal<br />
provenance. Namely, explaining why capital is moving to underdeveloped regions, Thomas Friedman provides a<br />
very interesting answer. Claiming to have talked to several young Palestinians when he was at Ramallah at <strong>the</strong><br />
West Coast in his twenties, he established that <strong>the</strong>ir desire for war, terrorist actions and suicide attacks results<br />
from lacking jobs, hope and dignity. At first sight, this explanation does not seem irrational. The listed reasons are<br />
surely a good reason for various sources <strong>of</strong> frustration. But what does Friedman propose for <strong>the</strong>m? That moving<br />
‘jobs’ from <strong>the</strong> West not only to India or Pakistan, but to Palestine as well would create not only a more<br />
prosperous world, but also a safer world for our own twenty-year-olds! This should be one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> crucial reasons<br />
in favour <strong>of</strong> globalization as envisaged by similar intellectuals.<br />
More will be said about what kind <strong>of</strong> ‘jobs’ <strong>the</strong>se are in <strong>the</strong> section on Naomi Klein’s book No logo. We shall dwell<br />
on ano<strong>the</strong>r topic here. Friedman ‘forgets’ to state what are <strong>the</strong> political causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dissatisfaction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Palestinian or Iraqi people. Klein does not hesitate to remind him: ’In o<strong>the</strong>r words, economic development will not<br />
come to Palestine via call centers but through liberation. Friedman's argument is equally absurd when applied to<br />
<strong>the</strong> country where terrorism is rising most rapidly: Iraq. As in Palestine, Iraq is facing an unemployment crisis,<br />
one fueled by occupation. And no wonder: Paul Bremer's first move as chief US envoy was to lay <strong>of</strong>f 400,000<br />
soldiers and o<strong>the</strong>r state workers. His second was to fling open Iraq's borders to cheap imports, predictably putting<br />
hundreds <strong>of</strong> local companies out <strong>of</strong> business.’ Klein is even more lucid when finding an even more efficient way <strong>of</strong><br />
fighting terrorism: ’ Friedman's bright idea <strong>of</strong> fighting terrorism with outsourced American jobs is overly<br />
complicated. A better plan would be to end <strong>the</strong> occupation and stop sending American workers to steal Iraqi jobs.’<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> current global economy is structured around three main centres <strong>of</strong> economic power, it can be best<br />
described as a post-hegemonistic order that no single centre, not even <strong>the</strong> USA, can control through rules <strong>of</strong><br />
global trade or exchange. [6] By this, <strong>the</strong> advocates <strong>of</strong> such development <strong>of</strong> economic course mean that <strong>the</strong><br />
complex world economy is developing on a totally free, unconditioned market and that individual, i.e. state<br />
responsibility is <strong>the</strong> only criterion <strong>of</strong> success or failure in this field. But regardless <strong>of</strong> this, despite<br />
internationalisation and regionalisation, <strong>the</strong> role and position <strong>of</strong> most developing countries in <strong>the</strong> global economy<br />
is changing incredibly slowly even in long time intervals <strong>of</strong> a whole century. Held and McGrew observe that <strong>the</strong><br />
current international division <strong>of</strong> labour is based on <strong>the</strong> one recognised by Marx. [7] Today’s globalisaton brings<br />
about an inconcievably united world for rich individuals, for <strong>the</strong> elites, but also a growing division inside societies,<br />
as <strong>the</strong> global international division <strong>of</strong> labour is divided into parts, into rich and poor countries, <strong>the</strong> globalization’s<br />
winners and losers. If globalization were as successful as it is (perhaps) desired, <strong>the</strong>n its favourable effect would<br />
influence most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s population, ra<strong>the</strong>r than those (chosen?) groups that most <strong>of</strong>fen have a share in its<br />
implementation. Neo-liberals suggest that economic globalization is <strong>the</strong> only effective road (highlighted by D.P.)<br />
leading to global poverty reduction, whereas, in practice, this looks completely different. The failure <strong>of</strong> certain<br />
countries to join <strong>the</strong> community <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called First World is explained by <strong>the</strong>ir failure to harmonise and<br />
integrate into <strong>the</strong> contemporary world economy fast enouth. Translated from <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> euphemism, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
seem to mean that <strong>the</strong>se are simply – incompetent.<br />
Not only are differences increasingly felt between states, but <strong>the</strong>y are increasingly obvious inside <strong>the</strong> countries<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves. Stratification is more and more under way, ever fewer (super)rich individuals own ever bigger capital,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> those living below <strong>the</strong> threashold <strong>of</strong> poverty is growing proportionately. A few percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
richest population segment owns more than one-half <strong>of</strong> national wealth. This chiefly applies to <strong>the</strong> USA, although<br />
such trends exist in capitalist countries as well. How paradoxical it all is is maybe best expressed by <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
powerful corporations posssess more assets than many (=most) countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, and that this list may<br />
even include individuals! An argument that it is about <strong>the</strong> progress <strong>of</strong> global economy may be valid, if limited to<br />
people we have just mentioned. Then <strong>the</strong>re is really no dilemma that this argument is valid. But if <strong>the</strong> moral issue<br />
<strong>of</strong> simultaneous impoverishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world is raised as equal, <strong>the</strong>n such an attitude is significal<br />
+ntly overshadowed. This is what neo-liberally oriented intellectuals call ’struggle on <strong>the</strong> open market’: ’To <strong>the</strong><br />
extent that standardised life situations and careers are disappearing, individuals facing multiple options, feeling<br />
<strong>the</strong> growing burden <strong>of</strong> decisions <strong>the</strong>y must now make <strong>the</strong>mselves, i.e. arrangements that <strong>the</strong>y have to negotiate<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves. The pressure <strong>of</strong> ’individualisation’ urges for new social rules to be discovered and controlled at <strong>the</strong><br />
same time. Freed subjects, no longer bound and governed by traditional roles, must create binding relations<br />
through <strong>the</strong>ir own communication efforts.’ [8] The above is not questionable at all, but it is appropriate to remind<br />
that <strong>the</strong> ‘freed subjects’ have never been asked anything about <strong>the</strong>ir forhtcoming roles! Although <strong>the</strong>se decisions<br />
affect <strong>the</strong>m most directly, <strong>the</strong>y were made elswhere. It is <strong>the</strong>rfore no wander that, in <strong>the</strong> ever wider regions <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> losers <strong>of</strong> globalization, <strong>the</strong> globalization proces is percieved simply as <strong>the</strong> continuation <strong>of</strong> well-known<br />
colonisation, i.e. Western imperialism. It will remain so as long as <strong>the</strong> global inequality remains increasingly<br />
manifest. The fact that many citizens <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ’imperialist’ countries do not feel <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proclaimed<br />
process does not diminish in <strong>the</strong> least <strong>the</strong> justified anger <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inhabitants <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> underprivileged countries <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Second, Third and all all o<strong>the</strong>r worlds in <strong>the</strong> leaast. It is maybe here that one should look for <strong>the</strong> roots <strong>of</strong><br />
growing terrorism which is really democratically shared – affecting everyone equally!<br />
How do <strong>the</strong>se radically oriented groups and <strong>the</strong>ir acts <strong>of</strong> violence come about? Even in developed countries, <strong>the</strong><br />
increasing class differentiation brings about a fear that <strong>the</strong> existing wealth will have to be shared and that <strong>the</strong><br />
aliens present in a given society will take away <strong>the</strong>ir ’share <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cake’ undeserved. Such fears (and let us<br />
remember that <strong>the</strong> Nazis once took over <strong>the</strong> power riding on such demagogical cliches) are (ab)used by politicians<br />
who political points with populist, isolationist and even openly hostile messages. National, regligious, racial or<br />
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The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
class hatred, as well as xen<strong>of</strong>obia are for <strong>the</strong> most part rooted in <strong>the</strong> above. Needless to say, when such forces<br />
take over <strong>the</strong> power, genuine economic progress is out <strong>of</strong> question! And this is all a logical consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
philosphy <strong>of</strong> open, ’deregulated’ market. It only favours its favourites which adapt most sucessfull to its unwritten<br />
laws, to a way <strong>of</strong> life in which <strong>the</strong> absolute purpose <strong>of</strong> human life is generating and increasing pr<strong>of</strong>it. Its aim is not<br />
common good, but <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ancient idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human society as war <strong>of</strong> all against all. The road from<br />
<strong>the</strong>re to universal harmony it proclaims declaratively is a long and rough one. It is also questionable how<br />
justifiable is to expand <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> market ideology to all o<strong>the</strong>r – non-economic – segments <strong>of</strong> society, and <strong>the</strong><br />
democratic legitimacy <strong>of</strong> international financial institutions (such as <strong>the</strong> IMF, <strong>the</strong> World Bank, WTO etc.) is also<br />
highly questinable, as <strong>the</strong>y have no forms <strong>of</strong> control ’above’ <strong>the</strong>mselves and, accordingly, are not accountable to<br />
anyone. We can only speculate what abuses are possible here. Held tries to provide an answer to all <strong>the</strong>se<br />
questions: ’These sobering realities lead to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that it is only within <strong>the</strong> borders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state – within<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation as a moral community – that legitimate and effective solutions to <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> global social injustice<br />
can be constructed.’ [9]<br />
Historically, <strong>the</strong> state saw <strong>the</strong> greatest expansion and prosperity in Germany at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> World War I and<br />
during <strong>the</strong> Nazi rule in 1930s. It is interesting that it is in <strong>the</strong> Third Reich [10] that appeals to social justice and<br />
various forms <strong>of</strong> social protection were vociferous, parallel with <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> impressive military machinery.<br />
This was, <strong>of</strong> course, one <strong>of</strong> major arguments used by those who criticize contemporary welfare states as well. The<br />
fact that this happened in Germany becomes clearer bearing in mind that it was in this country that <strong>the</strong> first steps<br />
to creating a welfare system were made as early as 1883, by establishing health care, taking care <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
unemployed, senior population segments, etc. At <strong>the</strong> time, <strong>the</strong> costs allocated for <strong>the</strong>se expenditures were not too<br />
great a burden for <strong>the</strong> state’s production sector. The initiator <strong>of</strong> establishing such a system was <strong>the</strong> famous<br />
Chancellor Bismarck. This idea spread like wildfire all over <strong>the</strong> planet during <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, to such extent<br />
that <strong>the</strong> clear definition <strong>of</strong> social policies has become a key feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> modern state. However, some things<br />
had to be sacrificed by <strong>the</strong>se policies. In this case it was <strong>the</strong> efficiency <strong>of</strong> capitalist production methods. The<br />
advocates <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal society put <strong>the</strong> blame on <strong>the</strong> enormous growth <strong>of</strong> public expenditure, taxation and<br />
bureaucracy as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inherent totalitarianism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> welfare stated. This can, <strong>of</strong> course, give an<br />
opportunity to <strong>the</strong> beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public social system to abuse it. Anthony Mueller does not fail to notice this:<br />
’The coverage <strong>of</strong> old age, sickness and unemployment insurance, along with social aid, and disability insurance<br />
and with all <strong>the</strong> numerous special branches <strong>of</strong> social policy have turned Germany into an Eldorado for those<br />
seeking a free ride. Often described as "generous", <strong>the</strong> German social welfare system actually provides a plethora<br />
<strong>of</strong> incentives for intentionally becoming unemployed, seeking early retirement and fulfilling <strong>the</strong> necessary<br />
requirements in order to become eligible for social aid and disability payments.’ This especially applies to <strong>the</strong><br />
period after World War II when any action directed against such policies was labeled as (expressed in modern<br />
terms) a form <strong>of</strong> ’politically incorrect discourse’. Thus, increasing expenditure is imposed on <strong>the</strong> economically<br />
active population, and in view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> aging population structure <strong>of</strong> most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western<br />
hemisphere, <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> really economically active people is drastically reduced and, proportionally, more<br />
burdened by various categories <strong>of</strong> budget beneficiaries. How to balance <strong>the</strong> reasonable and objective needs <strong>of</strong><br />
social policy beneficiaries and <strong>the</strong>ir evident abuses is becoming a new problem to be addressed.<br />
We can take an example from Italy. Namely, <strong>the</strong> legislator (<strong>the</strong> state in this case) has stipulated that an employee<br />
laid <strong>of</strong>f from an enterprise with more than 15 employees may sue his or her own employer. There have been<br />
cases in practice that many <strong>of</strong> such claims have received positive replies. Should <strong>the</strong> employer be forced to reemploy<br />
<strong>the</strong> same worker, apart from being entitled to payment <strong>of</strong> all lost receivables, he or she would receive<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r compensation for dismissal, as well as <strong>the</strong> money from social insurance. What does this tell us? That <strong>the</strong><br />
employer’s hands are ’tied’, that laying <strong>of</strong>f workers may cause more economic harm than keeping <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
jobs. This is what opens space for various ’blackmail’ activities by employees, such as working to rule, lower<br />
productivity, open sabotage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working process, etc. Not to mention that nothing would motivate <strong>the</strong> worker<br />
to achieve better work results, and <strong>the</strong> employer would not have <strong>the</strong> opportunity to make qualitative selection<br />
among different workers, under <strong>the</strong> threat <strong>of</strong> possible lawsuit and multiple damages that may follow. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<br />
this is a direct hindrance to economic growth, as many companies will purposely remain within <strong>the</strong> limit <strong>of</strong> fifteen<br />
employees, lest <strong>the</strong>y face this threat. This is only an example [11] <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> excessive<br />
consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employee’s interests in relation to <strong>the</strong> employer, which is still an important wheel in <strong>the</strong><br />
development <strong>of</strong> every economy; and no less than referendum was held on this issue. Regarding this issue, Minardi<br />
quotes <strong>the</strong> opinion <strong>of</strong> Bruno Leoni from his book Liberty and Law, where he argues that employers are not <strong>the</strong><br />
‘stronger’ side in a possible dispute, nor must employees be <strong>the</strong> ‘weaker’ side. In cases when he or she needs<br />
workers more than <strong>the</strong> workers need him or her, and is unable to find <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> employer can by no means be<br />
regarded as <strong>the</strong> weaker side or seen through <strong>the</strong> traditional prism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> notorious exploiter.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> positive examples <strong>of</strong> neo-liberally oriented economy comes from Chile, where <strong>the</strong>y came up with <strong>the</strong><br />
idea <strong>of</strong> – private pensions! This is no doubt a very interesting suggestion, so let us see what it is about. ‘The<br />
Chilean pension model is a comprehensive alternative to <strong>the</strong> social collectivism initiated by German chancellor<br />
Otto von Bismarck at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century, which was used as a model for <strong>the</strong> welfare states <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th<br />
century. By cutting <strong>the</strong> link between individual contributions and benefits—that is, between effort and reward—<br />
and by entrusting governments not only with <strong>the</strong> responsibility but also with <strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se complex<br />
programs, <strong>the</strong> Bismarckian pay-as-you-go pension system turned out to be <strong>the</strong> central pillar <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> welfare state,<br />
in which <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> winning elections by buying votes with o<strong>the</strong>r people’s money—even with <strong>the</strong> money <strong>of</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r generations—led to an inflation <strong>of</strong> social entitlements, and thus to gigantic unfunded, and hidden, state<br />
liabilities. In Chile, <strong>the</strong> same rationale that applies to <strong>the</strong> private pension system has already been extended,<br />
although imperfectly, to <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> health and unemployment, with individual insurance (health) or accounts<br />
(unemployment) managed by <strong>the</strong> private sector.’ [12] This system has already been established in many South<br />
American countries (Mexico, Bolivia, Salvador, Peru, Columbia, Argentina, Uruguay), but also in many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
former Socialist block countries (Hungary, Poland, Kazakhstan), which may be especially interesting, but also<br />
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The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
indicative as a precedent.<br />
Hungary was <strong>the</strong> first former Socialist country to ‘break <strong>the</strong> ice’ in 1998 and allow for a portion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers’<br />
salaries to be invested in pension savings accounts. The previous method <strong>of</strong> investing in pension funds had been<br />
in deficit as early as <strong>the</strong> nineties, when <strong>the</strong> contributions amounted to 30% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> salary. If <strong>the</strong> system had<br />
remained unchanged, Hungary would have been forced to raise <strong>the</strong> taxes on wages up to 55%, which would, in a<br />
few decades (around 2035 as estimated) have lead to each pensioner being supported by only one worker.<br />
Knowing that in a country such as Italy <strong>the</strong> government used to pay disability pensions for 30,000 dead people,<br />
and also bearing in mind that it is <strong>the</strong> country with <strong>the</strong> lowest birth rate in <strong>the</strong> world, we can only imagine what<br />
<strong>the</strong> public expenditures were over a budget year. There was even an example <strong>of</strong> a woman receiving a (disability)<br />
pension as a blind person, while working as a driver at <strong>the</strong> same time. The annual expenditure on public pensions<br />
in Italy amounts to as much as 14.5% <strong>of</strong> GDP. José Piñera argues that nowadays pension systems are under <strong>the</strong><br />
highest threat in Western Europe, with <strong>the</strong> proverbially strong influence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional welfare state. Apart from<br />
purely economic, we can provide a non-economic argument in favour <strong>of</strong> private pension system. Poor people, who<br />
usually start working earlier than <strong>the</strong>ir somewhat better <strong>of</strong>f peers, have (on <strong>the</strong> average) a shorter lifespan than<br />
<strong>the</strong> latter. Under such a method <strong>of</strong> pension payment, poorer workers would find it easier to accumulate higher<br />
amounts on <strong>the</strong>ir accounts, <strong>the</strong>reby de facto lessening <strong>the</strong> well-known gap between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor, as <strong>the</strong><br />
workers have so far been investing into a system providing <strong>the</strong>m with <strong>the</strong> yield rate <strong>of</strong> less than 2%. Here is,<br />
finally a truly socially humane argument in favor <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal thinkers! If such a rate could be applied in different<br />
socio-economic models <strong>of</strong> different countries with an equal success rate, we see no reason why it should not be<br />
done.<br />
Note:<br />
Extract from an unpublished paper entitled The Philosophical Implications <strong>of</strong> Globalism and Anti-globalism,<br />
Belgrade, 2004<br />
Translated from Serbian: Women's Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Dejan Petrovi•¸ Serbia and Montenegro, attained a BA degree from <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Belgrade (2004). Addresses<br />
<strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> considerations <strong>of</strong> society, political <strong>the</strong>ory, essay-writing and journalism. Especially interested in<br />
issues related to globalization and anti-globalization movement. Author <strong>of</strong> several dozed authored texts and<br />
interviews. Received awards for essays from Zarez and Srpsko pero magazines. Published in Vreme, Status,<br />
Habitus, Zarez, Aplauz and NSPM.<br />
[1] Jürgen Habermas: Postnacionalna konstelacija [Postnational Constellation], Otkrovenje, Belgrade, 2002, p. 84.<br />
[2] Miroslav Pe•ujli•: Planetarni kentaur – dva lika globalizacije [The Planetary Centaur – <strong>the</strong> Two Faces <strong>of</strong><br />
Globalization], NSPM, Belgrade, 2003, p. 34.<br />
[3] Vladimir Vuleti•: Globalizacija – proces ili projekt [Globalization – Process or Project], NSPM, Beograd, 2003, p.<br />
89.<br />
[4] Miroslav Pe•ujli•: Planetarni kentaur – dva lika globalizacije [The Planetary Centaur – <strong>the</strong> Two Faces <strong>of</strong><br />
Globalization], NSPM, Belgrade, 2003, p. 39,<br />
[5] Naomi Klein: Outsourcing <strong>the</strong> Friedman, Available at:http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0305-08.htm<br />
[6] David Held & Anthony McGrew: Globalization/Anti-Globalization, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2002, p. 51.<br />
[7] Ibid, p. 45.<br />
[8] Jürgen Habermas: Postnacionalna konstelacija [Postnational Constellation], Otkrovenje, Belgrade, 2002, p.<br />
207. (translated from Serbian)<br />
[9] David Held & Anthony McGrew: Globalization/Anti-Globalization, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2002, p. 87.<br />
[10] Anthony Mueller: Bye-bye Bismarck, Available at: http://www.mises.org/story/1275<br />
[11] Alberto Mingardi: “Italy's Tyranny <strong>of</strong> Labour Protection”, The Wall Streat Journal Europe, June 13, 2003.<br />
Available at: http://www.josepinera.com/pag/pag_tex_italystyrranny.htm<br />
[12] José Piñera, “Toward a World <strong>of</strong> Worker-Capitalists”, The Boston Converzationi, Boston University, 2001,<br />
Available at: http://www.josepinera.com/pag/pag_tex_toward.htm<br />
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The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
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Sex Trafficking: The Impact <strong>of</strong> War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe<br />
Abstract:<br />
Sex Trafficking: The Impact <strong>of</strong> War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe<br />
By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D., Faculty for Social Education and Rehabilitation, Belgrade University,<br />
Victimology Society <strong>of</strong> Serbia, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
In this paper [1] <strong>the</strong> author is exploring interlaced impact, which war, militarism and globalization connected<br />
changes, as macro processes, have on sex trafficking in women. Sex trafficking to, through and from <strong>the</strong> Balkans<br />
is analyzed as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> best examples <strong>of</strong> cumulative effect <strong>of</strong> all above-mentioned macro processes. The<br />
analyses includes both immediate and long-term impact <strong>of</strong> ethnic conflicts and militarisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region as well<br />
as <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> changes connected to transition from communism in both <strong>the</strong> Balkans and o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> Eastern<br />
Europe. Special emphasis is put on Serbia, UN administered territory <strong>of</strong> Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina,<br />
Macedonia and Bulgaria. The author is looking at interlaced influence <strong>of</strong> different political, economic and military<br />
factors on both criminalisation and victimization processes and <strong>the</strong>ir gendered character. An additional aim <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
paper is to critically assess <strong>the</strong> role played by international community in fighting <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> trafficking in this<br />
part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Key words: sex trafficking, ethnical conflicts, militarism, globalization, <strong>the</strong> Balkans<br />
"The c<strong>of</strong>fee bars springing up in Bosnia bear a chilling resemblance to <strong>the</strong>se wartime rape houses, but <strong>the</strong> war is<br />
now a silent one...Those who cause trouble are easily disposed <strong>of</strong>. Last year, <strong>the</strong> naked bodies <strong>of</strong> two women<br />
were found in a river near Arizona Market. Both bore <strong>the</strong> marks <strong>of</strong> mafia-style killings - hands tied behind <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
backs, feet bound to concrete. Tape over <strong>the</strong>ir mouth was marked "Organization for Security and Cooperation in<br />
Europe.” The symbols <strong>of</strong> protection had been used to stifle <strong>the</strong>ir screams. Their identities are impossible to<br />
trace."<br />
Kate Holt, “Captive Market,” The Sunday Times Magazine, February 18, 2001, 51.<br />
Introduction<br />
Uneven distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth has always been among <strong>the</strong> main generators <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking. However, only in <strong>the</strong><br />
past several decades has sex trafficking become a global problem. As Dutch researcher Sietske Altink observes,<br />
“more and more countries are joining <strong>the</strong> ranks <strong>of</strong> sending countries and increasing numbers are becoming target<br />
countries.” [2] Economic hardships and <strong>the</strong>ir consequences for women create a potential supply <strong>of</strong> workers for <strong>the</strong><br />
sex industry. But this "supply" would never be used for sex trafficking purposes without <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> demand.<br />
The increased demand for women as sex objects is evident within both post-communist and developed countries.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 1980s and 1990s sex trafficking <strong>of</strong> Eastern European women became more attractive for traffickers than<br />
trafficking in Asian women, because <strong>of</strong> shorter distances and consequently fewer expenses and risks, which led to<br />
bigger pr<strong>of</strong>its. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, trafficked Eastern European women are more attractive to white Western male<br />
consumers since <strong>the</strong>y fit better <strong>the</strong>ir racial, educational, and gender expectations (e.g. <strong>the</strong>y are mainly white,<br />
educated, and ready to obey). Thus, “we need to understand how global capitalism creates conditions for women<br />
to sell sexual services at far better rates <strong>of</strong> pay than <strong>the</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r form <strong>of</strong> labor.” [3]<br />
War and militarism particularly influence sex trafficking in women. Their impact is mostly connected to specific<br />
war and post-war situations, but sex trafficking may also be <strong>the</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> very presence <strong>of</strong> military in<br />
<strong>the</strong> region, regardless <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re is war going on or not. Thus, <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> militarism on sex trafficking is<br />
not necessarily connected to war, although war may produce militarist cultural ideals about gender which increase<br />
<strong>the</strong> vulnerability <strong>of</strong> women to socio-economic factors that lead to sex trafficking. [4] Moreover, examples from<br />
recent history show that <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> prostitution due to <strong>the</strong> extended presence <strong>of</strong> military forces has longterm<br />
consequences on <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking on both local and global levels. [5]<br />
The impact on sex trafficking <strong>of</strong> war, militarism, and social changes due to <strong>the</strong> transition from communism have<br />
been explored separately and without taking into consideration <strong>the</strong>ir interconnections. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong><br />
trafficking in women from former communist countries has mainly been considered as a threat to destination<br />
countries. [6] Less is known about trafficking within post-communist countries, especially about <strong>the</strong> Balkans as<br />
one <strong>of</strong> major destinations for trafficked women. The one sided approach to <strong>the</strong> problem has had significant<br />
negative consequences on policing and treatment <strong>of</strong> illegal migrants in general, and victims <strong>of</strong> trafficking in<br />
particular. “Fortress EU” syndrome, toge<strong>the</strong>r with narrow human rights approaches and <strong>the</strong> overlooking <strong>of</strong> broader<br />
structural causes <strong>of</strong> trafficking led to “instant” and mostly punitive solutions, which are not efficient ei<strong>the</strong>r in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> deterrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fenders or in terms <strong>of</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> victims. The recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> international<br />
community in sex trafficking in peacekeeping areas is at <strong>the</strong> earliest stages. [7]<br />
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Sex Trafficking: The Impact <strong>of</strong> War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe<br />
The main aim <strong>of</strong> this paper is to explore <strong>the</strong> interlaced impact which war, militarism, and political and economic<br />
changes, have on sex trafficking in women. I focus my analysis on sex trafficking to, through, and from <strong>the</strong><br />
Balkans because it exemplifies <strong>the</strong> cumulative effect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se macro processes. My analysis considers both<br />
immediate and long-term impact <strong>of</strong> war as well as <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> changes connected to transition from communism<br />
in both <strong>the</strong> Balkans and o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe. I will look at <strong>the</strong> intertwined influence <strong>of</strong> different political,<br />
economic and military factors on both criminalization and victimization processes and <strong>the</strong>ir gendered character. An<br />
additional aim <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper is to critically assess <strong>the</strong> role played by international community in fighting <strong>the</strong><br />
problem <strong>of</strong> trafficking in Eastern Europe. [8]<br />
Sex Trafficking in <strong>the</strong> Balkans: Scope and Directions<br />
The expansion <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking in women from Eastern and Central Europe, which coincided with <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Cold War, affected <strong>the</strong> Balkans significantly and in various ways. The Report <strong>of</strong> International Organization for<br />
Migration, for example, shows that, even more than a decade after <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> Cold War and several years after<br />
<strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war in <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia, it is evident that trafficking in <strong>the</strong> Balkans is still significant problem<br />
affecting growing numbers <strong>of</strong> women and children. [9] Moreover, <strong>the</strong> Balkans are not a transit and sending<br />
region only, but also one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major destinations for trafficked women as well. International Organization for<br />
Migration estimates that up to 500,000 women are forced to work as prostitutes in Europe. The same source<br />
suggests that “120,000 women and children are being trafficked into <strong>the</strong> European Union each year, mostly<br />
through <strong>the</strong> Balkans.” [10] Some estimations for <strong>the</strong> UK suggest that more than 70% <strong>of</strong> women working in<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>ls in Soho are from <strong>the</strong> former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, with women from <strong>the</strong> Balkans making<br />
large part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m. [11]<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> Balkans are not a homogeneous region, <strong>the</strong>y have traditionally acted as a crossroads between East<br />
and West, an area where Eastern and Western influences meet. Thus, <strong>the</strong> geographical position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Balkans<br />
predestined it its role as a crossroads for different illegal channels. This makes trafficking in women (as well as<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> transnational crime) in <strong>the</strong> Balkans a particular case in comparison to both Western countries and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe. As a consequence, factors which contribute to trafficking in women from, through<br />
and to <strong>the</strong> Balkans, are connected with <strong>the</strong> ethnic conflicts in <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia and with <strong>the</strong> transition from<br />
communism in Eastern Europe, as well as with <strong>the</strong> broader processes <strong>of</strong> militarization and globalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
region.<br />
Sex Trafficking During Ethnic Conflicts<br />
Ethnic conflicts in <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia have contributed significantly to <strong>the</strong> vulnerability <strong>of</strong> women to sex<br />
trafficking. Although only sporadically mentioned in works on wartime sexual violence, sexual slavery and sex<br />
trafficking are strongly connected to war rapes and forced prostitution. Moreover, methods used for bringing<br />
women into rape camps and bro<strong>the</strong>ls are extremely cruel and humiliating. News about women held in sexual<br />
slavery appeared as early as in December 1993 in <strong>the</strong> article “Shame in Bosnia,” written by well-known British<br />
journalist Roy Gutman and published in Newsday. Gutman reported about Sonja’s Kon Tiki bro<strong>the</strong>l in Sarajevo,<br />
where Muslim women were forced into prostitution and held in sexual slavery by Serbs. This report also showed<br />
<strong>the</strong> complicitous role <strong>of</strong> UN soldiers in Bosnia, who were regular “clients” <strong>of</strong> women held as sex slaves, and who<br />
did nothing to protect <strong>the</strong>m. Moreover, survivors <strong>of</strong> nearby prisons testified that <strong>the</strong>y saw girls who were forced in<br />
UN vehicles and driven to unknown destinations. [12] Fur<strong>the</strong>r, during <strong>the</strong> first trial dealing exclusively with sexual<br />
violence before <strong>the</strong> International Tribunal for <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia, testimony was heard that in <strong>the</strong> Bosnian town<br />
<strong>of</strong> Foca “women and children, some as young as 12 years old, were detained and raped, vaginally, anally and<br />
orally, subjected to gang rapes, forced to dance nude with weapons pointed at <strong>the</strong>m, and even enslaved.” [13]<br />
Recently, a former Serb soldier has been arrested by NATO troops for his alleged role in enslaving Muslim girls for<br />
sexual exploitation. He is accused <strong>of</strong> effectively running a bro<strong>the</strong>l for Serb soldiers against <strong>the</strong> will <strong>of</strong> Muslim<br />
women. [14] Additionally, <strong>the</strong> final report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Commission <strong>of</strong> Experts revealed o<strong>the</strong>r cases <strong>of</strong><br />
Muslim women kept as sexual slaves by Serbs, and abductions <strong>of</strong> Serbian women who where held in sexual<br />
slavery in bro<strong>the</strong>ls run by Croats in Croatia. Finally, <strong>the</strong> Albanian mafia largely used <strong>the</strong> refugee crisis during <strong>the</strong><br />
Kosovo conflict and NATO intervention for trafficking Albanian and Roma women from Kosovo to Italy and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Western countries. [15]<br />
Although sex trafficking that was closely connected to ethnic conflicts stayed mainly within borders <strong>of</strong> war-affected<br />
and neighboring countries, it contributed to <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> prostitution and made good basis for <strong>the</strong>se countries<br />
to become attractive destination for trafficking in women from o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe. As well observed by<br />
noted American feminist author Ka<strong>the</strong>rine MacKinnon,<br />
'The spectacle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations troops violating those <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong>re to protect adds a touch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> perverse.<br />
My correspondent added that some UN troops are participating in raping Muslim and Croatian women taken from<br />
Serb-run rape/death camps. She reports that ‘<strong>the</strong> UN presence has apparently increased <strong>the</strong> trafficking in women<br />
and girls through <strong>the</strong> opening <strong>of</strong> bro<strong>the</strong>ls, bro<strong>the</strong>l-massage parlors, peep shows, and <strong>the</strong> local production <strong>of</strong><br />
pornographic films.’ [16]<br />
Sex Trafficking after Ethnic Conflicts<br />
Post-war militarization and <strong>the</strong> large presence <strong>of</strong> international organizations fur<strong>the</strong>r contributed to <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong><br />
sex trafficking in <strong>the</strong> Balkans. As <strong>the</strong> report from <strong>the</strong> Conference on Trafficking, slavery and peacekeeping, held in<br />
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2002 in Turin, Italy, suggests,<br />
'The combination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> hostilities and <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> relatively rich peacekeeping operation personnel drove<br />
<strong>the</strong> hasty establishment <strong>of</strong> bro<strong>the</strong>ls and, in turn, founded <strong>the</strong> links between UNMIK [17] personnel and trafficking<br />
syndicates. Within this observation lies <strong>the</strong> most significant challenge, <strong>the</strong>n, to <strong>the</strong> peacekeeping operations in<br />
regards to trafficking - <strong>the</strong> fact that peacekeepers are <strong>of</strong>ten part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem. ' [18]<br />
In 1999, <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Watch uncovered bro<strong>the</strong>ls “filled with women scattered throughout Bosnia.” Women told<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Watch interviewers that <strong>the</strong>y had been sold from bro<strong>the</strong>l owner to bro<strong>the</strong>l owner, placed in debt<br />
bondage, threatened, and beaten. <strong>On</strong>e year later, <strong>the</strong> United Nations report on trafficking in Bosnia confirmed <strong>the</strong><br />
widespread abuses. The UN identified 260 nightclubs throughout <strong>the</strong> country, while <strong>the</strong> estimate given by NGOs<br />
is that <strong>the</strong> number is as high as 900, with between four and 25 women in each nightclub. [19] The May 2000 HRW<br />
Report documented significant local police, international police, and some Stabilization Force (SFOR) complicity in<br />
trafficking in women. [20] Also, according to local NGOs, 50 per cent <strong>of</strong> clients are internationals, mainly soldiers<br />
from SFOR, and at least 70 percent <strong>of</strong> all pr<strong>of</strong>its from prostitution are estimated to come from internationals, who<br />
pay different rates and spend more money in bars than local men. A similar situation exists in Kosovo, where<br />
three higher-level police <strong>of</strong>ficers have been recently repatriated for suspected involvement in trafficking. [21]<br />
Serbia, because <strong>of</strong> its better economic situation at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> 1990s, was for some time one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main<br />
destination countries within Eastern Europe. However, later on Serbia became mainly a transit country, both to<br />
neighboring territories where <strong>the</strong> raging war brought a large military presence, and to Western Europe. Women<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Ukraine, Russia, and Romania make up <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> women trafficked through Serbia. They are most<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten used as prostitutes in Serbia for some time and <strong>the</strong>n sold fur<strong>the</strong>r, mainly through Montenegro to Italy. A<br />
similar situation exists in Macedonia. Although <strong>the</strong> economic situation in Macedonia was difficult throughout <strong>the</strong><br />
transition from communism, its geographic position, large presence <strong>of</strong> NATO forces, and strong Albanian mafia<br />
contributed to it becoming one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main transit countries for many trafficked women. [22] Women from<br />
Bulgaria, <strong>the</strong> Ukraine, Mongolia, Moldova, Romania, and Albania prevail among women trafficked to or through<br />
Macedonia. From <strong>the</strong>re, women are trafficked to <strong>the</strong> Middle East and Western Europe, mainly via Greece. Serbia<br />
and Macedonia are <strong>of</strong>ten transit countries for <strong>the</strong> trafficking <strong>of</strong> women from o<strong>the</strong>r East European countries to<br />
Kosovo, as well. According to <strong>the</strong> IOM's Kosovo data, more than a half <strong>of</strong> women whom IOM assisted entered<br />
Kosovo from Serbia, and about a third <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m entered from Macedonia. Also, women sometimes enter Kosovo<br />
from Albania. [23] Women are usually sold three to six times during <strong>the</strong>ir journey to Kosovo. [24] However, after<br />
Kosovo's introduction <strong>of</strong> tough laws against trafficking in 2000, <strong>the</strong> trafficking <strong>of</strong> women from Kosovo to and<br />
through Macedonia also became prevalent. [25]<br />
War, Transitions from Communism, and Global Capitalism: Factors Contributing to Sex Trafficking to,<br />
through, and from <strong>the</strong> Balkans<br />
Women's vulnerability to sex trafficking is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> consequences which structural changes in post-communist<br />
and war-affected countries produced in <strong>the</strong> everyday life and gender identities <strong>of</strong> both women and men. Thus it is<br />
not possible to understand <strong>the</strong> wave <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking <strong>of</strong> women from Eastern and Central Europe without taking<br />
into account both macrosocial and micro social and individual risk factors which ei<strong>the</strong>r predispose or trigger<br />
violence against women. [26] Similarly, research on this new slavery by noted British sociologist and antislavery<br />
activist Kevin Bales, shows that it flourishes in societies under stress and in extreme poverty. Bales posits that<br />
“existing power structures are overturned and a battle breaks out to fill <strong>the</strong> power vacuum. Economies that had<br />
been stable, though perhaps poor, are replaced by haphazard development and exploitation. And, as we have<br />
seen, in <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> law, greed can overwhelm human rights.” [27] <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main consequences <strong>of</strong> social<br />
changes is <strong>the</strong> sharpening <strong>of</strong> social differentiation between a small part <strong>of</strong> very rich and a large part <strong>of</strong> poor<br />
people, with an almost disappearing middle class. This has important consequences in <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> new<br />
masculinities and femininities as well as in <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> different models <strong>of</strong> family and class relations. [28]<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> one side <strong>the</strong>re was <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> traditional hegemonic masculinity, while on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, multiple marginalized<br />
masculinities arose as well. Complementary to <strong>the</strong>m are what Robert Connell terms emphasized and marginalized<br />
femininity. [29] Connell identifies “hegemonic masculinity” and “emphasized femininity” as <strong>the</strong> culturally idealized<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> gender in a given historical setting. These forms, as fur<strong>the</strong>r elaborated by James Messerschmidt are<br />
“culturally honored, glorified and extolled at <strong>the</strong> symbolic level in <strong>the</strong> mass media.” “In Western industrialized<br />
societies,” Messerschmidt continues, “hegemonic masculinity is characterized by work in <strong>the</strong> paid labor market,<br />
<strong>the</strong> subordination <strong>of</strong> women and girls, heterosexism and <strong>the</strong> driven and uncontrollable sexuality <strong>of</strong> men.” [30]<br />
Connell posits that emphasized femininity complements hegemonic masculinity through compliance with men's<br />
desire for titillation and ego stroking and acceptance <strong>of</strong> marriage and childcare. <strong>On</strong> a mass level it is “organized<br />
around <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>of</strong> sexual receptivity in relation to younger women and mo<strong>the</strong>rhood in relation to older<br />
women.” [31]<br />
The example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Balkans very tellingly shows how women a combination <strong>of</strong> war, economic transition, and<br />
globalisation-related factors pushes women into sex trafficking, thus illustrating <strong>the</strong> connection between sex<br />
trafficking and social processes. Traffickers make use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> existing market demand and <strong>the</strong> women's need to<br />
find jobs. In that process development <strong>of</strong> a market (neoliberal) economy plays a major role both by enhancing<br />
disparity and inequality between countries and by creating demand for women as sex objects. Disparities and<br />
inequalities influence <strong>the</strong> channels <strong>of</strong> migration in general, and <strong>the</strong> channels <strong>of</strong> trafficking in particular: <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
<strong>the</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> "<strong>the</strong> world economic order, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth among nations and <strong>the</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong><br />
persons by o<strong>the</strong>rs." [32] Thus trafficking channels go from developing countries to <strong>the</strong> industrialized nations and<br />
not vice versa. Micro social expressions <strong>of</strong> macro social factors, such as transition from communism, war, and<br />
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globalisation, serve as strong push factors for women's migration, <strong>the</strong>ir employment in <strong>the</strong> sex industry, and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
vulnerability to sex trafficking.<br />
The probability <strong>of</strong> becoming a victim <strong>of</strong> trafficking is greater for younger women, since young women are more<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten identified by <strong>the</strong>mselves and by potential recruiters as sex objects. This is connected with <strong>the</strong> changes in<br />
gender images about sexuality, which are best mirrored in <strong>the</strong> explosion <strong>of</strong> beauty/fashion magazines and<br />
pornography in post communist societies. [33] As noted Bulgarian feminist historian Krassimira Daskalova says,<br />
"<strong>the</strong> message conveyed is that beauty is <strong>the</strong> most valuable female 'asset' and that every woman should try to<br />
make herself sexually attractive to men and to become a source <strong>of</strong> men's pleasure.” [34] Media re-constructed<br />
<strong>the</strong> traditional opposition between men's sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects and men's property,<br />
which is fur<strong>the</strong>r used to justify violence and blame <strong>the</strong> victim . [35] At <strong>the</strong> same time, global mass media<br />
reinforced this trend through <strong>the</strong> circulation <strong>of</strong> stereotyped gender images “deliberately made attractive for<br />
marketing purposes.” [36] As noted British sociologists and criminologists Ian Taylor and Ruth Jamieson<br />
demonstrated, economic processes connected to globalization, such as rapid liberalization <strong>of</strong> trade and economy<br />
across <strong>the</strong> world, led to an increase in <strong>the</strong> role that sexuality plays throughout <strong>the</strong> public culture. [37]<br />
In addition, vulnerability to sex trafficking is connected with marginalization and hopelessness related to <strong>the</strong><br />
difficulty <strong>of</strong> economic, war-related, family or similar situations. Both women's desperate state because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
difficult situation and <strong>the</strong>ir efforts to find a solution or exit from it contributes to <strong>the</strong>ir inaccurate perception <strong>of</strong><br />
risks, and to <strong>the</strong> failure to anticipate danger. In <strong>the</strong> Balkans, we find foreigners and desperate local women who<br />
suffer short and long-term consequences <strong>of</strong> war: <strong>the</strong>y are both pushed into sex industry. As Peter Von<br />
Behtlemfavy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> IOM states, “<strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> illegal prostitutes from <strong>the</strong> Balkans, where close to a decade <strong>of</strong><br />
war has wiped out many ordinary jobs, has tripled if not quadrupled from 1995 to 2000.” [38]<br />
Socio-economic changes in <strong>the</strong> everyday lives <strong>of</strong> both women and men in post-communist countries (e.g.<br />
unemployment and/or loss <strong>of</strong> previous social positions and privileges) play an important role in precipitating <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
involvement in prostitution as pimps, and in trafficking as recruiters or traffickers. [39] The words <strong>of</strong> one<br />
prostitute illustrate this vividly:<br />
'Many pimps would not work in prostitution if <strong>the</strong> economic situation were better. If <strong>the</strong>y were employed. Many <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m are not criminals like in <strong>the</strong> Western countries. They are unhappy people who are not able to find a job.<br />
Sometimes, <strong>the</strong>y live from <strong>the</strong> prostitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir wives, girlfriends and daughters. Sometimes, <strong>the</strong>y do not earn<br />
anything for several days. Poverty is common for pimps. There are a few who have a network, good car, etc, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> majority live only on <strong>the</strong> prostitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir wives or daughters.' [40]<br />
Labor distribution among people involved in trafficking is strongly gendered so that among recruiters (who get <strong>the</strong><br />
least pr<strong>of</strong>it [41] ) women participate in equal measure as men, while men dominate in higher places in <strong>the</strong><br />
hierarchy. Also, poor and powerless men are usually subordinated to those who have leading roles within <strong>the</strong><br />
mafia. Thus, <strong>the</strong> place which men hold within economic structure usually determines <strong>the</strong> role <strong>the</strong>y have within<br />
sex industry business as well, as street pimps, bro<strong>the</strong>l owners, traffickers or clients. Whatever <strong>the</strong>ir economic<br />
position, and whe<strong>the</strong>r women identify <strong>the</strong>mselves as sex objects or are identified as a such without <strong>the</strong>ir consent,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are always subordinated to men. Although men can be subordinated to women in <strong>the</strong> hierarchy <strong>of</strong> sex<br />
trafficking, women are never at <strong>the</strong> pinnacle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hierarchy. Although <strong>the</strong>re are differences between feminine<br />
roles (e.g. women involved in trafficking, street prostitutes, call girls, victims <strong>of</strong> trafficking etc.) and subordinated<br />
masculinities, masculinities are always hegemonic in relation to femininities. As a result <strong>of</strong> both economic<br />
hardships and changes in normative heterosexuality, both women and men are attracted to jobs within <strong>the</strong> sex<br />
industry and involve <strong>the</strong>mselves in sex trafficking. Thus, both women and men tend to secure economic survival<br />
as well as social standing for reaffirming gender and gender roles. [42]<br />
War helps to generate sex trafficking in a number <strong>of</strong> ways. Unemployment, poverty and lack <strong>of</strong> prospects in<br />
general influence both supply and demand for prostitution and trafficking. Desperate women easily become<br />
vulnerable to false promises and deception, as well as to different forms <strong>of</strong> violence. Traffickers exploit <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that many persons are in vulnerable situations, undocumented and separated from <strong>the</strong>ir families. Refugees are<br />
especially vulnerable, both while fleeing from war zones and while in exile. The most commonly victimized groups<br />
were Kosovo, Albanian, and Roma refugee women. [43] Apart from <strong>the</strong>ir desperate situation as refugees, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were also culturally vulnerable since once raped ei<strong>the</strong>r by Serb forces in <strong>the</strong> war zone or by traffickers while<br />
fleeing it <strong>the</strong>y knew that <strong>the</strong>ir families would never accept <strong>the</strong>m back. Thus, <strong>the</strong>y became involved in sex<br />
trafficking much more easily than rape victims and women from less patriarchal societies did in peacetime. [44]<br />
As British feminist researcher Liz Kelly points out <strong>of</strong> Bosnia, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most common routes into <strong>the</strong> sex industry<br />
is rape, which makes women “unmarriageable.” [45] Within male-female relationships, rape corresponds to <strong>the</strong><br />
behavior <strong>of</strong> conquering troops toward occupied territories. [46] But women’s bodies can become a battlefield on<br />
which men communicate <strong>the</strong>ir rage to o<strong>the</strong>r men as well, because women’s bodies have been <strong>the</strong> implicit political<br />
battlefields all along. [47] As a consequence, raped women bear <strong>the</strong> message that “<strong>the</strong>ir ” men were not able to<br />
protect <strong>the</strong>m as well as that <strong>the</strong>y are worthless as “property.” Consequently, armed conflict makes survival <strong>of</strong><br />
raped women even more precarious. [48] When a huge international army is also present, as in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong><br />
Bosnia, newly created demand for sex workers cannot be met by local women, trafficking <strong>of</strong> foreign women from<br />
poor post-communist countries supplements <strong>the</strong> supply. According to some sources, <strong>the</strong>re is evidence <strong>of</strong> foreign<br />
women working as prostitutes in Bosnia and Herzegovina as long ago as 1993. [49]<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> post-war period, <strong>the</strong> demand for sex work fur<strong>the</strong>r increases with <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> peacekeeping troops and <strong>the</strong><br />
private military companies that accompany <strong>the</strong>m, and large numbers <strong>of</strong> international organizations. [50] In<br />
addition, in international protectorates such as <strong>the</strong> BiH- and UN-administered territory <strong>of</strong> Kosovo, where <strong>the</strong><br />
government and law enforcement is under complete control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international community, large international<br />
police forces and armies <strong>of</strong> administrative workers are present as well. As examples <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Philippines, Okinawa<br />
and Thailand show, <strong>the</strong>re is danger that <strong>the</strong> wartime and post-war increase in prostitution will be transformed into<br />
peacetime institutionalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sex industry. [51] The sex industry develops and <strong>the</strong> vulnerability <strong>of</strong> women<br />
to sex trafficking increases with <strong>the</strong> building <strong>of</strong> military bases. Although o<strong>the</strong>rwise international presences may be<br />
temporary in <strong>the</strong> region, prostitution and related trafficking in women may become a long-term problem in <strong>the</strong><br />
Balkans solely in connection to <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> new military bases.<br />
For example, in Kosovo, Camp Bondsteal, is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> largest military bases in Europe. [52] A similar situation<br />
exists in Bosnia, where <strong>the</strong> irony is that Arizona Market, established by peacekeeping forces after <strong>the</strong> war to foster<br />
trade between Serbs, Croats and Muslims, has grown “into five square miles <strong>of</strong> sinister black facade, where<br />
women from <strong>the</strong> former Soviet Union and elsewhere in Eastern Europe are sold to <strong>the</strong> highest bidder.” The<br />
Market is situated near <strong>the</strong> towns <strong>of</strong> Brcko and Tuzla, which boast “one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> highest concentrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
international police force created to establish law and order in Bosnia, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> largest American army bases and<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> biggest UN-administered aid packages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-war years.” [53]<br />
Lawlessness, corruption, and social disorganization have a serious impact on <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking in waraffected<br />
areas as well. The negative impact <strong>of</strong> war on <strong>the</strong> functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> criminal justice system and <strong>the</strong><br />
absence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> law in general have precipitated an increase in crime, including particularly <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong><br />
violent and organized crime. This fur<strong>the</strong>r has led to <strong>the</strong> complicity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> criminal justice system in different forms<br />
<strong>of</strong> organized crime, with male police <strong>of</strong>ficers ei<strong>the</strong>r directly involved in trafficking in women or turning a blind eye<br />
on it. <strong>On</strong>e important factor in this is <strong>the</strong> high level <strong>of</strong> prejudices among criminal justice <strong>of</strong>ficers about victims <strong>of</strong><br />
sex trafficking; <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten treat <strong>the</strong>m as criminals ra<strong>the</strong>r than as victims.<br />
In Serbia, <strong>the</strong> international isolation during <strong>the</strong> regime <strong>of</strong> former president Milosevic meant <strong>the</strong> severing <strong>of</strong> ties<br />
with Interpol, o<strong>the</strong>r international organizations, and o<strong>the</strong>r countries' police forces. This contributed to human<br />
trafficking. [54] However, <strong>the</strong> links between traffickers “extended beyond <strong>the</strong> usual boundaries <strong>of</strong> ethnic hatred in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkans. Criminal Serbs, Montenegrins and Albanians collaborated closely to transport <strong>the</strong> victims and share<br />
<strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>its.” [55] After <strong>the</strong> war, <strong>the</strong> wartime infrastructure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mafia was easily transferred into postwar crime<br />
and it was able to smuggle large numbers <strong>of</strong> illegal immigrants into <strong>the</strong> country. [56]<br />
An important factor which facilitates sex trafficking is <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> organized crime, which is under <strong>the</strong><br />
significant influence <strong>of</strong> globalization. [57] The confluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two forces has enabled <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sex industry, which is “based on and perpetuated by prevailing unequal socially and culturally defined gender and<br />
power relations.” [58] Immigration laws and policies in destination countries, including policies on migrant labor,<br />
migration, and prostitution, and corrupt <strong>of</strong>ficials in sending, transit, and destination countries, fur<strong>the</strong>r contribute<br />
to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking merely by making organized crime possible. [59] As observed by noted<br />
Dutch anti-trafficking activist Marijan Wijers:<br />
'While on <strong>the</strong> one hand <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women seeking employment opportunities abroad has grown, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
hand many destination countries, and especially <strong>the</strong> EU, have put in place more restrictive immigration policies,<br />
<strong>the</strong>reby fur<strong>the</strong>r decreasing <strong>the</strong> opportunities for legal migration even when <strong>the</strong>re is a demand for labor in <strong>the</strong><br />
informal sector. The result is a growing gap between <strong>of</strong>ficial policies in destination countries and day-to-day<br />
practices. This is where organized crime comes in, filling <strong>the</strong> gap that <strong>of</strong>ficial policies leave.' [60]<br />
The Balkans, with <strong>the</strong>ir large presence <strong>of</strong> international administration, organizations, police, and military forces,<br />
<strong>the</strong> attendant confusion in jurisdiction, corruption, and inefficient and biased law enforcement system, and its<br />
short distance from <strong>the</strong> post-communist countries with large supplies <strong>of</strong> desperate women, is an ideal destination<br />
for traffickers wishing to avoid risks and unnecessary expenses. Moreover, women from o<strong>the</strong>r East European<br />
countries usually do not need visas to get to <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia, which make traffickers’ tasks even easier.<br />
When recruiting women, organized crime relies largely on myths about Western countries which exist among<br />
women in post-communist countries. Although some women are aware that <strong>the</strong>y are to stay in <strong>the</strong> Balkans,<br />
“knowing that <strong>the</strong> region is home to a population <strong>of</strong> highly paid, unaccompanied men from military forces,<br />
international aid organizations, <strong>the</strong> United Nations and private military firms,” many are actually expecting to get<br />
to <strong>the</strong> West. [61] Thus false promises <strong>of</strong> high earnings and an easy life in <strong>the</strong> West are used as a main motivations<br />
for enticing women into <strong>the</strong> sex industry in <strong>the</strong> Balkans.<br />
The retraditionalisation <strong>of</strong> cultural images about sexuality fur<strong>the</strong>r reinforces socio-economic and political factors<br />
connected to <strong>the</strong> transition between communism and globalization as factors contributing to prostitution,<br />
migration and sex trafficking. [62] This means that in post-communist societies media re-constructs <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
opposition between men's sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects and men's property, which is<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r used to justify violence and blame <strong>the</strong> victim. The presentation <strong>of</strong> sexuality has shifted from images <strong>of</strong><br />
women and men as asexual or partly sexual beings (in communism) to images <strong>of</strong> hegemonic masculinity and<br />
subservient femininity associated with traditional opposition between men's (uncontrollable) sexual needs and<br />
women as passive sexual objects. This discourse is largely influenced by imitation <strong>of</strong> Western images <strong>of</strong> sexuality.<br />
As Messerschmidt points out, in Western industrialized societies “hegemonic masculinity is currently established<br />
through an alleged uncontrollable and insatiable sexual appetite for women, which results in a 'naturally' coercive<br />
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'male' sexuality.” [63] Thus, this kind <strong>of</strong> normative heterosexuality is based on power relations and, consequently,<br />
it defines masculinity “through difference from, and desire for, women. Therefore, normative heterosexuality is<br />
not only a major structural feature for understanding gender, but for understanding masculinities and crimes<br />
committed by men as well.” [64] In addition, Connell makes clear that in a contemporary world, stereotyped<br />
gender images are “deliberately made attractive for marketing purposes.” [65] These new images about sexuality<br />
influence women's vulnerability to sex trafficking by widening <strong>the</strong> gap between cultural expectations and <strong>the</strong><br />
possibilities for achieving <strong>the</strong>m (e.g. beautiful woman/sex object as an ideal as well as expensive beauty products,<br />
clo<strong>the</strong>s etc.). At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong>se images operate through feeding <strong>the</strong> myth that working in <strong>the</strong> sex industry<br />
is an attractive job (e.g. “pretty woman syndrome”). [66] Cultural images <strong>of</strong> women as sex objects became a<br />
strong contributing factor for neutralizing and glorifying <strong>the</strong> seamy side <strong>of</strong> trafficking and prostitution abroad. But<br />
new gender images in post-communist countries media are part <strong>of</strong> much broader cultural tendencies associated<br />
with rapid liberalization <strong>of</strong> trade and economic activity across <strong>the</strong> world, especially with “market liberalism,” as <strong>the</strong><br />
“reorganization <strong>of</strong> economic and political life around <strong>the</strong> sovereignty <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> citizen as a consumer.” [67] These<br />
cultural tendencies include <strong>the</strong> colonization or commodification <strong>of</strong> sexuality, which is now playing an increasing<br />
role in <strong>the</strong> public culture <strong>of</strong> market societies throughout <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Instead <strong>of</strong> a Conclusion: Policy Changes between Requests, Needs and Limits<br />
At international forums held over last several years, international organizations <strong>of</strong>ten have addressed <strong>the</strong> sex<br />
trafficking problem in connection to changes <strong>of</strong> communist regimes in Eastern and Central Europe. This has led to<br />
changes in national laws and policies. However, law and policy implementation, on both <strong>the</strong> European and UN<br />
level, are only rarely based on serious research <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking, let alone <strong>the</strong> exploration <strong>of</strong> its<br />
connection to structural violence. As a consequence, <strong>the</strong> international community has <strong>of</strong>ten imposed unrealistic<br />
expectations on poor and war-affected countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Balkans, which are accused <strong>of</strong> being bridges for illegal<br />
migration into Western Europe. This overlooks <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>se same countries are without <strong>the</strong>ir own resources<br />
and power, or that <strong>the</strong>y are even governed by <strong>the</strong> international community, like Bosnia and Kosovo. Moreover,<br />
hypocrisy and imperialistic approaches to <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> trafficking <strong>of</strong>ten is present in both Western immigration<br />
policies and in <strong>the</strong> international community’s requests for changes <strong>of</strong> laws and policy regarding human trafficking<br />
in general, and in <strong>the</strong> Balkans in particular. For example, <strong>the</strong> pressure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international community toward postcommunist<br />
countries to undertake decisive (mainly repressive) measures is in obvious contradiction with global<br />
processes which generate structural violence on <strong>the</strong> world level, leaving no room for appropriate protection <strong>of</strong><br />
victims, let alone for <strong>the</strong> prevention <strong>of</strong> violence. In addition, <strong>the</strong> urge for changes in post-communist countries is<br />
an obvious contradiction to ra<strong>the</strong>r slow, inconsistent and partial changes undertaken by EU countries <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
which mostly take into account only <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prosecution and ignore or minimize <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> victims.<br />
[68] As a consequence, policies which disregard global causes <strong>of</strong> violence against women are extremely visible in<br />
sex trafficking. Even feminism is misused for <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> fragmented images and solutions, which has<br />
restricted <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> violence against women to <strong>the</strong> interpersonal level <strong>of</strong> male-to-female relations. This is<br />
what British feminist scholar Peggy Watson called “a kind <strong>of</strong> American state feminism for abroad.” [69] The<br />
consequences are short-term reintegration and repatriation programs, based merely on victim’s willingness to<br />
cooperate with <strong>the</strong> prosecution without being <strong>of</strong>fered comprehensive protection, as well as insensitive<br />
deportations and revictimisations <strong>of</strong> trafficked women.<br />
Cold War ideological, legal, economic, and political constructions <strong>of</strong> a “pure Europe” versus demonic O<strong>the</strong>rs are<br />
now transformed into “discourse concerning <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> democratic features <strong>of</strong> Eastern European societies and<br />
doubts about <strong>the</strong>ir capacity to change into ‘civil society.’” [70] Thus migrants are constructed as cultural, ethnic,<br />
and religious O<strong>the</strong>rs, and <strong>the</strong> responsibility for illegal migration and trafficking in women is put on <strong>the</strong> Eastern<br />
European countries <strong>of</strong> origin. This is well articulated in US State Department’s provision <strong>of</strong> sanctions against <strong>the</strong><br />
authorities <strong>of</strong> 23 states from <strong>the</strong> “blacklist” <strong>of</strong> states which do not make sufficient efforts to act in accordance with<br />
U.S. legislation. This amounts to pure exhibition <strong>of</strong> imperialism and neocolonialism, particularly in light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
significant efforts made by <strong>the</strong> government <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Balkan countries to curtail sex trafficking. In this way, leaders<br />
<strong>of</strong> global capitalism and militarism seem to hide <strong>the</strong>ir own (structural) responsibility for massive sex trafficking.<br />
This hypocrisy is especially evident in <strong>the</strong> Balkans. Accusations against <strong>the</strong> Balkans always exaggerate <strong>the</strong><br />
lawlessness and corruption <strong>of</strong> local police while overshadowing <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international community in both <strong>the</strong><br />
creation <strong>of</strong> demand and in <strong>the</strong> administrative chaos in this part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world. The fact that in Bosnia and Kosovo<br />
<strong>the</strong> legal and administrative power is in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> international community so that no law can be passed or<br />
enforced without approval or supervision <strong>of</strong> international government and police is usually ignored. Similarly, <strong>the</strong><br />
corruption <strong>of</strong> international police, which directly encourages sex trafficking ei<strong>the</strong>r through using sex services <strong>of</strong><br />
trafficked women, pr<strong>of</strong>iting from sex trafficking, or by obstructing anti-trafficking actions <strong>of</strong> local police, are also<br />
largely disregarded. [71] Thus, <strong>the</strong> fact that a huge amount <strong>of</strong> Western tax payers’ money is spent just on <strong>the</strong> sex<br />
industry in <strong>the</strong> Balkans is usually hidden from <strong>the</strong> eyes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> (Western) public. Or, to put it in <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r way, <strong>the</strong><br />
large amount <strong>of</strong> money paid for <strong>the</strong> international presence has destroyed <strong>the</strong> infrastructure and rule <strong>of</strong> law in <strong>the</strong><br />
Balkans, and has ended up in <strong>the</strong> pockets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cruelest mafia in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
This criticism <strong>of</strong> international policy toward sex trafficking is not intended to absolve Balkan countries or local men<br />
<strong>of</strong> responsibility. It is ra<strong>the</strong>r an attempt to look at <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking in <strong>the</strong> contemporary world in<br />
holistic way. As well observed by feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe, “we need to widen our lens considerably to fully<br />
understand militarized prostitution,” by including different local and foreign men on <strong>the</strong> list <strong>of</strong> those whose actions<br />
may contribute to <strong>the</strong> construction and maintenance <strong>of</strong> prostitution around military bases and o<strong>the</strong>r places with a<br />
large military and police presence. [72] In addition, in order to reduce violence against women, as Santos<br />
observed, “in militarism prostitution, one sees <strong>the</strong> heightened integration <strong>of</strong> classism, racism, sexism, and<br />
imperialism.” Fur<strong>the</strong>r, “whereas militarism goes in <strong>the</strong> world, so too goes prostitution.” [73] Changes are<br />
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necessary on all levels <strong>of</strong> society: in social conditions, patriarchal gender roles, stereotypes about immigrants as<br />
well as in economic and legal institutions, nationally and internationally.<br />
Structural violence contributes to gendered interpersonal violence both by causing it and by preventing society<br />
and victims from confronting it effectively. [74] Therefore, it is not surprising that in spite <strong>of</strong> positive political<br />
changes and efforts made by civil society and women's movements, few substantial legal and institutional reforms<br />
have directly addressed violence against women in post-communist countries. A significant obstacle even in more<br />
developed post-communist countries is <strong>the</strong> obvious lack <strong>of</strong> material resources. Expansion <strong>of</strong> neoliberal capitalism,<br />
deepening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gap between poor and rich countries, and <strong>the</strong> dependent development <strong>of</strong> post-communist<br />
countries do not promise much chance for a strong welfare state in <strong>the</strong> near future. [75] The costs <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
change are very high, especially in poorer and war-torn countries.<br />
A dramatic decrease in <strong>the</strong> standard <strong>of</strong> living and an increase in uncertainty, overall fluidity, instability, and war<br />
victimization have led to continued sex trafficking over <strong>the</strong> last decade. In addition, <strong>the</strong> European Union’s fear <strong>of</strong><br />
illegal migration and <strong>the</strong> reluctance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international community to address <strong>the</strong> causes ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong><br />
consequences <strong>of</strong> sex trafficking make arriving at a solution extremely difficult. [76] Both factors are important<br />
reasons why even those changes which have been achieved in <strong>the</strong> Balkans did not produce <strong>the</strong> expected results in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> increased safety for women who suffer from sex trafficking. [77] To borrow words from noted US<br />
sociologist Susan Cunningham, “if <strong>the</strong> society's structural dynamics continue to produce violence, anti-violence<br />
policies and programs are bound to fail.” [78] The same may be applied in explanation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> causes <strong>of</strong> failure <strong>of</strong><br />
most <strong>of</strong> anti-trafficking programs so far, and especially <strong>of</strong> those in <strong>the</strong> Balkans and o<strong>the</strong>r post conflict societies.<br />
This explains <strong>the</strong> failure <strong>of</strong> most anti-trafficking programs to date. <strong>On</strong>ly by critically addressing and eradicating<br />
structural violence can we address <strong>the</strong> critical problem in sex trafficking in <strong>the</strong> Balkans and o<strong>the</strong>r post-conflict<br />
societies.<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D., Serbia and Montenegro, is pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> criminology at Faculty for Social Education<br />
and Rehabilitation,Department for Prevention and treatment od social disorders, Belgrade University. She is<br />
president <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Victimology Society <strong>of</strong> Serbia, editor in chief <strong>of</strong> Temida, Serbian Journal on Victimisation, <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong> and Gender, corresponding editor <strong>of</strong> Feminist Review (UK) and member <strong>of</strong> Advisory Board <strong>of</strong> Contemporary<br />
Justice Review (USA). She is <strong>the</strong> member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Counsil on Gender Equality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> Serbia. She has<br />
been publishing largely on victimisation, war, violence against women and truth and reconciliation in <strong>the</strong> former<br />
Yugoslavia. Her most important works include: Women, violence and war , ed.(CEU Press, 2000), Social change,<br />
gender and violence: post-communist and war afftected societies (Kluwer, 2002), and "New wars, Global<br />
Governance and Law”, Hart, (ed) forthcoming in 2006.<br />
E-mail: vnikolic@eunet.yu<br />
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49.<br />
Williams, Phil. "Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective," Transnational Organized Crime, Special<br />
Issue "Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex - <strong>the</strong> New Slave Trade" (ed. P.Williams) 3-4, (1999):145-170.<br />
Wijers, Marjan and Lin Lap-Chew, L. Trafficking in Women:: Forced Labour and Slavery-like Practices in Marriage,<br />
Domestic Labour and Prostitution. Utrecht: STV, 1997.<br />
Wijers, Marjan “Izmedju ugnjetavanja i osnazivanja” (“Between Oppression and Empowerment”), Temida 3<br />
(1998): 5-13.<br />
[1] Paper presented at <strong>the</strong> British Criminology Society Conference, “Crossing Borders,” Keele, July 17-2, 2002.<br />
[2] Sietske Altink, Stolen Lives (London:Scarlet Press, 1995), 22.<br />
[3] Azize-Vargas, quoted by Marjan Wijers and Lin Lap-Chew, Trafficking in Women: Forced Labour and Slaver-<br />
like Practices in Marriage, Domestic Labour and Prostitution (Utrecht: STV, 1997), 53.<br />
[4] Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Social Change, Gender and Violence: Post-Communist and War-Affected Societies<br />
(Boston:Kluwer, 2002), 130.<br />
[5] A good illustration for that is <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> sex tourism in Thailand after <strong>the</strong> Vietnam War, and later<br />
trafficking <strong>of</strong> Thai women to <strong>the</strong> West.<br />
[6] Jo Goodey, “Whose Insecurity? Organized Crime, its Victims and <strong>the</strong> EU,” in A. Crawford (ed), Crime and<br />
Insecurity: The Governance <strong>of</strong> Safety in Europe (Devon: Willan Publishing, 2002), 140.<br />
[7] John Picarelli, Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping (Turin: UNICRI, 2002),7.<br />
[8] The paper is based on my continuing research into <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> violence against women in post-communist<br />
and war-affected societies in <strong>the</strong> period 1993-2002. This includes several empirical and action researches, results<br />
<strong>of</strong> which are mostly presented in my books Women, Violence and War (2000) and Social Change, Gender and<br />
Violence ( 2002). Also, it is partly <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> on going research project Serious forms <strong>of</strong> crime in <strong>the</strong><br />
conditions <strong>of</strong> transition, which is funded by Serbian Ministry <strong>of</strong> science.<br />
[9] International Organization for Migration, Geneva, Press Briefing Notes, January 8, 2002, 2.<br />
[10] Barbara Limanowska, Trafficking in <strong>Human</strong> Beings in Sou<strong>the</strong>astern Europe (Belgrade:UNICEF, 2002), 4.<br />
[11] Liz Kelly and Linda Regan, Stopping Traffick: Exploring <strong>the</strong> Extent <strong>of</strong>, and Responses to, Trafficking in Women<br />
for Sexual Exploitation in <strong>the</strong> UK, (London: Police Research Series Papers 125, 2000), 31.<br />
[12] Roy Gutman, Svedok genocida (Witness <strong>of</strong> Genocide), (Zagreb:Durieux, 1994), 207.<br />
[13] “Serbs Enslaved Muslim Women at Rape Camps,” Guardian, 21 March 2000<br />
[14] “Serb war ‘bro<strong>the</strong>l chief’ arrested’ ,CNN article available from World Wide Web (http:/www.cnn.com/2002/<br />
WORLD/europe/07/09/bosnia.stankovic/index.html), retrieved on July 9, 2002.<br />
[15] Oliver Bacanovic, “Zeni zrtvo na trgovija so luge” (“Women Victims <strong>of</strong> Traffick in People”), Annual Edition <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> School <strong>of</strong> Security in Skopje, (2001):104-116.<br />
[16] Ka<strong>the</strong>rine MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide, and Women’s <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>,” in A.Styglemayer, ed. Mass Rape: The<br />
War against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Lincoln and London : University <strong>of</strong> Nebraska Press, 1994), 192.<br />
[17] United Nations Mission in Kosovo<br />
[18] Picarelli, 13.<br />
[19] Limanowska, 65.<br />
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[20] <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Watch World Report, 2001.<br />
[21] Limanowska, 65, 96.<br />
[22] Coneva, interview, 1999. International Organization for Migration, Skopje, for example, helped 152 victims in<br />
<strong>the</strong> period between August 9, 2000 and February 9, 2001(Bacanovic, 110). In September 2001, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />
trafficked women assisted by <strong>the</strong> IOM in Macedonia reached 328 (Message received through STOP-TRAFFIC<br />
@friends-partners.org list on September 11, 2001).<br />
[23] The majority <strong>of</strong> women trafficked to Kosovo and assisted by <strong>the</strong> IOM are from Moldova, Romania, <strong>the</strong> Ukraine,<br />
and Bulgaria. Women from Moldova are trafficked through Romania, and <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong>n sent to Kosovo ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
through Hungary and Serbia or through Bulgaria and Macedonia. Similarly, Ukrainian women are trafficked to<br />
Kosovo through Hungary, Romania or Bulgaria, and <strong>the</strong>n through ei<strong>the</strong>r Serbia or Macedonia. Channels for<br />
trafficking <strong>of</strong> Russian women mainly go through <strong>the</strong> Ukraine and <strong>the</strong>n through Moldova, Bulgaria and Macedonia.<br />
[24] International Organization for Migration, Pristina, Return and Reintegration Project, situation report - February<br />
2000 - May 2001, 6,7.<br />
[25] Bacanovic, 108.<br />
[26] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 135.<br />
[27] Kevin Bales, Disposable People (Berkley: University <strong>of</strong> California Press, 1999) , 245.<br />
[28] John Hagan, Structural Criminology (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1988), 171..<br />
[29] Robert Connell, Gender and Power – Society, <strong>the</strong> Person and Sexual Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987,<br />
183-188.<br />
[30] James Messerschmidt, "From Patriarchy to Gender:Feminist Theory, Criminology and <strong>the</strong> Challenge <strong>of</strong><br />
Diversity" in N.Rafter and F.Heidensohn eds. International Feminist Perspectives in Criminology, (Buckingham-<br />
Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1995), 173.<br />
[31] Connell, 187.<br />
[32] Ilse Konig (ed), Trafficking in Women (Vienna: Federal Chancellery, 1997), 17.<br />
[33] Suppression <strong>of</strong> sexuality during communism delayed <strong>the</strong> sexual revolution in communist countries. Social<br />
changes were seen as an opportunity to compensate for all that was missed for so long, as well as for achieving<br />
individual instead <strong>of</strong> collective identity.<br />
[34] Krassimira Daskalova, “Manipulated Emancipation: Representations <strong>of</strong> Women in Post-Communist Bulgaria,”<br />
G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K.Schafgen (eds) Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central<br />
Europe Proceedings (Berlin:Trafo Verlag , 2001) p. 249.<br />
[35] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 60.<br />
[36] Robert Connell, “Masculinities and Globalization,” in M.S.Kimmel and M.A.Messner, eds., Men's Lives<br />
(Meedham Heights:Allyn and Bacon, 2001), 61.<br />
[37] Ian Taylor and Ruth Jamieson, “Sex Trafficking and <strong>the</strong> Mainstream <strong>of</strong> Market Culture,” Crime, Law and<br />
Social Change 32, (1999): 257-278, 264.<br />
[38] John Smith, “Sex Trade Enslaves East Europeans Migrant Women Brutalized in Burgeoning Business,” The<br />
Washington Post, July 25, 2000, 11.<br />
[39] Lenke Feher, “Forced Prostitution and Traffick in Persons,” in M. Klap, Y.Klerk and J.Smith (eds.), Combating<br />
Traffick in Persons (Utreht: SIM, 1995) , 76.<br />
[40] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 127, interviewed in Budapest on May 17, 1999<br />
[41] For example, criminal gangs buy women from recruiters for small amounts <strong>of</strong> money such as $50-150 and<br />
resell <strong>the</strong>m for $5000 and more.<br />
[42] James Messerschmidt, Masculinities and Crime (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1993) , 122..<br />
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[43] Bacanovic, 106.<br />
[44] Reet Nurmi, (1999) “Mobile Russian Prostitution in Finland,” paper presented at <strong>the</strong> 32nd Triennial Conference<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Abolitionist Federation, Breakdown <strong>of</strong> Borders, December 2-4, Copenhagen, Denmark.<br />
[45] Liz Kelly, “Wars Against Women: Sexual Violence, Sexual Politics and <strong>the</strong> Militarised State,” S.Jacobs, R.<br />
Jacobson and J.Marchbank (eds), States <strong>of</strong> Conflict (London-New York: Zed Books, 2000) , 58.<br />
[46] Christine Chinkin, “Peace and Force in International Law,” in D.G. Dallmeyer, ed., Reconceiving Reality:<br />
Women and International Law (New York: Asil,1993), 206.<br />
[47] Darius Rejali, “After Feminist Analyses <strong>of</strong> Bosnian Violence,” Peace Review 3, (1996): 366.<br />
[48] A good illustration for that is found in <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> sex industry in Serbia during NATO bombing 1999.<br />
[49] Jane’s Intelligence Weekly, 1 September 2000<br />
[50] Private military companies provide an assortment <strong>of</strong> services to <strong>the</strong> armed forces, <strong>the</strong> US government, and<br />
foreign governments and international organizations, and it is a rapidly growing business. In just ten years, <strong>the</strong><br />
private military industry has grown from a handful <strong>of</strong> companies to hundreds, with its income rising from millions<br />
<strong>of</strong> dollars a year to and estimated $100 billion a year. (source: http:/salon.com/news/featiue/2002/06/26/bosnia.<br />
print.html). As stated in <strong>the</strong> report from Turin 2002 Conference on Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping, private<br />
contractors supplementing or overseeing <strong>the</strong> staffing requirements for <strong>the</strong> peacekeeping operation on behalf <strong>of</strong><br />
some Member States or providing <strong>the</strong>m with services, equipment and/or supplies, are found to be directly<br />
involved in <strong>the</strong> trafficking <strong>of</strong> women from Eastern Europe (Picarelli, 16).<br />
[51] For example, in <strong>the</strong> late 1960s, Thailand was used as a place for “rest and recreation” for American G.I.s in<br />
Vietnam. After <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war, prostitution became one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main financial resources for Thailand. By<br />
developing “mass sex tourism” as a means to pay <strong>of</strong>f its debts, it actually encouraged <strong>the</strong> peacetime<br />
institutionalization <strong>of</strong> sex industry (Williams, 1999:153). A similar process occurred in <strong>the</strong> Philippines. Although<br />
in 1972 Okinawa returned to Japanese administration, prostitution “continued to be <strong>the</strong> mainstay <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
economy.” (Ca<strong>the</strong>rine Euler, “Razvijanje najbolje vojne pr<strong>of</strong>esionalne prakse u pogledu nasilja nad zenama na i u<br />
blizini vojnih baza” (“Developing Best Pr<strong>of</strong>essional Military Practice With Regard to Violence Against Women on<br />
and Near Defense Estates”), Temida 2, 2000, 27.<br />
[52] Euler, 75.<br />
[53] Kate Holt, “Captive Market,” The Sunday Times Magazine, February 18, 2001, 47.<br />
[54] “Montenegro to Crack Down on <strong>Human</strong> Trafficking,” The Associated Press, December 11, 2000, received<br />
through STOP-TRAFFIC @friends-partners.org list on December 11, 2000.<br />
[55] John Smith, “Sex Trade Enslaves East Europeans Migrant Women Brutalized in Burgeoning Business,” The<br />
Washington Post, July 25, 2000<br />
[56] Robert Fisk, “UK:Immigration - How Sarajevo has become <strong>the</strong> Springboard into Europe,” Independent,<br />
February 5, 2001:.3.<br />
[57] Phil Williams, “Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective,” Transnational Organized Crime,<br />
Special Issue “Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex - The New Slave Trade” 3-4 (1999):202.<br />
[58] Nurmi, 10.<br />
[59] Konig, 17.<br />
[60] Marian Wijers “Izmedju ugnjetavanja i osnazivanja” (“Between Oppression and Empowerment”), Temida 3<br />
(1998): 8.<br />
[61] Ann Jordan, a lawyer with International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> law Group, quoted in http:/salon.com/news/<br />
featiue/2002/06/26/bosnia.print.html.<br />
[62] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 60.<br />
[63] Messerschmidt, 75<br />
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[64] Messerschmidt, 76.<br />
[65] Connell, 2001:61.<br />
[66] Oleszczuk, Teresa and Buchowska, Stana “The ‘Pretty Woman’ Syndrome” in <strong>On</strong>e Year La Strada<br />
(unpublished report), 1996, 27.<br />
[67] Taylor and Jamieson, 264.<br />
[68] See Goodey, 2002.<br />
[69] Peggy Watson, “Gender and Politics in Postcommunism,” G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K.<br />
Schafgen (eds), Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings (Berlin:Trafo Verlag, 2001), 43.<br />
[70] Helma Lutz, “The Limits <strong>of</strong> European-ness: Immigrant Women in Fortress Europe,” Feminist Review 57<br />
(1997) : 93-111.<br />
[71] There are, for example, allegations that international police inform bar owners about police raids and buy<br />
women as sex slaves without any critical remark made on <strong>the</strong>ir personal record, let alone any kind <strong>of</strong> legal<br />
responsibility (Limanowska, 68). According to <strong>the</strong> Washington Post, in <strong>the</strong> five years since international police<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficers were sent to help restore order in Bosnia, <strong>the</strong> UN police mission has faced numerous charges <strong>of</strong><br />
misconduct, corruption and sexual impropriety. But in nearly every case, UN <strong>of</strong>ficials handled <strong>the</strong> allegations<br />
quietly by sending <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers home, <strong>of</strong>ten without a full investigation. (http:/www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/<br />
articles/A28267-2001Dec26.html. Also, Picarelli, 9). As a result <strong>of</strong> allegations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> peacekeeping<br />
personnel in trafficking, <strong>the</strong> code <strong>of</strong> conduct for UN personnel was changed in 2001 to specifically include<br />
trafficking as an <strong>of</strong>fence, but <strong>the</strong>re is no evidence that it has yet been used against those who have violated it.<br />
[72] Cynthia Enloe “It takes Two”, S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds) Let <strong>the</strong> Good Times Roll: Prostitution and<br />
<strong>the</strong> U.S. Military in Asia (New York:The New York Press, 1992) , 24, 25.<br />
[73] Aida Santos “Ga<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>the</strong> Dust:The Bases Issue in <strong>the</strong> Philippines”, S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds)<br />
Let <strong>the</strong> Good Times Roll: Prostitution and <strong>the</strong> U.S. Military in Asia, (New York:The New York Press,1992) , 40.<br />
[74] Nikoli•-Ristanovi•, 2002.<br />
[75] Lesli Sklair, Sociology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Global System (Hertfordshire: Simon & Schuster, 1991) , 233.<br />
[76] For example, in spite <strong>of</strong> similar experiences with post-war prostitution and trafficking in women worldwide,<br />
<strong>the</strong> trafficking problem was not anticipated before entering ei<strong>the</strong>r Bosnia or Kosovo, even considering <strong>the</strong> lessons<br />
learned in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Picarelli, 2002:21). As well observed by British criminologist Jo Goodey, “<strong>the</strong><br />
neglect <strong>of</strong> transnational organized crime’s most immediate victims, in this case trafficked women, has been<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered as a balance to TOC’s construction primarily, as a ‘criminal’ concern ra<strong>the</strong>r than a ‘victim’<br />
concern”(Goodey, 2002:154). As a result, <strong>the</strong> EU has constructed itself as <strong>the</strong> primary victim <strong>of</strong> organized crime<br />
and, thus, it is not surprising that few efforts are made to prevent victimization <strong>of</strong> “non-EU o<strong>the</strong>rs.”<br />
[77] Nikoli•-Ristanovi•, 175.<br />
[78] Susan Cunningham, “What we Teach about When We Teach about Violence,” The HFG Review 1 (2000):4-9.<br />
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The Made-Up Crisis:<br />
The Made-Up Crisis:<br />
Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey<br />
Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems.<br />
A Need For New Allocations <strong>of</strong> Liability for <strong>the</strong> New Health Care Paradigm<br />
By Pr<strong>of</strong>. Ilise L. Feitshans, George Washington University, USA<br />
I. Introduction: Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey and Increased Health Disparities<br />
Within Health Care Delivery Systems.<br />
A. Summary <strong>of</strong> Events in Winter, 2003<br />
Protests in <strong>the</strong> streets and chanting with posters on <strong>the</strong> steps <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> statehouses <strong>of</strong> New Jersey [1] and<br />
Pennsylvania [2] in 2003 had one remarkable shared feature: <strong>the</strong>ir constituents. These protests came not from <strong>the</strong><br />
vast unemployed masses demanding jobs, fair wages, or educational opportunities for <strong>the</strong> underemployed,<br />
underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor were <strong>the</strong>se protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in opposition to<br />
some war in a place far away. These protests came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector physicians.<br />
Physicians who, according to popular culture at least, enjoy a reasonably nice lifestyle, good wages and are well<br />
educated. The front line workers in a different type <strong>of</strong> war: <strong>the</strong> war for health, protecting thousands, if not millions<br />
<strong>of</strong> people against <strong>the</strong> pain and suffering caused by illness and disease. The net effect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir inability to work<br />
without fear <strong>of</strong> malpractice claims whose insurance drives <strong>the</strong>m into bankruptcy, <strong>the</strong>y argue, causes <strong>the</strong>m to limit<br />
<strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir practice or enter research and refrain from using <strong>the</strong>ir clinical knowledge to earn <strong>the</strong>ir income,<br />
thus reducing <strong>the</strong> pool <strong>of</strong> available medical care for everyone.<br />
B. Impact on Patients In Underserved Populations:<br />
The ultimate effect <strong>of</strong> reducing <strong>the</strong> supply <strong>of</strong> an already expensive and preciously limited resource is to increase<br />
<strong>the</strong> disparities in <strong>the</strong> access and quality <strong>of</strong> care to poor, uninsured or underinsured patients. Such patients are<br />
harder to help in <strong>the</strong> first place, for reasons <strong>of</strong> less income to afford care, and a spiraling downward pattern <strong>of</strong> less<br />
care leading to more severe illness when seeking care, with fewer options left to <strong>the</strong>m and fewer opportunities to<br />
try experimental but expensive treatments that may prolong life, enhance <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> life or avoid mortality<br />
temporarily.<br />
II. Three Sides <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malpractice Insurance Coin<br />
A. Overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Problem: The Physicians’ View<br />
Medical doctors’ protests on <strong>the</strong> state capitals’ steps drew enormous media attention. It was curious, perhaps<br />
even surprising, to find so many well-dressed, highly paid people with pr<strong>of</strong>essional prestige taking to public fora to<br />
demand legislative change. What is <strong>the</strong> problem? Why is <strong>the</strong>re a sudden malpractice insurance crisis in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
states, so severe that it causes physicians to take to <strong>the</strong> streets in protest?<br />
Medical doctors, licensed in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, who protested complained about: overly-burdensome<br />
high costs <strong>of</strong> medical malpractice insurance; costs so high that <strong>the</strong> premiums alone could provide several middle<br />
or lower income families with all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> products <strong>of</strong> a descent job at better than minimum wage. And yet, what did<br />
<strong>the</strong>y get for <strong>the</strong>se premiums? Higher indirect costs such as overhead, higher levels <strong>of</strong> scrutiny from insurers and<br />
regulators and yet, <strong>the</strong>y did not enjoy complete freedom from unwarranted or overzealous litigation by attorneys<br />
hoping for high stake malpractice claims. In such an unfair situation, <strong>the</strong>y righteously demanded that legislatures<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir respective states intervene to limit malpractice liability by capping <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> awards in malpractice<br />
claims.<br />
The problem is not that striking physicians, no matter how improbable, might create a crisis in <strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong><br />
medical care. Nor is <strong>the</strong> underlying problem <strong>the</strong> high cost <strong>of</strong> jury awards to patients who have been found by<br />
courts <strong>of</strong> law to be victims <strong>of</strong> medical malpractice. The root cause <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem is that doctors are no longer<br />
fully in charge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir patients’ medical care in a number <strong>of</strong> regards that are presumed by law under <strong>the</strong> older<br />
doctrines that govern physician - patient relations. Having lost <strong>the</strong>ir previous independence and attendant power<br />
through <strong>the</strong> change in <strong>the</strong> structure and financing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong> 21 st century medical care compared to<br />
centuries before, it is unfair to hold medical doctors to <strong>the</strong> same standard <strong>of</strong> responsibility as in <strong>the</strong> past when<br />
allocating liability.<br />
Therefore <strong>the</strong> solutions to <strong>the</strong>se complex issues require a detailed scrutiny <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interrelation between<br />
mechanisms for accountability in health care systems, and <strong>the</strong>n, rewriting <strong>the</strong> law <strong>of</strong> health care delivery<br />
accountability. Medical doctors should be a part <strong>of</strong>, but not solely or directly liable for mistakes in <strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong><br />
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The Made-Up Crisis:<br />
health care under <strong>the</strong> new model. A new model would allocate responsibility where it appropriately belongs, within<br />
<strong>the</strong> infrastructures <strong>of</strong> programs and systems that control access and availability <strong>of</strong> care through cost controls and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r efficiency criteria. Such an approach, making responsible <strong>the</strong> organizational systems and not <strong>the</strong> medical<br />
doctors alone, is sorely needed in order to provide health care equitably to all patients across society.<br />
B. Overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Problem: The Public Health Systems’ View<br />
From a public health perspective, <strong>the</strong> medical doctors’ protests were not really very surprising. So-called<br />
skyrocketing health care costs have been a major public health concern for at least <strong>the</strong> last four decades [3] .<br />
Health care costs consume a large percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GNP, and have increased exponentially every few years.<br />
There are several reasons for this increased expense. In 1983, it was believed that “rapid escalation <strong>of</strong> health care<br />
costs has resulted, at least in part, from lack <strong>of</strong> competition in <strong>the</strong> health care sector, brought about by <strong>the</strong><br />
present third-party payment system and <strong>the</strong> conduct <strong>of</strong> providers” [4]<br />
These words proved prescient, because <strong>the</strong> costs for health care in relation to <strong>the</strong> US GNP have continued to<br />
hemorrhage despite a major overhaul throughout <strong>the</strong> 1980’s in <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> health care financing. According to<br />
Rosenbaum et al., “as recently as 1980, virtually all insured Americans, whe<strong>the</strong>r publicly or privately insured, had<br />
coverage that existed independent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> medicine itself. ” [5] and few insured individuals were enrolled<br />
in prepaid health-care plans, leaving much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir care at <strong>the</strong> discretion <strong>of</strong> individual medical doctors and<br />
affiliated laboratories and hospitals. At that time, medical doctors had great discretion to order as many tests as<br />
<strong>the</strong>y chose for any patient and great leeway to determine which affiliated health service providers <strong>the</strong>y might<br />
choose to best meet <strong>the</strong> needs and budget for <strong>the</strong>ir patient. These were individual choices, and not automatic<br />
choices made systemically by <strong>the</strong> health care delivery infrastructure.<br />
By <strong>the</strong> mid 1980’s this situation became galvanized towards a startling change. A series <strong>of</strong> new laws at <strong>the</strong> state<br />
and federal level, combined with aggressively antitrust enforcement challenged, and ultimately reshaped <strong>the</strong><br />
structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong> health care in <strong>the</strong> US, without creating a universal basis for a nationalized health care<br />
delivery program [6] . According to Rosenbaum, “Twenty years later, <strong>the</strong> landscape has been completely altered.<br />
In a single generation, <strong>the</strong> American health system was transformed into a "stunning array <strong>of</strong> new health care<br />
financing and delivery entities" that "took responsibility for managing resources," and for channeling "enrollees to<br />
providers with whom preferential contracts had been renegotiated." [7]<br />
In addition to a systemic restructuring, <strong>the</strong>re has been a response by health care providers to <strong>the</strong> increased<br />
population, increased graying population in need <strong>of</strong> long-term health care; inadequacies in access and continuity<br />
<strong>of</strong> care for low-income populations, which skews <strong>the</strong> services provided to <strong>the</strong>m in favor <strong>of</strong> more expensive urgent<br />
care ra<strong>the</strong>r than low-cost preventive care and screenings; and new glitzy technologies and experimental<br />
techniques for major illnesses and elective treatments,. that although expensive, also enhance quality <strong>of</strong> life.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> standpoint <strong>of</strong> overall utilization and access to new or elective techniques for treatment, this expansion<br />
cannot come without making mistakes, whose costs are reflected in litigation surrounding malpractice.<br />
Gatekeepers in HMO’s or managed care programs; peer reviews for cost-savings, capitation on procedures, access<br />
to referrals and prescriptions; quotas for certain types <strong>of</strong> procedures; lack <strong>of</strong> coverage for certain o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
procedures, all erode <strong>the</strong> medical doctors’ independence in decision making and thus translate into potential<br />
malpractice litigation for <strong>the</strong> medical doctored who cannot guarantee delivery <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> necessary facets <strong>of</strong> quality<br />
care. Rosenbaum et al describe how insurability parameters may limit access to care by excluding specific types <strong>of</strong><br />
treatment, <strong>of</strong>fering incentives to certain preferred providers' who choose not to <strong>of</strong>fer a full range <strong>of</strong> services or by<br />
requiring a second opinion for "elective" procedures (and routinely denying coverage for <strong>the</strong>m) [8] . Policies may<br />
also limit <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> services a particular provider can render in a time period using highly criticized practices<br />
such as "capitation." [9] "Under capitation physicians assume <strong>the</strong> risk that <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> services provided may<br />
exceed <strong>the</strong> fixed per-member payment" thus creating a "reverse incentive" for providing care. This pattern <strong>of</strong><br />
practice indirectly creates holes in <strong>the</strong> blanket <strong>of</strong> coverage, especially if certain illnesses give rise to high<br />
utilization for treatment or corrective procedures that are not projected but become necessary.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> Women’s Health Research Committee (WHRC) medical errors although documented by <strong>the</strong><br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Medicine have not decreased since 1999 [10] . The WHRC cites recent articles stating that three years<br />
after a report by <strong>the</strong> Institute <strong>of</strong> Medicine (IOM) illuminated <strong>the</strong> risks to patients posed by widespread medical<br />
errors, a recent article in <strong>the</strong> Washington Post indicates that little real progress has been made to improve patient<br />
safety. The IOM report, released in 1999, asserted that 98,000 hospitalized Americans die each year and an<br />
additional 1 million are hospitalized because <strong>of</strong> medical mistakes, costing <strong>the</strong> country an estimated $29 billion. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> aftermath <strong>of</strong> this landmark study, a flurry <strong>of</strong> activity focused on attempts to curb medical errors, including <strong>the</strong><br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> several bills in Congress. Despite <strong>the</strong>se efforts to address <strong>the</strong> problem, <strong>the</strong> Washington Pos [11] t<br />
reported on December 3 2002 that few hospitals have made significant improvements in patient safety. Most<br />
hospitals still use paper charts ra<strong>the</strong>r than computerized records; medication errors remain common; and,<br />
according to <strong>the</strong> Joint Commission on <strong>the</strong> Accreditation <strong>of</strong> Healthcare Organizations (JCAHO), operations<br />
performed on <strong>the</strong> wrong patient or wrong part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body have actually increased in recent years. Meanwhile,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) is creating <strong>the</strong> first online journal focusing on medical<br />
errors. The site, www.WebMM.ahrq.gov, formally launched in February 2003, is currently open for <strong>the</strong> submission<br />
<strong>of</strong> medical error cases. The site uses examples <strong>of</strong> actual errors in patient treatment to educate health care<br />
providers on <strong>the</strong> subject. Any individual who submits a case that is selected for posting will remain anonymous<br />
and receive an honorarium [12]<br />
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None <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se structural changes, however, are accurately reflected in <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong> malpractice litigation, which<br />
has not been restructured to meet <strong>the</strong> new conditions and changes over time. The underlying root causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
problem to which <strong>the</strong> medical doctors draw attention <strong>the</strong>refore raises deeper questions about who holds <strong>the</strong> true<br />
decisional authority in medical care decision making.<br />
It is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> a power struggle is within <strong>the</strong> health care system, locked within <strong>the</strong> infrastructure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newly<br />
emerged health care delivery systems, who have not sorted out <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> capitation, limits on procedures for<br />
cost-savings and requirements for salaried physicians to meet a minimum number <strong>of</strong> patients in a given hour or<br />
week <strong>of</strong> work. The medical doctors’ new role within complex infrastructures lacks independence, however, that is<br />
assumed by <strong>the</strong> present malpractice principles. In <strong>the</strong> alternative, <strong>the</strong>ir work could better be characterized as that<br />
<strong>of</strong> any employee or agent <strong>of</strong> a major employer, with little or no control over working conditions, hours <strong>of</strong> work, or<br />
<strong>the</strong> demands that can be met to ensure care for patients. It is <strong>the</strong>refore a superficial, but incorrect notion to state<br />
that <strong>the</strong> current malpractice insurance struggle before several legislatures is a powerplay between good doctors<br />
and mythological powerful lawyers championing <strong>the</strong> cause <strong>of</strong> broken patients and <strong>the</strong>ir families. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> more<br />
appropriate paradigm to apply would be that <strong>of</strong> doctors in <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> factory workers taking on <strong>the</strong> powerful<br />
decision making capabilities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir corporate employers, over a century ago.<br />
C. Overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Problem: The Litigants’ View<br />
From a lawyers’ point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>the</strong> doctors’ complaints, as reported in <strong>the</strong> media are not strange at all. But, it<br />
would be a gross oversimplification to think that simply defending <strong>the</strong>ir jobs as litigators explains why few lawyers<br />
share <strong>the</strong> view that limiting liability is a correct approach to <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> increased costs for malpractice<br />
insurance among doctors. Lawyers understand that litigation is a symptom, not a cure, to larger social problems.<br />
This is true because litigation is retrospective, correcting past wrongs, and not preventive, like future-directed<br />
legislation. Although malpractice insurance has been at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> calls for litigation, such analysis is superficial<br />
because it looks only at <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> jury awards and ignores a long chain <strong>of</strong> changes in <strong>the</strong> standard <strong>of</strong> care,<br />
quality <strong>of</strong> care, and empowerment <strong>of</strong> physicians to control patient care, that are now deeply embedded in<br />
managed care and Health Maintenance Organizations (HMOs).<br />
III. Legal Background: Malpractice Claims Rooted in a Standard <strong>of</strong> Care<br />
A. Rationale for Malpractice Claims<br />
The question whe<strong>the</strong>r doctors can be held personally liable for mistakes when so much <strong>of</strong> medical care is a matter<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural history <strong>of</strong> disease, (or in <strong>the</strong> opinion <strong>of</strong> some people, divine intervention) has plagued <strong>the</strong> legal<br />
literature in <strong>the</strong> USA for over a century.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> past, individual medical doctors practicing alone or in small clusters had permission to control <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong><br />
treatment. By contrast <strong>the</strong> average medical doctors is now one small cog in a much greater wheel, without control<br />
over patient treatment, billing or continuity <strong>of</strong> care. Tests that are not acceptable to <strong>the</strong> provider system will not<br />
be easily ordered and will be treated as a deviation from a newly-formed standard <strong>of</strong> care, while tests that <strong>the</strong><br />
system requires will always be conducted, regardless whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> physician believes <strong>the</strong>y are useful, necessary,<br />
reliable or appropriate.<br />
This is a distinct departure from centuries <strong>of</strong> precedent in <strong>the</strong> past, wherein <strong>the</strong> law considered <strong>the</strong> doctor’s role as<br />
parallel to <strong>the</strong> “captain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ship”. In seafaring days, captains held <strong>the</strong> greatest power <strong>of</strong> anyone on <strong>the</strong>ir ship.<br />
They could determine punishment, life or death, allocation <strong>of</strong> rations, course <strong>of</strong> action during storm, destination <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> ship, marriage for passengers, and even how to apply <strong>the</strong> law <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir flag. No one was more powerful at sea<br />
than <strong>the</strong> “captain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ship”, who enjoyed <strong>the</strong> most privilege but also bore full responsibility for any outcomes,<br />
good or bad, that occurred under his command. The so-called “captain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ship doctrine” was consistently<br />
applied to doctors in cases <strong>of</strong> malpractice. This concept still exists, but is no longer appropriate, because <strong>the</strong><br />
nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> organizational structure <strong>of</strong> medical care delivery systems has dramatically changed since <strong>the</strong><br />
doctrine was first articulated, centuries ago.<br />
This shift in <strong>the</strong> chain <strong>of</strong> command, but not <strong>the</strong> ultimate responsibility <strong>of</strong> physicians for medical care has important<br />
ramifications for every patient. There is evidence that suggests too, that because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> change in <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong> health care, <strong>the</strong> “captain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ship” model, that holds doctors alone as ultimately responsible for<br />
“bad medicine” or o<strong>the</strong>r unpleasant outcomes should be replaced by a new model for responsibility and allocation<br />
<strong>of</strong> liability for medical care. Such a model can take into account <strong>the</strong> medical doctor’s comparative<br />
disempowerment by <strong>the</strong> change in health care financing that has been <strong>the</strong> hallmark <strong>of</strong> HMOs and managed care.<br />
B. Historical Antecedents <strong>of</strong> Malpractice Principles Under US Law<br />
Since 1914, if not earlier, <strong>the</strong>re have been US legal cases establishing <strong>the</strong> requirement that a patient consent<br />
before being administered any medical treatment, every human being <strong>of</strong> adult years and sound mind has a right<br />
to determine what shall be done with his own body, and a surgeon who performs an operation without his<br />
patient's consent commits an assault for which he is liable in damages. [13]<br />
Conversely, unwarranted medical invasions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> person’s bodily integrity by a doctor that are unconsented and<br />
giving rise to harm are <strong>the</strong> gravamen <strong>of</strong> malpractice claims. As stated by <strong>the</strong> courts, <strong>the</strong> rationale for malpractice<br />
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infrastructure requirements as proper equipment and adequate trained staff should not be laid at <strong>the</strong> feet <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
medical doctors, however, because <strong>the</strong>y do not control <strong>the</strong> supply and demand for <strong>the</strong>se subsystems as <strong>the</strong>y did<br />
in generations before. Yet, <strong>the</strong> failure to provide such components <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> infrastructure can result in failures <strong>of</strong><br />
quality care.<br />
Thus, malpractice by <strong>the</strong> system is a foreseeable consequence <strong>of</strong> such failures. Issues such as <strong>the</strong>se should be<br />
resolved through legislatures, not malpractice and tort reform. These issues concern changing <strong>the</strong> standard <strong>of</strong><br />
care and raising <strong>the</strong> mantra about human concerns, some <strong>of</strong> which cost very little to implement although <strong>the</strong>y<br />
may require changing embedded attitudes in <strong>the</strong> manner in which care is provided by standard medical practice.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e example is <strong>the</strong> draft bill that was before <strong>the</strong> NJ legislature recently, <strong>the</strong> “Physical Access to Health Care Act.",<br />
through <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Consumer Affairs, which would require health care facilities to maintain at least one<br />
height-adjustable patient examination table that can be lowered to facilitate <strong>the</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> a patient with a<br />
mobility impairment to and from its surface [20] .<br />
VI. Conclusions: New Allocations <strong>of</strong> Liability for <strong>the</strong> New Health Care Paradigm<br />
The malpractice tort liability struggle that has attained so much publicity has been mischaracterized as a crisis; it<br />
is a symptom <strong>of</strong> a chronic problem in <strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong> health care and related systems. There is also misplaced<br />
urgency in <strong>the</strong> popular outcry for tort liability limitations. This struggle incorrectly ignores <strong>the</strong> underlying problem:<br />
doctors in <strong>the</strong> 21 st century no longer control <strong>the</strong>ir agenda, <strong>the</strong>ir patient load or <strong>the</strong>ir own discretionary expertise<br />
regarding sound methods for patient care. The solution to this problem, is not, however, capitation <strong>of</strong> tort liability.<br />
Such a simplistic approach unrealistically limits <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> life-long injury, which can consume hundreds <strong>of</strong><br />
thousands <strong>of</strong> dollars in medical care in just a year or two after injury. Such an approach may also have<br />
constitutional ramifications, if it conflicts with inherent rights to have matters judged by peers and <strong>the</strong> 7 th<br />
Amendment right to trial by jury.<br />
Although medical doctors are nominally in charge <strong>of</strong> patient care, <strong>the</strong>se new structures may allow that to be so in<br />
name only. In light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that costs are a driver, along with o<strong>the</strong>r administrative concerns, physicians may<br />
have little or no power inside <strong>the</strong> new structures. These structures are not necessarily designed with access to<br />
care or high quality <strong>of</strong> care as <strong>the</strong>ir central goal. In this sense, patient care is frequently compromised and <strong>the</strong><br />
gold standard <strong>of</strong> patient care, against which any individual physician’s actions are measured, is necessarily<br />
changed to reflect <strong>the</strong> goals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se organizations. Consequently, <strong>the</strong>re have been increased mistakes resulting<br />
in litigation, and resulting in awards by angry juries who are frustrated at <strong>the</strong>ir own powerlessness to attain good<br />
quality medical care under an inconsistent patchwork <strong>of</strong> health plans.<br />
Therefore, malpractice insurance costs are merely a deeply embedded hidden cost <strong>of</strong> a broken, and <strong>of</strong>ten unfair<br />
health care delivery program, where <strong>the</strong> accessibility <strong>of</strong> care and <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> care <strong>of</strong>ten resembles more <strong>of</strong> a<br />
lottery than an organized health care delivery system. Under this view, many people, such as health pr<strong>of</strong>essionals,<br />
consumers and lawyers, <strong>the</strong> rise in malpractice insurance costs is a sorely needed check on an expensive, lifethreatening,<br />
chaotic situation. Reducing access to this venue will not solve <strong>the</strong> problem. Health disparities will<br />
increase: as <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> care narrows, <strong>the</strong> difference between <strong>the</strong> available care to people at <strong>the</strong> margins or with<br />
special needs widens. Creating a legislated system <strong>of</strong> liability that takes into account <strong>the</strong> primacy <strong>of</strong> health care<br />
delivery structures, not doctors, is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> best solution to this perennial problem.<br />
Prepared April 2003 at <strong>the</strong> Request <strong>of</strong>:<br />
Institute for <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Health Disparities, University <strong>of</strong> Medicine and Dentistry <strong>of</strong> New Jersey, School <strong>of</strong><br />
Public Health<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Ilise L Feitshans, United States <strong>of</strong> America, JD and ScM, is an attorney with a Masters <strong>of</strong> Science. She is a former<br />
Member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Faculty from Columbia University School <strong>of</strong> Law, and <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong> five books and over 100<br />
articles. Feitshans is <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong> “Designing an Effective Osha Compliance Program”, a treatise for lawyers on<br />
Westlaw.com that she updates annually, and <strong>the</strong> occupational health manual for non-lawyers entitled “Bringing<br />
Health to Work”. She is Adjunct Associate Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Occupational and Environmental Health at GWU SPHHS. In<br />
addition to seasonal Guest Lectures at Yale University School <strong>of</strong> Medicine and many colleges and universities, she<br />
has organized three different conferences about inclusion and special education, most recently <strong>the</strong> "Right to<br />
Learn" conference in Haddonfield, presented seminars at <strong>the</strong> United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women,<br />
China (1995). She is a Member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State <strong>of</strong> NJ Council on Developmental<br />
Disabilities.<br />
Contact: ilise@prodigy.net<br />
[1] “NJ Doctors stage walkout” Metro newspaper, Tuesday Feb 5 2003 p 5; “Issue <strong>of</strong> Limiting jury awards<br />
dominates malpractice debate” Trenton Star-Ledger, Feb 23, 2003, p. 20<br />
[2] Radio reports Thursday May 1, 2003 and response by Gov. Rend ell <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania<br />
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[3] H Robert Helper and John J. Miles, “Antitrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions”, National Health Policy Forum<br />
1983 states in its Preface: “The Cost <strong>of</strong> health care has skyrocketed in <strong>the</strong> last two decades. In 1981, it<br />
constituted approximately 9.8 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States’ gross national product, and experts expect <strong>the</strong><br />
percentage to increase during <strong>the</strong> next few years, (Unpublished figures for 1982 place health care expenditures at<br />
10.5 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gross national product).<br />
[4] H Robert Halper and John J. Miles, “AntiTrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions”, National Health Policy Forum<br />
1983 states in its Preface.<br />
[5] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, ‘Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration’, Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society <strong>of</strong> Law, Medicine & Ethics; p. 191 Citing: R. Rosenblatt,<br />
S. Law, and S. Rosenbaum, Law and <strong>the</strong> American Health Care System (New York: Foundation Press, 1997): at<br />
543-73.<br />
[6] H Robert Halper and John J. Miles, “AntiTrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions”, National Health Policy Forum<br />
1983.<br />
[7] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, ‘Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration’, Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society <strong>of</strong> Law, Medicine & Ethics; p191 Citing J. Weiner and<br />
G. de Lissovoy, "Razing a Tower <strong>of</strong> Babel: A Taxonomy for Managed Care and Health Insurance Plans," Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Health Politics, Policy and Law, 18 (1993): 75-103, at 73-77.<br />
[8] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, ‘Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration’, Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society <strong>of</strong> Law, Medicine & Ethics.<br />
[9] Tracy Griff, "Comment: Capitation Shifts Financial Risk From HMOs to Providers" 15 Preventive Law Reporter<br />
No 2 1996 at 26.<br />
[10] THE WHRC HOTLINE An Information Service <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women's Health Research Coalition December 2002,<br />
Medical Errors Have Not Decreased Since 1999 IOM Report, on-line subscriptions services <strong>of</strong> WHRC.<br />
[11] Washington Post article, visit http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58443-2002Nov30.html<br />
[12] THE WHRC HOTLINE An Information Service <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women's Health Research Coalition December 2002<br />
MEDICAL ERRORS HAVE NOT DECREASED SINCE 1999 IOM REPORT, on-line subscriptions services <strong>of</strong> WHRC.<br />
[13] Schloendorff v. Society <strong>of</strong> New York Hospital, 1914, Cardozo, J. Majority, quoted in Holtzman N Proceed With<br />
Caution p.186<br />
[14] Canterbury v. Spence 464 F.2d 772; 790-91 150 Us App. D.C. 263 (1972) at 780<br />
[15] Chouinard v. Marjani, 575 A.2d 238 (Conn. App. Ct. 1990).<br />
[16] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, ‘Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration’, Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society <strong>of</strong> Law, Medicine & Ethics; p. 191<br />
[17] Sara Rosenbaum, Anne Markus, Colleen Son sky and Lee Repasch, “Policy Brief No 2: State Benefit Design<br />
Choices under SCHIP—Implications for Pediatric Health Care Center for Health Services Research and Policy,<br />
School <strong>of</strong> Public Health and Health Services, George Washington University may 2001, citing David Eddy,<br />
“Rationing Resources While Improving Quality: How to Get more for Less” 272 JAMA 817-24 (1994)<br />
[18] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, ‘Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration’, Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society <strong>of</strong> Law, Medicine & Ethics; p191<br />
[19] NEW JERSEY BILL TRACKING McKeon Jury Awards for Medical Malpractice. Establishes standard <strong>of</strong> review for<br />
excessiveness <strong>of</strong> jury awards in medical malpractice.10/10/2002 Introduced. 10/10/2002 To Assembly 2002 NJ A.<br />
B. 2873 (SN); Joint Resolution No. 33 State Of New Jersey 210th Legislature, Introduced March 18, 2002.<br />
Sponsored by: Francis L. Bodine, and Eric Munoz<br />
[20] An Act concerning physical access to health care and supplementing Titles 45 and 26 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Revised Statutes.<br />
Prompted by <strong>the</strong> finding that “Every day, in this State and across this country, men and women, children and<br />
adults, who are challenged by various forms <strong>of</strong> physical disability, must confront <strong>the</strong> additional challenge <strong>of</strong><br />
overcoming physical barriers to <strong>the</strong>ir accessing <strong>the</strong> health care services that <strong>the</strong>y need; These barriers include a<br />
widespread lack <strong>of</strong> physical accommodations and medical equipment in <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fices maintained by health care<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>essionals, such as examination tables, dental chairs and scanning devices, that ARE designed to be "userfriendly"<br />
to health care consumers with physical disabilities extent that <strong>the</strong>se are available under State law or<br />
regulations, including, but not limited to, <strong>the</strong> barrier free subcode adopted by <strong>the</strong> Commissioner <strong>of</strong> Community<br />
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Affairs as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State Uniform Construction Code.<br />
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Faites vos jeux, Messieurs!<br />
Faites vos jeux, Messieurs!<br />
or<br />
A Case Study on <strong>the</strong> Impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) in Bulgaria - The<br />
Concession <strong>of</strong> S<strong>of</strong>ia Water Supply and Wastewater Services: Legal, Economic, Social and Gender<br />
Aspects<br />
By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D., Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria<br />
Executive Summary and Recommendations *<br />
<strong>On</strong> October 6, 2000 S<strong>of</strong>iyska Voda - EAD /S<strong>of</strong>ia Water/ started to operate <strong>the</strong> water supply, wastewater and<br />
sanitation services for S<strong>of</strong>ia city. S<strong>of</strong>iyska Voda /S<strong>of</strong>ia Water/ is a special purpose company established between<br />
<strong>the</strong> winner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bid for a water concession - International Water Ltd. (IWL) /a company in consortium between<br />
US Bechtel Group and <strong>the</strong> British United Utilities International/, and <strong>the</strong> existing municipally owned utility<br />
company - ViK /Vodosnabdyavane i Kanalizatsia EAD/. “S<strong>of</strong>ia Water” was established initially with 75% <strong>of</strong> shares<br />
belonging to International Water Ltd. and 25%- to S<strong>of</strong>ia municipality through ViK EAD. The financial contribution<br />
<strong>of</strong> IWL was supported by <strong>the</strong> European Bank for Reconstruction and Development /EBRD/.<br />
The Concessionaire’s responsibility is to operate and maintain <strong>the</strong> water supply and sewerage system during <strong>the</strong><br />
Concession period and to design, plan, finance and construct <strong>the</strong> required capital investments. The MoS retained<br />
ownership <strong>of</strong> all existing water and wastewater infrastructure assets during <strong>the</strong> Concession period. Ownership <strong>of</strong><br />
new infrastructure assets, construed by <strong>the</strong> Concessionaire was also vested in <strong>the</strong> MoS. The Concession company<br />
was entitled to <strong>the</strong> right to use those assets in accordance to <strong>the</strong> Concession Contract. The duration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
concession was initially determined to be 25 years, extendable for a fur<strong>the</strong>r 10 years in accordance with <strong>the</strong><br />
Municipal Property Act. A significant programme <strong>of</strong> capital investment was required in both <strong>the</strong> water supply and<br />
<strong>the</strong> wastewater systems to meet <strong>the</strong> target service standards and <strong>the</strong> Concessionaire was required to invest at<br />
least USD 150 million in capital works over <strong>the</strong> concession period. The Concessionaire had <strong>the</strong> obligation to make<br />
mandatory investment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> USD 152 Million during <strong>the</strong> first 9 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concession period. It is <strong>the</strong><br />
first transaction <strong>of</strong> that kind in Bulgaria and one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> biggest investment contracts for <strong>the</strong> period. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Concessionaire is responsible for <strong>the</strong> metering, billing and revenue collection and has <strong>the</strong> power to warn<br />
customers with disconnection for non-payment.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> concession contract left within <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concessionaire, with predominant foreign participation,<br />
<strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to water and <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> water supply as essential service.<br />
Not surprisingly, <strong>the</strong> concession contract was concluded within a special legal and economic international context -<br />
<strong>the</strong> commitments undertaken by Bulgaria in <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WTO, and namely under <strong>the</strong> GATS /General<br />
Agreement on Trade in Services/, combined with <strong>the</strong> conditionalities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r international<br />
financial institutions pushing for liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water and energy sector, as well as <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r essential<br />
services. This contract means as well that Bulgaria has become a target <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> big water<br />
transnational companies /TNCs/ - a market clearly dominated by <strong>the</strong> biggest European and US actors at <strong>the</strong><br />
moment.<br />
Bulgaria joined <strong>the</strong> WTO as <strong>of</strong> December 1, 1996 after entering into force <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Protocol for <strong>the</strong> Accession to <strong>the</strong><br />
Marrakech Agreement. The country applies all multilateral trade agreements, annexed to Marrakech Agreement<br />
from <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> accession without recourse to any transitional period. Bulgaria accepted as a single undertaking<br />
<strong>the</strong> three major agreements - GATT, GATS and TRIPS. Due to <strong>the</strong> fact that Bulgaria “jumped” into <strong>the</strong> WTO<br />
directly with <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> a developed country / being one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first countries in Eastern Europe to do so/, <strong>the</strong><br />
reforms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transition period had to be conducted in a framework <strong>of</strong> open markets and strong international<br />
competition. Despite <strong>the</strong> scarce economic effect and <strong>the</strong> negative social impact <strong>of</strong> liberalisation, Bulgaria is firmly<br />
intended to join and pursue <strong>the</strong> WTO agenda. This is because <strong>the</strong> country wants to be recognised and accepted in<br />
<strong>the</strong> democratic international community.<br />
By joining GATS <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian government had to start playing <strong>the</strong> GATS game and, subsequently, to follow its<br />
rules. GATS is <strong>the</strong> first multilateral agreement containing <strong>the</strong> commitment for a continuous liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
trade in all services, essential services included, through binding rules. The aim <strong>of</strong> GATS is to increase<br />
international trade by removing any control and restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities,<br />
environment protection, existing social standards or laws which maintain <strong>the</strong> public monopoly on some services.<br />
Exemptions are very limited in practice and commitments, once made, are irreversible. The Bulgarian government<br />
made a lot <strong>of</strong> horizontal commitments as well as commitments through a broad range <strong>of</strong> services; namely,<br />
Bulgaria is bound by liberalisation in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> environmental services - wastewater, sanitation, litter collection,<br />
except for services in <strong>the</strong> exercise <strong>of</strong> state authority. There are no limitations for <strong>the</strong> commercial presence<br />
concerning sewerage, wastewater and o<strong>the</strong>r related services. The liberalization and deregulation <strong>of</strong> water supply<br />
services, in Bulgaria included, are subject to <strong>the</strong> pressure within <strong>the</strong> WTO. In <strong>the</strong> frame <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> request – <strong>of</strong>fer<br />
procedure launched, a high number <strong>of</strong> requests in <strong>the</strong> water sector were made mainly by <strong>the</strong> EU /apparently more<br />
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than 70/ to <strong>the</strong> developing countries. There is un<strong>of</strong>ficial information about <strong>the</strong> pressure that should be exerted<br />
also on states from Eastern Europe, too. The forthcoming Ministerial in Hong Kong is an important stage for <strong>the</strong><br />
negotiations around this large amount <strong>of</strong> “water requests”.<br />
The Bulgarian government has not adopted safeguards and regulatory mechanism in order to protect <strong>the</strong> socialeconomic<br />
right <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian citizens in <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> liberalization. The services sector is particularly<br />
relevant for women’ s employment and for <strong>the</strong> safeguard <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r social rights but <strong>the</strong> gender implications are<br />
ignored as well. Women make almost 63% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employed in services, according to <strong>the</strong> National statistical<br />
institute /NSI/. The share <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> total amount <strong>of</strong> employed people in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> 2002 has been about<br />
47%. Thus, women are much better represented in <strong>the</strong> sectors as education (79,6%), where <strong>the</strong>y are 4,2 times<br />
more than men, health care (75,7%) and o<strong>the</strong>r social services, <strong>the</strong>y are 3,9 times more than men, finances and<br />
insurance (61,7%), hotels and catering (57,7%) commerce (51,4%). According to <strong>the</strong> estimations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
specialised trade union for water supply and wastewater sector, women make about 36-38% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people<br />
working <strong>the</strong>re. It is a relatively high number, given <strong>the</strong> characteristics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work <strong>the</strong> sector involves.<br />
The arguments about <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> trade liberalization, and namely <strong>of</strong> GATS, on women, shared by feminist<br />
organisations and experts, are valid also for Bulgaria:<br />
- The costs and <strong>the</strong> benefits from intensifying <strong>the</strong> monetary flows, <strong>the</strong> trade in goods and services, and <strong>the</strong><br />
labour market are unevenly shared between women and men. It consolidates <strong>the</strong> traditional division <strong>of</strong> roles <strong>of</strong><br />
women and men, just like it consolidates <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> social inequalities.<br />
- Trade liberalization impose significant constraints on governments - <strong>the</strong>y have to remove regulations<br />
concerning labour rights, gender equality, social policies, which make obstacles to foreign investors - thus causing<br />
welfare losses; it impairs <strong>the</strong> capabilities and willingness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government to start and to continue implementing<br />
gender equality and gender empowerment programmes.<br />
- It devalues <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> women to taking important decisions at political level, and also in <strong>the</strong> sphere<br />
<strong>of</strong> privatisation and trade at national and international level.<br />
- Trade liberalisation causes decrease in <strong>the</strong> purchasing power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> households and progressively increases<br />
obstacles for access <strong>of</strong> marginalized groups to basic services, with significant implications for women’s<br />
reproductive roles. Special implications are observed in women - headed households.<br />
- Women are finally responsible for <strong>the</strong> survival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family, <strong>the</strong>y have to compensate with <strong>the</strong>ir care and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r work <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> or <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> access to basic services.<br />
- GATS affects women who make a high percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employed in <strong>the</strong> services sector, especially in <strong>the</strong><br />
health and education sectors; due to <strong>the</strong> division <strong>of</strong> labour in o<strong>the</strong>r sectors, like <strong>the</strong> water supply and sewerage<br />
sectors, for example, women are endangered from redundancies in <strong>the</strong> administrative departments.<br />
- Women are affected by <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> basic services, as <strong>the</strong>y are main beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> services as<br />
health, social security, and social assistance.<br />
Bulgaria has ratified all <strong>the</strong> international treaties on fundamental human rights and freedoms and is bound by<br />
<strong>the</strong>m, and namely by <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>. Given <strong>the</strong> vital<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> access to water, as well as <strong>the</strong> dangers for <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> this right, <strong>the</strong> UN Committee on<br />
Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> at its 29 th session on 26 November 2002 issued a General Comment No.<br />
15/2002 on <strong>the</strong> Right to Water /E/C.12/2002/11 /. The General Comment/GC/ is adopted in relation to art.<br />
11 /right to an adequate standard <strong>of</strong> living/ and art.12 /right to health/ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Covenant. The rights to water is<br />
declared as indispensable for leading a life in human dignity and a prerequisite for <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
human rights.The main requirements for <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to water are: availability, quality,<br />
accessibility /in this respect, all water facilities and services must be sensitive, among o<strong>the</strong>rs, to gender and lifecycle<br />
requirements/, economic accessibility, non-discrimination, information accessibility concerning water issues.<br />
Women should not be excluded from decision-making on <strong>the</strong> issues related to <strong>the</strong> right to water. State<br />
responsibility is explicitly stressed upon- state is responsible for ensuring <strong>the</strong> right to water, no matter by whom<br />
water supply is operated and it has to adopt a national water strategy and an effective regulatory system.<br />
As specialized agencies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN, <strong>the</strong> World Bank /WB/ and <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund /IMF/ are related to<br />
<strong>the</strong> UN Charter and have special roles to play in <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two Covenants, especially in <strong>the</strong><br />
ICESCR. According to <strong>the</strong> legal <strong>the</strong>ory, states cannot be exempt from <strong>the</strong>ir HR obligations, when <strong>the</strong>y adhere to<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r legal body. A point <strong>of</strong> inconsistency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> states forming <strong>the</strong> international financial<br />
institutions /IFIs/ and <strong>the</strong> WTO is that <strong>the</strong>y opted for strict regulations and enforcement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> decisions only at<br />
<strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir financial and trade multilateral agreements, but left basic human rights without a reliable<br />
enforcement mechanism<br />
In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> S<strong>of</strong>ia water concession, <strong>the</strong> foreign investor “International water” is related to <strong>the</strong> global Water<br />
oligarchy, which makes <strong>the</strong> driving force behind <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rwise legitimate claims for more investments,<br />
restructuring and privatisation. Their thirst for pr<strong>of</strong>it and control and global alliances with banks and governments<br />
made out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to water a mere commodity.<br />
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In Bulgaria we observed <strong>the</strong> same pattern <strong>of</strong> conduct and social implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water TNCs,<br />
identified in <strong>the</strong> investigation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ICIJ /International Consortium <strong>of</strong> Investigating Journalists/ - <strong>the</strong>y can be<br />
ruthless players who constantly push for higher rate increases, frequently fail to meet <strong>the</strong>ir commitments and<br />
when companies are fined for not achieving performance targets, <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten don't pay, preferring to appeal<br />
rulings in lengthy and expensive arbitration and court proceedings.<br />
It is not accidental that prior to <strong>the</strong> concession <strong>of</strong> “S<strong>of</strong>ia water” by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> finalisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concession<br />
contract, “International water” had failed already in Manila, <strong>the</strong> Philippines <strong>the</strong>y provoked <strong>the</strong> famous riots in<br />
Cochabamba.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> investor r had no experience in Eastern Europe, it found a lot <strong>of</strong> assets in Bulgaria which opened<br />
good opportunities for pr<strong>of</strong>it: a strong deregulation and privatisation agenda <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government, with <strong>the</strong><br />
respective conducing privatisation climate and legislation, an obsolete infrastructure <strong>of</strong> water supply, well qualified<br />
and trained personnel in <strong>the</strong> sector, favourable technical and climate conditions in S<strong>of</strong>ia. And last, but not least -<br />
citizens who are not used to stand for <strong>the</strong>ir rights, who do not go out in <strong>the</strong> streets.<br />
So, in <strong>the</strong>se conditions, <strong>the</strong> concessionaire could afford: to take advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> defaults in <strong>the</strong> concession<br />
procedure, by “overselling” its services; <strong>the</strong>n to directed <strong>the</strong> investments towards <strong>the</strong> information and accounting<br />
system, instead <strong>of</strong> investing in <strong>the</strong> infrastructure in need for modernization; not to account properly for <strong>the</strong><br />
investment and <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EBRD loan; to contract out essential water supply and sewerage services and to<br />
make a good part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> qualified personnel redundant; to push for continuous increasing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water rates , to<br />
allow overcharging and arbitrary cuttings <strong>of</strong> water supply, without informing <strong>the</strong> clients, and non - achievement<br />
<strong>of</strong> planned technical parameters ensuring <strong>the</strong> access to water. A survey conducted in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research<br />
revealed <strong>the</strong> trend that women are more sensitive to worsening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> services and raising <strong>the</strong> prices by “S<strong>of</strong>ia<br />
water”. All <strong>the</strong> decision taken – about <strong>the</strong> concession and about its implementation were made with deficit <strong>of</strong><br />
women’ s participation.<br />
Media remained <strong>the</strong> main vigilant ally <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> citizens during <strong>the</strong> last three years, characterized by gaps and noncompliance<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concessionaire with <strong>the</strong> initial contract.<br />
At present and before taking a decision about <strong>the</strong> replication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water concession model in o<strong>the</strong>r locations, <strong>the</strong><br />
government has to analyse and assess <strong>the</strong> social and economic effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transaction. The Bulgarian<br />
government faces <strong>the</strong> dilemma- to answer <strong>the</strong> need for regulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water sector or to obey <strong>the</strong> agenda for<br />
liberalization and deregulation. It is essential that <strong>the</strong> State implement <strong>the</strong> General Comment on <strong>the</strong> Right to<br />
Water, ensure accessible water supply to all <strong>the</strong> citizens and regulate <strong>the</strong> water price rates, beyond <strong>the</strong> strict<br />
division <strong>of</strong> public water supply companies, municipal, or private ones.<br />
Recommendations:<br />
- In <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interviews with experts it was stressed that with more investments allocated directly,<br />
without passing through a foreign investor, and despite <strong>the</strong> conditionalities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> banks <strong>the</strong> situation with water<br />
supply can be improved.<br />
- The establishment <strong>of</strong> big regional water companies with a democratic structure as alternative to <strong>the</strong> model<br />
<strong>of</strong> water concession were proposed by <strong>the</strong> experts in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> water supply. This structure has to be combined<br />
<strong>of</strong> course with <strong>the</strong> establishment and democratic functioning <strong>of</strong> national regulatory and controlling bodies.<br />
- In any reform, a socially balanced approach that takes into account <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> people and local<br />
circumstances is preferable to any slavish imitation <strong>of</strong> models, as PPPs or 3Ps. The interests <strong>of</strong> workers in <strong>the</strong><br />
sector must be guaranteed, as well as access to water and energy at reasonable prices for all citizens, especially<br />
<strong>the</strong> poor and disadvantaged.<br />
- Bulgarian government has to opt for transparency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> decisions taken in relation to WTO and GATS.<br />
In this respect - <strong>the</strong> citizens, <strong>the</strong> representatives <strong>of</strong> civil society, <strong>the</strong> trade unions have to be informed in advance<br />
about <strong>the</strong> decisions to be taken, <strong>the</strong>y have to be consulted on all important issues <strong>of</strong> trade liberalisation<br />
- The government has to consult and account for to trade unions and civil society organizations - human<br />
rights, social NGOs, organizations <strong>of</strong> minorities and vulnerable groups, women’ s organizations about liberalization<br />
and restructuring in <strong>the</strong> sectors related to essential social services<br />
- The political decisions about <strong>the</strong> liberalization <strong>of</strong> essential services have to be taken with <strong>the</strong><br />
participation <strong>of</strong> women and with respecting <strong>the</strong> opinion <strong>of</strong> women – <strong>the</strong> most affected and concerned by any<br />
restructuring <strong>of</strong> this sector.<br />
- In <strong>the</strong> meantime, all <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> GATS in Bulgaria, and especially in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> essential services,<br />
should be reviewed, analysed and assessed from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir human rights and social implications.<br />
Where needed, new laws, policies and programmes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government in implementation <strong>of</strong> GATS should be<br />
stopped.<br />
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Bulgarian civil society has to start playing a leading role in supporting <strong>the</strong> international social<br />
movements working in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> GATS, and namely on essential services and to support <strong>the</strong><br />
appeals for STOPPING GATS: In implementation <strong>of</strong> that, civil society has to exert pressure on <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian<br />
government to accept, support and to lobby for <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> resolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN Sub-<br />
Commission on <strong>the</strong> Promotion and Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, which calls upon “ all governments and<br />
international economic policy forums, including <strong>the</strong> WTO and its GATS Council, to conduct an assessment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
impact <strong>of</strong> GATS on <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> international trade in basic services such as health and education services<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir impact on human rights. An initial assessment would need to clarify what <strong>the</strong> GATS text actually means,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> political sovereignty implications <strong>of</strong> what governments will or will not be able to do as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
agreement”.<br />
- Bulgarian civil society should insist and exert pressure on <strong>the</strong> government, in order to: make<br />
Bretton Wood institutions recognise that <strong>the</strong> treaties on human rights are binding on <strong>the</strong>ir members, that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y ensure that <strong>the</strong>ir policies and programmes are in compliance with <strong>the</strong> provisions <strong>of</strong> international HR law;<br />
make WTO adopt in its agreements legal safeguards for <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> basic human rights, <strong>the</strong> right<br />
to equality included, with effective legal mechanisms for implementation.<br />
About <strong>the</strong> authors:<br />
Pr<strong>of</strong>. Irina Nikolova Moulechkova, Bulgaria, Ph.D., senior lecturer <strong>of</strong> International Public Law, University <strong>of</strong> World<br />
and National Economics (UNWE), S<strong>of</strong>ia and <strong>of</strong> International Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>. Ex member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Supervisory Board <strong>of</strong> State Privatisation Agency. Articles and studios on International Standards <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong>, ILO standards with regard equal opportunities <strong>of</strong> women and men on labour market. <strong>On</strong>e<br />
monograph on <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> individuals in International Public Law. Co-author <strong>of</strong> BGRF in Annual reports on<br />
Bulgaria for Social Watch - 1999, 2000, 2003. Co-author <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Final report: “Privatization’s Impact on Women<br />
during <strong>the</strong> Economic Transition in Bulgaria” 1999. Participation in <strong>the</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Alternative report to <strong>the</strong><br />
Third Periodical Report <strong>of</strong> Bulgaria on <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> ICESCR, presented at <strong>the</strong> 21 st session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 1999. Appointed by <strong>the</strong> President <strong>of</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Bulgaria as a<br />
member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission for Protection against Discrimination in 2005.<br />
Genoveva Tisheva, Bulgaria, lawyer, Executive Director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation.<br />
Contact: brfg@fast.bg<br />
* The Case Study is <strong>the</strong>part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WIDE (Women in Development Network) - BGRF Project ‘A Gender Perspective<br />
in Privatisation <strong>of</strong> Public Goods and Services’ funded by Heinrich Boell Foundation (carried out in 2003 and<br />
publication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> report in 2004)<br />
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Doc<br />
A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives Throughout Europe<br />
By Elisabeth Klatzer, Ph.D, Austrian Gender and Budget Group, Austria<br />
Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European countries, initially inspired by <strong>the</strong> work in Australia,<br />
South Africa and <strong>the</strong> UK. In recent years a diversification <strong>of</strong> strategies, methodologies and practices adopting to<br />
country-specific circumstances can be observed throughout Europe.<br />
In several countries <strong>the</strong>re is work on its way to implement Gender Budgeting into <strong>the</strong> regular tasks <strong>of</strong> public<br />
administration. At <strong>the</strong> central government level, <strong>the</strong> examples <strong>of</strong> France and Sweden demonstrate established<br />
procedures, O<strong>the</strong>r countries are on its way (e.g. Belgium, Austria). Nordic countries pursue common Gender<br />
Budgeting activities in <strong>the</strong> frame <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nordic Council. Examples <strong>of</strong> ambitious initiatives at <strong>the</strong> regional local level<br />
are <strong>the</strong> Basque country (Spain), Berlin (Germany) and some communities in Italy (Modena, Genova). In some<br />
countries, civil society initiatives take <strong>the</strong> lead (e.g. UK). Initiatives in Eastern Europe are emerging recently (e.g.<br />
in Bulgaria and Serbia). Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se will be described in <strong>the</strong> following.<br />
Switzerland<br />
Switzerland is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gender Budgeting pioneer countries in Europe. In a period <strong>of</strong> restrictive budgetary policy<br />
<strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> analysis was on who bears <strong>the</strong> major cost <strong>of</strong> cuts in public expenditure. A Gender Budgeting pilot<br />
study, commissioned by <strong>the</strong> National Women’s Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Trade Union <strong>of</strong> Public Employees and <strong>the</strong> Swiss<br />
Conference <strong>of</strong> Equal Opportunities Officers, was published in 1996. The researchers, assisted by an expert group<br />
<strong>of</strong> women (equal opportunities <strong>of</strong>ficers and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> federal statistical department) looked at <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong><br />
fiscal cuts at all three levels <strong>of</strong> government activity (Federal, cantonal/Bern and communal/city <strong>of</strong> Biel). The<br />
research focus was not an analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> budget as a whole but an analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> changes in budgetary<br />
policy on men and women. The aim was to develop a methodology to analyse <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> changes for <strong>the</strong> whole<br />
budget. Three criteria were used to analyse <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> expenditure cuts:<br />
● Impact on employment <strong>of</strong> men and women;<br />
● Impact on men and women as beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> public services;<br />
● Impact on unpaid work <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
The analysis <strong>of</strong> employment effects looked at <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> public administration employment as well as on<br />
<strong>the</strong> employment effect <strong>of</strong> public expenditures for goods and services by calculating a type <strong>of</strong> gender multiplier.<br />
The results <strong>of</strong> this initial research demonstrated clearly that at all levels women had to bear an over-proportional<br />
cost <strong>of</strong> restrictive budgetary policies. It led to wide-spread follow-up initiatives.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> this pilot, several initiatives at <strong>the</strong> national, cantonal and communal level have been<br />
started by women’s coalitions, equal opportunity <strong>of</strong>ficers, members <strong>of</strong> parliament and trade unionists. All were<br />
aimed at raising <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> gender awareness in budgeting. An important strategy is lobbying parliamentary<br />
bodies to obtain favourable votes to initiate deepen <strong>the</strong> analysis. Among <strong>the</strong> follow-up activities <strong>the</strong> work in <strong>the</strong><br />
canton Basel is particularly interesting. A large coalition <strong>of</strong> women’s groups and institutions pushed for pursuing<br />
<strong>the</strong> topic. In Basel fur<strong>the</strong>r research was conducted in cooperation with <strong>the</strong> Statistical Office and in consultation<br />
with a group <strong>of</strong> experts on Gender issues. The methodology was refined and besides gender <strong>the</strong> criteria age and<br />
nationality were included. The results were published in 2003 under <strong>the</strong> title “The small difference in public<br />
finance [1] ”.<br />
France<br />
Since 2000 <strong>the</strong> French government publishes <strong>the</strong> “Yellow Paper” on Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> and Gender Equality<br />
(download <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> current document – in French – at <strong>the</strong> Finance Ministry homepage: http://www.minefi.gouv.fr/<br />
minefi/publique/budget_etat/index.htm). Its publication is based on a legal obligation. The document is published<br />
as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> annual budgetary material. The first part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> document gives on overview <strong>of</strong> progress towards<br />
equality in different spheres <strong>of</strong> life. In <strong>the</strong> second part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yellow Paper each Ministry and Department sets out<br />
<strong>the</strong> expenses relating to <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> women’s rights and gender equality. In addition, <strong>the</strong> institutions are<br />
requested to be explicit about <strong>the</strong>ir policy on gender equality and present indicators to measure progress. It is<br />
intended as an information and monitoring instrument, primarily for <strong>the</strong> legislature. France is a good example <strong>of</strong> a<br />
continuous inside government exercise. As such it is a good starting point. Even though this exercise is not a fully<br />
fledged Gender Budgeting analysis it puts toge<strong>the</strong>r information which serves as a tool for Gender Mainstreaming.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>r work to deepen <strong>the</strong> analysis and formulate specific recommendations on policy action to reduce<br />
inequalities is needed.<br />
Austria<br />
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The Austrian case will be described somewhat more in detail due to two reasons: Firstly, <strong>the</strong> Austrian activities are<br />
still quite unknown and not included in standard survey articles about <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> Gender Budgeting. Secondly,<br />
<strong>the</strong> author being Austrian can contribute her insight knowledge.<br />
In Austria <strong>the</strong> independent Women and Budget Group, founded in 2001, plays a leading role. Its initial work was<br />
devoted to make <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> Gender Budgeting known in Austria, to spread knowledge and to motivate<br />
government, opposition parties and NGOs to pursue <strong>the</strong> issue fur<strong>the</strong>r. With this in mind, <strong>the</strong> group published a<br />
book in 2002: “Frauen Macht Budgets, Staatsfinanzen aus Geschlechterperspektive”. The title plays with <strong>the</strong> word<br />
“macht” which means power and doing at <strong>the</strong> same time: “Women power budgets/Women, go over budgets.<br />
Public finance from a gender perspective” (available in German only). This book explains <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
budgeting, its potentials and its limits, reviews <strong>the</strong> main international initiatives and contains some approaches to<br />
engendering <strong>the</strong> Austrian national budget. The work on <strong>the</strong> Austrian budget addresses <strong>the</strong> overall macroeconomic<br />
strategy and its impacts on women as well as government revenue (focusing on taxes, social security and user<br />
fees) and selected areas <strong>of</strong> public expenditure (education and research, labour market policy and funding for<br />
women’s organisations).<br />
The purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> book is tw<strong>of</strong>old: on <strong>the</strong> one hand, <strong>the</strong> governments at federal, regional and local level are<br />
addressed with a list <strong>of</strong> demands both, to introduce <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> Gender Budgeting in a meaningful way into<br />
government policy as well as specific recommendations on how to change policies in order to achieve more gender<br />
equality.<br />
The Austrian Women and Budget Group emphasises that Gender Budgeting is much more than a simple Gender<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> government income and revenue. The aspects <strong>of</strong> transparency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole budgeting process, <strong>the</strong><br />
translation <strong>of</strong> results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis into alternative policies, <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> overall macroeconomic strategy<br />
into analysis as well as <strong>the</strong> focus on participatory processes are included as equally important. This approach<br />
equally guides all subsequent work.<br />
In response to <strong>the</strong> publication more attention was drawn on <strong>the</strong> issue, especially from women activists, NGOs as<br />
well as opposition parties (Greens and Social Democrats). Especially as a response to <strong>the</strong> increasing demand for<br />
more practical assistance in how to do gender budgeting at <strong>the</strong> local level, some women from <strong>the</strong> Women and<br />
Budgets Group embarked on developing a handbook for introducing Gender Budgeting at <strong>the</strong> regional and local<br />
level (published in 2004, German only, download www.beigewum.at ). Workshops addressed at a broad range <strong>of</strong><br />
multipliers were designed as well.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e main shortcoming <strong>of</strong> this civil society initiative is <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> funding and <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women<br />
involved as several have small children, many full time jobs and/or many o<strong>the</strong>r civil society engagements. There<br />
have been attempts to spread <strong>the</strong> ideas among NGOs in order to build up civil society pressure demanding<br />
government to take action. But it is hard to maintain <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> activities. Again, it is lack <strong>of</strong> time and funding.<br />
Currently Austria has a conservative/right wing government which is dedicated to neo-liberal policies, including<br />
restrictive budgetary policies. Funding for NGOs, especially women’s organisations is being cut repeatedly.<br />
Still, due to <strong>the</strong> attention around <strong>the</strong> issue, <strong>the</strong> federal government moved forward. The Ministry <strong>of</strong> Finance<br />
carried out a small exercise in 2002 titled “Is <strong>the</strong> Austrian tax system in fact ‘gender neutral’?”, which actually<br />
was a short data analysis <strong>of</strong> income taxation. It clearly shows shortcomings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tax provisions, for example,<br />
men pr<strong>of</strong>it over-proportionally from tax breaks. Still, even <strong>the</strong> few results where not incorporated in <strong>the</strong> current<br />
tax reform project, to <strong>the</strong> contrary, some effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> current reform reinforce <strong>the</strong> gender bias. This fits into <strong>the</strong><br />
trend <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r reform projects, like a recent pension reform, women’s special situation and needs are widely<br />
neglected.<br />
In 2004 <strong>the</strong> Austrian Federal government decided to implement Gender Budgeting. A Gender Budgeting Working<br />
group has been set up but without political power or clear guidelines and without additional resources. And<br />
somewhat hastily a section on “Gender Budgeting” was included in <strong>the</strong> 2005 budget material. Due to <strong>the</strong><br />
uncoordinated last minute exercise <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> material is quite poor and public <strong>of</strong>ficials involved are<br />
frustrated about this additional task. Recently, two research pilot projects have been launched, one at <strong>the</strong> federal<br />
level and one at <strong>the</strong> regional level. Both are intended to develop methods and tools to implement Gender<br />
Budgeting as part <strong>of</strong> regular administrative tasks. In spite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor performance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government so far, at<br />
this point <strong>the</strong> strategy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women and Budget Group is to cooperate with <strong>the</strong> government <strong>of</strong>ficials in charge<br />
and <strong>of</strong>fer expertise. This is motivated by <strong>the</strong> hope to influence <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> exercise and push towards broad<br />
implementation and institutionalisation. The Gender Budgeting is part <strong>of</strong> an ongoing constitutional reform in<br />
Austria as well. Due to a coalition <strong>of</strong> women across political parties in cooperation with <strong>the</strong> non-governmental<br />
experts it was possible to include Gender Budgeting. Agreement has been reached to explicitly state in <strong>the</strong><br />
Constitution that financial policies shall aim at gender equality. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore it is stipulated in <strong>the</strong> draft<br />
Constitution that Gender Budgeting is included in <strong>the</strong> annual budget [2] .<br />
Sweden<br />
Sweden for over 10 years has been producing annual reports on an analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender impact <strong>of</strong> current<br />
economic policies, e.g. social insurance and pensions, women’s contribution to GNP and productivity <strong>of</strong> men and<br />
women. The document has recently been “upgraded” by moving it to <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Finance<br />
[3] . A gender budget project started in 2002, which is aimed at making gender visible throughout <strong>the</strong> whole state<br />
budgetary process. The project is carried out in co-operation between <strong>the</strong> Division for Gender Equality and <strong>the</strong><br />
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Budget Department <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Finance. Its purpose is to develop methods and tools for gender budgeting<br />
and prepare an action plan covering <strong>the</strong> whole state budgetary process. Social welfare, regional development and<br />
transport have been selected areas for pilots.<br />
Basque Country<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Basque country (Spain), EMAKUNDE, <strong>the</strong> Basque Women’s Institute, an autonomous organization<br />
dependent on <strong>the</strong> Presidency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Basque Government, launched a Gender Budgeting initiative in 1999. With <strong>the</strong><br />
aid <strong>of</strong> external experts a comprehensive strategy to implement Gender Budgeting was launched (a documentation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> efforts, including a broad range <strong>of</strong> materials and <strong>the</strong> pilot reports – partly available in English – can be<br />
found at http://www.emakunde.es/actualidad/presupuestos/indice_.htm). The aim is to implement a gender<br />
perspective on budgeting into every administrative unit. An inter-ministerial task force was set up to guide and<br />
coordinate <strong>the</strong> endeavour. A special focus was on preparing public <strong>of</strong>ficials to take over <strong>the</strong> task. A series <strong>of</strong><br />
seminaries and trainings in <strong>the</strong> initial phase as well as <strong>the</strong> set up <strong>of</strong> support teams facilitated spreading <strong>the</strong><br />
concept and tools within public administration. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore written material, like a comprehensive handbook, was<br />
developed to support analysis at this initial stage. For analysis during <strong>the</strong> pilot phase several portfolios where<br />
selected, Home Affairs, Industry, Trade and Tourism, Health, Culture, Environment as well as Transport and Public<br />
Works. The pilot phase was concluded end <strong>of</strong> 2002. It is especially this initial stage which can serve as a model for<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r projects to implement Gender Budgeting within public administration. Careful planning, <strong>the</strong> institutional<br />
framework and strategic implementation contribute to its success. Regarding <strong>the</strong> institutional setup <strong>the</strong> central<br />
role <strong>of</strong> Emakunde is important. In its board <strong>the</strong> Basque governor as well <strong>of</strong> representatives <strong>of</strong> all important state<br />
institutions are present. This gives <strong>the</strong> guidelines published by Emakunde <strong>the</strong> necessary backing and facilitates<br />
<strong>the</strong> following implementation. The step wise introduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concept at <strong>the</strong> political level and subsequent<br />
process <strong>of</strong> guided practical analysis in pilot areas created strong foundations for fur<strong>the</strong>r work.<br />
Serbia and Bulgaria<br />
Gender budgeting initiatives in Bulgaria and Serbia [4] were initiated and coordinated in 2003 by two women’s<br />
organizations, <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF) and <strong>the</strong> Serb Women’s Center for Democracy<br />
and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (WCDHR). A starting point was <strong>the</strong> joint project on “Budgetary Implications <strong>of</strong> Domestic<br />
Violence in Bulgaria and Serbia” supported by a grant <strong>of</strong> AWID (Association <strong>of</strong> Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development).<br />
As domestic violence was identified as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major women’s issues in both countries it was chosen as a pilot<br />
to develop a methodology for gender budgeting. At an initial stage, NGOs, women’s groups and researchers were<br />
invited to contribute papers on <strong>the</strong> topic. These research findings formed <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> developing a methodology<br />
to analyse budgetary implications <strong>of</strong> domestic violence. This initiative has established a concrete base for starting<br />
gender budgeting in Bulgaria and Serbia in o<strong>the</strong>r areas as well. It prepared <strong>the</strong> ground for <strong>the</strong> co-operation<br />
between civil society and <strong>the</strong> state in this specific area. The aim <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> project was to bring Gender Budgeting as a<br />
key strategy to be adopted by <strong>the</strong> government to <strong>the</strong> attention <strong>of</strong> society in general as well as specialized<br />
institutions and agencies. Both organizations are involved in <strong>the</strong> “Gender Budgeting Initiative in <strong>the</strong> CEE/NIS<br />
Region” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Network East-West Women (NEWW) initiated in 2003. This initiative is aimed at sharing<br />
information and experience on Gender Budgeting. A central goal is to make government policies and priorities<br />
more responsive to gender issues by popularising Gender Budget analysis, working towards fully incorporating<br />
gender concerns into public spending and towards increasing women’s participation in budgetary decision making<br />
processes.<br />
European Union financial and macroeconomic policies call for attention<br />
The policies at <strong>the</strong> European Union level have an increasingly important impact on financial policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
individual member states. Thus a focus needs to be directed to <strong>the</strong> EU macro-economic policy documents. There<br />
has been some activity around this issue in 2002 but without effective follow-up. Above all <strong>the</strong> Guidelines <strong>of</strong><br />
Economic Policy need to be broadened by introducing a gender equality perspective and including gender<br />
budgeting instruments.<br />
Some major challenges ahead<br />
● Not losing ultimative goals and political perspective out <strong>of</strong> sight.<br />
● With <strong>the</strong> increasing involvement <strong>of</strong> governments in Gender Budgeting <strong>the</strong>re is a risk that <strong>the</strong> governments<br />
take over <strong>the</strong> concept without changing policies substantively. Clearly, any Gender Budget project needs<br />
dynamic outside government monitoring activities.<br />
● Move from analysis to policy action. At this point <strong>the</strong>re is a strong focus on analysis. Clearly this is an<br />
essential part, but more attention needs to be directed towards changing policies in order to improve<br />
gender relations.<br />
● Provide gender-disaggregated statistics in all areas and develop performance indicators as well as<br />
monitoring instruments.<br />
● Streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> participatory element <strong>of</strong> Gender Budgeting.<br />
● Develop instruments, methods and procedures to implement Gender Budgeting as standard task <strong>of</strong><br />
governments and public administrations.<br />
● Definition <strong>of</strong> and some sort <strong>of</strong> international understanding about quality control criteria for Gender<br />
Budgeting itself. Not everything which is called Gender Budgeting is actually fulfilling its purpose.<br />
● Build ownership within public administration. This needs clear political commitment, continual training,<br />
support and resources.<br />
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● Ensure continuity.<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Elisabeth Klatzer, Austria, PhD in Economics, Master in Public Administration Harvard University. Working on<br />
Engendering Budgets since about five years: as member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Austrian Gender and Budget Group, a civil society<br />
initiative, as researcher and as public <strong>of</strong>ficial (Austrian Federal Chancellery).<br />
Contact: eklat@aon.at<br />
[1] Gleichstellungsbüro/Statistisches Amt/Frauenrat Basel (Ed.), Der kleine Unterschied in den Staatsfinanzen.<br />
Basel 2003.<br />
[2] The adoption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> provisions – <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> gender budgeting is included in several public finance articles –<br />
depends on whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> whole constitutional reform will be adopted.<br />
[3] The current document is available – in Swedish – under<br />
http://www.regeringen.se/content/1/c6/03/00/97/99d957f1.pdf.<br />
[4] This section draws on: Dokmanovic, Mirjana. Djuric Kuzmanovic, Tatjana. Tisheva, Genoveva (2004), Gender<br />
Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria –Experiences and Challenges, proposal and paper, International IAFFE<br />
Conference on Central and Eastern Europe: A feminist economic dialogue on transition and EU-enlargement, 21-<br />
22 January 2005, Budapest.<br />
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Relevance <strong>of</strong> New Solutions:<br />
Relevance <strong>of</strong> New Solutions:<br />
The Example <strong>of</strong> Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro<br />
By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D., Faculty <strong>of</strong> Entrepreneurial Management, Bra•a Kari• University, Novi Sad, Serbia and<br />
Montenegro<br />
Abstract<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> example <strong>of</strong> free zones in Serbia and Montenegro, <strong>the</strong> author addresses two <strong>the</strong>ses. The first, by which<br />
even <strong>the</strong> best solutions do not last forever and have a limited period <strong>of</strong> relevance. The second, by which <strong>the</strong> utility<br />
<strong>of</strong> a new solutions is highly dependent on <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environment and <strong>the</strong> subjects using it.<br />
Key words: free zones, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
Introduction<br />
The transfer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economy into <strong>the</strong> phase <strong>of</strong> New Economics more than ever gives significance to <strong>the</strong><br />
issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> new solutions being limited by time and <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> knowledge and skills <strong>of</strong><br />
particular subjects required to deal with change successfully.<br />
The problem <strong>of</strong> changing patterns <strong>of</strong> successful functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economy and its subjects does not lie<br />
only in <strong>the</strong> strength <strong>of</strong> arguments and positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> participants in <strong>the</strong> debate. The problem also lies in <strong>the</strong><br />
knowledge and skills to adopt new solutions in a qualitative manner within <strong>the</strong> relevant period.<br />
In order to elaborate <strong>the</strong> above positions, this paper considers an unused possibility in Serbia and Montenegro.<br />
Knowledge, skills and coincidence have caused <strong>the</strong> institution <strong>of</strong> free zones not to yield expected results and<br />
effects during <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> high relevance.<br />
Free zones as a new, advanced institution in a socialist country<br />
The former Yugoslavia was a socialist country. Unlike o<strong>the</strong>r socialist countries, it had far more <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> elements <strong>of</strong> a<br />
market economy. In <strong>the</strong> conditions at that time, it maintained a rich practice <strong>of</strong> foreign economic relations. A little<br />
less than one-half <strong>of</strong> total exports were placed in developed markets. Domestic practices included joint ventures<br />
and long-term cooperation with foreign partners.<br />
In such an environment, in <strong>the</strong> mid-1970s, legislation introduced <strong>the</strong> institution <strong>of</strong> free zones. Introduction <strong>of</strong> free<br />
zones was accompanied with strong media campaigns about <strong>the</strong>ir significance for fur<strong>the</strong>r access <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domestic<br />
economy to <strong>the</strong> developed world, attracting international capital and transfer <strong>of</strong> international technology, for<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r growing exports and creating new employment in <strong>the</strong> country. A climate was being created in which <strong>the</strong><br />
institute <strong>of</strong> free zones was represented as a condition for energizing fur<strong>the</strong>r economic development.<br />
Nowadays, regretfully, we find that <strong>the</strong> institution <strong>of</strong> free zones in Serbia and Montenegro, and as far as we know,<br />
even wider, in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> former Yugoslavia and its environment (Romania and Bulgaria) did not accomplish its<br />
mission. <strong>On</strong>e exception is Hungary, which initially opted for and very successfully used <strong>the</strong> trading zones.<br />
Transitional changes in <strong>the</strong> country and liberalization <strong>of</strong> international trade and business sooner or later will raise<br />
<strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> relevance and fur<strong>the</strong>r maintenance <strong>of</strong> free zones.<br />
Aim and basis <strong>of</strong> consideration<br />
The question asked in compiling this paper is: Why did an institution, which at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> its introduction<br />
represented a modernization and liberalization <strong>of</strong> links between national and international economies, did not<br />
accomplish its mission?<br />
When answering this question, besides a decade <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional work on <strong>the</strong>ir development, I also wanted to rely<br />
on empirical data. Having asked <strong>the</strong> Association <strong>of</strong> Free Zones <strong>of</strong> Serbia within <strong>the</strong> Chamber <strong>of</strong> Economy <strong>of</strong><br />
Serbia, I received <strong>the</strong> answer that <strong>the</strong>re are no data and that <strong>the</strong> data are confidential.<br />
Free zones in <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> data from <strong>the</strong> Internet [1] , free zones in <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia are located in Belgrade, Novi<br />
Sad, Smederevo, Kovin, Šabac, Subotica, Sremska Mitrovica, Prahovo, Sombor, Lapovo, Vladi•in Han, Ba•ka<br />
Palanka and Pirot. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se free zones have obtained establishing and working licenses, but factually, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
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are doing very little or no business at all. We must point out that in <strong>the</strong> 1980s and <strong>the</strong> 1990s <strong>the</strong>re was a lot <strong>of</strong><br />
interest from numerous local governments and companies, mostly in underdeveloped communities, to establish<br />
free zones. It was a climate in which it was in to have one's own free zone.<br />
Definition <strong>of</strong> a free zone<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> Law, (Official Gazette <strong>of</strong> FRY, issues 81/94 and 28/96), a free zone is:<br />
● a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Federal Republic <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia (FRY),<br />
● enclosed area under Customs surveillance, regulated in terms <strong>of</strong> urban development and infrastructural<br />
equipment,<br />
● where, in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> construction or business transactions, applicable regulations are <strong>the</strong> laws <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> host<br />
country and <strong>the</strong> company's bylaws related to <strong>the</strong> administration <strong>of</strong> free zones.<br />
Enterprises managing free zones<br />
Free zones on <strong>the</strong> national territory are incorporated companies owned by local governments, banks, freight<br />
forwarding or transporting companies and o<strong>the</strong>r corporate entities.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> domestic free zones, new shares were issued and new share capital was added in a very small<br />
number <strong>of</strong> cases. O<strong>the</strong>rwise, <strong>the</strong> assets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free zones did not include <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> land in <strong>the</strong> free zone area.<br />
Free zones are administered by free zone managing enterprises. The range <strong>of</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se enterprises<br />
includes:<br />
● introducing tenants to land and premises within <strong>the</strong> free zone area;<br />
● providing that investors and users <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free zone enjoy <strong>the</strong> privileges in construction and business<br />
provided by <strong>the</strong> law for <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> free zones;<br />
● managing <strong>the</strong> unobstructed operation <strong>of</strong> free zones; and<br />
● providing certain services to <strong>the</strong> users <strong>of</strong> free zones.<br />
Privileges for investment and business in free zones<br />
At <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> passing <strong>the</strong> first Free Zones Act, when <strong>the</strong>re were numerous customs barriers to <strong>the</strong> import <strong>of</strong><br />
goods on national level and when goods could be held under customs surveillance up to 60 days, free zones<br />
provided <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> keeping goods under customs surveillance for unlimited time. O<strong>the</strong>rwise, any transfer <strong>of</strong><br />
goods from free zone area into <strong>the</strong> national market is subject to complete import procedure. <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
advantages in this procedure is that <strong>the</strong> free zone area included Customs <strong>of</strong>fices. At <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> passing <strong>the</strong> first<br />
Free Zones Act, <strong>the</strong> Direct Foreign Investments Act did not provide, as it does today, <strong>the</strong> possibility for goods<br />
used for setting up a new enterprise or a jointly owned facility to be imported exempt from import duties. The<br />
Free Zones Act provides such a possibility. In <strong>the</strong> first Free Zones Act, <strong>the</strong> beneficiary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free zone could have<br />
a foreign currency bank account and full freedom <strong>of</strong> its use. By <strong>the</strong> changes in legislation regarding foreign<br />
currencies, this privilege in doing business in free zones has lost significance.<br />
Changes and liberalization <strong>of</strong> legislation regarding foreign trade and foreign currency transactions <strong>of</strong> domestic<br />
subjects caused <strong>the</strong> dissipation <strong>of</strong> minor legislative privileges for investments and business transactions in<br />
domestic free zones.<br />
Services in free zones<br />
Inside <strong>the</strong> free zone areas, <strong>the</strong> Law does not allow retailing or rendering services to users who are outside <strong>the</strong> free<br />
zone area. It only allows wholesale between subjects located inside <strong>the</strong> zone and subjects outside <strong>the</strong> zone.<br />
In compliance with contracts with free zone managing companies, a body corporate may organize and render<br />
services inside <strong>the</strong> free zone area. As far as I know, such a possibility is not used in domestic free zones. <strong>On</strong> a<br />
daily basis, <strong>the</strong> free zone area includes a small volume <strong>of</strong> individual specialized services, so that anyone who is<br />
potentially interested faces <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir cost effectiveness.<br />
In a number <strong>of</strong> free zones, managing enterprises organize and render services <strong>of</strong> handling and storage <strong>of</strong> goods,<br />
as well as catering, for <strong>the</strong>ir users.<br />
Programs and contents <strong>of</strong> free zones<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 1970s and 1980s, domestic free zones were promoted as export-oriented production zones, although<br />
legislation did not define it anywhere. Namely, legislation allows organizing all industries and activities in <strong>the</strong> free<br />
zone area, with <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> activities endangering national security and environment.<br />
Experience has shown that domestic free zones acquired a pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> free trading zones. Some stages <strong>of</strong><br />
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production were organized in a very small number <strong>of</strong> free zones, mostly assembly stages, employing no more<br />
than 10 workers per individual program.<br />
Streng<strong>the</strong>ning trading and transporting operations in <strong>the</strong> free zone area has lead to direct competition between<br />
free zones and Customs zones and public storage facilities in <strong>the</strong> direct environment.<br />
Users <strong>of</strong> free zones<br />
The 1980s and 1990s were <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> frequent talks about <strong>the</strong> entry <strong>of</strong> multinational companies into <strong>the</strong> free<br />
zone areas. The practice, however, failed to live up to <strong>the</strong> expectations. An average free zone user may be defined<br />
as:<br />
● a small ra<strong>the</strong>r than medium-sized enterprise;<br />
● a domestic enterprise from <strong>the</strong> independently-developed private sector in <strong>the</strong> 1990s, or a foreign company<br />
registered in a neighboring country by our citizens;<br />
● an enterprise renting small premises for a shorter time, <strong>of</strong>ten using it to carry out a single or a few<br />
importing or re-exporting transactions.<br />
Foreign trade balance <strong>of</strong> free zones<br />
The legislature provided that free zones must have exports worth 50% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> value produced and services<br />
rendered in <strong>the</strong> free zone area over <strong>the</strong> period one year. Under <strong>the</strong> Law, if a free zone does not comply with this<br />
requirement over three consecutive years, this entitles <strong>the</strong> competent authorities to hand down a decision for<br />
withdrawing <strong>the</strong> permit to operate a free zone.<br />
Justification <strong>of</strong> organizing export-oriented production in free zone space is highly subject to dispute. Legallyprovided<br />
privileges for transactions in free zones do not stimulate export-oriented production. The legislature gave<br />
a high quality solution to <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> temporary import for finalization or for export, or <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> temporary<br />
import into <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country.<br />
According to my information, <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> import in <strong>the</strong> 1990s exceeded <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> export, but <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong><br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> law was not raised due to <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>the</strong> entire country was in. Although I do not have<br />
<strong>the</strong> latest accurate information, I tend to conclude that <strong>the</strong> recent years have not seen significant changes in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> volume and size <strong>of</strong> foreign trade <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free zones. I believe that <strong>the</strong> share <strong>of</strong> exchange conducted in<br />
<strong>the</strong> free zones is below 1% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country’s total foreign trade.<br />
Constructing and equipping <strong>of</strong> free zones<br />
By definition, free zones cover areas regulated in terms <strong>of</strong> urban development, infrastructure and equipment, on<br />
high-quality locations. It is true that in several cases free zones also have unregulated grounds in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
development and equipment. The problems <strong>of</strong> development and equipment, as well as lack <strong>of</strong> interest in<br />
construction, have lead to <strong>the</strong> fact that only a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ground has been fenced and put to use. So far, local<br />
authorities do not comply with <strong>the</strong> legal provision under which land allotted for construction must be used for<br />
construction within a given period <strong>of</strong> time.<br />
The average area <strong>of</strong> larger free zones is several dozen hectares <strong>of</strong> land. Smaller free zones cover a few hectares.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> largest number <strong>of</strong> free zones, built business premises in <strong>the</strong> free zone regime include facilities that<br />
represent <strong>the</strong> initial investment capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free zone.<br />
Depending on <strong>the</strong> free zone, <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> built premises <strong>of</strong> standard dimensions range from 2,300 to 15,000<br />
square meters. These premises, owned by <strong>the</strong> managing companies are ei<strong>the</strong>r rented or used by <strong>the</strong> owners<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves as storage space.<br />
The largest number <strong>of</strong> free zone management enterprises has not invested in fur<strong>the</strong>r expansion <strong>of</strong> business<br />
premises. <strong>On</strong>ly in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> two free zones is <strong>the</strong>re a recorded entry <strong>of</strong> foreign capital and construction <strong>of</strong><br />
premises for <strong>the</strong>ir own needs.<br />
<strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> foreign investors<br />
The Free Zones Act allows for foreign investors to be shareholders <strong>of</strong> free zones. Most <strong>of</strong> foreign equity<br />
participation is limited to 49% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free zone's capital. This provision is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons for <strong>the</strong><br />
lack <strong>of</strong> foreign interest in capital extension <strong>of</strong> free zones.<br />
In case <strong>of</strong> building within <strong>the</strong> free zone area, <strong>the</strong> investor is <strong>the</strong> owner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> facility and <strong>the</strong> tenant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> grounds<br />
upon which <strong>the</strong> facility is built. The maximum period <strong>of</strong> tenancy is 60 years.<br />
Factors contributing to failure <strong>of</strong> free zones to accomplish <strong>the</strong>ir mission<br />
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companies in Vojvodina. She has published over 120 research and scientific papers.She is <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong> one<br />
monography and three university textbooks, and co-author <strong>of</strong> one university textbook. She is affiliate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Economics Institute in Belgrade and member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Scientific Association <strong>of</strong> Economists.<br />
Contact: zduric@eunet.yu<br />
[1] Source: www.carinskatarifa.com/linkovi/slobodne_zone.htm<br />
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Public Goods – The Economic vs. <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
Abstract<br />
Public Goods – The Economic vs <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D., Faculty <strong>of</strong> Economics, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
Property is <strong>the</strong>ft.<br />
Proudhon [1]<br />
The phenomenon <strong>of</strong> public goods has existed since <strong>the</strong> dawn <strong>of</strong> civilization, but <strong>the</strong>ir significance and <strong>the</strong> approach<br />
to <strong>the</strong>m has been different in various historical, and especially socio-economic, stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong><br />
civilization. This issue is becoming emphasized in <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New Economy (or Total<br />
Economy), especially in countries in transition. Serbia & Montenegro is currently in <strong>the</strong> stage <strong>of</strong> general transition,<br />
which involves a dramatic process <strong>of</strong> transforming social into private property, with all <strong>the</strong> elements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> elitist<br />
process. During such a transition, it is necessary to explain and educate all <strong>the</strong> interest and social groups about<br />
<strong>the</strong> essence <strong>of</strong> public goods, as well as about <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir uncritical, excessive and immoral<br />
privatization. This paper points to <strong>the</strong> very essence <strong>of</strong> public goods and <strong>the</strong>ir generally adopted classification with<br />
a special emphasis on <strong>the</strong> ethical, as opposed to <strong>the</strong> economic, dimension <strong>of</strong> determining <strong>the</strong> goods <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
and <strong>the</strong> approach to <strong>the</strong>m. This is an obligation <strong>of</strong> present generations both for ourselves and for all future<br />
generations.<br />
Key words: public goods, ethics, awareness, public choice<br />
The phenomenology <strong>of</strong> public goods is as old as civilization in general. What is variable in relation to public goods<br />
is <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> knowledge about <strong>the</strong>m (cognition on a scientific basis) and <strong>the</strong> approach to <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
An additional variable is <strong>the</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> organization in providing public goods at various stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development<br />
<strong>of</strong> civilization.<br />
Economic Genesis and Classifications<br />
Economics as a science started to develop intensively and to systematize its knowledge in <strong>the</strong> second half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
19 th and <strong>the</strong> early 20 th centuries. It is, <strong>the</strong>refore, a very young science, compared to ma<strong>the</strong>matics or philosophy,<br />
for example. Its constitution and development are mostly related to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> markets, exchange,<br />
money, and production as organized activities, etc. However, we shall all agree that human communities had<br />
existed and functioned even before <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> economics as a science and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> elements <strong>of</strong> economics in<br />
<strong>the</strong> categorical sense. These communities used natural goods (natural resources) under some principles that we<br />
cannot call economic in <strong>the</strong> above sense.<br />
The primitive accumulation <strong>of</strong> capital, <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> trading capital, <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> manufacturing and<br />
technological inventions, and <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> strong nation states made <strong>the</strong> economic processes complex and<br />
imposed a need to explain <strong>the</strong>m. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>se conditions created a need that is considered more important<br />
today, <strong>the</strong> need to predict and project <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
In terms <strong>of</strong> economics, in relation to public goods, <strong>the</strong> strongest influence was <strong>the</strong> occurrence and development <strong>of</strong><br />
manufactured goods. That is to say <strong>the</strong> fact that public goods - in large numbers - acquired <strong>the</strong> characteristics <strong>of</strong><br />
goods and all <strong>the</strong> features <strong>of</strong> commodities – use-value, exchange-value, and market price. Three facts cardinally<br />
contributed to this process:<br />
- Increase in <strong>the</strong> global population,<br />
- The scarce and limited character <strong>of</strong> natural resources, and<br />
- The developmental trend <strong>of</strong> economic sciences, especially political economics, supported by marketing and<br />
similar skills, and <strong>the</strong>ir turn from <strong>the</strong> objective (labor) <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> value to a subjective value <strong>the</strong>ory, which meant<br />
opening <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> “creating” human needs. [2]<br />
Modern economic science defines and systematizes public goods starting from <strong>the</strong> most general division <strong>of</strong> all<br />
goods into private and public. Thus goods range from purely/completely private goods to purely/completely public<br />
goods.<br />
The basic economic characteristics <strong>of</strong> private goods are:<br />
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Public Goods – The Economic vs. <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
- Users <strong>of</strong> private goods easily can be and are charged for <strong>the</strong>ir utilization;<br />
- The marginal production cost <strong>of</strong> goods is positive (equal or higher than <strong>the</strong> average cost); and,<br />
- In <strong>the</strong> acquisition (purchase and use) <strong>of</strong> private goods, consumers act by <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> rivalry (if I do<br />
– you don’t) and exclusion (I paid – only I use).<br />
What is characteristic <strong>of</strong> public goods, however, is that:<br />
- It is practically impossible to charge for utilization because production cost is indivisible, so that marginal<br />
cost equals zero; and<br />
- What applies in <strong>the</strong>ir utilization are <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> non-rivalry (both I – and you – and o<strong>the</strong>rs) and<br />
non-exclusion (nobody can be prevented from use).<br />
Between <strong>the</strong>se two (<strong>the</strong>oretically known as extreme) definitions <strong>of</strong> goods are <strong>the</strong> so-called transitional forms <strong>of</strong><br />
goods, such as common pool resources (hunting grounds and pastures [3] ) or club goods (concert halls, sports<br />
halls or swimming pools).<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r, not less significant, classification <strong>of</strong> public goods uses allocation criteria. According to <strong>the</strong>se criteria, all<br />
public goods are divided into:<br />
- Global public goods (state borders are not obstacles for <strong>the</strong> inhabitants <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r countries to benefit from<br />
<strong>the</strong>se resources – such as biological diversity, tropical rainforests, and air);<br />
- National public goods (national defense and national parks); and<br />
- Local public goods (municipal parks and squares).<br />
It is <strong>the</strong> allocation criteria that introduce key economic categories (and related problems) into <strong>the</strong> system:<br />
- The category <strong>of</strong> ownership and<br />
- The category <strong>of</strong> rent (cost, i.e., benefit from utilization).<br />
The largest number <strong>of</strong> natural resources does not have an owner or is in a special ownership regime, (e.g.<br />
essential resources necessary for life - water, air, and biodiversity). This ownership regime is known as “res<br />
nullius” - nobody owns and nobody controls <strong>the</strong> resources.<br />
Unlike this regime, <strong>the</strong>re are:<br />
- State ownership regimes (state-owned and controlled resources) and<br />
- Communal regimes (resources owned and controlled by groups <strong>of</strong> co-owners).<br />
The systems <strong>of</strong> ownership and rent (utilization cost) are <strong>the</strong> categories leading to problems and conflicts in <strong>the</strong><br />
production and use <strong>of</strong> public goods. The most <strong>of</strong>ten addressed consequential issue is that <strong>of</strong> free riders, (i.e. rent<br />
dissipation) which ultimately leads to <strong>the</strong> “tragedy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> commons.” [4] Simplified, in <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> price, access<br />
to public goods is not limited by anything so scarce resources are subject to an unlimited degree <strong>of</strong> exploitation.<br />
To prevent this drastically negative phenomenon, it is necessary to set utilization rules, especially through:<br />
- Legislation (or a regulation arrangement), which implies setting standards for participants regarding<br />
exploitation and imposing sanctions on those who break <strong>the</strong> regulations;<br />
- An arrangement (system) <strong>of</strong> utilization fees (based on <strong>the</strong> principle “<strong>the</strong> users pay”);<br />
- An arrangement <strong>of</strong> developed licenses, set by a competent authority (i.e. in exploiting marine fisheries<br />
and resources); and<br />
- Traditional resources based on awareness, responsibility, good practices, culture and tradition, without<br />
particular enforcement forms o<strong>the</strong>r than social values.<br />
From Ethics to Economics and Back<br />
History teaches that human communities at a lower degree <strong>of</strong> technical development had a higher awareness <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> public goods (e.g. drinking water springs), like <strong>the</strong> awareness shown nowadays by Swiss dairy<br />
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Public Goods – The Economic vs. <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
farmers or animal rights activists. This simplified parallel leads to a conclusion that high awareness, and <strong>the</strong><br />
related ethics, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> public goods is immanent in those human communities that are extreme in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> technical development – ei<strong>the</strong>r at a very low or a very high level.<br />
What is it all about? It is obvious that this important issue is directly related to <strong>the</strong> level and degree <strong>of</strong> satisfaction<br />
<strong>of</strong> a person's need for goods. If a person is satisfied at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> his or her personal needs his or her<br />
awareness <strong>of</strong> public goods is higher and vice versa.<br />
Let’s take a very simple example. You have your own car that you use daily to commute to work. In this way, you<br />
have solved and satisfied your own need to get to work and back home efficiently and comfortably, using all <strong>the</strong><br />
benefits <strong>of</strong> your own private good (<strong>the</strong> car). At <strong>the</strong> same time, your have <strong>the</strong> possibility, <strong>of</strong> which nobody deprives<br />
you, to use bus, tram, train, etc. (i.e. public transportation) – as public goods. Many <strong>of</strong> your fellow citizens will<br />
use <strong>the</strong> public goods because <strong>the</strong>y are entitled to <strong>the</strong>m, because <strong>the</strong>y do not own cars or because <strong>the</strong>y do not<br />
want to drive <strong>the</strong>ir own cars. In this case, objective circumstances or motives for using public goods are<br />
completely irrelevant, and we all bear <strong>the</strong> costs <strong>of</strong> using public goods – paying <strong>the</strong> fares (if we ride on it) or taxes<br />
and fees used to finance <strong>the</strong> organization and functioning <strong>of</strong> public transportation.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r textbook example <strong>of</strong> public goods is a national defense system. Every citizen in <strong>the</strong> state has an equal<br />
right to security and safety <strong>of</strong> his or her life and property. In terms <strong>of</strong> organizational economics, production <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
public good, national defense, is in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, for which certain funds need to be provided. Financing<br />
defense is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most important state expenditures, and <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> it is widespread no matter how<br />
pacifist one may be.<br />
As a third example, during <strong>the</strong> summer heat, each person has equal (natural) need to cool down in <strong>the</strong> water.<br />
This need may be satisfied in various ways. They can, for example, go to <strong>the</strong> municipal swimming pool (a public<br />
good) or build <strong>the</strong>ir own swimming pool (a private good). They can travel to some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> appealing resorts where<br />
<strong>the</strong>y will be using <strong>the</strong> swimming pool inside <strong>the</strong>ir hotel (a club good) or go to a public beach – depending on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
needs, wishes or personal attitudes. Let us stick to <strong>the</strong> municipal pool. We may, but do not have to, use this<br />
public good. However, <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> need for it will seldom cause protest if <strong>the</strong> municipal authorities use<br />
funds collected from <strong>the</strong> taxes we all pay (or should pay) to build (produce) a municipal swimming pool. The<br />
problem may arise if, at one point, <strong>the</strong> municipal authorities decide to sell <strong>the</strong> pool, as <strong>the</strong> new ownership form,<br />
guided by <strong>the</strong> logic <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it and <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> pricing for <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> using <strong>the</strong> pool, will lead to <strong>the</strong> exclusion <strong>of</strong><br />
certain people (first <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> poor) from <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> this good for all citizens.<br />
Production <strong>of</strong> public goods is financed from public income. The players in this process are all <strong>the</strong> members <strong>of</strong> a<br />
community, at any organizational level – local, regional, national or federal. Nobody, <strong>the</strong>refore, is excluded from<br />
production or consumption (availability). Within <strong>the</strong>se coordinates, a public good is an explicit economic category<br />
determined by o<strong>the</strong>r economic categories: income-expenditure, cost-benefit, production-consumption.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> above mentioned, as well as all o<strong>the</strong>r examples <strong>of</strong> public goods, however <strong>the</strong>y may be categorized (as<br />
global, national, communal, common pool or club). What inevitably imposes itself is <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> awareness<br />
(consciousness?) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> need for public goods and <strong>the</strong>ir production, as a per se necessity. This ontologism based<br />
on <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> good (as opposed to bad) leads us into determining public goods as an ethical category.<br />
Where is <strong>the</strong> Lost Ethic?<br />
The ethical discourse <strong>of</strong> technology, with all its good and bad consequences, is rooted in <strong>the</strong> ancient tragedy,<br />
when <strong>the</strong> “machine” appeared as <strong>the</strong> intermediary between God and humans (i.e., natural resources and people)<br />
in its modern explicit meaning.<br />
It is not necessary nowadays to demonstrate particularly that technological process has led to an imposing extent<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic and any o<strong>the</strong>r type <strong>of</strong> progress in humankind. Similarly, it is unnecessary to demonstrate specifically<br />
that development has lead to a regression in many spheres <strong>of</strong> human life with very pessimistic prognoses for <strong>the</strong><br />
future.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> facts and <strong>the</strong> knowledge <strong>of</strong> harmfulness <strong>of</strong> certain technological solutions, humans use <strong>the</strong>m<br />
excessively and indiscriminately, turning in this process against <strong>the</strong>mselves. Production <strong>of</strong> one resource (e.g.,<br />
motorways, so that we can travel faster and more safely) necessarily destroys ano<strong>the</strong>r resources (e.g., fertile land<br />
or forests). The awareness <strong>of</strong> a natural (public) good withdraws in this away before <strong>the</strong> (created?) need to rest on<br />
a distant shore <strong>of</strong> a sea or a lake or to do “business” quickly. Technical solutions and <strong>the</strong>ir role in <strong>the</strong> frantic<br />
satisfaction <strong>of</strong> generated rules, willingness to pay for <strong>the</strong>m, and especially to make pr<strong>of</strong>it, bring us into a situation<br />
where we must once again “form” people's awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gradual, but radical, “change <strong>of</strong> people's attitude<br />
toward nature, society, o<strong>the</strong>r people, <strong>the</strong> world and life, on <strong>the</strong> foundations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new naturalized humanism and<br />
humanism in general,” [5] with <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new value matrix.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> boundary between <strong>the</strong> industrial and <strong>the</strong> post-industrial epochs, perhaps <strong>the</strong> most important question <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> civilization is: Does what I do benefit or harm <strong>the</strong> human in me and/or in o<strong>the</strong>r humans? Probably <strong>the</strong> solution<br />
to this dilemma, at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong> most difficult, is creating needs appropriate to a person. Maybe it will tickle<br />
our imaginations to know why a person, a famous athlete or businessperson, hoards 10 - or more - best or fastest<br />
cars in his or her garage and lives in a house with several dozen rooms on an estate <strong>of</strong> several hundred hectares,<br />
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Public Goods – The Economic vs. <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
even though it exceeds by far his or her existential needs. Can we imagine what would happened if he or she<br />
wished for, or could afford, and were willing to pay for, purchase and turn into his or her private good, Niagara<br />
Falls, Plitvice Lakes or <strong>the</strong> Tara Canyon?<br />
There are numerous examples showing how economics defeated ethics. Accumulation <strong>of</strong> private goods beyond <strong>the</strong><br />
extent <strong>of</strong> a person’s needs is evidence <strong>of</strong> this and will persist as long as material private goods remain <strong>the</strong><br />
measure <strong>of</strong> a person’s value.<br />
The Tara Canyon – Victory <strong>of</strong> Ethics over Economics – for <strong>the</strong> Time Being<br />
A recent idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> Montenegro to publish an Invitation to Tender for a dam and hydroelectric<br />
plant on <strong>the</strong> River Tara is <strong>the</strong> most typical example <strong>of</strong> how a purely public good nearly became a marketable<br />
economic (maybe even private) good. This infantile idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Government, fortunately, mobilized a wide front <strong>of</strong><br />
conscious people, formally and informally organized groups, expert and non-governmental organizations. For <strong>the</strong><br />
time being, <strong>the</strong> Tara will remain what it should be – a public good.<br />
At this point, we come to <strong>the</strong> key assumption for <strong>the</strong> preservation <strong>of</strong> public goods and <strong>the</strong>ir function – public<br />
choice. According to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> public choice (a separate, modern economic discipline), public choice is a<br />
“process whereby individual preferences are joined into common decisions.” [6] A democratic society (a mature<br />
one, <strong>of</strong> course) coordinates and appreciates <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> individual values and tastes and establishes <strong>the</strong>m<br />
by <strong>the</strong> principle “one person – one vote.”<br />
It is <strong>the</strong> sum <strong>of</strong> individual values and preferences, on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> qualified majority, that directs and shapes<br />
(through its legitimate representatives) <strong>the</strong> frameworks and goals <strong>of</strong> policy in a community (state, region, local<br />
community) and nominates politicians as <strong>the</strong> reflection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> voters’ awareness. Conscious voters (educated,<br />
informed, responsible) will choose such representatives, and vice versa. Not entering any fur<strong>the</strong>r into this equally<br />
significant issue, it is necessary to underline that in this way, by public choice, we, citizens-voters, actually<br />
establish our own system <strong>of</strong> values. For this reason it is necessary to open <strong>the</strong> widest possible front for educating<br />
and informing <strong>the</strong> population about public goods and <strong>the</strong>ir importance for us and especially for future generations,<br />
to whom we also bear huge responsibility.<br />
Translation from Serbian: Women’s Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
Sources:<br />
1. Babi•, Mate (2001). Makroekonomija [Macroeconomics]. Mate d.o.o, Zagreb.<br />
2. Bojovi•, Viktorija (2004).“Javna dobra – karakteristike, formiranje tražnje za javnim dobrima i problem<br />
besplatnih korisnika” [Public Goods – Characteristics, Forming Demand for Public Goods and <strong>the</strong> Free Rider<br />
Problem] in Anali ekonomskog fakulteta u Subotici, Issue 12, 2004.<br />
3. Draškovi•, Božo (ed.) (1998). Ekonomija prirodnog kapitala [The Economics <strong>of</strong> Natural Capital]. Belgrade.<br />
4. Goodstein, Eban (2003). Ekonomika i okoliš [Economics and <strong>the</strong> Environment]. Mate d.o.o, Zagreb.<br />
5. Ili•, Bogdan et al. (2000). Politi•ka ekonomija [Political Economics]. Beograd.<br />
6. Maleševi•, Krstan (2004). •ovek protiv sebe – ogledi iz socijalne ekologije [Man Against Himself – Essays in<br />
Social Ecology]. Belgrade.<br />
7. Milenovi•, Božida (2000). Ekološka ekonomija [Ecological Economics]. Niš,.<br />
8. Samuelson, Paul, and William Nordhaus (2000). Ekonomija [Economics]. Zagreb.<br />
Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D., Pr<strong>of</strong>essor at <strong>the</strong> Faculty <strong>of</strong> Economics, Subotica, University <strong>of</strong> Novi Sad, Serbia and<br />
Montenegro. Her fields <strong>of</strong> expertise are Economics <strong>of</strong> Companies, Menagement, and Environmental Economics.<br />
She is a co-author <strong>of</strong> three textbooks, published about forty articles and papers, and participated in developing<br />
about forty scientific and research projects. She is <strong>the</strong> Editor-in-Chief <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Journal «Annals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Faculty <strong>of</strong><br />
Economics in Subotica''.<br />
E-mail: ljkomazec@eccf.su.ac.yu<br />
[1] Proudhon, Jean-Pierre, Qu’est-ce que c’est la propriété ? Recherche sur le principe du droit et du government,<br />
[What is Property? Or, an Iquiry into <strong>the</strong> Principle <strong>of</strong> Right <strong>of</strong> Government], 1840<br />
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Public Goods – The Economic vs. <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
[2] According to <strong>the</strong> subjective value <strong>the</strong>ory, <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> goods is determined by <strong>the</strong> desire <strong>of</strong> an individual (i.e.,<br />
<strong>the</strong> attitude <strong>of</strong> an individual toward a commodity – what it means for him/her). If, for example, we like to follow<br />
fashion, we shall do anything to come into possession <strong>of</strong> fashion novelties, entering <strong>the</strong> consumer society whirl.<br />
[3] An example <strong>of</strong> communal goods is <strong>the</strong> utilization regime <strong>of</strong> pasture rights in Switzerland. Alpine pastures have<br />
been communal property for centuries. Overgrazing was prevented by associations <strong>of</strong> users who limited <strong>the</strong><br />
allowed number <strong>of</strong> cattle. These associations have had a long-term, stable function and have transferred rights<br />
and responsibilities from one generation to ano<strong>the</strong>r. The bases for <strong>the</strong>ir functioning are awareness <strong>of</strong><br />
communality, trust and obedience to rules.<br />
[4] An irresistibly imposing association is that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong> social property in <strong>the</strong> former Socialist Federal<br />
Republic <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia.<br />
4 Krstan Maleševi•: •ovek protiv sebe – ogledi iz socijalne ekologije [Man Against Himself – Essays in Social<br />
Ecology] Belgrade, 2004, p. 59.<br />
[6] Mate Babi•: Makroekonomija [Macroeconomics] , Zagreb, 2001, p. 390.<br />
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<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
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HUMAN RIGHTS<br />
Are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Any Business <strong>of</strong> Business? Corporate Behaviour from a<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Perspective<br />
By Karin Lukas<br />
In <strong>the</strong> last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic and political power from<br />
states to corporate institutions. <strong>On</strong>e indicator <strong>of</strong> this trend is <strong>the</strong> sheer amount <strong>of</strong> capital<br />
that corporations generate: Micros<strong>of</strong>t makes more money than <strong>the</strong> 31 Least Developed<br />
Countries toge<strong>the</strong>r. A study by Anderson/Cavanagh found that 51 corporations are<br />
“among <strong>the</strong> top 100 largest economies in <strong>the</strong> world, while only 49 are countries.”<br />
The Made-Up Crisis:<br />
Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey<br />
Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems.<br />
A Need for New Allocations <strong>of</strong> Liability for <strong>the</strong> New Health Care Paradigm.<br />
By Pr<strong>of</strong>. Ilise L. Feitshans<br />
Protests in <strong>the</strong> streets and chanting with posters on <strong>the</strong> steps <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> statehouses <strong>of</strong> New<br />
Jersey and Pennsylvania in 2003 had one remarkable shared feature: <strong>the</strong>ir constituents.<br />
These protests came not from <strong>the</strong> vast unemployed masses demanding jobs, fair wages,<br />
or educational opportunities for <strong>the</strong> underemployed, underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor<br />
were <strong>the</strong>se protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in opposition to some war in a<br />
place far away. These protests came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector<br />
physicians.<br />
Towards an International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Framework for Corporate<br />
Accountability: The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Norms for Business<br />
By Kathambi Kinoti<br />
AWID<br />
The process <strong>of</strong> globalization has resulted in <strong>the</strong> acquisition <strong>of</strong> immense power by MNCs,<br />
particularly in developing countries where <strong>the</strong>y are able to shape policy and influence<br />
governments. In LDCs <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten cause human rights abuses with impunity and exhibit a<br />
lack <strong>of</strong> transparency, behaving in ways that <strong>the</strong>y would not be able to in <strong>the</strong>ir home<br />
countries in <strong>the</strong> global North. MNCs operate across national borders and individual<br />
governments cannot effectively regulate <strong>the</strong>ir activities. They sometimes avoid<br />
accountability by taking advantage <strong>of</strong> laws that allow <strong>the</strong>m to transfer <strong>the</strong>ir business or<br />
operate under different corporations.<br />
Economic Development as <strong>the</strong> Basis for Fulfilling Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong><br />
By Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
The rights based approach to development is <strong>the</strong> conceptual framework <strong>of</strong> human<br />
development normatively based on human rights standards. The development concept<br />
based on human rights establishes <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> basic human rights and freedoms<br />
as a development objective. In this approach, human rights are <strong>the</strong> starting points and<br />
<strong>the</strong> basic aims in defining and designing development policy. Therefore, a complete<br />
development framework must reflect international guaranteed human rights and must<br />
cover all sectors such as education, health care, housing, access to judicial protection,<br />
personal security, and voting rights. Such an approach is not compatible with<br />
development policies, development plans, or programs that produce violations <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights, allow “trade” in rights, or that set “development” as a “priority objective” over<br />
human rights<br />
Globalisation and Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
By Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
The current model <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation deepens present inequalities on ethnic,<br />
gender, and economic bases within and among nations, aggravating <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong><br />
establishing sustainable and equal development for all. Multilateral institutions, including<br />
World Bank, IMF, and WTO, promote globalisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> type dominated by trade<br />
liberalism and privatisation. Such a model <strong>of</strong> globalisation and economic growth<br />
stimulation has aggravated economic, social, and culture conditions in which <strong>the</strong> most
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
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affected groups live; and it has contributed to <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> poverty and social exclusion.
The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Norms for Business<br />
Towards an International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Framework for Corporate Accountability: The United Nations<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Norms for Business<br />
By Kathambi Kinoti<br />
AWID<br />
In December 2003, <strong>the</strong> community <strong>of</strong> Rupokwu in Nigeria suffered a devastating oil spill after part <strong>of</strong> an oil<br />
pipeline that runs through <strong>the</strong> area burst. As a result, water wells were contaminated, depriving <strong>the</strong> community <strong>of</strong><br />
drinking water. Farmlands and fishponds were also destroyed and most families in this farming community lost<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir source <strong>of</strong> income. The oil pipeline is operated by <strong>the</strong> multinational corporation (MNC) Shell Petroleum<br />
Development Corporation in partnership with <strong>the</strong> Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. Nei<strong>the</strong>r entity has<br />
cleaned up after <strong>the</strong> oil spill. The incident and consequent inaction by Shell and <strong>the</strong> Nigerian government have<br />
caused human rights violations to <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Rupokwu. Their right to a clean and healthy environment and an<br />
adequate standard <strong>of</strong> living have clearly been violated.<br />
In 1984, a toxic gas leak in <strong>the</strong> Indian city <strong>of</strong> Bhopal caused enormous damage to <strong>the</strong> lives and livelihoods <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
community. The leak occurred at a plant <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r MNC, <strong>the</strong> Union Carbide Corporation. Within three days, more<br />
than 7000 people had died and thousands more were injured. Today, more than 20 years later, over 100 000<br />
people suffer chronic and debilitating illnesses and babies are born with birth defects. Many women have been<br />
unable to have children and suffer social stigma and discrimination. Union Carbide, which denied responsibility for<br />
<strong>the</strong> leak, has transferred its assets and operations to ano<strong>the</strong>r corporation that denies it has inherited its<br />
predecessor’s liabilities. Union Carbide has refused to submit to <strong>the</strong> jurisdiction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> court in Bhopal where<br />
community members have sought justice. The people <strong>of</strong> Bhopal have suffered numerous rights violations, such as<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir right to life, health, an effective remedy before <strong>the</strong> courts, an adequate standard <strong>of</strong> living and a safe<br />
environment.<br />
Women in <strong>the</strong> least developed countries (LDCs) form <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> people most vulnerable to human rights<br />
violations by MNCs. They bear <strong>the</strong> brunt <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> environments and livelihoods. They also form <strong>the</strong><br />
majority <strong>of</strong> low-wage workers. The Bhopal case illustrates <strong>the</strong> discrimination that women can be subjected to.<br />
However, it is not only in <strong>the</strong> LDCs that women suffer corporate abuses. Wal-Mart, an American corporation<br />
currently faces a lawsuit from present and former female employees, who accuse it <strong>of</strong> sex discrimination in<br />
promotion and healthcare provision.<br />
Why should MNCs be subjected to international regulation?<br />
The process <strong>of</strong> globalization has resulted in <strong>the</strong> acquisition <strong>of</strong> immense power by MNCs, particularly in developing<br />
countries where <strong>the</strong>y are able to shape policy and influence governments. In LDCs <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten cause human rights<br />
abuses with impunity and exhibit a lack <strong>of</strong> transparency, behaving in ways that <strong>the</strong>y would not be able to in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
home countries in <strong>the</strong> global North. MNCs operate across national borders and individual governments cannot<br />
effectively regulate <strong>the</strong>ir activities. They sometimes avoid accountability by taking advantage <strong>of</strong> laws that allow<br />
<strong>the</strong>m to transfer <strong>the</strong>ir business or operate under different corporations, as illustrated by <strong>the</strong> Union Carbide<br />
Corporation and <strong>the</strong> Placer Dome Corporation, which has caused human rights violations in <strong>the</strong> mines <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Philippines.<br />
Even when countries have national laws governing <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> corporations, <strong>the</strong>se laws are <strong>of</strong>ten inadequate<br />
or not applied to MNCs, particularly in developing countries. The corporations <strong>of</strong>ten work in areas that are rich in<br />
natural resources but are not developed, where <strong>the</strong>y exploit <strong>the</strong> environment and local populations, even causing<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir displacement and threatening <strong>the</strong>ir cultural heritage. In Kenya for instance, a Canadian mining MNC, Tiomin<br />
Inc. recently came into conflict with a local community when its activities infringed upon <strong>the</strong> forests that <strong>the</strong><br />
community has held sacred for centuries. Since MNCs have so much power, previously wielded only by<br />
governments, <strong>the</strong>re is a need for an international regulatory framework within which <strong>the</strong>y can operate. It is<br />
impossible to achieve sustainable development and alleviate poverty without protecting <strong>the</strong> human rights and<br />
dignity <strong>of</strong> all people.<br />
The UN norms for business<br />
The United Nations Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and o<strong>the</strong>r Business Enterprises<br />
with Regard to <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> were adopted in August 2003 by <strong>the</strong> UN Sub-Commission on <strong>the</strong> Protection and<br />
Promotion <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>. The Norms were drafted with <strong>the</strong> assistance <strong>of</strong> business, unions and NGO’s despite<br />
significant opposition from some governments and MNCs.<br />
The Norms address <strong>the</strong> obligations that corporations have in <strong>the</strong>ir areas <strong>of</strong> activity and influence. They impose<br />
obligations on States to ensure that MNCs and o<strong>the</strong>r business corporations respect human rights, and enumerate<br />
and elaborate <strong>the</strong> obligations <strong>of</strong> businesses. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se obligations are as follows:<br />
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The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Norms for Business<br />
● To ensure equal opportunity and non-discriminatory treatment <strong>of</strong> all persons regardless <strong>of</strong> sex, nationality,<br />
age, religion, social and o<strong>the</strong>r status.<br />
● To respect national sovereignty.<br />
● To respect human rights including <strong>the</strong> rights to development, adequate food and drinking water, <strong>the</strong><br />
highest attainable standard <strong>of</strong> physical and mental health, adequate housing, privacy, education, freedom<br />
from forced labour and <strong>the</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong> children.<br />
● To protect <strong>the</strong> environment.<br />
● To avoid corruption and maintain transparency.<br />
● To ensure consumer protection and public safety.<br />
● To observe <strong>the</strong> precautionary principle, which means avoiding or reducing <strong>the</strong> risk <strong>of</strong> accidents or harm to<br />
<strong>the</strong> environment or people.<br />
● To provide reparation to persons or communities who have been adversely affected by <strong>the</strong> failure <strong>of</strong> MNCs<br />
to comply with <strong>the</strong> Norms.<br />
The Norms do not completely cover all aspects <strong>of</strong> MNC dealings. For instance <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> mergers and<br />
acquisitions such as <strong>the</strong> Union Carbide – Dow one are not adequately addressed. Again, <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> privatization<br />
<strong>of</strong> previously public-owned entities is neglected. Where governments previously provided public services,<br />
corporations are likely to take short-cuts and overlook <strong>the</strong> greater public good, limiting for instance, access to<br />
water for all.<br />
The Norms are not an international treaty and are <strong>the</strong>refore not legally binding on states or corporations. This,<br />
perhaps, raises <strong>the</strong> greatest concern as implementation cannot ensured. However, <strong>the</strong>y can be used by<br />
governments to enact legislation and shape policy. They can also be used by corporations to design <strong>the</strong>ir business<br />
policy. <strong>Human</strong> rights advocates can use <strong>the</strong> Norms in <strong>the</strong>ir advocacy work, and national and international tribunals<br />
can refer to <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Are <strong>the</strong> norms adequately engendered?<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO), though <strong>the</strong> Norms do reflect<br />
some concern for gender issues <strong>the</strong>y do not adequately integrate all issues. They observe <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> equality<br />
<strong>of</strong> opportunity and treatment. However <strong>the</strong>y should do <strong>the</strong> following:<br />
1. Identify women being among <strong>the</strong> vulnerable groups.<br />
2. Recognize gender-based violence as violating <strong>the</strong> right to security <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> person.<br />
3. Address sexual harassment and o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> gender-based violence in <strong>the</strong> workplace.<br />
4. Require gender-equitable policies in lay-<strong>of</strong>fs, contract work and temporary work.<br />
5. Address gender inequities in hiring, training, promotion and retention policies.<br />
6. Address <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> women in corporate decision-making.<br />
What can women's rights advocates do in support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> norms?<br />
1. Use <strong>the</strong> Norms in education, advocacy and lobbying efforts to influence legislative and policy changes and to<br />
participate in solidarity actions with affected communities.<br />
2. Use <strong>the</strong> Norms to monitor, document and challenge corporate violations.<br />
3. Make use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Briefing Kit prepared by <strong>the</strong> International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
(ECSR-Net). The Kit contains background information on <strong>the</strong> Norms, case studies, analysis and recommended<br />
actions. It can be downloaded at http://www.escr-net.org/EngGeneral/unnorms1.asp<br />
4. Support development and implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Norms by joining lobbying efforts such as those by ECSR-<br />
Net before <strong>the</strong> next Commission on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, which will take place from March 14 to April 22, 2005. For<br />
more information, visit ECSR-Net’s website at http://www.escr-net.org.<br />
Notes:<br />
The UN <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Norms for Business can be downloaded at:<br />
http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G03/160/08/PDF/GO316008.pdf?OpenElement.<br />
Published in:<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID) ©<br />
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The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Norms for Business<br />
Resource Net, Friday File<br />
Issue 213<br />
Friday, February 11, 2005<br />
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Economic Development As The Basis For Achieving Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Economic Development as <strong>the</strong> Basis for Fulfilling Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
Women’s Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>,<br />
Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
The Concept <strong>of</strong> Development Based on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The rights based approach to development is <strong>the</strong> conceptual framework <strong>of</strong> human development normatively based<br />
on human rights standards. The development concept based on human rights establishes <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong><br />
basic human rights and freedoms as a development objective. In this approach, human rights are <strong>the</strong> starting<br />
points and <strong>the</strong> basic aims in defining and designing development policy. [1] The starting point is <strong>the</strong> attitude that<br />
<strong>the</strong> implementation and protection <strong>of</strong> international human rights may not be achieved without adequate<br />
development activities and development plans. In this sense, human rights focused on development cover series<br />
<strong>of</strong> human rights, both civil and political, as well as economic, social, and cultural rights. All <strong>the</strong>se rights,<br />
regardless <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contents, are based on two principles: <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> equality between women and men and<br />
<strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> prohibiting discrimination on any basis, such as <strong>the</strong> colour <strong>of</strong> skin, gender, language, religion,<br />
nationality, ethnicity, social origin, or political affiliation.<br />
The concept <strong>of</strong> development based on human rights [2] integrates norms, standards, and principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
international human rights system into development plans, policies, and processes. Norms and standards are set<br />
in <strong>the</strong> following international documents:<br />
1945 Charter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations<br />
1948 Universal Declaration on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1948 American Declaration on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Duties <strong>of</strong> Man<br />
1948 Convention on <strong>the</strong> Prevention and Punishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Crime <strong>of</strong> Genocide<br />
1950 European Convention for <strong>the</strong> Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Fundamental Freedoms (European Convention<br />
on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>)<br />
1961 European Social Charter<br />
1965 Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination<br />
1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1966 Optional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1968 Proclamation <strong>of</strong> Teheran<br />
1969 American Convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1979 Convention on Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Types <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women<br />
1981 African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and People’s <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1984 Convention against Torture and O<strong>the</strong>r Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment<br />
1986 Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Right to Development<br />
1989 Second Optional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong><br />
1989 Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child<br />
1993 Vienna Declaration and Program for Action<br />
1994 Convention relating to <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Refugees<br />
1996 European Social Charter (revised)<br />
2000 Optional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> Convention on Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Types <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women<br />
There are several hundred o<strong>the</strong>r human rights instruments with general and specific contents. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m have<br />
been adopted under <strong>the</strong> auspices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations, <strong>the</strong> International Labour Organisation (ILO), and <strong>the</strong><br />
United Nations Education, Science and Culture Organisation (UNESCO).<br />
Such a development approach includes <strong>the</strong> following elements:<br />
● Linkages with human rights standards;<br />
● Accountability;<br />
● Empowerment;<br />
● Participation;<br />
● Non-discrimination and equality, and<br />
● Attention to vulnerable groups.<br />
Defining development objectives in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir relationship with achievement and protection <strong>of</strong> particular rights<br />
directly aligns development policy with international, regional, and national instruments in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights. <strong>Human</strong> rights are indivisible and interdependent; <strong>the</strong>refore, a complete development framework must<br />
cover all sectors such as education, health care, housing, access to judicial protection, personal security, and right<br />
to vote. Therefore, this approach is not compatible with development policies, development plans, or programs<br />
that produce violations <strong>of</strong> rights, that allow “trade” in rights, or that set “development” as “priority objective” over<br />
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human rights.<br />
Development based on human rights requires determining responsibility for <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> development by<br />
identifying right-holders and duty-bearers. In this respect, both positive obligations (to protect, provide, and<br />
promote) and negative obligations (to refrain from violation) are equally taken into account. Duty-bearers, at this<br />
level, are individuals, states, local authorities, private companies, donors, and international institutions.<br />
The responsibility at this level also refers to <strong>the</strong> translation <strong>of</strong> universal standards into national standards, policies,<br />
and measures on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong> progress in achieving human rights and <strong>the</strong> responsibility for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
implementation and protection could be measured. Such a development approach requires relevant legislation,<br />
administrative procedures and practices, institutions and mechanisms that act with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> human rights<br />
provision and protection, i.e. that react in cases <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir violation. In this domain, <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state is specific;<br />
both through political willingness and through relevant mechanisms, it must provide necessary legislation and<br />
administrative and institutional mechanisms for implementation and protection <strong>of</strong> rights. [3] Primary responsibility<br />
for <strong>the</strong> establishment and implementation <strong>of</strong> human rights is left to states, but <strong>the</strong> international community is also<br />
obliged to provide international co-operation in this field and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> human rights systems in <strong>the</strong><br />
developing countries that lack necessary resources and capacities.<br />
Instead <strong>of</strong> providing aid, <strong>the</strong> human rights approach to development prefers empowerment strategies based on<br />
rights <strong>of</strong> implementers who direct development. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> emphasis is on human beings in <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
development. The aim is to empower people to create <strong>the</strong>ir own life and <strong>the</strong> life <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir community. Thus, this<br />
development concept requires a high level <strong>of</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> local and regional communities, civil society,<br />
minorities, women, and o<strong>the</strong>r actors. [4] This anticipates <strong>the</strong> access to information, institutions, decision-making,<br />
and policy shaping. Such a development approach includes specifics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> particular environment (local, regional,<br />
national, etc.) in formulating development policy, i.e. <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> development policy based on <strong>the</strong> specifics,<br />
interests, and needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people living in a given community, instead <strong>of</strong> accepting side models, quick<br />
“solutions”, and recipes that do not take specifics <strong>of</strong> a community into account.<br />
Setting human rights in <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> development means observing <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> equality and nondiscrimination,<br />
covering both active measures to eliminate discrimination and affirmative actions and practices for<br />
<strong>the</strong> members <strong>of</strong> discriminated groups. Affirmative measures may refer to women, members <strong>of</strong> a certain race,<br />
nationality, ethnic group, age, religion, etc. To protect against discrimination as a part <strong>of</strong> human rights approach<br />
to development requires identification <strong>of</strong> vulnerable groups and groups whose rights are systematically violated or<br />
who do not have access to effective protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir rights, at local, regional, and national levels. This is <strong>the</strong><br />
basis for determining such a development that will take into account <strong>the</strong> position and needs <strong>of</strong> discriminated<br />
groups and provide conditions for <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> discrimination bases for <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> its elimination and<br />
enjoyment <strong>of</strong> same rights as <strong>of</strong> members <strong>of</strong> majority groups. This requires data and statistics, which<br />
governmental bodies must record and use according to categories <strong>of</strong> characteristics, such as gender, age, national<br />
and ethnic origin, religion, disability, rural population, urban population, etc. <strong>On</strong>ly on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> such classified<br />
data, <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> discriminated groups may be discovered, and <strong>the</strong>ir members may be provided human rights<br />
protection and enjoyment in everyday life and in development planning. In addition, development policy needs to<br />
include measures to eliminate power imbalances as, for example, between women and men, or between<br />
employees and employers.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> Amsterdam Agreement signed in 1997, <strong>the</strong> European Union has added society and environment to <strong>the</strong><br />
economic issues in defining development. In June 2001, <strong>the</strong> European Council adopted in Go<strong>the</strong>nburg <strong>the</strong> first<br />
European Sustainable Development Strategy, <strong>the</strong> Sixth Action Program on Environmental Protection, and <strong>the</strong><br />
White Book on Public Administration. According to <strong>the</strong>se documents, reasonable economic policy may neutralise<br />
pressure to exhaust <strong>the</strong> environmental and natural resources, which are complementary phenomena <strong>of</strong> using<br />
energy and material inputs for economic development. By stimulating innovations, productivity, and efficiency,<br />
pressure to harm <strong>the</strong> environment and deplete resources may be decreased, and at <strong>the</strong> same time, employment<br />
and competitiveness throughout Europe may be increased. [5] Sustainable development strategies should be<br />
based on continuous analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> increasing pressures on environment resulting from economic<br />
development. Based on this principle, initiatives for relevant integration <strong>of</strong> policies (for markets, trade, regions,<br />
etc.) should be stimulated. The objective should be a new development model, where social and ecological<br />
objectives and initiatives are supported by <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> creating economic wealth. The European Sustainable<br />
Development Strategy stimulates <strong>the</strong> determination <strong>of</strong> national and sectoral objectives, which will contribute to<br />
<strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> policy integration. The objectives and indicators should be developed within <strong>the</strong> economic sphere (e.<br />
g. <strong>the</strong> criteria <strong>of</strong> convergence <strong>of</strong> economic and monetary unions) as well as within <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> social cohesion (e.g.<br />
gross domestic product/unemployment rate).<br />
Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The human rights approach to development implies, while creating <strong>the</strong> economic development, to start from<br />
creating opportunities for enjoyment and protection <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights [6] , including civil and<br />
political rights. This group <strong>of</strong> rights include:<br />
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Right to work, employment, and just remuneration;<br />
Right to just and favourable labour conditions;<br />
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Right to occupational safety, including <strong>the</strong> right to association and to strike, right to associate in trade<br />
unions;<br />
Right to social justice and social protection, including special protection <strong>of</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs and children, health and<br />
social security, pension insurance, welfare, etc.;<br />
Right to access to resources: land, capital, credit, infrastructure, technology, and equipment;<br />
Right to a decent living standard and quality <strong>of</strong> life including nutrition, access to drinking water, and<br />
satisfactory housing conditions;<br />
Right to health: basic health care and prerequisites to living a healthy life, including reproductive and<br />
sexual rights;<br />
Right to satisfy special needs for people with disabilities;<br />
Right to education;<br />
Right to participate in and gain benefits from science and research;<br />
Right to take part in cultural and artistic life.<br />
It is a fact that implementation <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights do not depend solely on a will <strong>of</strong> a<br />
government, but also on a level <strong>of</strong> economic development and available resources. In this sense, those rights are<br />
“long-term” rights and may not be achieved at once or in a short period. This, however, does not release a state<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> responsibility to take actions and make efforts. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary, a state is obliged to take steps “to<br />
gradually achieve full accomplishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rights recognised in this Covenant though all available<br />
resources…” [7] . Although <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> implementing <strong>the</strong>se rights depends on <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> economic development<br />
<strong>of</strong> a state, all states, regardless <strong>the</strong>ir economic strength, must provide at least <strong>the</strong> minimum rights guaranteed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>.<br />
Nowadays, <strong>the</strong> United Nations has unambiguously accepted <strong>the</strong> indivisibility <strong>of</strong> human rights that was confirmed<br />
with <strong>the</strong> slogan “All <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> for All” that marked <strong>the</strong> fiftieth anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration on<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> in 1998.<br />
Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> States to Respect, Protect and Fulfil Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The acceptance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> indivisibility <strong>of</strong> human rights means that states are equally responsible for<br />
<strong>the</strong> violation and lack <strong>of</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as for <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> civil<br />
and political rights. Significant development <strong>of</strong> international human rights instruments in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> economic,<br />
social, and cultural rights happened during <strong>the</strong> last fifteen years, such as <strong>the</strong> revised European Social Charter [8] ,<br />
Additional Protocol on <strong>the</strong> European Social Charter Providing for a System <strong>of</strong> Collective Complaints [9] , and <strong>the</strong><br />
“Protocol <strong>of</strong> San Salvador”, Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Areas <strong>of</strong><br />
Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> [10] . The initiative to adopt <strong>the</strong> Optional Protocol on <strong>the</strong> International<br />
Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> and adoption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Optional Protocol on <strong>the</strong> Convention on<br />
Elimination <strong>of</strong> all Types <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women [11] are focused on streng<strong>the</strong>ning state obligations to<br />
protect <strong>the</strong>se rights.<br />
Unless a state fulfils its obligations from <strong>the</strong> ratified international conventions, in this case for economic, social,<br />
and economic rights, it violates <strong>the</strong> relevant provisions. According to international law, states have three types <strong>of</strong><br />
obligations: to respect, protect, and fulfil. Any neglect in relation to <strong>the</strong>se obligations is deemed violation <strong>of</strong> rights.<br />
Every such obligation has two elements: <strong>the</strong> obligation to conduct and <strong>the</strong> obligation to achieve concrete results.<br />
The obligation to conduct means <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> particular measures, policies, or action plans, and <strong>the</strong> obligation<br />
to achieve a particular effect requires a state to meet a certain objective to satisfy standards in a certain area.<br />
States have <strong>the</strong> discretionary right to select measures to meet <strong>the</strong>ir obligations under international legal<br />
instruments in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> human rights. The practices <strong>of</strong> states and <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong> legal norms by national<br />
courts and international supervising bodies regarding implementation <strong>of</strong> international instruments have provided<br />
significant contributions to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> universal human rights standards. This has contributed to better<br />
understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nature and <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong><br />
relations covered.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> International Covenant in this field, a state, regardless <strong>of</strong> its economic possibilities, is obliged to<br />
take <strong>the</strong> required steps to provide <strong>the</strong> basic level <strong>of</strong> each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights. In this sense, where high number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
population is starving, lacks basic housing conditions, or lacks access to basic education – a state violates <strong>the</strong><br />
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>. Despite <strong>the</strong> fact that this may not be expressed<br />
in a quantitative manner, this minimum level <strong>of</strong> obligations is not dependent upon <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> particular<br />
resources necessary for to fulfil <strong>the</strong> obligations, nor may <strong>the</strong> requirements be eliminated due to economic<br />
difficulties or o<strong>the</strong>r reasons. The starting point is that a state’s function and role is to provide particular services,<br />
protection, and security to all community members, and many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights may not be ensured unless<br />
significant financial and material resources are previously provided. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> many<br />
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rights may depend on <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> particular material and financial resources.<br />
Economic, social, and cultural rights are violated when a state, by acting or by non acting, uses a policy or a<br />
practice contrary to its obligations from <strong>the</strong> International Covenant, ignores such obligations, or fails to achieve a<br />
minimum standard or a result. The violation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights also refers to discrimination in implementing or<br />
protecting on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> gender, language, religion, nationality, ethnicity, social origin, political beliefs or o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
attitudes. Examples <strong>of</strong> direct violations <strong>of</strong> rights are:<br />
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The adoption <strong>of</strong> legislation or a policy programme which is obviously not in accordance with valid<br />
obligations in this field, unless this is done to achieve equality and to improve <strong>the</strong> economic, social, and<br />
cultural rights <strong>of</strong> marginalized or vulnerable groups;<br />
The adoption <strong>of</strong> any retrograde measures that decrease <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights;<br />
Formal abolishment or suspension <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> laws necessary for continuing achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights;<br />
Active negation <strong>of</strong> such rights for particular individuals or groups through legislation or discriminatory<br />
practice;<br />
Active support to <strong>the</strong> measures adopted by <strong>the</strong> third parties that are not in accordance with or that hinder<br />
<strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human rights;<br />
The obstruction <strong>of</strong> achieving <strong>the</strong>se rights above allowed limits anticipated by <strong>the</strong> Covenant, such as vis<br />
maior or <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> necessary resources;<br />
The decrease or reallocation <strong>of</strong> particular public expenses and public consumption, when this results in <strong>the</strong><br />
abolishment <strong>of</strong> enjoying such rights, or when it is not followed by relevant measures necessary for <strong>the</strong><br />
provision <strong>of</strong> minimum rights for <strong>the</strong> compensation <strong>of</strong> all who need it.<br />
Examples <strong>of</strong> violations <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights by a state’s inactivity or non-performance <strong>of</strong><br />
particular actions are neglecting <strong>the</strong> duty to:<br />
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Take relevant measures as required by <strong>the</strong> Covenant;<br />
Reform or renew legislation which is obviously out <strong>of</strong> conformance with or opposite to Covenant obligations;<br />
Remove <strong>the</strong> obstacles that incapacitate or hinder <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong> Covenant obligations;<br />
Supervise and control <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights;<br />
Use maximum available resources for full realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> obligations from <strong>the</strong> Covenant;<br />
Implement without delay <strong>the</strong> rights that are required to be urgently implemented by <strong>the</strong> Covenant;<br />
Satisfy internationally determined or accepted minimum standards in this field;<br />
Take into account international legal obligations in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights when<br />
concluding bilateral or multilateral agreements with o<strong>the</strong>r states, international organisations, or<br />
multinational corporations.<br />
The whole set <strong>of</strong> responsibilities and obligations <strong>of</strong> states in terms <strong>of</strong> implementing, observing, and protecting<br />
economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as <strong>the</strong> wide range <strong>of</strong> activity instruments available to states to create<br />
conditions for <strong>the</strong> enjoyment and protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> minimum level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights, points out that states do not<br />
have much room to justify <strong>the</strong> poor economic and social positions suffered by <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir population.<br />
Taking into account <strong>the</strong> legitimacy given to it by citizens, a state’s obligation is to approach to and ratify universal<br />
international legal instruments in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> human rights, i.e., if <strong>the</strong>y have already ratified <strong>the</strong>m, to integrate<br />
accepted international legal norms into <strong>the</strong>ir national legislation and to undertake all available measures to<br />
implement, protect, and respect <strong>the</strong>m. This obligation must not be neglected when negotiating or concluding<br />
bilateral or multilateral economic, trade, and o<strong>the</strong>r agreements and arrangements, both with o<strong>the</strong>r state(s) and<br />
with multinational corporations. States are obliged to modify agreements with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> fulfilling international<br />
obligations in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> human rights, through membership in relevant institutions or managing bodies. Since in<br />
this field force (and power) dominates <strong>the</strong> law, it is necessary to establish <strong>the</strong> mechanism <strong>of</strong> control and<br />
compulsion that will efficiently correct and supervise <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> multinational financial and economic<br />
corporations aimed at providing economic and social rights to individuals.<br />
The Problems <strong>of</strong> Establishing a Heliocentric [12] Economic Development Concept<br />
While creating a national strategy <strong>of</strong> economic development based on human rights, problems posed to <strong>the</strong> state<br />
may include <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong>:<br />
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Creating <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> fulfilling economic and social rights under <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal<br />
macroeconomics and trade liberalisation where exclusively rich and developed markets generate most <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it, unlike small, restricted, and poor markets;<br />
Decreasing sovereignty (i.e. <strong>the</strong> independence <strong>of</strong> national states, especially over-indebted states and<br />
developing countries) in formulating and implementing national economic, social, educational, health care,<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r policies under <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> accepting and implementing <strong>the</strong> programmes <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
structural adjustment and <strong>the</strong> values <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund and World Bank;<br />
Setting responsibility for <strong>the</strong> violation (i.e. not achieving economic and social rights during economic and<br />
political transition and economic restructuring resulting in growing unemployment and redundancy and<br />
decreasing national funds for welfare, health care, education, etc.);<br />
Different interpretations <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights (for example, <strong>the</strong> right to labour may be interpreted<br />
as <strong>the</strong> right (1) to look for job, (2) to remuneration in case <strong>of</strong> unemployment, (3) to be employed, or (4) to<br />
be employed in accordance with one’s degree and qualifications.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> series <strong>of</strong> reports [13] , Danilo Turk, Special Rapporteur on <strong>the</strong> Realisation <strong>of</strong> Economic, Social, and Cultural<br />
<strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN Sub-Commission on <strong>the</strong> Prevention <strong>of</strong> Discrimination and Protection <strong>of</strong> Minorities, has analysed<br />
basic factors that affect and prevent <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights. The Reports called on a need for a<br />
comprehensive approach towards human rights and for streng<strong>the</strong>ning economic, social and cultural rights. In his<br />
Final Report, Turk summarised basic conclusions and recommendations [14] and identified ongoing barriers for <strong>the</strong><br />
realisation <strong>of</strong> human rights. Those are <strong>the</strong> programmes <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment, high external debts, unequal<br />
income allocation, privatising human rights, misconceptions <strong>of</strong> a state, misguided visions <strong>of</strong> development,<br />
deficient political will, environmental devastation, armed conflicts, economic growth as a panacea and dualistic<br />
views <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> in its General Comment on International Technical<br />
Assistance [15] warned that <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> human rights in development plans and strategies <strong>of</strong>ten remained at<br />
<strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> generalisation, as well as that economic development itself did not mean <strong>the</strong> development and <strong>the</strong><br />
achievement <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights. The Committee admitted that international development cooperation<br />
and development policies at a national level automatically contributed to human rights protection only<br />
through <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>matic concerns such as health care, education, or political participation. It was noticed<br />
that many activities undertaken in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> “development” did not contribute to improving <strong>the</strong> situation in <strong>the</strong><br />
field <strong>of</strong> human rights or were even counterproductive. The Committee recommended that development strategies<br />
by UN members should recognise “close connection” between development activities and efforts to observe<br />
human rights and that co-operation in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> development should be based on an estimate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effects on<br />
human rights. In this sense, obligations to achieve and protect human rights should be taken into account at each<br />
stage <strong>of</strong> applying development projects, from estimate to supervision and evaluation.<br />
Conclusion<br />
The implementation <strong>of</strong> human rights based approach to development requires <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> prerequisites at <strong>the</strong><br />
international level in <strong>the</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> redistributing responsibilities for <strong>the</strong> respect, protection, and provision <strong>of</strong><br />
internationally guaranteed human rights to new international actors who have more and more significance at this<br />
level: international financial organisations and transnational corporations. This means <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> efficient<br />
mechanisms for <strong>the</strong> protection and fulfilment <strong>of</strong> human rights, both at national and international level, and <strong>the</strong><br />
elimination <strong>of</strong> ambiguities in interpreting international conventions in this field. Besides <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> better<br />
normative clarity, relevant international instruments and international authorities should be provided for <strong>the</strong><br />
interpretation <strong>of</strong> particular provisions <strong>of</strong> international conventions and content regarding rights. Such a<br />
development will be focused on <strong>the</strong> improvement <strong>of</strong> position <strong>of</strong> individuals and vulnerable groups, as well as on<br />
decreasing poverty, achieving gender equality, creating conditions for full employment, and regenerating a safe<br />
and healthy environment. Under such conditions, <strong>the</strong> efficiency <strong>of</strong> economic policy will be measured only by <strong>the</strong><br />
quality <strong>of</strong> livelihoods and lives <strong>of</strong> individuals, and by <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> meeting <strong>the</strong>ir basic needs and rights.<br />
Translation from Serbian: Women's Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia<br />
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United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), 1995, Social progress through industrial<br />
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[1] Fur<strong>the</strong>r in: Overseas Development Institute, 1993, Briefing Paper, (3), Overseas Development Institute,<br />
London.<br />
[2] This is not a new concept. International Labour Organisation (ILO) forces it in its programmes from <strong>the</strong><br />
beginning <strong>of</strong> organisation establishment, and UNIFEM and UNDP develop <strong>the</strong>ir programmes based on this very<br />
concept.<br />
[3] The International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> (1966) obligates states to take urgent and<br />
prompt measures for progressive realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights, and <strong>the</strong> neglect to do this is <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> states’<br />
duties. The International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (1966) obligates states to observe <strong>the</strong>se rights, to<br />
provide measures for <strong>the</strong>ir observation and enjoyment, as well as legal protection.<br />
[4] According to UN Declaration on Right to Development, <strong>the</strong> participation must be “active, free, and significant”.<br />
[5] EU Sustainable Development Strategy, Position Paper on <strong>the</strong> European Consultative Forum on <strong>the</strong><br />
Environmental and Sustainable Development, Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Communities, 2001, p. 15.<br />
[6] This group <strong>of</strong> rights is included in <strong>the</strong> second generation <strong>of</strong> human rights, originated during <strong>the</strong> XIX and XX<br />
centuries, with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> protecting <strong>the</strong> economic and social positions <strong>of</strong> individuals. Thus it completed <strong>the</strong> first<br />
generation set <strong>of</strong> human rights, referring to <strong>the</strong> relationship between individuals and <strong>the</strong> state, and so comprised<br />
<strong>of</strong> civil and political rights. While <strong>the</strong> first generation <strong>of</strong> human rights is primarily based on <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong><br />
freedom, <strong>the</strong> second generation is based on <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> equality and solidarity. They are based on <strong>the</strong> idea<br />
that people should share <strong>the</strong> similar social position <strong>of</strong> enjoying <strong>the</strong>ir civil and political rights. Economic, social, and<br />
cultural rights supplement rights from <strong>the</strong> third generation, originated after World War II, such as <strong>the</strong> rights to<br />
development, justice and equality in activities related to <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> agricultural land, mining, industry, and trade;<br />
<strong>the</strong> right to independence in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> information and communication; <strong>the</strong> right to control transnational<br />
corporations; <strong>the</strong> right to a healthy environment, intellectual property rights in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> traditional medicine<br />
and agriculture; minority rights; and <strong>the</strong> right to <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> cultural heritage. Fur<strong>the</strong>r: V. Dimitrijeviæ, M.<br />
Paunoviæ, Ljudska prava, Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 1997: 174-175.<br />
[7] International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, (U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966) 993 UNTS 3) Art.<br />
2. Para. 1. Adopted by Resolution 2200A (XXI) <strong>of</strong> UN General Assembly as <strong>of</strong> 16 th December 1966, and came into<br />
force on 3 rd January 1976. As <strong>of</strong> 7 th July 2003, <strong>the</strong> Covenant was ratified by 147 states.<br />
[8] European Social Charter (revised, ETS No. 163) was adopted on 3rd May 1996, came into force on 1st July<br />
1999.<br />
[9] Adopted on 9 November 1995<br />
[10] Adopted on 17 November 1988<br />
[11] Entered to force in 10 December, 2000<br />
[12] ‘Having or representing <strong>the</strong> sun as a centre’ – used as a metaphor: ‘having <strong>the</strong> human rights standards as a<br />
centre’<br />
[13] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1989/19, E/CN.4/Sub.2/1990/19, E/CN.4/Sub.2/1991/17.<br />
[14] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16, 3 July 1992<br />
[15] International technical assistance measures (Art. 22) 02/02/90. CESCR General comment 2. (General<br />
Comments) E/1990/23.<br />
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<strong>On</strong> Globalisation...<br />
Globalisation and Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women *<br />
By Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
Women’s Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia<br />
In parallel with integration processes <strong>the</strong> blurring <strong>of</strong> firm borders among nations, <strong>the</strong> building <strong>of</strong> Western-type<br />
democracy and capitalist relations based on market liberalisation and unhampered movement <strong>of</strong> capital, goods,<br />
investment, and labour is extended. Late in <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, <strong>the</strong> world experienced some great changes,<br />
which, among all, opened <strong>the</strong> space for promotion <strong>of</strong> human rights and building international relations and<br />
international policy. In <strong>the</strong> globalising world, human rights are becoming more and more significant, in<br />
international and internal policy and in international law, thus developing a new branch <strong>of</strong> law – <strong>the</strong> international<br />
human rights law.<br />
The humanities contain various globalisation concepts depending on discipline. In economics, globalisation refers<br />
to economic internationalisation and extension <strong>of</strong> capitalist market relations. In international relations, <strong>the</strong> focus<br />
refers to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> global policy and increased intensity <strong>of</strong> relations among nations. In sociology,<br />
attention is paid to <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> social relations throughout <strong>the</strong> world and <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> a “global society”.<br />
In cultural studies, central research refers to global communications, post-colonial cultures. The cultural diversity<br />
<strong>of</strong> approaches indicates that globalisation is a multi-dimensional process that may not be categorised as a onedimensional<br />
reality or interpreted unilaterally.<br />
It is certain that globalisation is a complex social, economic, cultural, technological, and political process in which<br />
<strong>the</strong> mobility <strong>of</strong> capital, ideas, technology, organisations, and people has acquired a growing global and<br />
transnational form. In this paper, globalisation means <strong>the</strong> processes intensifying for <strong>the</strong> past two decades,<br />
including <strong>the</strong> movement <strong>of</strong> short-term foreign investment based on speculative exchange rates, long-term direct<br />
foreign investment, trade at <strong>the</strong> world level with <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> diminishing obstacles that would hamper <strong>the</strong><br />
growing share <strong>of</strong> transnational corporations in world production and trade, interdependence <strong>of</strong> world production,<br />
people’s movement motivated by trade or job search, and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> new forms <strong>of</strong> communication.<br />
These processes have also resulted in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> global civil society and its new participants, such as<br />
international non-governmental organisations dealing with human rights promotion and observation, which gain a<br />
higher role within this sphere, from <strong>the</strong> international level and at <strong>the</strong> UN system level to <strong>the</strong> national and <strong>the</strong> local<br />
levels. This impacts <strong>the</strong> extension <strong>of</strong> human rights observation <strong>of</strong> culture, <strong>the</strong>ir integration into local legislation,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> international, regional, and national mechanisms for human rights observation.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> last decade, <strong>the</strong>re has been growing influence from ano<strong>the</strong>r group <strong>of</strong> actors on <strong>the</strong> global scene, which<br />
have shaped global processes, to a significant extent. Those are multinational corporations dominating world<br />
production; <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organisation, as <strong>the</strong> first multilateral organisation that has power to subordinate <strong>the</strong><br />
will <strong>of</strong> national governments to its rules; <strong>the</strong> Permanent International Criminal Court; regional blocks such as<br />
European Union, ASEAN, NAFTA; and groups for political coordination at <strong>the</strong> global level (G7, G8, G10, G22, G77,<br />
OECD). These actors create new rules in international relations, economics, trade, and international law.<br />
Awareness <strong>of</strong> human rights is rising – <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> conventions and documents regulating human rights and <strong>the</strong><br />
number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir signatories are rising. Awareness is rising regarding <strong>the</strong> common destiny <strong>of</strong> all nations and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
relationship with <strong>the</strong> planet’s destiny, resulting in <strong>the</strong> increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> international agreements on<br />
environmental protection at <strong>the</strong> global level (<strong>the</strong> ozone layer preservation, sea and ocean preservation,<br />
desertification, climate changes, etc.). Also, some new multilateral agreements have been made on trade,<br />
intellectual property, communications, etc. At <strong>the</strong> international level, new global (UN Millennium Goals) goals for<br />
regional development have received agreement.<br />
A new stage <strong>of</strong> globalisation based on new financial markets and growing global service markets is being created<br />
by strong development <strong>of</strong> new types <strong>of</strong> communication and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> faster and cheaper transportation<br />
(rail, road, and air traffic). The removal <strong>of</strong> barriers to economics, trade, and transportation has resulted in byproducts<br />
<strong>of</strong> this development – global relationships <strong>of</strong> socially undesirable and harmful activities, such as<br />
international crime, international terrorism, trafficking <strong>of</strong> women, trade in weapons and drugs. This has increased<br />
<strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> international acts <strong>of</strong> compliance among nations, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> international agreements and<br />
conventions in this field, and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> international law and human rights.<br />
Economic Globalisation and Poverty Increase<br />
Economic globalisation, <strong>the</strong> globalisation <strong>of</strong> finance, trade, investment, and technology since <strong>the</strong> 1980s, has<br />
resulted in a technological boost and faster flow <strong>of</strong> capital than was <strong>the</strong> case in all previous periods. It has also<br />
resulted in unimagined economic and technological opportunities for individuals. At <strong>the</strong> same time, it has resulted<br />
in a decrease in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> those who may enjoy <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation. Economic<br />
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liberalisation results in a series <strong>of</strong> adverse consequences [1] such as:<br />
● The increase <strong>of</strong> inequalities among regions, among nations and within nations, among individuals;<br />
● Continual poverty growth;<br />
● The increase <strong>of</strong> people’s vulnerability due to social risks such as unemployment and crime;<br />
● The decrease in opportunities for regions, nations, communities, and individuals to enjoy <strong>the</strong> benefits and<br />
advantages provided by globalisation.<br />
Globalisation improves <strong>the</strong> life <strong>of</strong> many, but it provides more power to those who have already been powerful; it<br />
results in <strong>the</strong> marginalisation <strong>of</strong> whole areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world and social groups (women, <strong>the</strong> disabled, <strong>the</strong> elderly,<br />
migrants, etc.) [2]<br />
The neoliberal type <strong>of</strong> globalisation deepens inequalities, poverty, and conflicts, and thus hampers sustainable<br />
development and <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights for <strong>the</strong> vast majority <strong>of</strong> people. Most people are<br />
deprived <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> opportunity to take part in decision making and to control <strong>the</strong>ir own environment and resources,<br />
<strong>the</strong>reby jeopardising basic principles and human rights as follows:<br />
1. The principle <strong>of</strong> giving priority to human rights – must be a basic framework and objective for everyone, for<br />
multilateral and bilateral investments, trade, and financial arrangements;<br />
2. The principle <strong>of</strong> non-retrogression – nations may not be derogated or restricted by international obligations<br />
in terms <strong>of</strong> achieving economic, social, and cultural rights;<br />
3. The right to effective protection in front <strong>of</strong> an appropriate forum; and<br />
4. The right <strong>of</strong> individuals or groups, especially <strong>of</strong> women and o<strong>the</strong>r affected and marginalised groups, in<br />
decision making.<br />
From trade liberalisation through growing power <strong>of</strong> multilateral corporations to progress in information and<br />
communications technology, all modern globalisation processes affect <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
According to UNDP data [3] , <strong>the</strong> ratio <strong>of</strong> income between <strong>the</strong> top 20% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population ranked according to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
income and <strong>the</strong> bottom 20% has rapidly grown: in 1997, this ratio amounted to 74:1, and in 1990 it was as high<br />
as 60:1, which was double <strong>the</strong> 1960 ratio. Consolidation and merge among <strong>the</strong> largest firms result in <strong>the</strong> creation<br />
<strong>of</strong> mega-corporations, hampering <strong>the</strong> competitiveness in <strong>the</strong> world market. In 1999, <strong>the</strong> ten largest companies in<br />
<strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> telecommunications control 86% <strong>of</strong> world market with <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> USD 262 billion, and <strong>the</strong> ten largest<br />
companies in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> pesticide production control 85% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market with <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> over USD 30 billion. <strong>On</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, around 80 countries have lower income per capita than was <strong>the</strong> case a decade ago, including <strong>the</strong><br />
countries <strong>of</strong> Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe, and <strong>the</strong> Commonwealth <strong>of</strong> Independent States. Around 1.2<br />
billion people live in extreme poverty, with an income <strong>of</strong> less than one dollar per day. Around 1.5 billion people do<br />
not have access to basic health care and drinking water; a billion people are illiterate; and 180 million children are<br />
underfed. All <strong>the</strong>se data and warnings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNDP [4] indicate that <strong>the</strong>se figures will grow in <strong>the</strong> future, instead <strong>of</strong><br />
decreasing, despite <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> UN member states ratified <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on<br />
Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>. [5]<br />
An additional phenomenon <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation and poverty expansion is <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> insecurity <strong>of</strong><br />
individuals, groups, and nations in various domains – economic, financial, culture, employment, legal, social,<br />
health care, ecological, political, and personal. Under such conditions, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> people who may not satisfy<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir basic livelihood, and thus realise <strong>the</strong>ir basic human rights, is increasing.<br />
The Effects <strong>of</strong> Poverty Growth<br />
The main promoters <strong>of</strong> neoliberalism are <strong>the</strong> main winners <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ruling concept <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation:<br />
international financial institutions, mega-corporations, transnational companies, and multinational corporations.<br />
Growing poverty in <strong>the</strong> world and <strong>the</strong> deepening gap between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor is <strong>the</strong> direct effect <strong>of</strong><br />
neoliberal macro-economic policy. The main characteristics <strong>of</strong> this concept include:<br />
1. Market rule – <strong>the</strong> free movement <strong>of</strong> capital, goods, and services; <strong>the</strong> release <strong>of</strong> private enterprises from<br />
governmental restraints and control, regardless <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> disadvantages for society; more openness to<br />
international trade and investment; <strong>the</strong> decrease <strong>of</strong> employees’ salaries and <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir rights; <strong>the</strong><br />
weakening <strong>of</strong> trade unions; and <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> price controls. The phrase used for convincing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> masses says: “A<br />
deregulated market is <strong>the</strong> best way to achieve economic growth which will ultimately benefit everyone.”<br />
2. The shortage <strong>of</strong> public expenditures for social services (including health care and education); <strong>the</strong><br />
decrease <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> network <strong>of</strong> institutions for <strong>the</strong> care <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor; lower state’s expenditures for <strong>the</strong> maintenance <strong>of</strong><br />
roads, bridges, water system etc.<br />
3. Deregulation – <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> national regulations in any field that may contribute to <strong>the</strong> decrease <strong>of</strong><br />
pr<strong>of</strong>it, including employment safety, environmental protection, and job security.<br />
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4. Privatisation – <strong>the</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> public enterprises, goods, and services to private investors, including banks, key<br />
industrial branches, railways, motorways, power distribution, hospitals, higher education and tertiary education<br />
institutions, and water systems.<br />
5. The minimisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> “public goods” or “communal ownership” existing during <strong>the</strong><br />
socialist period in <strong>the</strong> transition countries, and its replacement with <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> “individual responsibility”. The<br />
poor are pressured to find solutions on <strong>the</strong>ir own regarding education, health care, and social security; unless <strong>the</strong>y<br />
manage this, <strong>the</strong>y are accused <strong>of</strong> “not managing” and “not wanting to work”, etc.<br />
These are basics and concepts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> programme <strong>of</strong> “economic structural adjustment” imposed on developing<br />
countries as <strong>the</strong> only solution to solve economic crisis and to increase production. Neoliberalism is imposed by<br />
powerful international financial institutions such as International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Inter-American<br />
Development Bank.<br />
Gender Dimensions <strong>of</strong> Poverty<br />
Nowadays, around 1.2 billion people in <strong>the</strong> world live in unacceptable conditions and poverty, and 70% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m<br />
are women [6] . In <strong>the</strong> 1990s, <strong>the</strong>ir percentage increased, especially in developing countries. Poverty feminisation<br />
has become a significant problem in countries in transition, as a short-term effect <strong>of</strong> political, economic, and social<br />
transformation. Women, especially elderly ones, are more and more exposed to <strong>the</strong> risk <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />
Besides <strong>the</strong> fact that poverty affects <strong>the</strong> family as a whole it affects women more, due to work distribution and<br />
responsibility. Poverty especially exists with women living in rural areas. It is directly related to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong><br />
economic opportunities and independence, <strong>the</strong> difficult approach to education, and minimum participation in<br />
decision making. Poverty is effected by <strong>the</strong> insecurity <strong>of</strong> employment; restricted access <strong>of</strong> women to government,<br />
higher paid jobs, education, qualifications, production resources, new technology, financial credit; and strictly<br />
socially regulated roles.<br />
Gender Dimensions <strong>of</strong> International Trade<br />
Studies point out various effects <strong>of</strong> trade liberalisation that reflect on women depending on many factors and<br />
previous social conditions, for example, within <strong>the</strong> economic sphere, <strong>the</strong> division <strong>of</strong> labour by gender. Positive<br />
effects <strong>of</strong> trade liberalisation in developed countries open up new opportunities for employment especially for<br />
young and highly educated women in <strong>the</strong> jobs that were previously inaccessible to <strong>the</strong>m. Ano<strong>the</strong>r positive fact in<br />
developing countries is that trade expansion has facilitated and accelerated <strong>the</strong> absorption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women’s labour<br />
force into modern industrial branches, and stable income sources, although lower in relation to men’s income, has<br />
provided women more economic independence.<br />
An increased share <strong>of</strong> women is especially visible in export-oriented branches such as: textiles, footwear, lea<strong>the</strong>r,<br />
and electronics, especially in free trade zones and in services. Gender-based labour segregation is visible in new<br />
jobs in <strong>the</strong> export sector, <strong>of</strong>ten to a higher degree than in traditional employment, and work in <strong>the</strong> informal sector<br />
also has increased. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, women’s unemployment remains higher than men’s unemployment, for<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is a higher inflow <strong>of</strong> women searching for jobs in <strong>the</strong> labour market. This results in <strong>the</strong> decrease <strong>of</strong> salary<br />
levels and increases in <strong>the</strong> gaps between men’s and women’s average pay rates, thus discouraged employers to<br />
improve working conditions in primarily “women’s” sectors.<br />
The process <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation, characterising <strong>the</strong> weakening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state and <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> control under<br />
capital flow, mainly affects <strong>the</strong> most vulnerable social groups. The critics <strong>of</strong> this process <strong>of</strong>ten raise <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> resulting types and quality <strong>of</strong> jobs. For women, those are jobs are <strong>of</strong>ten temporary, part-time, seasonal,<br />
employment at will, and/or contracted at <strong>the</strong> minimum salary, without any trade union protection.<br />
The privatisation process and trade liberalisation result in adverse effects, mostly regarding women, children, and<br />
households [7] . For example, water resource privatisation results in <strong>the</strong> fact that women in poor households<br />
cannot pay a charge for using it, leading to ei<strong>the</strong>r lower consumption in <strong>the</strong> household or to <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> unsanitary<br />
water [8] . This is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> recent privatisation by IMF <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water system in Cochabamba, Bolivia [9] .<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> auspices <strong>of</strong> IMF and World Bank, <strong>the</strong> social service privatisation processes have been implemented in<br />
many indebted countries. This has had a drastic effect on women’s positions. Within <strong>the</strong> privatisation process,<br />
women have been <strong>the</strong> first to be dismissed, and salaries, benefits, and job security have been seriously reduced<br />
within <strong>the</strong> health care and educational sectors. [10]<br />
Effects <strong>of</strong> Economic Globalisation on Women<br />
Globalisation’s effects on women are both positive and negative. it is positive that economic globalisation enables<br />
additional and various opportunities for <strong>the</strong>m. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, due to gender discriminatory forces within <strong>the</strong><br />
labour market and women’s care responsibilities, women tend to earn lower wages and work fewer years than<br />
men. [11] The models <strong>of</strong> women’s direction into lower paid pr<strong>of</strong>essions and jobs, historically evident in local and<br />
national economies, are reproduced in global economic sectors, too. Employers within global, export-oriented<br />
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sectors employ women, and thus provide women opportunities to acquire new skills and knowledge, which would<br />
have been unavailable until that time within those industrial branches. Thus, women improve <strong>the</strong>ir position in <strong>the</strong><br />
labour market in relation to <strong>the</strong>ir traditional economic and social roles in society.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r aspect <strong>of</strong> globalisation, which also has positive and negative effects on women, is <strong>the</strong> extension <strong>of</strong> new<br />
values into local cultures and customs. This is partly <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> local economic efforts to adjust to global<br />
economic trends and partly <strong>of</strong> people’s exposure to o<strong>the</strong>r cultures. The export <strong>of</strong> American (Spanish, French, etc.)<br />
TV and film literally provides a world stage for American (Spanish, French, etc.) culture. Cultural globalisation also<br />
means <strong>the</strong> extension and acceptance <strong>of</strong> individual foreign cultural norms, accepted by local cultures. These norms<br />
also include social relations between genders. Roles such as <strong>the</strong> woman in <strong>the</strong> family as mo<strong>the</strong>r and housewife,<br />
obedience to men, and men’s direction toward particular pr<strong>of</strong>essions and skills, are stereotypes that decrease<br />
women’s competitiveness in <strong>the</strong> labour market and provide a new basis for discrimination against women. To <strong>the</strong><br />
extent that cultural globalisation manages to weaken <strong>the</strong>se cultural norms, it will provide better opportunities to<br />
women and improve <strong>the</strong>ir positions in <strong>the</strong> labour market in relation to men’s.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> prevailing dichotomy between private and public in a society still pushes woman out <strong>of</strong> political and<br />
public spheres towards <strong>the</strong> family domain and <strong>the</strong> private sphere. The sustainability and intensification <strong>of</strong> this<br />
trend also is magnified by <strong>the</strong> division between economically productive and unproductive work (care economy),<br />
where <strong>the</strong> latter one, predominantly “women’s”, has no economic value from <strong>the</strong> classic economics point <strong>of</strong> view,<br />
thus disabling women to achieve <strong>the</strong>ir economic independence and political being equally.<br />
The underestimation <strong>of</strong> women’s contributions to <strong>the</strong>ir economies hampers <strong>the</strong>ir social promotion within many<br />
fields and spheres <strong>of</strong> life and work. New spaces are opened through <strong>the</strong> weakening <strong>of</strong> national states and through<br />
<strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possibilities <strong>of</strong> undermining <strong>the</strong> gender hierarchy and <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> new bases for gender<br />
relations. Dispersion <strong>of</strong> states’ power is also magnified by non-democratic power centres and globalisation<br />
promoters "from above” [12] – corporations, capital, and market. “Globalisation-from-above” weakens <strong>the</strong> political<br />
power and autonomy <strong>of</strong> a state, decision making power, and independent policy creation, especially within <strong>the</strong><br />
spheres <strong>of</strong> economics and gender equality. A state may not be willing to provide for employee rights if this will<br />
discourage investments and jeopardise its competitiveness in <strong>the</strong> global labour market. The effects are social<br />
exclusion, unemployment, low wages, and weakening <strong>of</strong> trade unions, and all this has a gender dimension.<br />
Economic systems based on pr<strong>of</strong>it <strong>of</strong>ten gain it at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> women’s work. Women are treated as a passive,<br />
suitable, and temporary labour force, which will accept low wages without demanding <strong>the</strong>ir human and labour<br />
rights. In <strong>the</strong> traditional division <strong>of</strong> labour by gender, women are automatically deemed to be more suitable for<br />
work within <strong>the</strong> textile industry and welfare services. This division is additionally stimulated through new forms<br />
and locations <strong>of</strong> work (service industries, tourism, employment within export free zones). A constant value within<br />
all this is <strong>the</strong> low economic value <strong>of</strong> women’s work. Economic globalisation has also encouraged transnational<br />
crime based on gender discrimination and exploitation (women’s trafficking, prostitution, sex tourism).<br />
Globalisation has effects on human rights achievement in general, as well as on women’s rights in particular, in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> eroding civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> development, economic<br />
growth, and macroeconomic restructuring.<br />
Feminisation <strong>of</strong> Labour Force<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early 1980s, it became clear that <strong>the</strong> industrialisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Third World” was predominantly based on<br />
women’s labour. Many studies emphasise <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> relatively cheap women’s labour in this process [13] . In<br />
South East Asian economies, significant contribution to production growth has been provided by young women<br />
employees willing to work hard for a lower salary than a man would accept, even under <strong>the</strong> conditions that trade<br />
unions do not allow. The result <strong>of</strong> this has been high inflow <strong>of</strong> women’s labour into unskilled and semi-skilled jobs.<br />
In Latin America, this inflow was especially high during <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> decreasing average wages. In <strong>the</strong> whole<br />
world, among <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> industrial workers, women are 30-40%, while, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, within exportoriented<br />
branches, especially in <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> textiles, electronic components, and lea<strong>the</strong>r products, this<br />
percentage is <strong>of</strong>ten much higher, in particular cases, even as high as 90%. <strong>On</strong>e study has concluded that a major<br />
part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> production by developing countries that is aimed at exporting has been made by women, thus <strong>the</strong><br />
industrialisation <strong>of</strong> economies after World War II was guided both by export and feminisation. [14]<br />
The process <strong>of</strong> labour force feminisation in <strong>the</strong> developing countries was continued in <strong>the</strong> 1980s, not only in<br />
manufacturing, but also within service sectors, where <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> women’s employment increased to 30-<br />
50% [15] , in <strong>the</strong> same decade that was marked by falling wages and salaries. Women’s shares also increased<br />
within <strong>the</strong> jobs that require higher qualification and pr<strong>of</strong>essionalism, such as legal services, banking, accounting,<br />
architecture, tourism, and auxiliary services, information services, etc. Worldwide exchange <strong>of</strong> services also has<br />
stimulated women’s labour force migration.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time, through <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> women’s share in <strong>the</strong> labour market, <strong>the</strong>ir share in <strong>the</strong> informal sector<br />
also has increased, including <strong>the</strong>ir work within unregistered jobs, micro firms, housework, and self-employment.<br />
In urban areas <strong>of</strong> developing countries, many formal jobs have become “informal”, since employers aimed at<br />
increasing “flexibility” and decreasing production and labour costs by concluding subcontracts with workers. The<br />
growth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> informal sector also has been noticeable in developed countries. Women’s work at home is<br />
emphasised, starting from gender stereotypes <strong>of</strong> woman’s dedication to <strong>the</strong>ir family roles, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir less<br />
valuable work. Many women have accepted such jobs, with insecurity, low salary, and <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> benefits, as a<br />
conventional form <strong>of</strong> gaining additional income, which, at <strong>the</strong> same time, enables <strong>the</strong>m to take care <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
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households and children. Analyses show that employers, while requiring higher efficiency, do not only use cheap<br />
labour, which is both men and women’s, but also <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> contracting informal work, where women are<br />
used more.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons for women’s higher share in <strong>the</strong> labour market is <strong>the</strong> substitution <strong>of</strong> women’s for men’s labour,<br />
due to lower wages and less paid women’s work. Increasing globalisation and international competition have<br />
made salaries and labour costs a significant factor in determining <strong>the</strong> geographic location for investment and<br />
production, including <strong>the</strong> decision making on certain groups’ employment.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r aspect <strong>of</strong> labour market flexibilisation is <strong>the</strong> public sector decrease, mostly as a part <strong>of</strong> structural<br />
adjustment programmes and privatisation initiatives. In many countries, <strong>the</strong> public sector was main source <strong>of</strong><br />
employment growth in <strong>the</strong> 1960s. These changes in <strong>the</strong> labour market also point out <strong>the</strong> necessity <strong>of</strong> welfare<br />
system reform. It is necessary to find alternative forms <strong>of</strong> protection and <strong>the</strong> improvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
most vulnerable groups in <strong>the</strong> labour market and to add flexibility through economic security improvement.<br />
Position <strong>of</strong> Women in <strong>the</strong> Transition Countries<br />
The adverse effects <strong>of</strong> economic transition in <strong>the</strong> post-socialist countries have affected mainly women, as <strong>the</strong><br />
largest marginal social group. Case studies and <strong>the</strong> first ten-years <strong>of</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> transition countries indicate<br />
that, in terms <strong>of</strong> achieving economic and social rights, and within <strong>the</strong> social sphere, women in all post-socialist<br />
countries share <strong>the</strong> same consequences <strong>of</strong> transit from socialist to market economies [16] .<br />
1. The aggravation <strong>of</strong> women’s positions in <strong>the</strong> labour market:<br />
● The trend <strong>of</strong> women’s labour force and employment decrease in all countries where data are available. For<br />
1985-1997, women in <strong>the</strong> labour force decreased by 1/3 in Hungary and by 1/4 in Latvia.<br />
● The decrease <strong>of</strong> women’s share in well-paid sectors (i.e. financial – in Latvia by 24%, in Hungary, Russia,<br />
and Lithuania by 10-14%), and <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir share in low paid activities (health care, education).<br />
● The decrease <strong>of</strong> wages and <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gap between women’s salaries and men’s. (Women earn 70-<br />
90% <strong>of</strong> men’s salaries.) ;<br />
2. The increase <strong>of</strong> unemployment;<br />
3. The increase <strong>of</strong> women’s share within flexible types <strong>of</strong> work (contracted, part-time, temporary, and<br />
seasonal jobs), in <strong>the</strong> simplest jobs, in unregistered work, and in <strong>the</strong> grey economy;<br />
4. The decrease (from 1.5% to 15%) <strong>of</strong> women’s share in politics and in decision making, head, and<br />
managerial positions;<br />
5. The lower access to capital, resources, credit possibilities, new knowledge, and pr<strong>of</strong>essional training<br />
(prerequisites for better paid positions and entrepreneurial development);<br />
6. The decrease <strong>of</strong> states’ social roles – increased engagement <strong>of</strong> women working at home and in family and<br />
child care;<br />
7. The growth <strong>of</strong> women’s poverty, especially among those belonging to “invisible” social groups (urban,<br />
older, Roma, disabled, as well as single mo<strong>the</strong>rs, housewives, etc.);<br />
8. The intensification <strong>of</strong> family violence, where women are victims most frequently;<br />
9. The increase in discrimination against women within all types <strong>of</strong> public and working life;<br />
The socio-economic positions <strong>of</strong> women and <strong>the</strong> trends shaping <strong>the</strong>m are <strong>the</strong> best reflection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong><br />
families in society, including rights and freedoms enjoyed by an individual.<br />
Mechanisms and Actions for Achieving Women’s Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The economic and social rights <strong>of</strong> women are guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> following international legal documents, ratified<br />
by <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> UN member states:<br />
● The Universal Declaration on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Declaration on Social Progress and<br />
Development, ILO and UNESCO Conventions, <strong>the</strong> European Convention for <strong>the</strong> Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
and Fundamental Freedoms, <strong>the</strong> European Social Charter, <strong>the</strong> American Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and<br />
Duties <strong>of</strong> Man, Convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Cairo<br />
Declaration on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, and <strong>the</strong> Vienna Declaration on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>;<br />
● The Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and <strong>the</strong> Optional<br />
Protocol to CEDAW;<br />
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● The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action – <strong>the</strong> documents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 4 th World Conference on Women in<br />
Beijing in 1995. (12 critical fields were defined, including women’s poverty and measures for <strong>the</strong><br />
improvement <strong>of</strong> women’s position and rights; developed countries were invited to direct 0.7% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir GDP<br />
to poor countries.);<br />
● Beijing +5 (Special Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN General Assembly in June 2000 “Women 2000 – Peace and<br />
Development for 21 st Century”).<br />
Women’s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ) adopted in 1995 <strong>the</strong> Declaration on Economic<br />
Justice, through which it criticised <strong>the</strong> holders <strong>of</strong> neoliberal policy where <strong>the</strong> welfare <strong>of</strong> economic growth is<br />
achieved to <strong>the</strong> detriment <strong>of</strong> human rights and welfare. Starting from <strong>the</strong> statement that words are not enough<br />
any more, <strong>the</strong> signatories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration stress that <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> Platform objectives is impossible<br />
within current microeconomic environment, and that it needs to be changed, requiring <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> rights<br />
and participation in management and economies. <strong>Rights</strong> and participation in management mean:<br />
1. Linkage <strong>of</strong> economic, social, cultural, civil, and political rights;<br />
2. Democratisation, transparency, and responsibility in decision making processes at all levels and in all<br />
institutions, including not only national states and local communities, but also corporations, non-governmental<br />
organisations, international financial institutions, religious organisations, and o<strong>the</strong>r international organisations;<br />
3. The inclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diversity <strong>of</strong> women’s perspectives in <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> policy formulation and decision<br />
making at all levels;<br />
4. The obedience to international instruments by all governments and multilateral institutions. Taking into<br />
account <strong>the</strong> power <strong>of</strong> international financial institutions in relation to individual nations, <strong>the</strong> UN system must take<br />
special measures to make those institutions responsible for <strong>the</strong> obedience <strong>of</strong> international agreements and <strong>the</strong><br />
principles <strong>of</strong> justice and equality;<br />
5. The affirmation <strong>of</strong> each nation’s responsibility to <strong>the</strong> population within its borders and <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong><br />
international mechanisms to establish <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> transnational corporations and international financial<br />
and economic institutions;<br />
6. The consistency <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic policies with social development and distributive justice. This means that<br />
macroeconomic policies are created in such a way to protect <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> women, <strong>the</strong> poor, and healthy<br />
environment, instead <strong>of</strong> only expanding economic growth, trade, and corporate pr<strong>of</strong>it;<br />
7. Reformation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector, not through privatisation but through its effectiveness, justice, and<br />
adjustment to people’s needs;<br />
8. Redefinition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> criteria <strong>of</strong> cost-effectiveness to take into account environmental degradation, social<br />
resources, and human resources (such as increased violence and health hazards);<br />
9. Market regulation in <strong>the</strong> public interest to decrease inequality, prevent instability, increase employment,<br />
improve work place security, and determine a socially acceptable minimum wage at <strong>the</strong> national level;<br />
10. The creation <strong>of</strong> new financial resources through new forms <strong>of</strong> taxation to stimulate sustainable social and<br />
economic development, such as toxic product production, international financial speculative pr<strong>of</strong>it, and<br />
international financial transactions;<br />
11. The application <strong>of</strong> debt release ra<strong>the</strong>r than debt rescheduling, <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> alternatives with focus on<br />
removing <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> imbalance <strong>of</strong> trade and new resources directed toward <strong>the</strong> South.<br />
Conclusions:<br />
Current economic globalisation based on neoliberalism stimulates and provides for <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gap<br />
between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor. The call for free markets and free movement <strong>of</strong> capital, investment, and goods has<br />
created “market fundamentalism” jeopardising <strong>the</strong> sovereignty <strong>of</strong> national states and has created an appropriate<br />
environment for conflicts. The advantages and benefits <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation are unequally distributed, and a<br />
disproportionately high portion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> costs are born by <strong>the</strong> poor, marginalised, and victims <strong>of</strong> discrimination<br />
according to ethnicity in <strong>the</strong> North and South. The current model <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation deepens historical and<br />
present inequalities on racial, ethnic, gender, and economic bases within and among nations, aggravating <strong>the</strong><br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> establishing sustainable and equal development for all.<br />
Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO, promote globalisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> type dominated by<br />
trade liberalism and privatisation. Such a model <strong>of</strong> globalisation and economic growth stimulation has aggravated<br />
economic, social, and culture conditions in which <strong>the</strong> most affected groups live; and it has contributed to <strong>the</strong><br />
growth <strong>of</strong> poverty and social exclusion.<br />
Poverty has a gender dimension, for women are more exposed to <strong>the</strong> risk <strong>of</strong> poverty. The gender dimension also<br />
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refers to unemployment, international trade, foreign debt issues, international resources, global management, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> programmes <strong>of</strong> economic structural adjustment. All <strong>the</strong>se phenomena produce various effects on men and<br />
women.<br />
The analysis <strong>of</strong> women’s economic and social positions is <strong>the</strong> best indicator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> essence <strong>of</strong> neoliberal<br />
macroeconomic policy, which focuses on <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> achieving pr<strong>of</strong>it. The women’s economic agenda (calling for<br />
improvement <strong>of</strong> women’s positions and <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> gender, economic, and social justice) may be <strong>the</strong><br />
universal agenda for considering social development, redefining development objectives, and searching for<br />
alternatives: to redirect economic globalisation to <strong>the</strong> benefit <strong>of</strong> people ra<strong>the</strong>r than corporations; to result in<br />
improvement and welfare for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population ra<strong>the</strong>r than for individuals; and to focus economic<br />
policies to protection and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human rights <strong>of</strong> all.<br />
References:<br />
1. Falk, R. 2002, ‘Interpreting <strong>the</strong> Interaction <strong>of</strong> Global Markets and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>’ in Globalization and <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>. A. Brysk, ed. University <strong>of</strong> California Press: Berkley<br />
2. Globalization and its impact on <strong>the</strong> full enjoyment <strong>of</strong> all human rights, Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary-<br />
General, General Assembly 55 th Session, (A/55/342), 31 August 2000.<br />
3. Joekes, S. P. (Ed.) 1987, Women in <strong>the</strong> World Economcy: an INSTRAW Study, Oxford University Press: New<br />
York<br />
4. Joekes, S.P, 1995. ‘Trade-related Employment for Women in Industry and Services in Developing<br />
Countries’, in United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Occasional Paper No. 5, UNRISD: Geneva.<br />
5. Razavi, Sh. 2001, ‘Globalization, Employment and Women’s Empowerment’, Division for <strong>the</strong> Advancement<br />
<strong>of</strong> Women (DAW), Expert Group Meeting, 26-29 November 2001, New Delhi, India<br />
6. Ruminska-Zimny, E. 2002, ‘Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in <strong>the</strong> Transition Countries:<br />
Trends and Issues in <strong>the</strong> UNECE Region’ in Transition, Privatisation and Women, ed. M. Dokmanovic, Women’s<br />
Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>: Subotica<br />
7. The Realization <strong>of</strong> Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, Final report submitted by Mr. Danilo Türk, Special<br />
Rapporteur, (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16) 3 July 1992<br />
8. The Realization <strong>of</strong> Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, Globalization and its impact on <strong>the</strong> full enjoyment<br />
<strong>of</strong> human rights, Preliminary report submitted by J. Oloka-<strong>On</strong>yango and Deepika Udagama, (E/CN.4/<br />
Sub.2/2000/13) 15 June 2000<br />
9. UNECE, 1999, Economic Survey for Europe 1999, UNECE: Geneva<br />
10. UNPP. 1999. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 1999, Oxford University Press: New York<br />
11. Watson, C. 2003, ‘Sell <strong>the</strong> rain – How <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> water caused riots in Cochahamba, Bolivia’, CBS<br />
News (<strong>On</strong>line), Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/water/bolivia.html<br />
*<br />
Lecture presented to <strong>the</strong> participants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Studies School in February, 2003, organized by <strong>the</strong><br />
women’s NGO “Anima”, Kotor, Montenegro.<br />
[1]<br />
See: Globalization and its impact on <strong>the</strong> full enjoyment <strong>of</strong> all human rights, Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary-<br />
General, General Assembly 55th Session, (A/55/342), 31 August 2000.<br />
[2] See: The Realization <strong>of</strong> Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, Globalization and its impact on <strong>the</strong> full enjoyment<br />
<strong>of</strong> human rights, Preliminary report submitted by J. Oloka-<strong>On</strong>yango and Deepika Udagama, (E/CN.4/<br />
Sub.2/2000/13) 15 June 2000<br />
[3] Source: UNPP. 1999. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report, Oxford University Press: New York, pp. 25-39.<br />
[4] “Public health problems, immigration and refugees, environmental degradation and broader social and political<br />
breakdown are <strong>the</strong> new security challenges that breed in a context <strong>of</strong> unattended global inequality. For all our<br />
sakes we need to work toge<strong>the</strong>r to build <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> a new global society and economy that respect<br />
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differences, protect <strong>the</strong> weak and regulate <strong>the</strong> strong.” Ibidem, p. v-vi.<br />
[5] “Despite <strong>the</strong> ratification by 106 countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />
discouraging fact remains that over 1 billion people live in absolute poverty, some 180 million children suffer from<br />
serious malnutrition, 1.5 billion persons are deprived <strong>of</strong> primary health care and a safe water supply, 2 billion<br />
individuals lack safe sanitation and over 1 billion adults cannot read or write. While <strong>the</strong>se dismaying statistics can<br />
in no way reveal fully <strong>the</strong> personal, family and community tragedies each represents, <strong>the</strong> clear global tendency<br />
shows <strong>the</strong>se numbers escalating, not decreasing.” UN, Commission on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Sub-Commission on<br />
Prevention <strong>of</strong> Discrimination and Protection <strong>of</strong> Minorities, The Realization <strong>of</strong> Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>,<br />
Final report submitted by Mr. Danilo Türk, Special Rapporteur, (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16) 3 July 1992<br />
[6]<br />
See: UNDP. 1999. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 1999, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999; A/55/342,<br />
para. 46.<br />
[7] E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13, para. 30-40; A/55/342. para 46-47.<br />
[8] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16, para. 103.<br />
[9] Watson, C. 2003, ‘Sell <strong>the</strong> rain – How <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> water caused riots in Cochahamba, Bolivia’, CBS<br />
News (<strong>On</strong>line), Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/water/bolivia.html<br />
[10] See: E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13<br />
[11] Razavi, Sh. 2001, ‘Globalization, Employment and Women’s Empowerment’, Division for <strong>the</strong> Advancement <strong>of</strong><br />
Women (DAW), Expert Group Meeting, 26-29 November 2001, New Delhi, India, p. 40.<br />
[12] Richard Falk associates, although overly simple, <strong>the</strong> WTO hierarchy and its ideological and political support<br />
with “globalisation-from-above”, and <strong>the</strong> protesters in <strong>the</strong> streets <strong>of</strong> Seattle during <strong>the</strong> meeting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade<br />
Organisation (WTO) in 1999 and <strong>the</strong>ir governmental allies with “globalisation-from-bellow”. He argues that<br />
globalization "from above" is eroding worker rights and social protections, but globalization "from below" is<br />
creating an emergent global civil society. Falk, R. 2002, ‘Interpreting <strong>the</strong> Interaction <strong>of</strong> Global Markets and <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>’ in Globalization and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>. A. Brysk, ed. Berkeley: University <strong>of</strong> California Press<br />
[13] Joekes, S.P, 1995. ‘Trade-related Employment for Women in Industry and Services in Developing Countries’,<br />
in United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Occasional Paper No. 5, Geneva: UNRISD.<br />
[14]<br />
See: Joekes, S. P. (Ed.) 1987, Women in <strong>the</strong> World Economy: an INSTRAW Study, Oxford University Press:<br />
New York<br />
[15] Ibidem.<br />
[16] Source <strong>of</strong> data: UNECE, 1999, Economic Survey for Europe 1999, UNECE: Geneva; Ruminska-Zimny, E. 2002,<br />
‘Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in <strong>the</strong> Transition Countries: Trends and Issues in <strong>the</strong> UNECE<br />
Region’ in Transition, Privatisation and Women, ed. M. Dokmanovic, Women’s Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>: Subotica<br />
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DEVELOPMENT<br />
UNCTAD XI – A Missed Opportunity?<br />
By Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos and Barbara Specht<br />
WIDE<br />
UNCTAD XI has shown that developing countries continue to stand toge<strong>the</strong>r and demand<br />
fair trade policies from developed countries. However, it has to be seen whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />
agreed language (e.g. on ‘policy space’) will also find its way in <strong>the</strong> ongoing WTO<br />
negotiations. In that sense and taking into account that - especially Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
governments and civil society actors - did not have high expectations towards this<br />
conference, UNCTAD XI can not be seen as a missed opportunity. Still, UNCTAD was not<br />
able to claim a strong leadership role in ensuring that international trade structures are<br />
supportive to developing countries in achieving poverty eradication, sustainable<br />
development, gender and social justice. UNCTAD XI stays – to say it with o<strong>the</strong>r words – a<br />
toothless tiger.<br />
Social, Economic and Environmental Sustainability From a Gender Perspective:<br />
14 Issues to Tackle<br />
By NGO Women’s Forum, Germany &<br />
Working Group Women in <strong>the</strong> Forum Environment & Development<br />
At <strong>the</strong> major UN conferences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineties, <strong>the</strong> governments committed <strong>the</strong>mselves to<br />
sustainable development, to combating poverty and environmental degradation and to<br />
respecting human rights and women’s rights. In 1992, <strong>the</strong> central message <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rio de<br />
Janeiro Agenda 21 was <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> sustainability. Development can only be 'future<br />
compatible' if it embraces ecological, social and economic issues. But <strong>the</strong> message from<br />
Rio has also been that sustainability without a qualified participation <strong>of</strong> women, i.e.<br />
participation also in decision making, will not work.
UNCTAD XI – A missed opportunity?<br />
1. Introduction<br />
UNCTAD XI: A missed opportunity?<br />
By Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos and Barbara Specht<br />
WIDE<br />
From 13-18 June 2004, representatives <strong>of</strong> 192 UNCTAD Member States met in Sao Paulo, Brazil for <strong>the</strong> eleventh<br />
session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XI). The conference was organised<br />
around <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me 'Enhancing <strong>the</strong> coherence between national development strategies and global<br />
economic processes towards economic growth and development, particularly <strong>of</strong> developing countries';<br />
it ended for most parties involved on a satisfactory note. After nine months <strong>of</strong> preparations and negotiations,<br />
UNCTAD Member States adopted <strong>the</strong> "Spirit <strong>of</strong> Sao Paolo-Declaration" and <strong>the</strong> "Sao Paulo Consensus" [1] as its<br />
main outcome documents. In addition to <strong>the</strong> Bangkok Plan <strong>of</strong> Action (2000), <strong>the</strong>se documents form <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong><br />
UNCTAD's policy guidelines and work priorities for upcoming years. The "Sao Paulo Consensus" contains analyses<br />
and proposes responses in relation to <strong>the</strong> four main <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conference:<br />
- Development strategies in a globalising world;<br />
- Building productive capacities and international competitiveness;<br />
- Assuring development gains from <strong>the</strong> international trading system and trade negotiations;<br />
- Partnership for development.<br />
The document affirms <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD as a designated focal point for <strong>the</strong> integrated treatment <strong>of</strong> trade and<br />
development. In this function, UNCTAD has a special responsibility to contribute to <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
international development goals. A fur<strong>the</strong>r significant accomplishment is <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> a section on <strong>the</strong> need for<br />
developing countries to have 'policy space'; <strong>the</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> right <strong>of</strong> developing countries to balance out national<br />
development priorities and policies with obligations deriving from international agreements. [2]<br />
An important issue at UNCTAD XI was <strong>the</strong> call on developing countries to streng<strong>the</strong>n economic cooperation among<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves through increased South-South trade. [3] Within this context, <strong>the</strong> launch <strong>of</strong> a third round <strong>of</strong><br />
negotiations on Global System <strong>of</strong> Trade Preferences among developing countries (GSTP) has to be highlighted.<br />
Likewise, <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> an International Task Force on Commodities [4] 4 is rated as a positive outcome<br />
and a first step in <strong>the</strong> right direction.<br />
In general, UNCTAD XI has shown that developing countries continue to stand toge<strong>the</strong>r and demand fair trade<br />
policies from developed countries. However, it has to be seen whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> agreed language (e.g. on 'policy<br />
space') will also find its way in <strong>the</strong> ongoing WTO negotiations. In that sense and taking into account that -<br />
especially Nor<strong>the</strong>rn governments and civil society actors - did not have high expectations towards this conference,<br />
UNCTAD XI can not be seen as a missed opportunity. Still, UNCTAD was not able to claim a strong leadership role<br />
in ensuring that international trade structures are supportive to developing countries in achieving poverty<br />
eradication, sustainable development, gender and social justice. UNCTAD XI stays - to say it with o<strong>the</strong>r words - a<br />
toothless tiger.<br />
2. Enhancing <strong>the</strong> coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes<br />
towards economic growth and development, particularly <strong>of</strong> developing countries<br />
Since its 40 years <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD's existence, <strong>the</strong> international environment has drastically changed, and <strong>the</strong><br />
problems experienced by developing countries today require urgently new and pioneering approaches. Today,<br />
most trade negotiations are taking place under <strong>the</strong> auspices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade organization (WTO) and UNCTAD's<br />
role as a leading body on development and trade issues has severely been reduced.<br />
UNCTAD XI was an opportunity to reinforce and streng<strong>the</strong>n UNCTAD's mandate, to address <strong>the</strong>se problems and to<br />
discuss appropriate solutions, as increased trade liberalisation does not automatically lead to poverty eradication<br />
and sustainable development. Besides <strong>the</strong> launch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third round <strong>of</strong> negotiations on Global System <strong>of</strong> Trade<br />
Preferences among developing countries (GSTP) [5] , <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> an International Task Force on<br />
Commodities, <strong>the</strong> call on intensified South-South cooperation [6] , <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> a 'new geography <strong>of</strong> world trade'<br />
based on cooperation and solidarity [7] , discussions on <strong>the</strong> role and mandate <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD and <strong>the</strong>mes such as<br />
local/national policy space versus international trade agreements, attention was also given following issues:<br />
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UNCTAD XI – A missed opportunity?<br />
- Creative industries and private sector engagement in developing countries, including <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> corporate<br />
responsibility and accountability.<br />
- Trade and poverty;<br />
- Trade and gender;<br />
- The role <strong>of</strong> ICTs and information and knowledge for development.<br />
- The role/importance <strong>of</strong> non state actors [8] .<br />
The need to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes,<br />
so as to ensure development gains from trade, was recognised. However, in <strong>the</strong> final Sao Paulo consensus <strong>the</strong><br />
definition <strong>of</strong> coherence remains unclear; it can be interpreted in such a way to create more coherence between<br />
<strong>the</strong> trade and financial system instead <strong>of</strong> between trade and development policy.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> conference numerous side events and meetings took place, for example <strong>the</strong> Group <strong>of</strong> 77 (G77)<br />
celebrated its 40th anniversary with a Ministerial Meeting on 12 June, one day prior to <strong>the</strong> opening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD<br />
XI session. Exactly during <strong>the</strong> first UNCTAD conference, in June 1964, 77 developing countries formed <strong>the</strong> G77 in<br />
order to speak with one strong voice. Today <strong>the</strong> G77 consist <strong>of</strong> 132 members, representing various interests.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r side events as well as informal and non-public meetings focused on WTO or bilateral trade negotiations. The<br />
EU, for example, used <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD XI to continue ongoing discussions with Mercosur countries<br />
(Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay). Ano<strong>the</strong>r objective <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU was to re-install and streng<strong>the</strong>n<br />
confidence in <strong>the</strong> multilateral trading system and to give fur<strong>the</strong>r momentum to <strong>the</strong> successful conclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Doha Development Agenda. Toge<strong>the</strong>r with Australia (representing <strong>the</strong> Cairns Group), Brazil (initiator), India and<br />
<strong>the</strong> United States, <strong>the</strong>y formed a group known as Five Interested Parties (P5) to kick-start <strong>the</strong> blocked WTO<br />
agriculture negotiations. Finally, <strong>the</strong>y could find an agreement stating that ''export subsidies need to be removed<br />
gradually, domestic farm aid needs to be reduced substantially, and market access needs to be increased<br />
substantially.'' [9]<br />
The Group <strong>of</strong> 20 developing countries (G20) [10] was also engaged in discussions on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> agriculture<br />
negotiations. The G20 met on Ministerial level to discuss alternatives to <strong>the</strong> EU and US proposals on agriculture,<br />
to demand an end to export subsidies and to domestic supports that distort <strong>the</strong> market. Ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir demands<br />
aimed at improved market access.<br />
Representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WTO used UNCTAD XI trying to get <strong>the</strong> WTO talks back on track - as WTO Director-General<br />
Supachai Panitchpakdi stressed "if we want trade to work as an engine for growth and development, it is<br />
indispensable that we succeed in <strong>the</strong> Doha Round" [11] . He added that <strong>the</strong> negotiations are at "a crossroads, and<br />
common ground must be found quickly". In <strong>the</strong> end, after <strong>the</strong>se preparations in Brazil and fur<strong>the</strong>r intensive two<br />
week long day and night debates in Geneva, <strong>the</strong> WTO members reached an agreement on a framework that will<br />
guide future WTO negotiations on a number <strong>of</strong> areas, including agriculture, Non-Agricultural Market Access<br />
(NAMA), services and trade facilitation - <strong>the</strong> so-called "July-package" [12] .<br />
3. "Let's move forward and make a change" - Civil Society Forum<br />
The civil society forum (CSF) organised by initiation <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD by <strong>the</strong> Brazilian Association <strong>of</strong> Governmental<br />
Organisations (Abong) and <strong>the</strong> Brazilian Network for <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peoples (Rebrip), took place<br />
simultaneously to UNCTAD XI. Around 200 representatives <strong>of</strong> women's, farmers, development and environmental<br />
organisations, trade unions and fair trade initiatives were present. Various events in relation to following <strong>the</strong>mes<br />
were organised:<br />
- Alternative to free trade & reorganising <strong>the</strong> international system;<br />
- Social and work rights in trade agreements;<br />
- Widening economic policies horizons: <strong>Human</strong> rights and groups concerning ethnics, gender, generation, sexual<br />
orientation, traditional people, etc.<br />
- Challenging liberalisation in agriculture: promoting sustainable agricultural models based on food sovereignty;<br />
- Symposium on faire trade: sustainable development in practice;<br />
- Development, global governance and strategies for globalisation.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> highlights <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CSF was certainly <strong>the</strong> encounter with UN Secretary-General, K<strong>of</strong>i Annan, and Sectary<br />
General <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD, Rubens Ricupero. Iara Pietricovsky, general coordinator <strong>of</strong> Rebrip and Jose Bové,<br />
representative <strong>of</strong> Via Campesina, were handing over <strong>the</strong> civil society declaration, which comments and criticises<br />
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UNCTAD XI – A missed opportunity?<br />
on matters reported in UNCTAD XI <strong>Statement</strong> (see annex 2). K<strong>of</strong>i Annan stressed in his speech <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong><br />
civil society actors: The working area <strong>of</strong> NGOs is <strong>the</strong> intersection <strong>of</strong> trade and development and <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong><br />
civil society is to ensure that trade and development are helping <strong>the</strong> poor and are supporting <strong>the</strong> fight against<br />
poverty. NGOs are needed to keep on pressuring <strong>the</strong> governments. The UN is indeed aware <strong>of</strong> numerous issues,<br />
but it needs <strong>the</strong> pressure <strong>of</strong> NGOs on governments to be able to achieve more.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> meeting with K<strong>of</strong>i Annan, CS representatives also stressed <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> selecting <strong>the</strong> most qualified<br />
and competent individual who shows a high standard <strong>of</strong> leadership and commitment, for <strong>the</strong> post <strong>of</strong> Secretary<br />
General <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD, as Rubens Ricupero is leaving. As a follow up to emphasis this concern, a Memorandum from<br />
<strong>the</strong> CS to <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN on <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new leadership <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD was prepared (see<br />
annex 3).<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> gender activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CSF was <strong>the</strong> session on 14 June "Widening economic policies horizons: <strong>Human</strong><br />
rights and groups concerning ethnics, gender generation, sexual orientation, traditional people, etc.", organised<br />
by <strong>the</strong> International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN). Graciela Rodriguez (LAGTN) moderated a panel entitled<br />
"International trade in line with <strong>the</strong> affirmation <strong>of</strong> human rights within a development perspective". Speakers<br />
include Alma Espino (LAGTN Uruguay) and Marina Durano (AGTN Philippines). Norma Sanchis (LAGTN Argentina)<br />
moderated <strong>the</strong> panel "Risk <strong>of</strong> Violating human rights" which presented some case studies <strong>of</strong> how trade policies<br />
violate women's rights. In order to ensure a good flow <strong>of</strong> information and to coordinate different activities during<br />
<strong>the</strong> CSF, NGOs representatives met on a daily basis. In <strong>the</strong>se daily meetings, different CS statements were<br />
discussed; a civil society dialogue meeting with representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Union [13] was prepared, etc.<br />
4. UNCTAD XI & Gender<br />
Since 2000, UNCTAD has been committed to looking at <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> gender and trade in its meetings. Of<br />
special interest for WIDE was <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> issue how will UNCTAD XI deal with <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> gender equality<br />
in international trade relations? WIDE welcomed <strong>the</strong> initiative <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD to consider gender and trade one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
three cross-cutting issues during <strong>the</strong> conference [14] . WIDE fur<strong>the</strong>rmore welcomed <strong>the</strong> considerable support that<br />
Mr. Ricupero had given to gender concerns and perspectives in UNCTAD and UNCTAD's programme.<br />
4.1. High-level Round Table on Gender and Trade<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> events to highlight <strong>the</strong> importance gender and trade was a High-level Round Table on Gender and<br />
Trade. Mr Ricupero and Mrs Eveline Herfens, UN Executive Coordinator for <strong>the</strong> Millennium Campaign, opened <strong>the</strong><br />
session by stressing that trade as an important aspect <strong>of</strong> globalisation and a major source for growth and<br />
development can have strong positive and negative effects for gender equality.<br />
Mrs. Herfkens emphasised <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Millennium Declaration and <strong>the</strong> MDGs and <strong>the</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
agreements and promises made by <strong>the</strong> governments: "If women are not empowered, no goals are achieved; men<br />
and women in poor countries should benefit from globalisation and trade". She underlined that governments<br />
should be "gender responsive" to <strong>the</strong> different issues that affect women: different access and control to resources,<br />
unequal roles, unequal ownership <strong>of</strong> land and access to property titles and to credit. Rich countries should support<br />
developing countries specially regarding policies and agreements on agricultural issues since agriculture subsidies<br />
destroy local markets in less developed countries and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se women as producers and exporteurs <strong>of</strong> agricultural<br />
goods are particularly affected.<br />
The succeeding debate focussed on:<br />
- Government policies to reduce <strong>the</strong> gender gap and enhance gender equality in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> trade liberalisation;<br />
lead speakers: Ms. Freire (Secretary <strong>of</strong> State on Women's Policies, Brazil); Ms. Benitez-Reyes (Chair, National<br />
Commission on <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Filipino Women, Philippines); Ms Lawson (Chair, Gender expert trade group, DTI, UK).<br />
- Multilateral trade commitments and <strong>the</strong> development objective <strong>of</strong> gender equality; lead speakers: Ms Didiza<br />
(Minister <strong>of</strong> Agriculture and Land Affairs, South Africa); Ms Pacheco (Head <strong>of</strong> Cabinet <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Minister <strong>of</strong> Foreign<br />
Trade, Costa Rica).<br />
- The contribution <strong>of</strong> international trade to poverty alleviation and gender equality; lead speakers: Ms Kebe<br />
(Minister <strong>of</strong> Trade, Senegal); Ms Herfken (UN).<br />
- Capacity building for trade and enterprise development; lead speaker: Mr Belisle (ITC); commentator: Ms Cano<br />
(Oxfam Honduras).<br />
Several speakers considered <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> gender and trade from <strong>the</strong> perspective <strong>of</strong> 'efficiency' and focussed on <strong>the</strong><br />
direct relation between gender equality and poverty alleviation. Questions such as how women can be generators<br />
<strong>of</strong> growth, how can low skilled workers benefit from increased employment opportunities or how does trade<br />
liberalisation impact on women as consumers, were <strong>of</strong> high interest. According to <strong>the</strong> speakers <strong>the</strong> improvement<br />
<strong>of</strong> women's living and working conditions will result in reducing poverty; countries see <strong>the</strong> greatest developmental<br />
and poverty reduction benefits from trade when gender equality policies are in force [15] .<br />
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However, structural inequalities caused by <strong>the</strong> current macroeconomic and trade policies and contradicting and<br />
undermining women's rights, as well as unjust power relations were not mentioned and analysed. In addition no<br />
speaker referred to <strong>the</strong> commitments <strong>of</strong> governments to gender equality given through <strong>the</strong> ratification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Convention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women or <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action.<br />
Mr. Tom Kitt, <strong>the</strong> Minister <strong>of</strong> State for Development Cooperation and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Ireland, advocated for<br />
greater coherence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> national trade policies to address gender issues. He highlighted <strong>the</strong> potential impact <strong>of</strong><br />
trade policies to eradicate gender inequality. Moreover, he mentioned <strong>the</strong> need for a specifically designed reform<br />
based on gender analysis and assessments to promote women's participation at all levels <strong>of</strong> decision making as<br />
well as women's empowerment.<br />
Even so <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> policy coherence was approached, this did not happen from a social justice perspective where<br />
"guaranteeing <strong>the</strong> harmonisation <strong>of</strong> economic policies with commitments to international human rights<br />
conventions, <strong>the</strong> Convention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women, as well as <strong>the</strong><br />
Beijing Platform for Action [16] would be a priority.<br />
In order for national trade policies to become more effective in promoting gender equality objectives following<br />
strategy was proposed by <strong>the</strong> participants: developing countries could draw up a common list <strong>of</strong> gender-sensitive<br />
products; on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this list, a reduction <strong>of</strong> developed country subsidies (especially in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> agriculture)<br />
as well as market access restrictions for developing countries (especially in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> non agricultural market<br />
access) should be demanded. Moreover, a reduction <strong>of</strong> barriers to trade in services and a cutback <strong>of</strong> tariffs is<br />
needed.<br />
Conclusions were drawn around <strong>the</strong> role and responsibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> different actors at <strong>the</strong> international trade arena:<br />
governments (developed and developing countries), international agencies such as <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD and Civil Society<br />
Organisations.<br />
Regarding governments, following recommendations were given:<br />
- Domestic measures need to be taken to reduce gender inequalities in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> international trade.<br />
Governments should <strong>the</strong>refore enforce gender-oriented policies and carry out ex-ante gender impact assessments<br />
as a matter <strong>of</strong> course. O<strong>the</strong>r recommendations included:<br />
- Improvements in women's and girls access to education and skills;<br />
- Measures to reduce discrimination in labour markets;<br />
- Access to export market information and credit (not just micro credit) for women entrepreneurs;<br />
- Improvements in land rights, access to land as well as to o<strong>the</strong>r productive resources;<br />
- Reduction <strong>of</strong> violence against women, without which women cannot enjoy o<strong>the</strong>r rights;<br />
- Support to women in <strong>the</strong>ir reproductive roles, for example through child-caring programmes;<br />
- Mainstreaming, consistency and proactive implementation <strong>of</strong> gender equality policies throughout all government<br />
departments.<br />
Stressing <strong>the</strong> important role <strong>of</strong> international agencies such as UNCTAD in promoting gender equality objectives,<br />
<strong>the</strong> following recommendations were given [17] :<br />
- The UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade [18] , established in 2003, should continue with its<br />
diagnostic and analytical work and <strong>the</strong>reby continue to raise policy makers' awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
trade expansion and <strong>the</strong> gender effects <strong>of</strong> prospective changes in trade policies;<br />
- A methodology for <strong>the</strong> ex-ante gender impact <strong>of</strong> trade policies needs to be developed;<br />
- Trade-capacity-building efforts need to be continued and improved, including by taking into account <strong>the</strong><br />
constraints that reproductive tasks impose on women entrepreneur's participation;<br />
- Partnerships need to be fostered between poor women producers in developing countries and commercial buyers<br />
in <strong>the</strong> North with a view to increasing <strong>the</strong>ir ability to access developed countries markets.<br />
The main role <strong>of</strong> Civil Society Organisations was seen as in raising awareness, advocating and lobby national<br />
governments. It was emphasised that people do not benefit from international meetings unless <strong>the</strong> CSO holds<br />
national governments accountable for <strong>the</strong> promises made.<br />
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4.2. Gender and trade: opportunities and challenges for developing countries<br />
In conjunction with <strong>the</strong> High Level Round Table on Gender and Trade, <strong>the</strong> UN Interagency Task Force on Gender<br />
and Trade launched "Gender and trade: Opportunities and challenges for developing countries" [19] . The<br />
publication is intended to "sensitise policy makers on <strong>the</strong> gender implications <strong>of</strong> trade, to foster discussion among<br />
experts and providing a good basis for consensus-building." [20]<br />
The book tries to analyse <strong>the</strong> complexities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender and trade nexus and explores policy measures which<br />
could promote gender equality in international trade. Numerous members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN task force contributed to <strong>the</strong><br />
publication with analyses from economic, social and legal points <strong>of</strong> view. The authors review <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> trade<br />
liberalisation on gender equality, looking at <strong>the</strong> experiences <strong>of</strong> developing countries with specific reference to <strong>the</strong><br />
agricultural, textile and clothing and service sectors. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>y examine <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> existing multilateral<br />
trade rules on gender equality with a special focus on <strong>the</strong> interface between human rights obligations and trade<br />
rules as well as <strong>the</strong> linkages between TRIPS and gender issues. Different approaches to improve <strong>the</strong> gender<br />
sensitivity <strong>of</strong> international trade activities and policy making are presented. Capacity-building for policy makers<br />
and <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> specific analytical tools designed to assess <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> trade on gender equality appear to be<br />
essential in this respect. However, given <strong>the</strong> complexity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender and trade issue and <strong>the</strong> variety <strong>of</strong> views<br />
contained in this book, no straightforward conclusions were set up.<br />
To sum up, WIDE welcomed <strong>the</strong> initiative <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD to promote gender equality in <strong>the</strong> international trade arena<br />
and to chair <strong>the</strong> UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade. However, as mentioned earlier, <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD's<br />
approach and analyses stayed to some extent limited. In addition, <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> gender equality in <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD<br />
agenda has been more formal than substantive.<br />
Considering that current macroeconomic and trade policies are contradicting and undermining human rights, we<br />
demand that <strong>the</strong> international economic order should be radically changed and existing trade and development<br />
policies should be challenged and transformed to address and serve peoples' - and more specifically women's -<br />
rights and needs. UNCTAD should fur<strong>the</strong>r elaborate and develop existing methodologies like gender and trade<br />
indicators and conduct gender impact assessments to forestall possible negative impacts <strong>of</strong> trade agreement.<br />
Moreover, UNCTAD should be involved in a dialogue with national governments and international institutions such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> WTO to address <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender and trade nexus for advancing gender equality.<br />
WIDE agrees with <strong>the</strong> recommendation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD secretariat to <strong>the</strong> governments "to ensure that national<br />
policies related to international and regional trade agreements do not have an adverse impact on women's new<br />
and traditional economic activities [21]" , but we would like to see this initiative embedded in a more holistic<br />
understanding and would <strong>the</strong>refore add "on women's opportunities and rights as well as on women's livelihoods".<br />
We do not only believe in <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> "gender equality and <strong>the</strong> empowerment or women as effective ways to<br />
combat poverty, hunger and disease and to stimulate a development that is truly sustainable [22]" , but we see it<br />
as essential in order to achieve sustainable development and social justice. Therefore, UNCTAD should focus with<br />
its gender analysis not simply on improving <strong>the</strong> condition <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong>ir current roles, nor should UNCTAD just<br />
pay attention to women as potential generators <strong>of</strong> economic growth, but UNCTAD should ensure <strong>the</strong><br />
empowerment <strong>of</strong> women and <strong>the</strong> transformation <strong>of</strong> gender roles and responsibilities as agreed in CEDAW and <strong>the</strong><br />
BPFA. [23]<br />
5. WIDE's activities<br />
WIDE was represented by Barbara Specht (WIDE Secretariat) and Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos (WIDE NP Spain) at<br />
UNCTAD XI. Maeve Taylor (Banúlacht Ireland - WIDE NP Ireland) and Janice Godson Foerde (KULU Denmark -<br />
WIDE NP Denmark) participated as NGO representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Irish respectively Danish government delegation.<br />
The four representatives joint efforts to lobby representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission and EU Member States<br />
to integrate gender equality in international trade policies and take into consideration <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> those<br />
women who are most directly affected by <strong>the</strong> negative impacts <strong>of</strong> international trade agreements. In order to<br />
support <strong>the</strong>ir lobby activities, WIDE representatives elaborated a <strong>Statement</strong> to <strong>the</strong> European Union on gender and<br />
trade (see annex 1) on 15 June (signed by WIDE, Banulacht Ireland, IGTN Europe, CONGDE-WIDE Spain, Danish<br />
92 Group, European Women's Lobby, CAFRA, International Coalition <strong>of</strong> Development Action, KULU-WIDE Denmark<br />
and Trade Matters Ireland). The statement was distributed to <strong>the</strong> European Union delegates and at <strong>the</strong> Civil<br />
Society Forum.<br />
In relation to <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU, WIDE was pleased with <strong>the</strong> strong focus on gender and trade in <strong>the</strong> speeches<br />
made by Minister Tom Kitt on behalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU. Two speeches made reference to <strong>the</strong> need to ensure that trade<br />
policy does not impact negatively on women's empowerment, and on women's capacity to be both <strong>the</strong><br />
beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> and actors in economic growth. However, it needs to be ensured that gender mainstreaming is<br />
understood in <strong>the</strong> agreed terms <strong>of</strong> CEDAW and <strong>the</strong> BPFA as being a strategy towards transformation <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
relations and gender stereotypes and <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong> women. Ano<strong>the</strong>r problem is that up to now, <strong>the</strong><br />
inclusion <strong>of</strong> gender equality in <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD agenda seems to be more formal than proactive and real action<br />
remains yet to be seen.<br />
Through <strong>the</strong>ir active participation in meetings at <strong>the</strong> Civil Society Forum and <strong>the</strong> articulation <strong>of</strong> gender concerns,<br />
WIDE representatives ensured <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> a gender perspective in various civil society activities: for<br />
example, WIDE representatives 'engendered' <strong>the</strong> different CSO declarations. WIDE representatives made also<br />
sure that women's concerns were articulated at <strong>the</strong> civil society dialogue meeting with representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU<br />
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[24] .<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> last day <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD XI, CSO organised a press conference and it was obvious that one panel speaker<br />
would speak on behalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women's organisations. Representatives <strong>of</strong> different women's organisations (DAWN,<br />
WIDE) brainstormed toge<strong>the</strong>r on <strong>the</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD XI and Magaly Pazello (DAWN) summarised it in her<br />
press statement as follows:<br />
- UNCTAD does not question <strong>the</strong> neoliberal model but tries to adjust development to this model;<br />
- Women are not presented as agents <strong>of</strong> change but as vulnerable group and seen as potential generators <strong>of</strong><br />
growth, <strong>the</strong>y are not linked to power, decision or policy making;<br />
- Gender issues are approached from <strong>the</strong> 'efficiency' perspective;<br />
- Power relations are not questioned, social change is not sought;<br />
- Structural causes <strong>of</strong> gender or economic inequalities are not addressed.<br />
WIDE representatives networked successfully with o<strong>the</strong>r women's organisations (IGTN, DAWN) as well as with<br />
mixed coalitions, streng<strong>the</strong>ned old contacts and established new ones and promoted WIDE's work and expertise<br />
on gender and macro-economic issues.<br />
What is UNCTAD?<br />
Established in 1964 as a permanent intergovernmental body, UNCTAD is <strong>the</strong> principal organ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations<br />
General Assembly in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> development and trade. UNCTAD is <strong>the</strong> focal point within <strong>the</strong> UN for <strong>the</strong><br />
integrated treatment <strong>of</strong> development and interrelated issues in <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> trade, finance and, technology,<br />
investment and sustainable development. Its main goals are to maximise <strong>the</strong> trade investment and development<br />
opportunities <strong>of</strong> developing countries, and to help <strong>the</strong>m face challenges arising from globalisation as well as to<br />
integrate into <strong>the</strong> world economy, on an equitable basis. UNCTAD pursues its goal through research and policy<br />
analysis, intergovernmental deliberations, technical co-operation and interaction with civil society and <strong>the</strong><br />
business sector.<br />
UNCTAD's programmatic focus lies on:<br />
- Globalisation and development strategies;<br />
- Investment, technology and enterprise development;<br />
- Service infrastructure for development and trade efficiency;<br />
- Least developed, land-locked and island developing countries;<br />
- Cross-sectoral issues (including: sustainable development, poverty alleviation, empowerment <strong>of</strong> women,<br />
economic co-operation among developing countries).<br />
UNCTAD has currently 192 Member States. Its headquarters are in Geneva, Switzerland. The 400 staff form part<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN Secretariat. The annual operational budget is approximately $ 45 million, drawn from <strong>the</strong> UN regular<br />
budget. Additionally technical cooperation activities costing approximately $ 24 million per year are financed from<br />
extra-budgetary resources provided by donor and beneficiary countries, as well as by organisations. UNCTAD's<br />
highest policy making body is <strong>the</strong> Conference, which meets every four years at ministerial level to formulate policy<br />
guidelines and set work priorities.<br />
[UNCTAD's 40 years 1964-2004: Trade, developing and investment promotion, Geneva, 2004].<br />
Annex 1:<br />
STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI<br />
June 15th 2004<br />
The UN has recognised that gender equality is both a core value for sustainable development and a prerequisite<br />
for poverty elimination. With <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> all forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action, <strong>the</strong> UN has developed an internationally accepted analytical framework and action<br />
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plan for gender equality. We welcome <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD-led Task Force on Gender and Trade set up by<br />
<strong>the</strong> UN Inter-Agency Working Group in February 2003 and <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD XI initiative to highlight gender and trade<br />
as a cross-cutting issue.<br />
As a UN body, UNCTAD has both <strong>the</strong> responsibility and <strong>the</strong> competence to take a leadership role in ensuring that<br />
gender concerns are incorporated in a meaningful way in macro-economic policy. Trade policies impact on gender<br />
relations and human development by rearranging relations <strong>of</strong> power and access to resources between women and<br />
men. If trade policies are assumed to be gender neutral, <strong>the</strong>y may reproduce or even worsen current forms <strong>of</strong><br />
inequality and discrimination against women in all countries.<br />
We also welcome <strong>the</strong> statement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Union that 'UNCTAD should mainstream gender equality in its<br />
work. UNCTAD's support to developing countries should enable <strong>the</strong>ir economic and trade policies to empower<br />
women as both actors in, and beneficiaries <strong>of</strong>, economic growth.' Gender mainstreaming must be understood in<br />
<strong>the</strong> agreed terms <strong>of</strong> CEDAW and <strong>the</strong> BPFA as being strategy towards transformation <strong>of</strong> gender relations and<br />
gender stereotypes, and <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
The impact <strong>of</strong> trade policy on <strong>the</strong> lives and livelihoods <strong>of</strong> women is compounded in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South by <strong>the</strong><br />
structural inequalities between North and South. The international economic order through UNCTAD, <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
must proactively promote <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> those women who are most vulnerable to <strong>the</strong> negative impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
international trade agreements. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and<br />
engendering <strong>the</strong>ir national and regional trade and o<strong>the</strong>r economic policies to ensure gender equity and women's<br />
empowerment.<br />
UNCTAD must take a leadership role by<br />
Promoting <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> UN gender equality and women's empowerment agreements within trade<br />
agreements.<br />
Devoting increased emphasis in its work to <strong>the</strong> social implications <strong>of</strong> trade and o<strong>the</strong>r economic policies, including<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir gender impact.<br />
Developing systems <strong>of</strong> gender and trade indicators and gender impact assessment mechanisms in both<br />
monitoring trade agreements and in ex ante assessment to forestall negative impacts <strong>of</strong> trade agreements on<br />
vulnerable women and men.<br />
Including in its independent research and analysis <strong>the</strong> evaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> trade on women. Such<br />
research should focus not only on criticising <strong>the</strong> current neo-liberal framework, but on developing alternatives,<br />
drawing, for example, on <strong>the</strong> established body <strong>of</strong> feminist economics, and on <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> existing local level<br />
alternatives.<br />
Focusing its gender analysis not only on improving <strong>the</strong> condition <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong>ir current roles (e.g. better<br />
access to credit and micro-finance etc) and seeing <strong>the</strong>m as potential actors in economic growth, but should draw<br />
on <strong>the</strong> transformative analysis <strong>of</strong> CEDAW to ensure that women are not confined in discriminatory positions by<br />
gender stereotyping.<br />
UNCTAD must ensure that every country has <strong>the</strong> competence and freedom to design development measures<br />
aimed at achieving gender equality and social justice. Donor countries should ensure that appropriate resources<br />
are directed to UNCTAD's work on gender equality.<br />
WIDE (Network Women In Development Europe)<br />
Banúlacht - Women in Ireland for Development, WIDE Ireland<br />
CONDGE (Coordinadora de ONGs), WIDE Spain<br />
KULU - Women in Development, Denmark, WIDE Denmark<br />
Danish 92 Group<br />
ICDA (International Coalition <strong>of</strong> Development Action)<br />
Cafra (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action)<br />
EWL (European Women's Lobby)<br />
IGTN-E - International Gender and Trade Network (Europe)<br />
Trade Matters Ireland<br />
Annex 2:<br />
UNCTAD XI - ADDING SOUL TO "THE SPIRIT OF SAO PAULO"<br />
Amendments to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial UNCTAD XI - The Spirit <strong>of</strong> São Paulo Declaration<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI<br />
17 June 2004<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> member States <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, ga<strong>the</strong>red at São Paulo,<br />
Brazil, between 13 and 18 June 2004, for <strong>the</strong> eleventh session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Conference, agree on <strong>the</strong> following<br />
Declaration:<br />
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1. UNCTAD was created in 1964 as an expression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> belief that a cooperative effort <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international<br />
community was required to integrate developing countries successfully into <strong>the</strong> world economy. Since <strong>the</strong>n,<br />
UNCTAD has made a substantial contribution to <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> developing countries to participate more fully and to<br />
adapt to changes in <strong>the</strong> world economy through <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> instruments, agreements and<br />
programmes – to stabilize commodity prices, for example – aimed at achieving this objective. UNCTAD has also<br />
provided an invaluable forum for advancing <strong>the</strong> relationship between trade and development, both from a national<br />
and an international perspective, across <strong>the</strong> three pillars <strong>of</strong> its mandate. Reinforcing <strong>the</strong> traditional UNCTAD<br />
mandate is more crucial than ever.<br />
2. The UN Conferences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s, (and outcomes such as <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action), <strong>the</strong><br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women, o<strong>the</strong>r international Conventions, <strong>the</strong><br />
Millennium Declaration, <strong>the</strong> Monterrey Consensus, <strong>the</strong> Programme <strong>of</strong> Action for <strong>the</strong> LDCs, <strong>the</strong> Almaty Programme<br />
<strong>of</strong> Action, <strong>the</strong> Barbados Programme <strong>of</strong> Action, <strong>the</strong> Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and <strong>the</strong><br />
Plan <strong>of</strong> Implementation agreed at <strong>the</strong> World Summit on Sustainable Development and <strong>the</strong> Declaration <strong>of</strong> Principles<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Plane <strong>of</strong> Action <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information Society, as well as initiatives for UN reform,<br />
streng<strong>the</strong>n multilateralism and establish a roadmap to guide international actions in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> mobilising<br />
resources for development and <strong>of</strong> providing an international environment supportive <strong>of</strong> development, although<br />
<strong>the</strong>se have been criticised by some who see <strong>the</strong>m as insufficient. We are committed to joining all our<br />
efforts and in creasing <strong>the</strong> resources from <strong>the</strong> developed countries in <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> goals<br />
established in those texts in <strong>the</strong> agreed timeframes. The United Nations system should actively pursue agreed<br />
development goals between now and 2015, as identified in <strong>the</strong> Millennium Declaration, and a reinvigorated<br />
UNCTAD has an important role to play in efforts towards <strong>the</strong> accomplishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se common objectives.<br />
3. In spite <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> efforts at <strong>the</strong> national and international level to promote growth, development and<br />
intensifying equity at both <strong>the</strong>se levels remain <strong>the</strong> central issues in <strong>the</strong> global agenda. The contrasts between<br />
developed and developing countries and within both kinds <strong>of</strong> societies that marked <strong>the</strong> world in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s<br />
have intensified. While globalisation has posed important challenges and opened up new opportunities for many<br />
countries, its consequences have been highly unequal between countries and within countries. Some have<br />
reaped <strong>the</strong> benefits from trade, investment and technology flows and seem to be winning <strong>the</strong> struggle for<br />
development and for poverty alleviation: sometimes by following independent policies.<br />
4. Most developing countries, however, especially African countries and LDCs, have remained neglected and<br />
sometimes have suffered as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> globalisation process. They still face major challenges for <strong>the</strong><br />
realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic potential and <strong>the</strong> incorporation <strong>of</strong> large masses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed, informal male<br />
and female workers and <strong>the</strong> working poor into <strong>the</strong> productive sectors. There is a need to rethink <strong>the</strong> linkage<br />
between international trade and poverty elimination. There is a need to address <strong>the</strong> instability in world<br />
commodity prices.<br />
5. For all countries, it is important that, at <strong>the</strong> international level, efforts will be deployed and policies<br />
implemented in order to facilitate reforms and to remove external constraints to put <strong>the</strong> developing world on a<br />
firm and sustainable development path. We can rightly say that, 40 years after <strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD, <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship between trade and development, which is <strong>the</strong> cornerstone <strong>of</strong> its mandate, has become even more<br />
important to analyse critically and to act on.<br />
6. We are committed to <strong>the</strong> struggle for <strong>the</strong> eradication <strong>of</strong> poverty and hunger. Policy instruments and measures,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> Global Fund Against Hunger, at <strong>the</strong> national and international levels, should be adopted, in<br />
particular by practising policies in <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> trade, investment and finance (including through new<br />
financial initiatives), to encourage <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> opportunities for <strong>the</strong> poor women and men <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world to have<br />
access to decent, stable jobs and adequate negotiated wages. This is <strong>the</strong> sustainable road to democracy,<br />
reforms, stability and growth. The Millennium Development Goals are an important but insufficient<br />
milestone. Special attention should be paid to <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action in<br />
order that gender power relations are rearranged, so that women are empowered to participate<br />
equally with men in sustainable development.<br />
7. The plight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> least developed countries should receive <strong>the</strong> utmost attention from <strong>the</strong> international<br />
community. We are committed to generating and better utilizing additional international resources, market access<br />
and development assistance for <strong>the</strong> LDCs in order to enable <strong>the</strong>m to establish, in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> effective<br />
domestically-owned national policies, a solid political, social and economic base for <strong>the</strong>ir development<br />
processes.<br />
8. Multilateral trade negotiations, under <strong>the</strong> Doha Work Programme, should be conducted with a view to<br />
addressing developmental concerns <strong>of</strong> countries, with a special focus on LDCs, in a manner that fully<br />
reflects <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> ambition agreed to at Doha. The Doha Work Programme should place development at <strong>the</strong><br />
centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multilateral trade negotiations and <strong>the</strong>n should reinforce <strong>the</strong> mandate <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD. UNCTAD can<br />
play a useful role in safeguarding <strong>the</strong> development dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Doha Work Programme and<br />
contributing to assessing and evaluating <strong>the</strong> balances and outcomes <strong>of</strong> negotiations and promoting<br />
mechanisms, including regulatory measures, to establish more balanced and equitable trade relations.<br />
We also positively consider <strong>the</strong> facilitation <strong>of</strong> accession <strong>of</strong> developing countries, especially LDC´s, to <strong>the</strong> WTO.<br />
UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and engendering <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
national and regional economic and trade policies to ensure gender equity and women's<br />
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UNCTAD XI – A missed opportunity?<br />
empowerment.<br />
9. We recognise that improved coherence between national and international policies and practices and<br />
between <strong>the</strong> international monetary, financial and trading systems and <strong>the</strong> Norms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN system is<br />
fundamental for democratic and participatory sound global economic governance. We are committed to<br />
reforming in a comprehensive manner <strong>the</strong> existing inadequacies and insufficiencies <strong>of</strong> those systems in order to<br />
enhance <strong>the</strong>ir capacities to better respond to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> development, especially in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> LDCs. The<br />
institutional dimension in terms <strong>of</strong> improved global governance is central here. We should also continue working<br />
on <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> positive and development-centred synergies amongst trade, finance and investment and on<br />
how to link <strong>the</strong>se efforts to development and eliminating inequities at <strong>the</strong> national and international levels.<br />
As recommended by <strong>the</strong> World Commission on <strong>the</strong> Social Dimensions <strong>of</strong> Globalisation, an inter-agency<br />
Globalisation Forum should be established. UNCTAD should play a key role in this Forum. In particular,<br />
attention should be devoted to improving international non-speculative capital flows for development, through<br />
<strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> automatic, assured and predictable sources <strong>of</strong> development finance, as well as dealing<br />
with <strong>the</strong> volatility <strong>of</strong> international capital markets. Measures to ensure long-term debt eradication <strong>of</strong> developing<br />
countries and countries in transition should be implemented. As a first step in this direction, we commit<br />
to unconditional cancellation <strong>of</strong> LDC debt.<br />
10. We should also focus on future challenge and opportunities. In addition to national resources, capital<br />
accumulation and availability <strong>of</strong> labour, new factors such as information, innovation, creativity and diversity<br />
constitute <strong>the</strong> dynamic forces <strong>of</strong> today's world economy. We are committed to bridging <strong>the</strong> digital divide and<br />
ensuring harmonious, fair, equitable and sustainable development for all women and men and to building an<br />
inclusive information society, which will require genuine equal partnership and cooperation among Governments<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r stakeholders, i.e. <strong>the</strong> private sector, civil society and international organisations, in which rights and<br />
responsibilities <strong>of</strong> all parties are reciprocal.<br />
11. A more positive integration <strong>of</strong> developing countries and those developing countries with economies in<br />
transition into <strong>the</strong> international economy and <strong>the</strong> multilateral trading system depends also on <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong><br />
internal policies to move up <strong>the</strong> ladder towards sectors that incorporate innovation and that expand more<br />
dynamically. To achieve <strong>the</strong>se results, countries must have <strong>the</strong> policy space to pursue diverse policy options<br />
in order to arrive at <strong>the</strong> best possible balance between different approaches in <strong>the</strong>ir national development<br />
strategies.<br />
12. The process <strong>of</strong> sustainable development requires increased and equitable participation <strong>of</strong> all social and<br />
political forces in <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> consensus for <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> effective national policies, which, in turn,<br />
requires democratic policies and institutions. We acknowledge <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> all stakeholders, i.e.<br />
governments, <strong>the</strong> private sector, civil society and international organisations and <strong>the</strong> contribution all can make, in<br />
every country, to good governance. While development is <strong>the</strong> primary responsibility <strong>of</strong> each country, domestic<br />
efforts should be facilitated and complemented by an enabling international environment. Development policies<br />
should take cognisance <strong>of</strong> market forces in <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> growth, through trade, investment and innovation.<br />
They should also acknowledge <strong>the</strong> central role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State in conferring political and economic stability,<br />
developing <strong>the</strong> required regulatory frameworks, channelling <strong>the</strong> resources for infrastructure and social projects,<br />
promoting social inclusion and reducing inequalities. We are committed to supporting national efforts dedicated to<br />
institutionbuilding in developing countries and countries in transition.<br />
13. Although still limited to a small number <strong>of</strong> countries, <strong>the</strong>re are encouraging signs that a significant source <strong>of</strong><br />
global growth is being generated in <strong>the</strong> South. This new development could contribute to creating to a new<br />
geography <strong>of</strong> world trade. We underscore <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> initiatives to facilitate <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> new dynamic<br />
centres <strong>of</strong> growth in <strong>the</strong> South through additional steps for <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se emerging economies with<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r developing ones. This can be achieved, inter alia, by means <strong>of</strong> amore comprehensive Global System <strong>of</strong><br />
Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which should also address <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> LDCs and<br />
economies in transition.<br />
14. Given <strong>the</strong> growing importance <strong>of</strong> regional and interregional initiatives, we encourage UNCTAD to fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
develop capabilities designed to assist countries to participate effectively in <strong>the</strong>se initiatives, while ensuring<br />
functional and coherent linkages with <strong>the</strong> multilateral system.<br />
15. The decisions we have adopted at this UNCTAD XI, in addition to <strong>the</strong> Bangkok Plan <strong>of</strong> Action form a solid basis<br />
and are essential instruments in our continued commitment to support UNCTAD in fulfilling and streng<strong>the</strong>ning<br />
its mandate as <strong>the</strong> focal point internationally for <strong>the</strong> integrated treatment <strong>of</strong> trade and development, on <strong>the</strong><br />
road to its Twelfth Session in 2008.<br />
Annex 3:<br />
MEMORANDUM FROM THE CIVIL SOCIETY FORUM AT UNCTAD XI TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE<br />
UNITED NATIONS<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new leadership <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD<br />
At <strong>the</strong> meeting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil society held with <strong>the</strong> Secretary General <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations on <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
UNCTAD XI, civil society drew attention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> selecting <strong>the</strong> most qualified<br />
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UNCTAD XI – A missed opportunity?<br />
and competent individual to <strong>the</strong> post <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary General <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD.<br />
The Civil Society statement states that ´safeguarding and streng<strong>the</strong>ning UNCTAD´s mandate to deal with <strong>the</strong><br />
interdependent issues <strong>of</strong> trade, money, finance, technology transfer and development, in an integrated manner, is<br />
critically dependent on <strong>the</strong> quality and management <strong>of</strong> its leadership. In light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impending changes in <strong>the</strong><br />
leadership <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD this civil society forum urges <strong>the</strong> Secretary General <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN and member states to<br />
exercise <strong>the</strong> greatest care and transparency in <strong>the</strong> selection <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD´s new management. As a key stakeholder<br />
concerned with UNCTAD´s future, civil society expects to be closely involved with a consulted in decisions<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> institution's future management. ´<br />
The Secretary General expressed his appreciation to <strong>the</strong> Forum <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil society in highlighting this important<br />
issue. He assured <strong>the</strong> civil society <strong>of</strong> his commitment to recommend, to <strong>the</strong> General Assembly <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN for <strong>the</strong><br />
post <strong>of</strong> Secretary General <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD, an individual, who would carry out a high standard <strong>of</strong> leadership and<br />
commitment. In this connection he invited non-governmental organizations to make recommendations for a<br />
suitable candidate.<br />
The civil society appreciates <strong>the</strong> gestures to <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN in his encouragement <strong>of</strong> civil society<br />
to make recommendations in <strong>the</strong> process leading to <strong>the</strong> selection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Head <strong>of</strong> an important UN agency. Civil<br />
society values this initiative that would clearly enhance <strong>the</strong> credibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> process. Accordingly, we are <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
view that <strong>the</strong> next Secretary General <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD should have as his essential objective <strong>the</strong> political and<br />
substantive revitalization to <strong>the</strong> institution. We wish to recommend in <strong>the</strong> selection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary General, that<br />
he or she must posses <strong>the</strong> following qualities:<br />
- Highest ethical and moral standards and who would uphold <strong>the</strong> ideals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN;<br />
- Outstanding international reputation exhibited by political commitment to <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> international peace<br />
and development cooperation;<br />
- Deeply familiar with multilateral trade and economic negotiations;<br />
- Knowledgeable and experienced in addressing development challenges in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> poor countries;<br />
- Understanding <strong>the</strong> gender dimension <strong>of</strong> social and economic issues<br />
- Capable <strong>of</strong> taking concrete policy positions, deepening inclusiveness and greater participation <strong>of</strong> developing<br />
countries on international platforms;<br />
- Independence;<br />
- Proven track record <strong>of</strong> negotiating experience;<br />
- Impeccable management and administrative skills that would contribute to a reinvigoration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> institution.<br />
The new Secretary General should be committed to:<br />
- Recovering lost space and to break new ground by reaffirming UNCTAD´s original mandate;<br />
- Rearticulating priorities in <strong>the</strong> apparent awakening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South-South emphasis;<br />
- Incorporating and promoting gender and development considerations as a core value in UNCTAD's core work<br />
program and its interventions in o<strong>the</strong>r international platforms<br />
- Coordinating with ILO, DESA and o<strong>the</strong>r UN agencies;<br />
- Setting up a research department, that can competently compete with research departments <strong>of</strong> OECD, World<br />
Bank, IMF and WTO;<br />
- Supporting ´Brain Gain´ in <strong>the</strong> south by decentralizing via regional cooperation with Mercosur, Caricom, African<br />
Union, ASEAN and o<strong>the</strong>r similar regional organizations;<br />
- Putting goals and targets to UNCTAD work programme, similar to <strong>the</strong> MDGs, but in specific relation to job<br />
creation.<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
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[1] The <strong>of</strong>ficial outcome documents are available at www.unctad.org/<br />
[2] For a more detailed analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcome document, please see<br />
http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/2008.html or http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/twninfo129.htm<br />
[3] E.g. by UN Secretary-General, K<strong>of</strong>i Annan, Sectary General <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD, Rubens Ricupero and prominent<br />
leaders like <strong>the</strong> President <strong>of</strong> Brazil, Luiz Lula da Silva, or <strong>the</strong> Thai Premier Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra.<br />
[4] The commodity crisis and <strong>the</strong> dependence on commodity trade as a common feature <strong>of</strong> many developing<br />
countries was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main <strong>the</strong>mes at UNCTAD XI.<br />
[5] Established in 1989, GSTP is seen as a major instrument for <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> South-South trade and <strong>the</strong><br />
increase <strong>of</strong> production and employment in <strong>the</strong>se countries. China and <strong>the</strong> Group <strong>of</strong> 77 (G77) are invited to join <strong>the</strong><br />
current 43 members and to participate in <strong>the</strong> negotiations, which will possibly start in November 2004 and are<br />
expected to be concluded in two years. It was estimated that <strong>the</strong> trade <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 43 GSTP members amounted US $<br />
2 trillion in 2000 or about 55% <strong>of</strong> all developing country trade (UNCTAD press releaseUNCTAD/press/pr/<br />
spa/2004/010**/ 17 June 2004). The GSTP serves as a framework for <strong>the</strong> exchange <strong>of</strong> trade preferences among<br />
developing countries. It must be based and applied on <strong>the</strong> principal <strong>of</strong> mutuality <strong>of</strong> advantages in such a way as to<br />
benefit equitably all participants.<br />
[6] New partnerships need to be explored and <strong>the</strong> potential <strong>of</strong> developing countries need to be fur<strong>the</strong>r developed.<br />
Today, <strong>the</strong> share <strong>of</strong> South-South trade has reached 30 percent <strong>of</strong> global trade. Manufactured goods had even<br />
gone to 70 percent <strong>of</strong> that trade in 2002. (Press release UNCTAD/XI/2 14 June 2004).<br />
[7] Lula da Silva in his opening remark on 14.06.<br />
[8] The Sao Paulo Consensus states that civil society needs to become more engaged, but no concrete proposals/<br />
mechanisms how this objective could be met are proposed.<br />
[9] EU Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy after <strong>the</strong> P5 meeting in Sao Paulo.<br />
[10] The G-20 is an alliances <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn countries formed at <strong>the</strong> Cancún ministerial meeting and lead by Brazil to<br />
propose a WTO reform agenda in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> agricultural trade policy (mainly through <strong>the</strong> abolishment <strong>of</strong><br />
subsidies and a reduction in farm trade barriers).<br />
[11] In his speech at UNCTAD on 14 June 2004.<br />
[12] See WIDE-News 7/8-July/August 2004 for more information on <strong>the</strong> “July package” (http://www.eurosur.org/<br />
wide/Newsletter/2004_News_7+8.pdf).<br />
[13] The meeting took place in <strong>the</strong> morning <strong>of</strong> 15.06.<br />
[14] The o<strong>the</strong>r two crosscutting issues were: trade and poverty and trade and creative industries.<br />
[15] Round table on Trade and Gender. 15 June 2004, Summary prepared by <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD secretariat.<br />
[16] <strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> Participants Event on Gender, Race, Ethnicity, Sexual Orientation, Traditional Peoples and<br />
Generations, Civil Society Forum, UNCTAD XI, 14 June 2004.<br />
[17] Round table on Trade and Gender. 15 June 2004, Summary prepared by <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD secretariat.<br />
[18] UNCTAD is chairing <strong>the</strong> task force that includes all UN agencies as well as <strong>the</strong> World Bank, <strong>the</strong> WTO, <strong>the</strong><br />
OECD, and <strong>the</strong> Commonwealth to name a few.<br />
[19] www.unctadxi.org/templates/webflier.aspx?id=7&doc=4822&selected=download<br />
[20] UNCTAD/PRESS/PR/SPA/2004/005, 15 June 2004.<br />
[21] Trade and Gender: Opportunities, Challenges and <strong>the</strong> Policy Dimension, Note buy <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD secretariat, 5<br />
April 2004, p.3.<br />
[22] Opening <strong>Statement</strong> by Mr. Rubens Ricupero, UNCTAD XI, Round Table on “Trade and Gender”, Sao Paulo,<br />
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Brazil, 15 June 2004.<br />
[23] <strong>Statement</strong> to <strong>the</strong> European Union on Gender and Trade for UNCTAD XI, June 15th 2004.<br />
[24] The speaker <strong>of</strong> CSOs referred to <strong>the</strong> main points from WIDE's statement to <strong>the</strong> EU on gender and trade.<br />
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Doc<br />
Social, Economic and Environmental Sustainability From a Gender Perspective: 14 Issues to Tackle<br />
By<br />
NGO Women’s Forum, Germany &<br />
Working Group “Women” in <strong>the</strong> Forum Environment & Development<br />
1. Globalisation and sustainability<br />
2. Peace, non-violence, human and women’s rights<br />
3. Concepts <strong>of</strong> economy, care work and gender relations<br />
4. Securing survival without social exclusion and poverty<br />
5. Securing livelihoods and biodiversity by resource and gender justice<br />
6. Food sovereignty and health<br />
7. Sustainability in urban, regional and traffic planning<br />
8. Gender mainstreaming in climate protection<br />
9. The Local Agenda 21 and gender issues<br />
10. Redistribution <strong>of</strong> social and environmental responsibility<br />
11. Sustainability policy as structural policy<br />
12. Concepts <strong>of</strong> nature and gender relations<br />
13. Gender impact assessment and gender budgets as precautionary instrument<br />
14. Women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming<br />
At <strong>the</strong> major UN conferences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineties, <strong>the</strong> governments committed <strong>the</strong>mselves to sustainable development,<br />
to combating poverty and environmental degradation and to respecting human rights and women’s rights. In<br />
1992, <strong>the</strong> central message <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rio de Janeiro Agenda 21 was <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> sustainability. Development can<br />
only be 'future compatible' if it embraces ecological, social and economic issues. But <strong>the</strong> message from Rio has<br />
also been that sustainability without a qualified participation <strong>of</strong> women, i.e. participation also in decision making,<br />
will not work. The 4 th World Conference on Women in Beijing identified a dual track strategy to this end:<br />
empowerment on <strong>the</strong> one hand and gender mainstreaming, <strong>the</strong> systematic integration <strong>of</strong> a gender perspective in<br />
all institutions and policy areas, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
In 1991, women from all over <strong>the</strong> world drew up <strong>the</strong>ir own agenda for <strong>the</strong> 21 st century at <strong>the</strong> “World Women’s<br />
Congress for a Healthy Planet” in Miami. The cornerstones <strong>of</strong> this agenda - a new code <strong>of</strong> environmental ethics,<br />
preserving biological and cultural diversity, justice between <strong>the</strong> North and <strong>the</strong> South, gender equity and justice,<br />
demilitarisation - have remained highly topical. In fact, if anything, globalisation over <strong>the</strong> past decade made <strong>the</strong>m<br />
even more relevant. In spite <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> successes scored on individual issues, <strong>the</strong> necessary process <strong>of</strong><br />
reorienting and restructuring in terms <strong>of</strong> ecology and economics in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rio Conference has yet to<br />
commence. Conventions that are binding in accordance with international law ranging from <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong><br />
biodiversity to <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> social and ecological labour standards have still not been implemented.<br />
In Johannesburg in August 2002, a new “World Summit for Sustainable Development” is to pinpoint <strong>the</strong><br />
sustainability strategies for <strong>the</strong> future. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> way to Johannesburg, civil society groups world-wide will be<br />
appraising progress made in terms <strong>of</strong> sustainability and <strong>the</strong> credibility <strong>of</strong> governments and o<strong>the</strong>r players in<br />
society. The agenda for Johannesburg is still negotiable. With <strong>the</strong> issues mentioned in <strong>the</strong> following, we want to<br />
outline topics that are central to <strong>the</strong> Johannesburg Conference from a gender perspective. We wish to position<br />
ourselves and to identify <strong>the</strong> need and scope for action at various political levels.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> our central concerns is to integrate social, economic and ecological issues and to bridge <strong>the</strong> existing<br />
fragmentation in sectors and political competencies. In <strong>the</strong> same way as <strong>the</strong> local, national and global level for<br />
action, <strong>the</strong> political micro, mezzo and macro level should be linked. The general framework for discourse is <strong>the</strong><br />
economic globalisation, i.e. liberalization, privatization, commercialization and patenting <strong>of</strong> resources. The unpaid<br />
care work <strong>of</strong> women and <strong>the</strong> precautionary principle are systematically taken as points <strong>of</strong> reference in <strong>the</strong><br />
argumentative discourse. Our demands are based on <strong>the</strong> understanding that <strong>the</strong> social and ecological crisis which<br />
will be debated in Johannesburg represents a problem <strong>of</strong> society which needs to be dealt with by societal<br />
changes.<br />
1) Globalisation and sustainability<br />
With economic liberalisation, <strong>the</strong> globalisation process has increased <strong>the</strong> predominance <strong>of</strong> economics since <strong>the</strong> Rio<br />
Conference. Growth, efficiency and pr<strong>of</strong>it-maximizing have been turned into guiding principles <strong>of</strong> development and<br />
elevated <strong>the</strong> market and commodity logic to <strong>the</strong> supreme rationality. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is<br />
creating a regime <strong>of</strong> order and rules for neo-liberal globalisation that gives priority to free trade ra<strong>the</strong>r than social<br />
rights and ecological rules. This is why WTO agreements are threatening environmental protection rules and<br />
ecological alternatives. They are counteracting social security and redistribution mechanisms. In this way,<br />
globalisation has increased social disparities and created new antagonisms between countries and within societies,<br />
between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor, between a wealth <strong>of</strong> commodities and <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> nature.<br />
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Sustainability requires that <strong>the</strong> dogmas <strong>of</strong> commodification and marketing be scaled down and that <strong>the</strong> overexploitation<br />
<strong>of</strong> natural and human resources as well as over-production and over-consumption be reduced.<br />
Economic growth and pr<strong>of</strong>it maximization have to be subordinated to sustainability, environmental protection and<br />
social justice. Liberalisation is not a suitable tool to this end. A re-regulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> financial markets and trade (e.<br />
g. taxation on currency transactions to limit speculation and on kerosene), <strong>of</strong> labour and resource markets<br />
according to social and ecological standards is called for. Prices have to reflect <strong>the</strong> truth by integrating ecological<br />
and social costs. The convention proposed by NGOs on <strong>the</strong> accountability <strong>of</strong> transnational corporations has to be<br />
forwarded. Fair trade, “ethical” investments, socially and ecologically “clean” or resource-saving production<br />
patterns and companies oriented on equity ought to enjoy support e.g. through fiscal policies.<br />
2) Peace, non-violence, human and women’s rights<br />
Peace is <strong>the</strong> most fundamental prerequisite for sustainability. The globalisation process over <strong>the</strong> last few years has<br />
been accompanied by an increasing degree <strong>of</strong> militarisation, a growth in legal and illegal arms trade and <strong>the</strong><br />
internal and external rearmament <strong>of</strong> state enforcement systems. Armed conflicts and wars about power and<br />
resources destroy futures, human lives and <strong>the</strong> environment. Military force is not an appropriate means <strong>of</strong><br />
combating terrorism and leaves its causes untouched.<br />
However, peace also means freedom from violence against women, from violations <strong>of</strong> human rights and racism.<br />
Peace means respecting local and national sovereignty and respecting cultural and biological diversity. The future<br />
can only be based upon a culture <strong>of</strong> peace in all relations in society and vis-à-vis nature that all societal actors,<br />
above all including children and youths, have to learn, as well as a democratisation from below.<br />
Sustainability requires addressing <strong>the</strong> social, economic and power-political causes <strong>of</strong> conflicts, violence and terror.<br />
Getting rid <strong>of</strong> inequalities and promoting democracy among countries, social classes, ethnic groups and gender is<br />
conflict prevention and <strong>the</strong> structural securing <strong>of</strong> peace. War must not be a means <strong>of</strong> politics. Instead, military<br />
expenditure has to be cut back, with funds emerging from this process being reallocated to non-violent forms <strong>of</strong><br />
conflict resolution. Women are to participate democratically in negotiations and decision on peace, livelihood, and<br />
resources. Concepts <strong>of</strong> feminist research on peace and conflict as well as those from anti-violence programmes<br />
are to be integrated, while gender-specific causes <strong>of</strong> flight and migration are to be recognised, and support <strong>of</strong><br />
female refugees and asylum seekers has to be increased.<br />
3) Concepts <strong>of</strong> economy, care work and gender relations<br />
Women are <strong>the</strong> Sisyphean workers for <strong>the</strong> future. Their looking after children, sick and elderly people, maintaining<br />
social relations, <strong>the</strong>ir work in food and health provision, cleaning and waste management secures <strong>the</strong> viability <strong>of</strong><br />
societies and generates social capital. This care work represents an interface between social, economic and<br />
ecological aspects.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> present neo-classical concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy focuses on <strong>the</strong> market and paid work. The work in <strong>the</strong><br />
care economy is kept invisible, regarded as not productive and only paid for poorly or not at all. Since increases in<br />
productivity are hardly possible in this area, care and services at a personal level are slipping into a crisis. The<br />
double burden women have to endure by paid work and care work remains <strong>the</strong>ir private problem, confronting<br />
many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m with a double scarcity: a lack <strong>of</strong> income and a lack <strong>of</strong> time.<br />
Economic statistics have to adequately account for unpaid and paid labour, as has already been called for at <strong>the</strong><br />
World Conference on Women in Beijing. Women need an infrastructure oriented by its social use and by care work<br />
as well as public institutions making provisions to secure livelihoods. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> fiscal and social systems have<br />
to treat women as independent economic subjects who have a right <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own to claim social support ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than as dependants <strong>of</strong> a man.<br />
4) Securing survival without social exclusion and poverty<br />
Globalisation is resulting in a growing integration <strong>of</strong> women into <strong>the</strong> market for paid work, but it is also creating<br />
new forms <strong>of</strong> economic and social exclusion. While skilled women find employment at middle levels, <strong>the</strong> majority<br />
<strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> global markets only get insecure, low-paid, flexible jobs. More women are migrating to <strong>the</strong><br />
towns, export production zones or abroad to seek employment, or <strong>the</strong>y are even trafficked into low-paid jobs or<br />
prostitution. Women and children are <strong>the</strong> jokers in <strong>the</strong> global underbidding competition. As prototypes <strong>of</strong> parttime<br />
and supply-workers, homeworkers and tele-workers, women provide <strong>the</strong> flexibilisation pool for <strong>the</strong> labour<br />
markets and above all work in precarious and insecure employment markets devoid <strong>of</strong> rights and social and<br />
ecological minimum standards. They are precisely <strong>the</strong> ones who have to bear <strong>the</strong> brunt <strong>of</strong> deregulation, and <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working poor.<br />
Women in <strong>the</strong> so-called informal sector need legal recognition and social security as well as opportunities to gain<br />
qualifications and to get organised. The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty has to be countered by checking in advance what<br />
<strong>the</strong> gender-relevant effects <strong>of</strong> austerity measures and structural adjustment programmes will be as well as a<br />
gender compatibility assessment <strong>of</strong> employment, flexibilisation and liberalisation measures. The ILO conventions<br />
on industrial health and safety standards, social security and ecological safety, on equal status <strong>of</strong> men and women<br />
and <strong>of</strong> migrant workers are to be boosted. Private companies, and above all transnational corporations, are to be<br />
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made socially and ecologically responsible via re-regulation and codes <strong>of</strong> conduct. Self-determined, ecologically<br />
and socially integrative forms <strong>of</strong> economy at regional and local level that are beyond <strong>the</strong> capitalist world market<br />
economy have to supported.<br />
5) Securing livelihoods and biodiversity by resource and gender justice<br />
Sustainable and careful use is a method <strong>of</strong> preserving natural resources. Access to land, water, forests and<br />
biodiversity and control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se resources are <strong>the</strong> most important preconditions for securing <strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population in <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. Most women in <strong>the</strong> South regard securing <strong>the</strong>ir social,<br />
natural and cultural livelihood as <strong>the</strong> central aspect to survival. While women hold considerable responsibility for<br />
<strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> resources, <strong>the</strong>y enjoy only little control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m. Privatisation <strong>of</strong> commons and public goods as well as<br />
patenting seeds and intellectual property deprives women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir resources, <strong>the</strong> cycles <strong>of</strong> local economies are<br />
disrupted and women’s indigenous knowledge is devalued.<br />
The privatisation <strong>of</strong> public utilities and infrastructure as well as basic public services, from garbage collection to<br />
water supply, creates new social disparities in access to resources and leads to more work in <strong>the</strong> care economy.<br />
Resource and gender justice have to be linked with poverty eradication and environmental protection. Women<br />
need land rights, rights <strong>of</strong> access to forests and biodiversity, recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir indigenous knowledge and a right<br />
to information and fur<strong>the</strong>r education. Conserving biodiversity and protection against bio-piracy by agro- and<br />
pharmaceutical corporations are pro-active ways <strong>of</strong> securing livelihoods. Access to clean water is a human right,<br />
and water has to remain a public good. No privatisation <strong>of</strong> public utilities!<br />
6) Food sovereignty and health<br />
Health provides <strong>the</strong> foundations for sustainability, and it depends to <strong>the</strong> utmost degree on <strong>the</strong> environment and<br />
social conditions. Just like food, it is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> core responsibilities <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
BSE has highlighted <strong>the</strong> life-threatening cul-de-sac <strong>of</strong> industrialised agriculture. Agro-poisons, <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong><br />
hormones and genetic engineering pose unacceptable health and environmental hazards. The pollution and overfishing<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seas, rivers and lakes as well as aquacultures maintained with high levels <strong>of</strong> chemicals lead to<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r food insecurity. At <strong>the</strong> same time, highly subsidised imports from <strong>the</strong> industrialised countries are<br />
torpedoing smallholder agriculture and <strong>the</strong>ir markets in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn countries.<br />
A new direction in agriculture oriented on food and ecological security as well as regional cycles is in <strong>the</strong> interest<br />
<strong>of</strong> women as those who are responsible for food and health. Both <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> women consumers and women<br />
smallholders reject green genetic engineering. In <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South, <strong>the</strong> right to one’s own seed and <strong>the</strong><br />
use <strong>of</strong> indigenous know-how is <strong>of</strong> utmost importance to <strong>the</strong> women farmers and <strong>the</strong>ir role in <strong>the</strong> local economies.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> WTO agreement on trade related aspects <strong>of</strong> intellectual property rights (TRIPS) promotes <strong>the</strong><br />
patenting <strong>of</strong> indigenous knowledge, seeds and genetically modified organisms by transnational corporations in <strong>the</strong><br />
agro- and pharmaceutical industries. People in <strong>the</strong> South are to pay for <strong>the</strong>ir medicinal plants, which <strong>the</strong>y<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves have bred as cultivated plants, after <strong>the</strong> pharmaceutical corporations from <strong>the</strong> North have had <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
use patented or have genetically modified <strong>the</strong>m. The issue <strong>of</strong> patents for drugs as final products is resulting in<br />
expensive monopolies and is excluding more and more people from <strong>the</strong> basic right to health.<br />
The export subsidies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> industrialised countries for agricultural products are to be cancelled, and <strong>the</strong>ir markets<br />
are to be opened to products from countries in <strong>the</strong> South. Non-tariff trade obstacles must not undermine<br />
initiatives to open <strong>the</strong> markets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> industrialised countries. Exceptions from free trade and TRIPS rules are to<br />
be introduced in <strong>the</strong> WTO that guarantee food sovereignty in <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. The precautionary<br />
principle, e.g. protection from health hazards, has to be established in WTO agreements. The supply <strong>of</strong> affordable<br />
drugs to <strong>the</strong> poorer countries has to be ensured with licences. Ecological farming is to be promoted by a change in<br />
<strong>the</strong> agricultural policies. Forests, bodies <strong>of</strong> water and soils are to be protected against commercial overexploitation.<br />
No to patenting <strong>of</strong> living organisms! No to genetically modified food!<br />
7) Sustainability in urban, regional and traffic planning<br />
Urban, regional and traffic planning treats care work as if it were an unlimited resource. It is not aimed at<br />
accessibility <strong>of</strong> locations which are, at <strong>the</strong> same time, compatible with environmental and social needs, <strong>the</strong><br />
qualities <strong>of</strong> public areas, freedom to move in spite <strong>of</strong> structural male violence or meeting housing requirements<br />
and <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> decentralised infrastructure for everyday life. Instead, <strong>the</strong>y create <strong>the</strong> compulsion to<br />
motorise, subject public areas to car traffic, necessitate an additional labour and back-up transport and hamper<br />
quality standards in supplies. The requirements <strong>of</strong> women resulting from <strong>the</strong>ir needs <strong>of</strong> coping with day-to-day life<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir work in two economic areas are ignored just as much as rural areas and <strong>the</strong> urban periphery.<br />
Urban, regional and traffic planning which aims at avoiding traffic, as well as infrastructure and transport policies<br />
oriented on everyday life in society are a public responsibility. Binding minimum standards are required to prevent<br />
<strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> public transport from putting a strain on social conditions and <strong>the</strong> environment in <strong>the</strong> long run.<br />
Generating traffic at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> private households, e.g. through problematic entrepreneurial locational<br />
policies, has to be reduced by using regulatory policy instruments along <strong>the</strong> lines <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> preventive and polluter<br />
principle. The myths about transport technology and high-speed transport are to be exposed. Impact and<br />
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compatibility studies aimed at reducing gender discrimination as well as gender budgets are to be introduced for<br />
all means <strong>of</strong> transport.<br />
8) Gender mainstreaming in climate protection<br />
Since Rio, climate protection has been right at <strong>the</strong> top <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international agenda for <strong>the</strong> environment. However,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> industrialised countries, it is turning into a plaything for power interests, serving above all as an instrument<br />
to identify loopholes in <strong>the</strong> agreements. Instead <strong>of</strong> haggling for percentages in CO2 reduction and instead <strong>of</strong> a<br />
mere sectoral perspective, more fundamental changes to existing economic structures and patterns <strong>of</strong><br />
consumption are required. Accordingly, primary entry point in <strong>the</strong> industrialised countries would be <strong>the</strong> reduction<br />
<strong>of</strong> energy consumption in various fields <strong>of</strong> application (mobility, housing, production).<br />
North-South equity has been receiving more and more attention in <strong>the</strong> international debate on climate protection,<br />
while inequalities at national level, including gender discrimination, have so far remained ignored. <strong>On</strong>e reason for<br />
this is that, throughout <strong>the</strong> world, women are extremely under-represented in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> energy and climate<br />
protection. Like in all technology-oriented areas, <strong>the</strong>re is a lack <strong>of</strong> gender-related data, analyses and research.<br />
However, what has been clearly established is <strong>the</strong> lower level <strong>of</strong> acceptance among women <strong>of</strong> high-risk<br />
technologies such as <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> nuclear power in comparison to men. In addition, <strong>the</strong> energy sector is<br />
characterised by a strong segregation. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> one side, <strong>the</strong>re is <strong>the</strong> highly-valued (male-dominated) area <strong>of</strong><br />
technical potentials to economise, and on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>re is economising by behavioural patterns which tends to<br />
be valued less, but <strong>of</strong>ten results in an increasing workload for women.<br />
A gender-disaggregated data basis in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> climate change has to be compiled regarding causes and<br />
responsibilities on <strong>the</strong> one hand, and <strong>the</strong> consequences and solution strategies on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r. Gender research in<br />
<strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> climate protection, especially energy, is to be promoted, and insights already available on <strong>the</strong> genderspecific<br />
impact <strong>of</strong>, and preferences in, climate protection and energy concepts are to be systematically integrated<br />
into <strong>the</strong> international negotiations. However, much more fundamentally, a restructuring <strong>of</strong> production, consumer<br />
patterns and lifestyles among <strong>the</strong> consume oriented middle classes world-wide, but above all in <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> North, has finally to be initiated: nothing more and nothing less than what <strong>the</strong> industrialised countries already<br />
committed <strong>the</strong>mselves to in Rio.<br />
9) The Local Agenda 21 and gender issues<br />
Over <strong>the</strong> past few years, <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> Local Agenda processes has been growing. Today,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are hardly any communities that can afford to neglect <strong>the</strong> “women’s issue”. However, women are<br />
subordinated to <strong>the</strong> category <strong>of</strong> “social issues”, and this is also <strong>the</strong> category <strong>the</strong>y assign <strong>the</strong>mselves to, which<br />
leaves <strong>the</strong> “hard” issues to men. Instead, <strong>the</strong> Local Agenda should really be a prime example <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
mainstreaming, <strong>of</strong> integrating a gender perspective into all political measures, processes and decisions. But this is<br />
not what is happening. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary, it is (almost) exclusively women who are dealing with gender issues,<br />
while everyone else is carrying on with business as usual.<br />
The integration <strong>of</strong> gender issues into all <strong>the</strong>matic areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Local Agenda 21 must not depend solely on <strong>the</strong><br />
goodwill <strong>of</strong> individuals but has to be specifically targeted. A political signal is needed. At <strong>the</strong> same time,<br />
networking and <strong>the</strong> exchange <strong>of</strong> experience among women active in <strong>the</strong> Agenda processes need to be promoted.<br />
Regional and national centres have to be created at which contents and structures can be discussed.<br />
10) Redistribution <strong>of</strong> social and environmental responsibility<br />
As a consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> restructuring processes taking place in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal globalisation<br />
governments are increasingly withdrawing from <strong>the</strong>ir genuine social responsibilities. Public services are being<br />
privatised and ei<strong>the</strong>r handed over to <strong>the</strong> market, or responsibility for <strong>the</strong>m is passed on to <strong>the</strong> private households,<br />
which above all means to <strong>the</strong> women. There is a trend towards feminising social responsibility – ranging from<br />
bringing up <strong>of</strong> children to <strong>the</strong> care <strong>of</strong> Aids patients and looking after <strong>the</strong> elderly – as well as environmental<br />
responsibility – from sorting <strong>of</strong> waste (e.g. in Germany) to planting tree saplings in <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South.<br />
Women function as airbags for <strong>the</strong> world-wide cutback in government social services. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong><br />
gender-specific division <strong>of</strong> labour among men and women is hardly changing.<br />
Concrete political measures have to be taken to counter <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> social and ecological responsibility.<br />
Along <strong>the</strong> lines <strong>of</strong> social and environmental justice as well as <strong>the</strong> polluter principle, a compensation for costs and<br />
efforts has to be made among <strong>the</strong> various players in society, but also among nations at international policy level.<br />
There must be no separation <strong>of</strong> “efficiency for <strong>the</strong> men” from “sufficiency for <strong>the</strong> women”.<br />
11) Sustainability policy as structural policy<br />
So far, environmental, development and gender policy goals have not been integrated institutionally. The<br />
responsibility for environmental projects run by women is usually referred to <strong>the</strong> Equal <strong>Rights</strong> Offices. In sectoral<br />
development programmes in <strong>the</strong> South women have been mobilised as a cheap protection and cleaning gang<br />
without sectoral development being redesigned to meet environmental and gender requirements. Environmental<br />
protection is reduced to technological and eco-efficiency approaches, and end-<strong>of</strong>-pipe strategies. So far, social<br />
security concepts and women’s programmes have mainly been annexed to macro-economic programmes to<br />
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cushion <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> economic crises and impoverishment.<br />
Policies for social and ecological sustainability have to be structural policies at all political levels and need to be<br />
established as cross-sectoral tasks. Sustainability strategies have to be integrated into macro-economic<br />
structures, international political programmes and concepts to eradicate poverty right from <strong>the</strong> start.<br />
Environmental protection, social justice and <strong>the</strong> dismantling <strong>of</strong> gender hierarchies have to be linked up already at<br />
<strong>the</strong> macro-level in terms <strong>of</strong> systematic institutional and content wise integration. Instead <strong>of</strong> imposing a universal<br />
concept <strong>of</strong> economic stabilisation and growth, country and region specific requirements and diverse contexts<br />
ought to be decisive for development and sustainability strategies.<br />
12) Concepts <strong>of</strong> nature and gender relations<br />
Feminist scientists criticise <strong>the</strong> relation between humankind and nature being based on a logic <strong>of</strong> domination and<br />
exploitation that shapes both <strong>the</strong> understanding <strong>of</strong> nature and <strong>the</strong> relation between society and nature as well as<br />
<strong>the</strong> natural and engineering sciences. This is precisely <strong>the</strong> causal element <strong>of</strong> today’s global environmental crisis.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> concepts <strong>of</strong> sustainability developed so far, <strong>the</strong>se relationships with nature are hardly addressed, insights<br />
from a gender perspective are ignored, and, by and large, a blockade prevents <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> feminist<br />
approaches.<br />
Knowledge based on experience and research about <strong>the</strong> links between <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> nature, <strong>the</strong> social and<br />
economic order and gender relations have to be integrated both into science and at political level. This is a<br />
precondition for sustainability policy to achieve a breakthrough with regard to social and gender discrimination<br />
and <strong>the</strong> destructive way in which nature and <strong>the</strong> environment are treated.<br />
13) Gender impact assessment and gender budgets as precautionary instruments<br />
Agenda 21 <strong>of</strong> Rio and <strong>the</strong> Platform for Action <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 4 th World Conference on Women demand that <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong><br />
environment and development policy measures on women and men be assessed. The Gender Impact Assessment<br />
instrument was developed to identify potential effects <strong>of</strong> political decisions and strategies on gender relations.<br />
However, with regard to environmental policy and sustainability research, methods <strong>of</strong> establishing <strong>the</strong>ir impact on<br />
women and assessing gender-relevant effects have so far hardly been tested or applied. This also applies to <strong>the</strong><br />
Gender Budget instrument, which is aimed at breaking down revenue and expenditure <strong>of</strong> government, local<br />
authority and institutional budgets in terms <strong>of</strong> how <strong>the</strong>y relate to gender and analysing <strong>the</strong>ir potential to boost or<br />
weaken gender hierarchies.<br />
Gender Impact Assessment has to be applied with binding effect both in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> sets <strong>of</strong> legal and<br />
political guidelines and in environmental and development research. Gender Budgeting should also be introduced<br />
at various levels as an instrument to establish transparency and support analysis and planning. Both instruments<br />
can operate preventively and contribute to restructuring politics and research on <strong>the</strong> environment, development<br />
and sustainability with a view to deconstructing gender hierarchies.<br />
14) Women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming<br />
Sustainable development cannot be achieved without <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong> women, in particular <strong>the</strong>ir participation<br />
in planning and decision making. This insight was gained at <strong>the</strong> UN Conferences in Rio de Janeiro and Beijing.<br />
There is still a “glass ceiling” for women in all environment and development related sectors. While <strong>the</strong>y are active<br />
on a day-to-day basis at grassroots level, <strong>the</strong> more <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> action includes technical, scientific or political<br />
elements, <strong>the</strong> more it is dominated by men.<br />
Empowerment <strong>of</strong> women implies two aspects: on <strong>the</strong> one hand, participating in decision-making and planning<br />
processes and getting a share <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> power to make decisions within political, economic and scientific institutions.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, scope for networking and co-operation enabling a gender-sensitive discourse on sustainability and<br />
<strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> an autonomous position.<br />
Gender mainstreaming has to be established everywhere, both in terms <strong>of</strong> institutions and contents. The<br />
independent quest <strong>of</strong> women for gender equitable strategies for sustainability has to be reliably secured by<br />
financial and institutional resources. Networking <strong>of</strong> civil society at national and international level is indispensable<br />
in this context. This is why network projects on “global structural policy from a gender perspective” and “gender<br />
equity and environmental sustainability” have to be set up and financed at federal level.<br />
Source:<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
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ICT<br />
Free S<strong>of</strong>tware for Free Women<br />
Christina Haralanova<br />
New technologies are challenging <strong>the</strong> way we live, <strong>the</strong> way we conduct business, <strong>the</strong> way<br />
we educate ourselves and our children. Women from solidarity economy groups recognise<br />
<strong>the</strong> need to learn to use <strong>the</strong>m as a tool in <strong>the</strong>ir work. But what about free s<strong>of</strong>tware? Is<br />
<strong>the</strong>re any relationship between solidarity economy and free s<strong>of</strong>tware?<br />
The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
Joelle Palmieri<br />
We live in an age which is submitted to <strong>the</strong> impressive development <strong>of</strong> communication<br />
techniques and technologies, which effects spread out to <strong>the</strong> social, economic, political<br />
and cultural fields, and have serious implications on <strong>the</strong> very future <strong>of</strong> our democratic<br />
life. We observe an over-concentration <strong>of</strong> resources that reinforce <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong><br />
monopolies and private oligopolies in <strong>the</strong> sector <strong>of</strong> communication. This statement is very<br />
close to <strong>the</strong> fact that technological development is essentially developed like a full part <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> globalization process. Information and communication represent an economic sector<br />
as such, with high benefit rates, which products must be given a price like goods.<br />
<strong>Statement</strong> on Communication <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Vision and Context<br />
By World Forum on Communication <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Communication plays a central role in politics, economics, and culture in societies across<br />
<strong>the</strong> globe. Information and communication technologies, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> political will to<br />
implement communication rights, can provide vital new opportunities for political<br />
interaction, social and economic development, and cultural sustainability. The means to<br />
achieve <strong>the</strong>se ends include universal access <strong>of</strong> all to <strong>the</strong> means <strong>of</strong> communication and<br />
information and to a diversity <strong>of</strong> media throughout <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Gender and ICTs: Overview Report<br />
By Anita Gurumurthy<br />
BRIDGE<br />
New technologies in <strong>the</strong> information and communications arena, especially <strong>the</strong> Internet,<br />
have been seen as ushering in a new age. There is a mainstream view that such<br />
technologies have only technical ra<strong>the</strong>r than social implications. The dramatic positive<br />
changes brought in by <strong>the</strong>se information and communication technologies (ICTs),<br />
however, have not touched all <strong>of</strong> humanity. Existing power relations in society determine<br />
<strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> benefits from ICTs; hence <strong>the</strong>se technologies are not gender neutral.<br />
The important questions are: who benefits from ICTs? Who is dictating <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong><br />
ICTs? Is it possible to harness ICTs to serve larger goals <strong>of</strong> equality and justice?
Doc<br />
Free S<strong>of</strong>tware for Free Women<br />
Christina Haralanova, Social <strong>Rights</strong> Bulgaria<br />
New technologies are challenging <strong>the</strong> way we live, <strong>the</strong> way we conduct business, <strong>the</strong> way we educate ourselves<br />
and our children. Women from solidarity economy groups recognise <strong>the</strong> need to learn to use <strong>the</strong>m as a tool in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir work. But what about free s<strong>of</strong>tware? Is <strong>the</strong>re any relationship between solidarity economy and free s<strong>of</strong>tware?<br />
"Free S<strong>of</strong>tware is a means to stimulate local development; you can make it serve your own needs in your native<br />
language. It unites small communities with similar problems around <strong>the</strong> world, and Free S<strong>of</strong>tware helps <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
work toge<strong>the</strong>r, exchange contacts and experience, and build networks", explained Michele Dessenne, co-founder<br />
<strong>of</strong> Les Penelopes and general secretary <strong>of</strong> ATTACK-France, during <strong>the</strong> New Communication Technologies and<br />
Solidarity Economy Workshop at <strong>the</strong> WSF 2005.<br />
New technologies, and Free S<strong>of</strong>tware in particular, are new challenges to confront, but in <strong>the</strong> long run, <strong>the</strong>se are<br />
useful in obtaining more knowledge, visibility, contacts, and connections. These were <strong>the</strong> conclusions from this<br />
workshop.<br />
"Free S<strong>of</strong>tware, and programs like SPIP (S<strong>of</strong>tware for Publishing and Sharing information online), are useful<br />
because <strong>the</strong>y are simple, free <strong>of</strong> charge and <strong>the</strong>y are a direct response to our needs", said Maria Angelina, a staffmember<br />
<strong>of</strong> CEDAC in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. "We have been active since 1985, but just recently we realised how<br />
powerful <strong>the</strong> new technologies can be."<br />
While in Brazil, where children were dying <strong>of</strong> hunger and where <strong>the</strong>re are more than 20 million people who cannot<br />
buy shoes in <strong>the</strong>ir lifetime, women involved in solidarity economy from all over <strong>the</strong> country formed cooperatives to<br />
alleviate <strong>the</strong> increasing poverty. 21 groups <strong>of</strong> local producers joined <strong>the</strong>se cooperatives. Iara da Rosa manages<br />
<strong>the</strong> Casa de Convivencia in Porto Alegre. In this shelter for street people, she organises computer training. She<br />
attests that it helps <strong>the</strong>m to discover <strong>the</strong> power <strong>of</strong> communication and information technologies, and that such<br />
discovery became <strong>the</strong> turning point in <strong>the</strong>ir fight against poverty. They documented <strong>the</strong>ir efforts through a film<br />
and <strong>the</strong>y provided copies to solidarity economy groups around <strong>the</strong> country. This was <strong>the</strong>ir way <strong>of</strong> sharing this<br />
"methodology" that is aimed at a more beneficial solidarity economy. Be <strong>the</strong> media, become <strong>the</strong> media!<br />
New technologies are not just computers - <strong>the</strong>y also include radio, television and telephones. The purpose <strong>of</strong> using<br />
<strong>the</strong> Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) implemented in <strong>the</strong> solidarity economy organisation is to<br />
help women to better sell <strong>the</strong>ir products, to organise <strong>the</strong>mselves into movements, to exchange ideas and to learn<br />
new ideas. With this aim, Les Penelopes (France) set up six websites and produced four films about women<br />
involved in solidarity economy. These materials created a great impact when shown as examples to local<br />
communities.<br />
According to Maria Angelina who took part in <strong>the</strong> training organised by Les Penelopes in Porto Alegre in November<br />
2004, <strong>the</strong> strongest impact for <strong>the</strong>m was to see <strong>the</strong> direct links on how ICTs are used in practice. "The result was<br />
obvious: women without any knowledge in computers still succeeded to make it with technologies, only after a<br />
couple <strong>of</strong> days <strong>of</strong> training."<br />
Les Penelopes use <strong>the</strong> Internet to exchange information among <strong>the</strong> different social movements. They use various<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> ICTs: one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most powerful is <strong>the</strong> Women's voices - audio project for feminist internet radio<br />
(accessible on <strong>the</strong>ir website). Without Internet used as media, it was impossible for women from Africa, Latin<br />
America, Central and Eastern Europe and Asia to get toge<strong>the</strong>r and exchange ideas. Les Penelopes are building<br />
networks which <strong>the</strong>y coordinate through <strong>the</strong> Internet. "Our weapon is <strong>the</strong> Free S<strong>of</strong>tware, and SPIP in particular.<br />
SPIP serves our needs because it is very simple to use, and it is translated in local languages and adapted to our<br />
work", stated Perline, <strong>the</strong> technical assistant and ICT trainer <strong>of</strong> Les Penelopes.<br />
Social inclusion and digital access for all<br />
"Women in <strong>the</strong> past did not have access to technologies by cultural barriers. Now things have changed, but still,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are very few girls in <strong>the</strong> IT departments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> university", Iara da Rosa described <strong>the</strong> situation in Brazil.<br />
"Today, <strong>the</strong>re are many women who manage very well with Free S<strong>of</strong>tware: it is not true that women cannot make<br />
it as well as men in <strong>the</strong> ICT field".<br />
"Solidarity economy provides social inclusion, while Free S<strong>of</strong>tware encourages digital and social inclusion. Free<br />
S<strong>of</strong>tware is <strong>of</strong>fering us a new way <strong>of</strong> doing our work, where women, involved in solidarity economy network<br />
online, while in past <strong>the</strong>y could network only locally, within <strong>the</strong> community" , said Loimar Vianna, <strong>the</strong> leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Free S<strong>of</strong>tware Women Project in Brazil. The project started in 2002, with an online discussion list on women and<br />
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Doc<br />
Free S<strong>of</strong>tware. The breakthrough happened when toge<strong>the</strong>r with Luna Nova, a Brazilian NGO, working with women<br />
on solidarity economy issues, <strong>the</strong>y organised an ICT workshop.<br />
"The trainers and all <strong>the</strong> staff were all volunteers. All we wanted was to promote <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se women<br />
into <strong>the</strong> Free S<strong>of</strong>tware Movement and to help <strong>the</strong>m exchange information", said Vianna. With a group <strong>of</strong> about<br />
100 women from <strong>the</strong> solidarity economy in Porto Alegre, <strong>the</strong>y established a Free S<strong>of</strong>tware centre for women with<br />
free internet access.<br />
The solidarity economy groups are constrained by <strong>the</strong>ir physical distance and <strong>the</strong> different field <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir work.<br />
Some women are working in regions, far from commercial centres, and <strong>the</strong> Internet is <strong>the</strong>ir only way to<br />
connecting to o<strong>the</strong>r groups, to sell <strong>the</strong>ir goods and to keep <strong>the</strong>mselves updated with <strong>the</strong> latest news. This<br />
opportunity to empower networks should be taken advantage <strong>of</strong>!<br />
This article was initially published in <strong>the</strong> printed version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Digit@all Future International Feminist Magazine<br />
(issue 2), during <strong>the</strong> media coverage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Social Forum (WSF) 2005, Porto Alegre. Author: Christina<br />
Haralanova, January 2005<br />
Source:<br />
http://www.socialrights.org/spip/article1233.html<br />
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The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
Joelle Palmieri,<br />
Les Penelopes<br />
In <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> liberal communications, how is it possible to provide <strong>the</strong> means to groups <strong>of</strong> women who are<br />
carrying economic, social, cultural and political alternatives to make visible <strong>the</strong>ir practices, <strong>the</strong>ir experiences and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir know-how? How is it possible to break men and women inequalities? In what way can <strong>the</strong> ICts arm our<br />
resistance? How is it possible to articulate gender concepts and philosophies with free s<strong>of</strong>tware? How does <strong>the</strong><br />
“free” concept respond to gender needs? How does gender respond to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free concept? It is very<br />
simple…<br />
We live in an age which is submitted to <strong>the</strong> impressive development <strong>of</strong> communication techniques and<br />
technologies, which effects spread out to <strong>the</strong> social, economic, political and cultural fields, and have serious<br />
implications on <strong>the</strong> very future <strong>of</strong> our democratic life. We observe an over-concentration <strong>of</strong> resources that<br />
reinforce <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> monopolies and private oligopolies in <strong>the</strong> sector <strong>of</strong> communication. This statement is<br />
very close to <strong>the</strong> fact that technological development is essentially developed like a full part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> globalization<br />
process. In addition, information and communication represent an economic sector as such, with high benefit<br />
rates, which products must be given a price like goods, and tend to cancel any notion <strong>of</strong> public services with which<br />
communication has always been associated.<br />
The role <strong>of</strong> media<br />
In a time <strong>of</strong> huge concentrations, channels <strong>of</strong> weak contents and under-information, it is appropriate to stress that<br />
<strong>the</strong> media are ra<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> stage <strong>of</strong> testing, attempt, unachieved concept and beginning. In order to look at it<br />
more clearly, let’s start with <strong>the</strong> word "media" in <strong>the</strong> singular form. A "media" is supposed to be in between, a<br />
means <strong>of</strong> communication, a link between transmitting and receiving information. It seems today that it is a<br />
vertical and tense line, with a single direction, from <strong>the</strong> top downwards and has a privatized shape... And <strong>the</strong>se<br />
lines, or pipes, are to be filled as quickly as possible! For God sake, where is <strong>the</strong> "space-time", which gives <strong>the</strong><br />
opportunity to elaborate one’s thoughts, refine one’s ideas, and express oneself freely... Where does <strong>the</strong> law <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> market give place to <strong>the</strong> reader, <strong>the</strong> listener, <strong>the</strong> audience, named as such, i.e. in <strong>the</strong> masculine form (in<br />
French) by <strong>the</strong> holders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> informational power? There is henceforth no more space for imagination, innovation,<br />
expression and exchange. Anything that needs time. In such a situation, it is difficult to consider a press system in<br />
which <strong>the</strong> "consumer" should not be passive. We are thus in presence <strong>of</strong> tailor-made information; at some<br />
broadcasters’, <strong>the</strong> programs are set up from <strong>the</strong> initial "outlay", i.e. if Reebok invests, <strong>the</strong>n a basketball program<br />
will be set up. In Sou<strong>the</strong>rn countries, <strong>the</strong> situation is much more serious. In Africa or in <strong>the</strong> emerging countries<br />
like Brazil, <strong>the</strong> worst <strong>of</strong> television is poured in public or private channels: Nor<strong>the</strong>rn models and references that<br />
have nearly nothing in common with <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women and men have increased. Much worse regarding<br />
newspapers, one is confronted to news that are not, because <strong>the</strong>y have been truncated, chosen and chopped up.<br />
For new models<br />
It is mainly men who make choices, or ra<strong>the</strong>r impose <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong>ir target groups, i.e individuals (females and<br />
males) who are considered as consumers and "non-thinkers". The numbers can testify. In her report on <strong>the</strong><br />
question <strong>of</strong> women and media, as published in 1995 for <strong>the</strong> UNESCO, Margaret Gallaguer is formal: women are<br />
"visible, but vulnerable". As actors (or journalists), or as subjects, women are nearly non-existent. It is necessary<br />
to say that <strong>the</strong> selection among <strong>the</strong> editorial staff is stern. Men decide on issues, women make <strong>the</strong> reports but not<br />
on any issue. They are nearly excluded from <strong>the</strong> domains that concern economy, sport and politics. Many studies<br />
on this topic, including <strong>the</strong> studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Association <strong>of</strong> female journalists on general press, know that. From <strong>the</strong><br />
beginning until <strong>the</strong>y were given <strong>the</strong> right to exercise on <strong>the</strong> labour market, female journalists have been<br />
confronted to effective work and editorial barriers, decided by <strong>the</strong>ir editorial staff. As an unknown phenomenon, it<br />
is essentially women who become war reporters or are in <strong>the</strong> field, and this very precarious situation makes it<br />
extremely difficult for an "internal" promotion. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> proposed issues, whatever <strong>the</strong>y are, should not<br />
present a gender dimension. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, any issues on women, as victims or sport or show business stars<br />
are most welcome. Besides, "<strong>the</strong> female magazines remain a fief <strong>of</strong> depreciating pictures".<br />
Any attempts <strong>of</strong> news handling with a new gender perspective is <strong>of</strong>ten doubtful, and submitted to universalistic<br />
pressures, when it is not simply rejected to <strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> specialized press. For example, it is now common that<br />
even <strong>the</strong> very issue <strong>of</strong> feminism is <strong>the</strong> full subject <strong>of</strong> a magazine or a TV show. However, it is most <strong>of</strong>ten to mock<br />
this "rearguard" movement". Or, it is <strong>the</strong> basis for a discussion with a "feminist-alibi" on topics like cosmetics,<br />
love… while looking for a "counterpoint" as if, it was a contradiction from <strong>the</strong> start. And <strong>the</strong> same happens in TV<br />
shows or in "serious" documentaries on war, in which <strong>the</strong> geopolitical aspects <strong>of</strong> such or such part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world,<br />
are full <strong>of</strong> males signatures and even though <strong>the</strong>re was one female signature, she would have to use <strong>the</strong> males<br />
dialogue codes, i.e. universalistic and not <strong>the</strong> least sexually differentiated codes. The logics <strong>of</strong> exclusion is<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore double; at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> women’s place within <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ession as such and at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> news<br />
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The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
handling, in which <strong>the</strong> "male" vision is predominant.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> proliferation and <strong>the</strong> diversity <strong>of</strong> sources, including Internet networks and not only agencies that<br />
prepare and sort out <strong>the</strong> information sources (like AFP, Reuters, BBC…), should allow <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> new<br />
models <strong>of</strong> news handling. The widening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> investigation field, <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> a medium that is finally<br />
streamlined and interactive, in which <strong>the</strong> "push", or what is known today, should leave room to <strong>the</strong> "pull", i.e. <strong>the</strong><br />
endogenous contents carried out by <strong>the</strong> civil society. A new way to make new contents possible which take into<br />
consideration <strong>the</strong> social relations <strong>of</strong> sex and <strong>the</strong> global context <strong>of</strong> male domination.<br />
For a right to communicate<br />
It has been established like a universal statement that <strong>the</strong> vitality <strong>of</strong> democracy depends on <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> citizens’<br />
involvement; this means that <strong>the</strong> different groups which compose society should be duly informed and able to<br />
express <strong>the</strong>ir particular points <strong>of</strong> view in order to contribute to <strong>the</strong> constitution <strong>of</strong> social consensus. This aspiration<br />
has been <strong>of</strong>ten denied notably because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> democracy within <strong>the</strong> systems <strong>of</strong> communication. For<br />
example, many studies showed that <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> audience on TV sets is not an opportunity to give <strong>the</strong>m<br />
<strong>the</strong> floor, but ra<strong>the</strong>r gives <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> accomplice <strong>of</strong> what is happening before <strong>the</strong>ir eyes without <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
approval. Ano<strong>the</strong>r example is <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cell phones’ "Sms"; <strong>the</strong>y are obviously used to communicate little<br />
messages between friends, but in fact <strong>the</strong>y have two o<strong>the</strong>r goals; spread out advertisement without <strong>the</strong> receiver’s<br />
consent and finance <strong>the</strong> pipes (10 times more expensive than <strong>the</strong> normal price), by moving between 0 and 1,<br />
which makes <strong>the</strong>m pr<strong>of</strong>itable not only financially but also in terms <strong>of</strong> market, thanks to <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> personal<br />
data for fur<strong>the</strong>r marketing use.<br />
This situation requires that civil society includes in its agenda <strong>the</strong> Right to Communication and, at <strong>the</strong> same time,<br />
decides to promote initiatives, which goal is to control <strong>the</strong> communication tools and to develop responsible, free<br />
and complimentary media. Particularly, women and/or mixed organizations that approach gender, must take <strong>the</strong><br />
opportunity provided for by <strong>the</strong> Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) to bring to light particular<br />
analyses and practices.<br />
Information in a different way<br />
From <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above mentioned tendencies <strong>of</strong> "dominant" communication, and while paying particular<br />
attention to <strong>the</strong> women’s place and role? As victims <strong>of</strong> a double marginalization; as actors and as subjects <strong>of</strong><br />
social, economic, cultural and political life and to <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> alternative initiatives. Nearly totally invisible. It seems<br />
appropriate to set up totally independent media tools in which information should be, not only to <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong><br />
citizens, but especially emerging from <strong>the</strong>m. A type <strong>of</strong> information that claims diversity, solidarity, equality,<br />
horizontality and streamlining.<br />
It is today necessary to think information differently while stressing endogenous contents (or information) in<br />
particular. This means concretely that all <strong>the</strong> civil society actors, women and men, must not only have <strong>the</strong><br />
opportunity to deliver <strong>the</strong>ir own contents. The shape that <strong>the</strong>y use to communicate should also be considered as a<br />
full model that is complementary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> more classical pr<strong>of</strong>essional (journalistic) news handlings. This strategy<br />
gives <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> opportunity to approach <strong>the</strong> issues that are undeveloped in traditional media, and provide an open<br />
dimension to <strong>the</strong> circulation <strong>of</strong> information, and present specific contents according to <strong>the</strong> regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, to<br />
create an exchange and know-how network. It gives mainly <strong>the</strong> opportunity to focus on gender, and notably <strong>the</strong><br />
social relations between women and men, <strong>the</strong> barriers that gender inequalities represent for <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong><br />
peoples and societies, <strong>the</strong> alternatives carried out by women… As many prisms that give <strong>the</strong> opportunity to cancel<br />
sensationalism or news in brief. In order to give back an effective space to a real social, political and economic<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> issues such as violence, nationalism, fundamentalism, militarism, peace…<br />
Contents <strong>of</strong> General Utility<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents that are at <strong>the</strong> public disposal, it is necessary to remain<br />
alert on matters <strong>of</strong> broadcasting control. This is possible if we create or maintain our own broadcasting networks<br />
and if we invest <strong>the</strong> decision-making centres where broadcasting is controlled, be it TV, radio or written press.<br />
This is a question <strong>of</strong> thinking information differently, according to <strong>the</strong> following principles:<br />
● <strong>the</strong> access to information is a fundamental right,<br />
● information is not a good, it must be free,<br />
● <strong>the</strong> reader, <strong>the</strong> listener, <strong>the</strong> viewer is not a consumer,<br />
● <strong>the</strong> contents must be endogenous. In this context, it seems justified to pay attention to a new way <strong>of</strong><br />
editorial treatment that is organized in four directions:<br />
● to approach issues that are not developed in traditional media,<br />
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The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
● to propose a multimedia, streamlined and horizontal treatment <strong>of</strong> information (radio, written press,<br />
electronic press, TV)<br />
● to conceive nomadic, boundless, mobile media tools,<br />
● to put <strong>the</strong>se tools in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents’ "bearers", while breaking with pr<strong>of</strong>essional corporatism<br />
● to set up relays, in different kinds <strong>of</strong> tools. These new ways <strong>of</strong> handling information give us <strong>the</strong> opportunity<br />
to consider a "star-shaped" information, in which each civil society actor/actress is in direct connection with<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs. Thus, each interlocutor can bring his/her contents, and echo to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs’ while completing<br />
<strong>the</strong>m and enhancing <strong>the</strong>m. This structure helps to bring to light a collective richness at <strong>the</strong> international<br />
level. And <strong>the</strong> exchange <strong>of</strong> know-hows and experiences, <strong>the</strong> ga<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> means around a common<br />
content, <strong>the</strong> confrontation <strong>of</strong> individual, collective or regional situations, and especially <strong>the</strong>ir publication and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir broadcasting, make disappear <strong>the</strong> geographical, economic and political barriers.<br />
In order to concretely implement <strong>the</strong>se media tools, it is important to create a network <strong>of</strong> models and build up<br />
<strong>the</strong>se tools on a different economic model, which will guarantee its continuity, by:<br />
● leaning on <strong>the</strong> concepts <strong>of</strong> solidarity economy (previously co-financed by <strong>the</strong> state and <strong>the</strong> civil society<br />
actresses/actors),<br />
● involving <strong>the</strong> territories (local elected people, regional administrators...),<br />
● keeping control on broadcasting,<br />
● using <strong>the</strong> ICTs, like a cheap technology,<br />
● giving impulse to <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> access to <strong>the</strong> internet network,<br />
● using <strong>the</strong> philosophy <strong>of</strong> free s<strong>of</strong>tware.<br />
Gender: a catalyst<br />
These public service tools must correspond, and not only respond, to <strong>the</strong> common interest. They must come from<br />
<strong>the</strong> people’s needs, o<strong>the</strong>rwise <strong>the</strong>y would be meaningless, and create public spaces <strong>of</strong> discussion in which <strong>the</strong><br />
receivers, <strong>the</strong> emitters, <strong>the</strong> prescribers meet or come toge<strong>the</strong>r in order to bring to light those needs. In this<br />
context, gender recovers all its relevance since women and men, according to <strong>the</strong>ir social, religious, ethnical,<br />
generational, sexually-oriented, etc. origins, will finally have <strong>the</strong> opportunity to express different needs and<br />
interests. First <strong>of</strong> all, it should reveal practical needs for women and for men, while keeping <strong>the</strong> statu quo <strong>of</strong><br />
sexual division in work. Then, it should achieve transformation by initiating strategic needs/interests that are<br />
going to completely transform this gender relation into a more equal status.<br />
The free concept: future <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
Women represent around 80% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor and 67% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> illiterate. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are also victims <strong>of</strong> a triple<br />
discrimination; <strong>the</strong>y are women, <strong>the</strong> majority works in economic sectors that are not valued at <strong>the</strong> national level,<br />
social or informal, and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are marginalized in <strong>the</strong>ir social, geographical or political environment. Very<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten, <strong>the</strong>y also carry economic, social and political models that are totally different from <strong>the</strong> most visible system;<br />
an unequal, discriminatory, with high financial benefit system. And yet, this paradox remains invisible. How come?<br />
For migrant women living in poor suburbs in France, black women whose degree is not recognized in Quebec or<br />
Senegalese female fishers coming from <strong>the</strong> surroundings <strong>of</strong> Dakar, with no literacy level, publicizing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
practices and <strong>the</strong>ir analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> disparities and inequalities between men and women, corrupts <strong>the</strong> universalistic<br />
uses. It also reconsiders gender social relations such as <strong>the</strong> domination relations as inherited from patriarchy,<br />
colonialism and imperialism. And it defies a major taboo, women’s access to <strong>the</strong> public space, and becomes thus a<br />
major stake. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> free s<strong>of</strong>tware becomes self-evident. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> word "free" refers here to<br />
freedom/liberty, and not to <strong>the</strong> price; this is a confusing language concept for Anglo-Saxons. More than twenty<br />
years ago, Richard M. Stallman, known as <strong>the</strong> "fa<strong>the</strong>r" <strong>of</strong> this concept, set up <strong>the</strong> Free S<strong>of</strong>tware Foundation in<br />
order to launch <strong>the</strong> famous "GNU Project". His ambition was to give everybody <strong>the</strong> opportunity to use any<br />
s<strong>of</strong>tware that was socially useful, and to facilitate its copying and modification, as easily as possible. He precisely<br />
defines four types <strong>of</strong> freedom/liberty for s<strong>of</strong>tware users:<br />
● "be free to execute <strong>the</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware, for any uses (liberty 0).<br />
● be free to study <strong>the</strong> execution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware, and to adapt it to your needs (liberty 1). To do that, <strong>the</strong><br />
access to <strong>the</strong> open code is required.<br />
● be free to share copies, and help <strong>the</strong>refore your neighbour, (liberty 2).<br />
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The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
● be free to improve <strong>the</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware and publish your improvements, in order to provide <strong>the</strong> whole community<br />
with benefit (liberty 3). To do that, <strong>the</strong> access to <strong>the</strong> open code is required."<br />
Obviously, <strong>the</strong>se notions sound mainly computing concepts, but <strong>the</strong>y have been transformed since <strong>the</strong>n in tools<br />
that are used by <strong>the</strong> majority to break up with all kinds <strong>of</strong> fractures (social, ethnical, sexual...). Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong><br />
GNU has become a legal basis entitled GNU/GPL (General Public License) which permits appropriation without any<br />
obstacles (for more information, see <strong>the</strong> GNU site).<br />
A common interest<br />
Besides, this philosophy gives <strong>the</strong> opportunity to develop transcontinental projects <strong>of</strong> new endogenous media,<br />
based on Icts, in order to give value to economic, social, political and cultural alternatives as carried by women in<br />
<strong>the</strong> world and to analyze gender disparities on a global scale. Indeed, free s<strong>of</strong>tware are, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time, free. No<br />
need to spend money, no more "robbery" is possible, no more violations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intellectual property law, because<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is no patentability system. Their setting up is a common interest. They allow local adaptations, particularly<br />
in <strong>the</strong> language field. If only one individual shows a need, that is supported financially or not by a specific body,<br />
and immediately <strong>the</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware are translated into a language, a dialect. The opportunity that is given to very<br />
restricted, retired or isolated groups, and particularly women, to have access to information and publication is<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore unique. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, this brings up a new way to look at <strong>the</strong> relations among <strong>the</strong> developers <strong>of</strong> free<br />
s<strong>of</strong>tware. Some are <strong>the</strong>refore collaborative, participative, simple, in constant evolution in order to satisfy <strong>the</strong>se<br />
criteria and demand which are in increase. No o<strong>the</strong>r s<strong>of</strong>tware owner is able to perform this work, because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
underlying philosophy <strong>of</strong> benefit that governs <strong>the</strong>m. There are free s<strong>of</strong>tware which give <strong>the</strong> opportunity to<br />
publicize any contents without any computer knowledge, ability or technique. Therefore, <strong>the</strong>re are word<br />
processing or computer-assisted s<strong>of</strong>tware, tabloids, image processing, sound… and Web publication s<strong>of</strong>tware, as<br />
well as read/write mails, or Web surfing s<strong>of</strong>tware. These s<strong>of</strong>tware don’t require any financial investment. To use<br />
<strong>the</strong>m, it is enough to possess or download an operating system on your computer, which will carry <strong>the</strong>m; it is <strong>the</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> Linux free as well and many o<strong>the</strong>rs. Then, it is enough to download <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong> W eb to use <strong>the</strong>m out<br />
line.<br />
The technical dependence on Micros<strong>of</strong>t is <strong>the</strong>n reduced to a few weak elements; <strong>the</strong> corporate sector, NGOs, or<br />
any body <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil society which "subcontracts" its computing works and… <strong>the</strong> internet servers. The latter <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
don’t authorize <strong>the</strong> download for instance <strong>of</strong> free Web publication s<strong>of</strong>tware. However, a few "non-ownership"<br />
solutions already exist for <strong>the</strong> civil society actors or internet servers, and are made available for <strong>the</strong> whole public.<br />
Then, like <strong>the</strong> four Stallman rules, <strong>the</strong> access to <strong>the</strong> users’ guides <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se s<strong>of</strong>tware are a full part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> freedom/<br />
liberty that <strong>the</strong>se s<strong>of</strong>tware authorize. Like documentation, training can be permanent. There are electronic users<br />
or developers lists according to <strong>the</strong> level that give not only <strong>the</strong> opportunity to get new information <strong>of</strong> major<br />
improvements but also to get involved in <strong>the</strong>m! And even though <strong>the</strong> internet connexion is not necessary, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are bridges between users and all those who have no access to <strong>the</strong> network. Concretely, if anybody downloads a<br />
word processing via <strong>the</strong> Web, he/she can copy it on an electronic support and send it to a neighbour, who will use<br />
it to publish a document, that he/she will print or orally re-transcript... So everything is planned within this<br />
"community" to go along with change.<br />
Multiply <strong>the</strong> related effects towards equality<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong>se free s<strong>of</strong>tware present <strong>the</strong> double advantage <strong>of</strong> demystifying <strong>the</strong> tools and developing <strong>the</strong> free<br />
access, included <strong>the</strong> multiplication <strong>of</strong> contents, without any restriction or obstacle, for a very low cost, and safely,<br />
in any language. This is very useful to break up <strong>the</strong> geographical, cultural, social and educational barriers.<br />
Bringing toge<strong>the</strong>r knowledge, innovation, invention, success, good practices, becomes hence a commitment; it is<br />
a way to "understand each o<strong>the</strong>r" without imposing any model. The contents on gender reports and issues find<br />
particularly <strong>the</strong>ir meaning in this process. This participative philosophy gives <strong>the</strong> concerned people <strong>the</strong> opportunity<br />
to exchange experiences and know-how, as well as <strong>the</strong> existing obstacles and "structural brakes" in order to<br />
elaborate solutions and common strategies. As a collaborative philosophy, it multiplies <strong>the</strong> "leverage" effects, it<br />
sets up new dynamics, it encourages multiplication, diversity, as well as complementarity. As an interactive<br />
philosophy, it permits unlimited reactivity and accelerates <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> development and changes. Conceived in<br />
total complementarity with <strong>the</strong> Net, it ensures international visibility. Since less than five years, we have observed<br />
<strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> websites, <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> oral ways <strong>of</strong> communicating for example, for diasporas and<br />
particularly women Iranians. It looks like a kind <strong>of</strong> virtual "room" in which internet users converge regularly at<br />
fixed hours to chat, and exchange <strong>the</strong>ir points <strong>of</strong> view thanks to operations <strong>of</strong> "sharing" contents - i.e. link up<br />
through automated ways, <strong>the</strong> multiplication <strong>of</strong> know hows such as research and iconographic expression, and<br />
broadcasting interviews in an audio shape…<br />
Besides, all <strong>the</strong> contents that are set up and put toge<strong>the</strong>r can be "reconditioned" or "re-packaged" under more<br />
classical forms; paper, radio, television, or even plays. In this way, it multiplies <strong>the</strong> means <strong>of</strong> dissemination and<br />
opens new strategies that can go faster than traditional medias. So why do we still hide? What are all <strong>the</strong> groups<br />
<strong>of</strong> women waiting for to appropriate <strong>the</strong>se new tools, especially those who are working on gender and feminists<br />
issues? The convergence <strong>of</strong> intentions and strategies <strong>of</strong> expression between <strong>the</strong> "free" concept and <strong>the</strong> different<br />
movements for equality between men and women do not need to be demonstrated anymore. Now it is up to us to<br />
act!<br />
Source:<br />
Women’s Information Technology Transfer ©<br />
Regional Initiative <strong>of</strong> Women's Groups for Promoting ICT as a Strategic Tool for Social Transformation<br />
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The Free Concept: <strong>the</strong> Gender Law<br />
http://www.witt-project.net/article109.html<br />
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<strong>Statement</strong> on Communication <strong>Rights</strong> Vision and Context<br />
<strong>Statement</strong> on Communication <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Vision and Context<br />
By World Forum on Communication <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Communication plays a central role in politics, economics, and culture in societies across <strong>the</strong> globe.<br />
Information and communication technologies, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> political will to implement<br />
communication rights, can provide vital new opportunities for political interaction, social and<br />
economic development, and cultural sustainability. The means to achieve <strong>the</strong>se ends include universal<br />
access <strong>of</strong> all to <strong>the</strong> means <strong>of</strong> communication and information and to a diversity <strong>of</strong> media throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Communication is a fundamental social process and <strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> all social organization. It is more than <strong>the</strong><br />
mere transmission <strong>of</strong> messages. Communication is human interaction among individuals and groups through<br />
which identities and meanings are shaped. Communication rights are based on a vision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free flow <strong>of</strong><br />
information and ideas which is interactive, egalitarian and non-discriminatory and driven by human needs, ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than commercial or political interests. These rights represent people’s claim to freedom, inclusiveness, diversity<br />
and participation in <strong>the</strong> communication process.<br />
Our vision <strong>of</strong> communication rights is based upon <strong>the</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inherent dignity and <strong>the</strong> equal and<br />
inalienable rights <strong>of</strong> all people.<br />
While recognizing <strong>the</strong> great potential <strong>of</strong> communication in contemporary societies, we also draw attention to some<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problems facing full recognition <strong>of</strong> communication rights. The problem <strong>of</strong> political control and interference<br />
with freedom <strong>of</strong> expression remains a central concern. Along with media saturation comes a dependency upon <strong>the</strong><br />
media for knowledge about <strong>the</strong> world, a dependency that is greater in times <strong>of</strong> armed conflict. At <strong>the</strong> same time,<br />
<strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> propaganda and censorship has never been so widespread.<br />
Communication has become big global business. Many <strong>of</strong> its products and services are shaped by commercial<br />
goals instead <strong>of</strong> considerations based on <strong>the</strong> common good. The global media market is largely controlled by a<br />
small number <strong>of</strong> giant conglomerates, endangering <strong>the</strong> diversity and independence <strong>of</strong> information flows. This<br />
threat to diversity is heightened by current trends in international trade negotiations, which risk subjecting<br />
‘culture’ to <strong>the</strong> same rules as commodities and undermining indigenous culture, knowledge and heritage. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r hand, strict intellectual property regimes create information enclosures and pose critical obstacles to<br />
emerging ‘knowledge’ societies<br />
The exclusion <strong>of</strong> large numbers <strong>of</strong> people from <strong>the</strong> democratic political process due to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> effective means<br />
<strong>of</strong> participation is ano<strong>the</strong>r challenge for communication rights. This problem is exacerbated by <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong><br />
‘around <strong>the</strong> clock’ powers to monitor and intercept communications, justified in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> security but almost<br />
universally abused.<br />
New technologies and a more pr<strong>of</strong>ound understanding <strong>of</strong> communication rights have <strong>the</strong> power to make<br />
information and knowledge more readily available to people everywhere and to transform social and political<br />
processes. However, much remains to be done for this to become a reality. Global communication remains far<br />
from universal, with most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s people still excluded from meaningful access to communication,<br />
information and <strong>the</strong> media.<br />
Communication <strong>Rights</strong><br />
With <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> international community recognised <strong>the</strong><br />
inherent dignity <strong>of</strong> all members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human family by providing everyone with equal and inalienable rights.<br />
Communication rights are intrinsically bound up with <strong>the</strong> human condition and are based on a new, more powerful<br />
understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> human rights and <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> communications. Without communication rights,<br />
human beings cannot live in freedom, justice, peace and dignity. The recognition <strong>of</strong> this universal human need has<br />
inspired us to set out a statement on communication rights based upon <strong>the</strong> key principles <strong>of</strong> Freedom,<br />
Inclusiveness, Diversity and Participation [*] .<br />
Freedom<br />
The core <strong>of</strong> communication rights is Article 19 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, which proclaims:<br />
“Everyone has <strong>the</strong> right to freedom <strong>of</strong> expression and opinion; this right includes <strong>the</strong> freedom to hold opinions<br />
without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless <strong>of</strong><br />
frontiers.” This basic freedom is also recognized in <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (Article<br />
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<strong>Statement</strong> on Communication <strong>Rights</strong> Vision and Context<br />
19), in o<strong>the</strong>r UN treaties, such as <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child (Article 13), and in all three main<br />
regional human rights instruments (Africa, <strong>the</strong> Americas and Europe).<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong>se guarantees, censorship remains a reality as humankind embarks on <strong>the</strong> 21st century. Political and<br />
commercial pressures on independent news reporting are ever-present and freedom <strong>of</strong> speech on <strong>the</strong> Internet is<br />
under serious threat in many parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world. The right to freedom <strong>of</strong> expression is also increasingly under<br />
threat from significantly enhanced State powers to monitor and intercept communications around <strong>the</strong> world. It is<br />
crucial that <strong>the</strong> international community adopts robust rules and mechanisms to secure effectively <strong>the</strong><br />
confidentiality <strong>of</strong> private communications. It is <strong>the</strong>refore urgent that we renew global commitment to freedom <strong>of</strong><br />
information and expression as “<strong>the</strong> touchstone <strong>of</strong> all freedoms to which <strong>the</strong> United Nations is consecrated”, as<br />
stated in The United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 59(I), adopted at its very first session in 1946.<br />
Inclusiveness<br />
International human rights treaties include many provisions designed to guarantee inclusiveness, such as<br />
universal access to information and knowledge, universal access to education, protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cultural life <strong>of</strong><br />
communities and equal sharing <strong>of</strong> advancements in science and technology. In <strong>the</strong> current global reality, however,<br />
large numbers <strong>of</strong> people are excluded from access to <strong>the</strong> basic means <strong>of</strong> communication, such as telephony,<br />
broadcasting and <strong>the</strong> Internet. Access to information about matters <strong>of</strong> public concern is also unduly limited, and is<br />
also very unequal between and within societies. True commitment to inclusiveness requires <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong><br />
considerable material and non-material resources by <strong>the</strong> international community and national governments to<br />
overcome <strong>the</strong>se obstacles.<br />
Diversity<br />
Worldwide, existing forms <strong>of</strong> cultural, informational and linguistic diversity are seriously threatened. Diversity in<br />
culture, language and communication is as critical to <strong>the</strong> sustainability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> planet as <strong>the</strong> world’s biological and<br />
natural diversity. Communication diversity is crucial to democracy and political participation, to <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> all<br />
people to promote, protect and preserve <strong>the</strong>ir cultural identity and <strong>the</strong> free pursuit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir cultural development.<br />
Diversity is needed at a number <strong>of</strong> levels including <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> a wide range <strong>of</strong> different sources <strong>of</strong><br />
information, diversity <strong>of</strong> ownership in <strong>the</strong> media and forms <strong>of</strong> access to <strong>the</strong> media that ensure that <strong>the</strong> views <strong>of</strong> all<br />
sectors and groups in society are heard.<br />
Participation<br />
International human rights stress <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> people’s participation in political processes which from <strong>the</strong><br />
perspective <strong>of</strong> communication rights implies <strong>the</strong> right to have one’s views taken into account. In this context, <strong>the</strong><br />
equal participation <strong>of</strong> women and <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> minorities and marginalized groups is particularly important.<br />
Communication is essential to <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> political decision-making. As <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> media in modern politics<br />
expands, this should not obstruct but ra<strong>the</strong>r support <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> political process through <strong>the</strong><br />
development <strong>of</strong> participatory governance at all levels.<br />
Vision and Reality<br />
Communication rights remain for most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s people a vision and an aspiration. They are not a reality on<br />
<strong>the</strong> ground. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary, <strong>the</strong>y are frequently and systematically violated. Governments must be constantly<br />
reminded that <strong>the</strong>y are legally required under <strong>the</strong> human rights treaties <strong>the</strong>y have ratified to implement, promote<br />
and protect communication rights. Communication rights are <strong>the</strong> expression <strong>of</strong> fundamental needs. The<br />
satisfaction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se needs requires a strong political will and <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> substantial resources. Lack <strong>of</strong><br />
commitment to such resources serves only to deepen <strong>the</strong> global distrust <strong>of</strong> political institutions.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time, full implementation <strong>of</strong> communication rights cannot depend only upon governments. Civil<br />
society has a key role to play in terms <strong>of</strong> advocacy for rights, in terms <strong>of</strong> monitoring and exposing rights abuse<br />
and in terms <strong>of</strong> educating and popularising rights.<br />
Encouraging and facilitating people to assert <strong>the</strong>se rights through different types <strong>of</strong> social action and to use <strong>the</strong>m<br />
to realize <strong>the</strong> enormous potential <strong>of</strong> both <strong>the</strong> old and new technologies <strong>of</strong> media and communication, are vital<br />
tasks for all concerned people.<br />
We endorse this <strong>Statement</strong> as an expression <strong>of</strong> our commitment to communication rights and we fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
undertake to develop an International Charter on Communication <strong>Rights</strong> with <strong>the</strong> widest possible support as a<br />
common standard to which every individual and every organ <strong>of</strong> society should take action to achieve.<br />
Geneva, 11 December 2003<br />
Statment from The World Forum on Communication <strong>Rights</strong>, an independent civil-society led initiative, open to all<br />
seeking democratic, just and participative media and communication. Presented by pr<strong>of</strong>essor Cees Hamelink <strong>the</strong><br />
World Forum on Communication <strong>Rights</strong> December 11 2003, in Geneva, aims at ga<strong>the</strong>ring under <strong>the</strong> name<br />
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<strong>Statement</strong> on Communication <strong>Rights</strong> Vision and Context<br />
"Communication <strong>Rights</strong>" a number <strong>of</strong> existing <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> related to information and communication. This<br />
statement is <strong>the</strong>re to remind us that <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights are <strong>of</strong>ten ignored on <strong>the</strong> ground everywhere. The<br />
statement calls for a real practical application <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights at all <strong>the</strong> levels. http://www.communicationrights.<br />
org/statement_en.html<br />
[*] The most relevant references to communication rights in international human rights instruments:<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> freedom:<br />
Freedom <strong>of</strong> Expression: Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1948), Article 19 International Covenant on Civil<br />
and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (1966), Article 19<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child (1989), Article 13<br />
Protection <strong>of</strong> privacy:<br />
Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1948), Article 12<br />
International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (1966), Article 17<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child (1989), Article 16<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> inclusiveness:<br />
Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1948), Articles 19, 21, 28<br />
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> (1966), Articles 13, 15. Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Principles <strong>of</strong> International Cultural Co-operation (1966), Article IV (4).<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> diversity:<br />
International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (1966), Articles 1 (1), 27<br />
Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (1995), Article 5<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> participation:<br />
Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1948), Articles 21, 27<br />
International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (1966), Article 25<br />
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY<br />
Gender and ICTs: Overview Report<br />
By Anita Gurumurthy<br />
BRIDGE<br />
New technologies in <strong>the</strong> information and communications arena, especially <strong>the</strong> Internet, have been seen as<br />
ushering in a new age. There is a mainstream view that such technologies have only technical ra<strong>the</strong>r than social<br />
implications. The dramatic positive changes brought in by <strong>the</strong>se information and communication technologies<br />
(ICTs), however, have not touched all <strong>of</strong> humanity. Existing power relations in society determine <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong><br />
benefits from ICTs; hence <strong>the</strong>se technologies are not gender neutral. The important questions are: who benefits<br />
from ICTs? Who is dictating <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> ICTs? Is it possible to harness ICTs to serve larger goals <strong>of</strong> equality and<br />
justice? Central to <strong>the</strong>se is <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> gender and women’s equal right to access, use and shape ICTs.<br />
Access to new ICTs is still a faraway reality for <strong>the</strong> vast majority <strong>of</strong> people. The countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South, particularly<br />
rural populations, have to a significant extent been left out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> information revolution, given <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong><br />
basic infrastructure, high costs <strong>of</strong> ICT deployment, unfamiliarity with ICTs, dominance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> English language in<br />
Internet content and indeed – lack <strong>of</strong> demonstrated benefit from ICTs to address ground-level development<br />
challenges. These barriers pose even greater problems for women, who are more likely to: be illiterate; not know<br />
English; and lack opportunities for training in computer skills. Domestic responsibilities, cultural restrictions on<br />
mobility, lesser economic power as well as lack <strong>of</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> content to <strong>the</strong>ir lives, fur<strong>the</strong>r marginalise <strong>the</strong>m<br />
from <strong>the</strong> information sector.<br />
The ICT arena is characterised by <strong>the</strong> strategic control exercised by powerful corporations and nations –<br />
monopolies built upon <strong>the</strong> intellectual property regime, increasing surveillance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Internet and an undermining<br />
<strong>of</strong> its democratic substance, and exploitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> powerless by capitalist imperialism, sexism and racism. Within<br />
<strong>the</strong> ICT arena women have relatively little ownership <strong>of</strong> and influence on <strong>the</strong> decision-making processes, being<br />
underrepresented in <strong>the</strong> private sector and government bodies which control this arena.<br />
ICTs have brought employment gains, including for women. However, patterns <strong>of</strong> gender segregation are being<br />
reproduced in <strong>the</strong> information economy where men hold <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> high-skilled, high value-added jobs,<br />
whereas women are concentrated in <strong>the</strong> low-skilled, lower value-added jobs. Work in call centres perpetuates <strong>the</strong><br />
devaluation <strong>of</strong> women’s labour, and organisations in <strong>the</strong> information technology sector, as elsewhere, reward<br />
behaviour that is considered masculine.<br />
Some international organisations and civil society groups are engaging with issues that concern <strong>the</strong><br />
democratisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ICT arena − from <strong>the</strong> digital divide and <strong>the</strong> right to communicate, to cultural diversity and<br />
intellectual property rights. Gender equality advocates have also been pushing for addressing <strong>the</strong> gender<br />
dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> information society: integrating gender perspectives in national ICT policies and strategies,<br />
providing content relevant to women, promoting women’s economic participation in <strong>the</strong> information economy, and<br />
regulating violence against women and children connected to pornography on <strong>the</strong> Internet. The World Summit on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Information Society (WSIS) held at Geneva in December 2003, brought toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> multiple stakeholders in<br />
<strong>the</strong> arena to address <strong>the</strong> challenges and possibilities posed by ICTs, although with mixed outcomes.<br />
ICTs have also been used by many as tools for social transformation and gender equality. For example:<br />
● E-commerce initiatives that link women artisans directly to global markets through <strong>the</strong> Internet, as well as<br />
support <strong>the</strong>ir activities with market and production information, are being tried today in many places by<br />
NGOs.<br />
● E-governance programmes have been initiated by some governments using ICTs to make government<br />
services more accessible to citizens by providing <strong>the</strong>m electronically, in some cases with an explicit strategy<br />
to ensure <strong>the</strong>se services reach women and o<strong>the</strong>rs who face barriers to access.<br />
● Health educators have used <strong>the</strong> radio to communicate information related to women’s sexual and<br />
reproductive health. Possibilities based on <strong>the</strong> Internet are also being explored.<br />
● Information sharing and dialogues through email, online newsletters and List Serves between women from<br />
<strong>the</strong> North and South and among women in <strong>the</strong> South have also enabled collaboration and a convergence <strong>of</strong><br />
effort on a global scale to push <strong>the</strong> agenda <strong>of</strong> gender equality.<br />
Such activities have been most effective where <strong>the</strong>y go beyond issues <strong>of</strong> access and infrastructure to consider <strong>the</strong><br />
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larger social context and power relations. Effectiveness and reach have also been enhanced by combining “old”<br />
technologies such as radio, with “new” technologies such as <strong>the</strong> Internet.<br />
Far-reaching changes towards gender equality and women’s empowerment in <strong>the</strong> ICT arena are needed at every<br />
level – international, national and programme. Engendering ICTs is not merely about greater use <strong>of</strong> ICTs by<br />
women. It is about transforming <strong>the</strong> ICT system. This involves:<br />
● Governments building ICT policies with strong gender perspectives and engaging with civil society and<br />
gender and ICT experts on <strong>the</strong>se areas.<br />
● International fora such as WSIS being used to challenge nor<strong>the</strong>rn and corporate dominance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ICT<br />
arena.<br />
● Clear gender strategies being deployed through design, in <strong>the</strong> implementation and evaluation <strong>of</strong> ICT<br />
projects and programmes.<br />
● Collecting information with sex-disaggregated statistics and gender indicators on access to, use <strong>of</strong> and<br />
content <strong>of</strong> ICTs, on employment and on education.<br />
● Consideration <strong>of</strong> gender issues in: ICT/telecommunications policy; representation in telecommunications/<br />
ICT decision-making; and <strong>the</strong> differential impact <strong>of</strong> telecommunications/ICTs on men and women.<br />
To make <strong>the</strong>se happen, gender equality advocates need to storm <strong>the</strong> ICT arena in <strong>the</strong> untiring ways we have seen<br />
<strong>the</strong>m engage in before.<br />
2. Inequities in <strong>the</strong> Information Society<br />
This section seeks to examine <strong>the</strong> political underpinnings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global information society. Looking at <strong>the</strong> larger<br />
picture – <strong>the</strong> political and economic context <strong>of</strong> ICTs – is important to understanding who benefits, who does not,<br />
and why. Gender dimensions <strong>of</strong> this context are extremely significant.<br />
2.1 The Digital Divide<br />
The divisions between winners and losers in <strong>the</strong> global ICT arena are stark. This subsection <strong>of</strong>fers some statistical<br />
analysis to illustrate inequities in access to ICTs. It also shows how <strong>the</strong> control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ICT arena by powerful<br />
corporations, and <strong>the</strong> power relations between rich and poor countries, <strong>the</strong> state and citizen, men and women,<br />
determine access to benefits in <strong>the</strong> ICT arena. It highlights how, in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> globalisation, <strong>the</strong> potential <strong>of</strong><br />
ICTs is captured for fur<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> powerful.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> information economy, wealthy countries and sections <strong>of</strong> society with <strong>the</strong> orientation, skills, income and time<br />
to access ICTs reap <strong>the</strong> benefits. Access to and strategic control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ICT arena confer on powerful nations,<br />
corporations, groups and individuals alike, <strong>the</strong> privilege to influence <strong>the</strong> arena and gain from <strong>the</strong> innovation and<br />
change occurring at an extraordinary pace in <strong>the</strong> larger ICT environment.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, a disproportionate burden <strong>of</strong> challenges is borne by <strong>the</strong> majority. The digital divide, referring<br />
to <strong>the</strong> uneven distribution <strong>of</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> ICTs within and between countries, regions, sectors, and socio-economic<br />
groups, signifies <strong>the</strong> uphill task facing developing countries and disadvantaged groups and sections in society<br />
(even in <strong>the</strong> developed countries) in <strong>the</strong>ir attempts to reap <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ostensibly level playing field that<br />
ICTs are supposed to provide.<br />
2.1.1 Inequalities in Access<br />
‘The so-called digital divide is actually several gaps in one. There is a technological divide – great gaps in<br />
infrastructure. There is a content divide. A lot <strong>of</strong> web-based information is simply not relevant to <strong>the</strong> real needs <strong>of</strong><br />
people. And nearly 70 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s websites are in English, at times crowding out local voices and<br />
views. There is a gender divide, with women and girls enjoying less access to information technology than men<br />
and boys. This can be true <strong>of</strong> rich and poor countries alike.’ [1]<br />
UN secretary General, K<strong>of</strong>i Annan<br />
Infrastructure gaps are reflected in telephone density figures, which show high levels <strong>of</strong> geographic disparity with<br />
113.4 phones per 100 population in <strong>the</strong> US and 7.36 in Africa. Telephone connections have historically been <strong>the</strong><br />
backbone <strong>of</strong> Internet connectivity, and are <strong>the</strong>refore at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> infrastructure divide.<br />
The infrastructure divide manifests itself in differential access to computers and <strong>the</strong> Internet. Asia and Africa lag<br />
far behind <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world in this respect. In Asia, <strong>the</strong>re are only 4.45 personal computers per 100<br />
inhabitants, in Africa 1.3. Even within regions, <strong>the</strong>re are wide variations. For instance, in 26 out <strong>of</strong> 45 countries in<br />
Asia where data is available, Internet users constitute less than 5 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population. In South Korea and<br />
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Singapore, more than 50 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> populations use <strong>the</strong> Internet, whereas in countries like Myanmar and<br />
Tajikistan, only 0.5 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> populations are Internet users.<br />
It is also important to remember that Internet users, even within any country, are geographically extremely<br />
concentrated, and rural populations are mostly excluded.<br />
Income disparities are ano<strong>the</strong>r key determinant <strong>of</strong> differential access. 70 per cent <strong>of</strong> Internet users belong to <strong>the</strong><br />
top 16 per cent income bracket; and <strong>the</strong> bottom 40 per cent by income constitute only 5 per cent <strong>of</strong> all Internet<br />
users.<br />
Apart from location and income, language is ano<strong>the</strong>r determinant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> digital divide. The predominance <strong>of</strong><br />
English on <strong>the</strong> Internet is a barrier for most users globally. Speakers <strong>of</strong> non-European and indigenous languages –<br />
including a large proportion <strong>of</strong> women – tend to be left out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> information loop. Even among <strong>the</strong> educated,<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>iciency in <strong>the</strong> dominant European language <strong>of</strong> a region may not be such that <strong>the</strong> user feels comfortable in<br />
using <strong>the</strong> Internet for training or involvement in List Serves (Huyer and Mitter 2003).<br />
The information society divide is especially acute for women. This is discussed in detail later in this chapter.<br />
2.1.2 Inequalities in Ownership and Control<br />
The ownership <strong>of</strong> global ICT systems is alarmingly skewed. Globally, media ownership reflects multinational<br />
ownership patterns and mega-mergers. The monopoly <strong>of</strong> Micros<strong>of</strong>t illustrates <strong>the</strong> tremendous challenges for<br />
democratising s<strong>of</strong>tware architecture and ownership. The few large corporate players – s<strong>of</strong>tware and hardware<br />
corporations, telephone companies, satellite networks and Internet Service Providers − are driven purely by pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
motives.<br />
The Internet has been seen as a potentially level playing field, a space in which all participants are equal.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> fact is that <strong>the</strong> Internet is built upon <strong>the</strong> corporate control <strong>of</strong> information content and infrastructure,<br />
IP (Internet Protocol) addresses and domain name systems (necessary for a presence in <strong>the</strong> Internet), and<br />
technical standards which include communication protocols, mail and document formats, sound and video<br />
formats, without all <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong>re would be no Internet.<br />
Also, <strong>the</strong> democratic substance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Internet is increasingly threatened, and individual liberties are under attack.<br />
Powerful corporate interests and some national governments are seeking to assert economic and political control<br />
respectively over <strong>the</strong> Internet to promote <strong>the</strong>ir interests. Many multi-national ICT giants are interested in<br />
garnering <strong>the</strong>ir monopoly to control “personal information” about <strong>the</strong>ir clients. The “war against terror”, it is<br />
widely acknowledged, has served as an excuse for <strong>the</strong> deployment <strong>of</strong> new technology as weapons <strong>of</strong> control to<br />
limit <strong>the</strong> right to privacy, and <strong>of</strong>ten to dissent. In countries like Vietnam and Tunisia, individuals have been<br />
arrested and some sentenced to prison terms for using <strong>the</strong> Internet for criticising <strong>the</strong> government or sharing<br />
information with overseas dissent groups. In mid-2001, <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Information and Communications (MIC) <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Korea (South Korea) adopted an Internet content rating system classifying gay and lesbian<br />
websites as “harmful media” and enforcing <strong>the</strong>ir blockage − all under <strong>the</strong> guise <strong>of</strong> protecting youth. [2]<br />
The growth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Internet has coincided with <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Intellectual Property <strong>Rights</strong> (IPR) regime, within <strong>the</strong><br />
framework <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal globalisation. New ICTs have <strong>the</strong> potential to alter knowledge-sharing dramatically. This<br />
means that <strong>the</strong> excluded can freely access information resources for empowerment. However, such potential<br />
threatens vested interests, who have earlier benefited by controlling information, and stand to lose enormously<br />
unless information is kept scarce. These interests have pushed for an intellectual property regime that is harsh<br />
and unfair.<br />
IPR is <strong>the</strong> key issue in <strong>the</strong> ICT sector today. S<strong>of</strong>tware monopolies such as Micros<strong>of</strong>t make huge pr<strong>of</strong>its by selling<br />
copies <strong>of</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware, thus incurring zero incremental cost <strong>of</strong> production. What is sold is only <strong>the</strong> license to use <strong>the</strong><br />
s<strong>of</strong>tware and not <strong>the</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware itself. This means buyers cannot make changes to <strong>the</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware as <strong>the</strong>y may<br />
require. Advocates <strong>of</strong> free and open-source s<strong>of</strong>tware counter this by promoting <strong>the</strong> sharing <strong>of</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware<br />
applications that can be modified by users. The open-source movement aims to provide an alternative to <strong>the</strong><br />
existing intellectual property regime.<br />
2.1.3 Work in <strong>the</strong> Information Economy<br />
New ICTs are part <strong>of</strong> and influence <strong>the</strong> larger economic process <strong>of</strong> globalisation, which impacts men and women<br />
across <strong>the</strong> globe. In <strong>the</strong> new economy, ICTs have enabled new forms <strong>of</strong> work organisation and a new global<br />
division <strong>of</strong> labour.<br />
For developing countries, <strong>the</strong> ICT industry <strong>of</strong>fers employment opportunities as jobs are relocated, but <strong>the</strong> current<br />
rules <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> game in <strong>the</strong> information economy do not guarantee equitable growth. Global production and<br />
distribution processes, supported by ICTs, actually mean that most activity continues to be controlled by<br />
transnational companies (TNCs) based in <strong>the</strong> North. Specific activities do take place in <strong>the</strong> South, but only in<br />
limited domains, and concentrated in particular geographic areas (Sassen 1997). Most developing countries<br />
perceive <strong>the</strong> IT sector as an opportunity for rapid job creation. However, a majority <strong>of</strong> call centres and data entry<br />
facilities – <strong>the</strong> segments where employment increase is maximum − are located in few countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world –<br />
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India, Mexico, Philippines, Jamaica, and also increasingly in China. Even within <strong>the</strong>se countries such facilities are<br />
geographically heavily concentrated in few zones.<br />
The projected development <strong>of</strong> this sector seems to be no different from <strong>the</strong> route followed by <strong>the</strong> long-established<br />
garment and electronics sweatshops – poor wages, poor work conditions, <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> unions, little to no skill or<br />
technology transfer, deskilling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workforce, absence <strong>of</strong> career growth, and feminisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> low-end jobs.<br />
Poor nations compete with each o<strong>the</strong>r to attract transnational corporations in a race to <strong>the</strong> bottom (Costanza-<br />
Chock 2003, Bidwai 2003).<br />
It is important to remember that redressing skewness in access is possible with affirmative action; however, <strong>the</strong><br />
issue <strong>of</strong> skewed ownership and control needs to be addressed by appropriate regulatory frameworks at<br />
international and national levels. Needless to say, vested interests − powerful Nor<strong>the</strong>rn economies and<br />
corporations pushing Intellectual Property regimes disadvantageous to <strong>the</strong> South – pose huge challenges to<br />
building equitable regulatory frameworks.<br />
Women have entered <strong>the</strong> ICT arena, claiming jobs that technology is creating. However, as Hafkin and Taggart<br />
(2001) argue, in order to retain and build upon <strong>the</strong> employment gains associated with globalisation and<br />
information technology, women need to move into more technical or higher-level, better-paying jobs. For this,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y need access to <strong>the</strong> educational and training opportunities necessary to equip <strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong> rapidly changing<br />
skill requirements. Policy should encourage girls and women to use ICTs early in education, and pursue higher<br />
studies in ICTs as well as technical careers − as scientists, researchers, administrators and educators.<br />
(…)<br />
Women will also need to confront gender-based obstacles: <strong>the</strong> greater demands on <strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong> maintenance <strong>of</strong><br />
household and family and <strong>the</strong> discrimination that women in all societies face within work environments. In<br />
addition to policies that ensure gender equality at <strong>the</strong> firm level, within <strong>the</strong> ICT sector, a strong role for state<br />
regulation <strong>of</strong> job security, insurance, maternity leave, and healthy and safe working conditions is vital for gender<br />
equality in <strong>the</strong> information economy.<br />
Source:<br />
BRIDGE (development – gender) ©<br />
(…)<br />
NOTE: The article is an excerpt from <strong>the</strong> BRIGDE PUBLICATION “Gender and ICTs – an Overview Report”. See <strong>the</strong><br />
full text at: http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports_general.htm<br />
BRIDGE can provide fur<strong>the</strong>r gender and development material in English, through websites or by contacting <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
BRIDGE (development - gender)<br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Sussex<br />
Brighton BN1 9RE, UK<br />
Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261<br />
Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202<br />
Email: bridge@ids.ac.uk<br />
Website: http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge /<br />
[1] http://www.un.org/apps/sg/sgstats.asp?nid=695<br />
[2] See http://lists.village.virginia.edu/lists_archive/<strong>Human</strong>ist/v15/0212.html .<br />
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NEOLIBERALISM<br />
World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
AWID<br />
In recent years, factors that are considered “social issues” (e.g. gender, <strong>the</strong><br />
environment) have become part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dialogue around macroeconomics, aid and debt. A<br />
tendency remains, however, for <strong>the</strong> World Bank to focus first on market-based criteria<br />
and <strong>the</strong>n to add on social policies. This “add on” approach can produce policies that<br />
impose additional burdens on women while failing to address <strong>the</strong>ir needs. For <strong>the</strong> World<br />
Bank to be truly accountable to women, it needs to open <strong>the</strong> dominant macroeconomic<br />
model up to debate and seriously consider reforming it or replacing it with alternative<br />
visions. Growth may be a necessary component in <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> poverty, but it is not<br />
sufficient on its own and may be accompanied by rising inequalities.<br />
Ten Principles for Challenging Neoliberal Globalisation<br />
By AWID<br />
Neoliberal globalization is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> primary threats to women’s human rights and<br />
equitable, sustainable development that we face today. Every day and in almost every<br />
aspect <strong>of</strong> life, gender equality and women’s rights are affected by economic policy.<br />
Choices and opportunities regarding education, health care, employment, and childcare,<br />
for example, are all directly impacted by national economic agendas and international<br />
financial forces. Women <strong>the</strong>refore have a lot to lose when economic policies do not take<br />
gender discrimination and gender roles into account. At <strong>the</strong> same time, women’s rights<br />
can be advanced through economic policies that put <strong>the</strong>ir concerns, needs, and<br />
livelihoods at <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis.<br />
Shape up or ship out: Why Millennium Goal No. 3 can not be achieved until <strong>the</strong><br />
multilateral institutions stop imposing neo-liberal policy on <strong>the</strong><br />
rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world<br />
By Rochelle Jones<br />
AWID<br />
Whilst undertaking research on macro-economic policy and <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty, I<br />
was struck by how many miles have already been walked, how many articles and books<br />
have already been written, how many task-forces have already been deployed, and how<br />
<strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions remain unashamedly as opaque and<br />
undemocratic as ever. The evidence and <strong>the</strong> research are astounding and date back to<br />
decades before now. Countless reports and articles have succinctly and systematically<br />
recorded and analysed <strong>the</strong> forces <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal globalisation and how <strong>the</strong>y are destroying<br />
<strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> people all over <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Economic Globalisation and Paradoxes<br />
By Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
Technological development, market integration, and free movement <strong>of</strong> goods, capital,<br />
and labour have resulted in enormous opportunities for human development and <strong>the</strong><br />
uprooting <strong>of</strong> many maladies <strong>of</strong> humankind such as poverty and hunger. Current trends in<br />
<strong>the</strong> world, however, indicate that <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation are unevenly<br />
distributed and that <strong>the</strong>y stimulate discrimination and inequality. Thanks to neoliberal<br />
politics based on ga<strong>the</strong>ring pr<strong>of</strong>it at any cost, paradoxes in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> bigger gaps<br />
between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor are intensified.
World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID)<br />
The World Bank is a powerful institution steering <strong>the</strong> international development agenda and instigating policy<br />
reforms that have important implications for <strong>the</strong> day-to-day lives <strong>of</strong> women and men in developing countries. This<br />
primer describes <strong>the</strong> World Bank, its governance structure and its new gender mainstreaming strategy. It<br />
concludes with some action suggestions for gender equality advocates.<br />
What is <strong>the</strong> World Bank?<br />
Originally established in 1944, <strong>the</strong> Bank is <strong>the</strong> world’s largest supplier <strong>of</strong> development capital and know-how,<br />
having provided more than US $17 billion in loans to its client countries in 2001. It is headquartered in<br />
Washington, D.C., U.S.A., and it has 100 country <strong>of</strong>fices, in total employing approximately 10,000 staff. [1] At its<br />
core, <strong>the</strong> World Bank is engaged in three activities: lending, development research and economic analysis,<br />
and technical assistance. It provides funding from public sources for development programs in areas such as<br />
health, education and environmental protection, focusing on national legal, political and economic structures. The<br />
Bank promotes reforms designed to create long-term economic growth and stability, lending to governments and<br />
using <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>its generated from <strong>the</strong> loans to finance its operations. It has recently promised to allocate more <strong>of</strong><br />
its future financing to <strong>the</strong> poorest countries in grants (not loans) for social programs.<br />
The IMF<br />
The International Monetary Fund (“IMF”) is a partner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank, also established out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1944 Bretton<br />
Woods conference. It focuses on short-term balance <strong>of</strong> payments crises. Its three main areas <strong>of</strong> activity are<br />
surveillance <strong>of</strong> exchange rate policies, financial assistance to members with balance <strong>of</strong> payment problems, and<br />
technical assistance with respect to policies, institutions and statistics. In a nutshell, <strong>the</strong> IMF formulates economic<br />
policy based on <strong>the</strong> mantra “tighten your belt” and <strong>the</strong>y have created (and enforce) a body <strong>of</strong> international<br />
monetary law.<br />
The World Bank, IMF and World Trade Organization strive for coherence in global economic policy and<br />
complement each o<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong>ir policies and activities. While coherence can at times be a good thing, we must be<br />
concerned about “cross-conditionality” as a triple threat to women. This can happen, for example, when structural<br />
adjustment conditionalities are used to promote trade liberalization or through “capacity building loans” that<br />
interlink <strong>the</strong> mandates and activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> institutions.<br />
The World Bank’s original mission was to assist in <strong>the</strong> reconstruction <strong>of</strong> war-ravaged territories and to help<br />
establish a stable peacetime economy. The current poverty and development focus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank is a substantial<br />
reinterpretation <strong>of</strong> its original mandate.<br />
Today, <strong>the</strong> stated mission <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank is to “fight poverty for lasting results and to help people help<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves and <strong>the</strong>ir environment by providing resources, sharing knowledge, building capacity, and forging<br />
partnerships in <strong>the</strong> public and private sectors”. [2] The Bank has focused on women for <strong>the</strong> last two decades,<br />
although it has had primarily an instrumental “women in development” agenda, as opposed to a gender equality<br />
or women’s human rights agenda.<br />
How is <strong>the</strong> World Bank Governed?<br />
Officially, <strong>the</strong> Bank is “owned” by its 184 member countries. In practice, <strong>the</strong> Board <strong>of</strong> Governors and <strong>the</strong> Board <strong>of</strong><br />
Executive Directors govern <strong>the</strong> organization; <strong>the</strong>y approve loans and debt relief, and determine Bank policies.<br />
Votes are divided between <strong>the</strong> Executive Directors based on <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> shares held by each country (in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
words, according to wealth and power). The United States has about 15% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> voting power and 8<br />
Western countries toge<strong>the</strong>r hold over 50% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total votes, actually representing many developing and<br />
transition countries on <strong>the</strong> Board. [3]<br />
Although most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s activities focus on <strong>the</strong> developing world, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn countries lead <strong>the</strong><br />
institution. By custom <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank is always an American. It is usually male finance ministers and<br />
central bankers who represent <strong>the</strong>ir countries at <strong>the</strong> Bank. They tend to be closely tied to business and financial<br />
communities and as a result <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank are <strong>of</strong>ten closely aligned with <strong>the</strong> commercial and<br />
financial interests advanced in industrial countries.<br />
Obviously, such an enormous institution is not homogenous. While a neoliberal economic orthodoxy may<br />
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World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
dominate, many people inside <strong>the</strong> Bank have alternate visions and are working for change from within. The<br />
women’s movement must work simultaneously to support <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> those on <strong>the</strong> inside and also to push for<br />
changes from outside <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> institution.<br />
How Does <strong>the</strong> Bank Operate?<br />
The primary activities <strong>of</strong> both <strong>the</strong> World Bank and <strong>the</strong> IMF are based around several key instruments. They are<br />
inter-linked and represent a logical trajectory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history and ideology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se institutions.<br />
Poverty Reduction Strategies (“PRSs”): Likely due to significant external criticism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> transparency<br />
and national ownership <strong>of</strong> economic policy reforms, <strong>the</strong> World Bank and IMF decided in 1999 that participatory<br />
poverty reduction strategies should provide <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir lending and debt relief. Each country must prepare<br />
— with <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> civil society and consultation with World Bank and IMF experts — a Poverty Reduction<br />
Strategy Paper (“PRSP”). The PRSP is a comprehensive, practical plan for action with respect to national poverty,<br />
outlining <strong>the</strong> country’s overall development strategy and proposing policies in all areas. It is required to qualify for<br />
<strong>the</strong> HIPC Initiative.<br />
The Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (“HIPC”) Initiative:<br />
Under this initiative which was introduced in 1996, countries can apply to have <strong>the</strong>ir debt reduced “to a<br />
sustainable level” by <strong>the</strong>ir creditors if <strong>the</strong>y are unable to make <strong>the</strong>ir debt payments and have a record <strong>of</strong><br />
implementing World Bank/IMF-supported reforms. The HIPC Initiative is not a generous debt forgiveness<br />
program; it <strong>of</strong>fers only limited debt reduction, conditional on <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> prescribed structural reforms.<br />
Country Assistance Strategies (“CASs”):<br />
The World Bank’s long-term relationship with a government is articulated in a Country Assistance Strategy. The<br />
CAS elaborates <strong>the</strong> Bank’s business plan and details <strong>the</strong> level and types <strong>of</strong> assistance to be provided in a country.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> World Bank, <strong>the</strong> CAS is based on a country’s PRSP and prepared with <strong>the</strong> government in a<br />
participatory way. It is not a negotiated document however; any difference between <strong>the</strong> country’s own<br />
development agenda and <strong>the</strong> Bank’s strategy are highlighted but not necessarily significant in implementing Bank<br />
projects.<br />
What is Conditionality?<br />
A defining feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank (and <strong>the</strong> IMF) is its use <strong>of</strong> conditionality. This means that loans, credits and<br />
project funding are given to countries with strict conditions attached. While all loans are expected to have some<br />
conditions (such as a repayment schedule), “conditionality” refers to a set <strong>of</strong> more forceful economic and<br />
political conditions that can turn <strong>the</strong> loan into a policy tool.<br />
Standard conditions (especially those associated with structural adjustment-type programs) are aimed at<br />
improving <strong>the</strong> efficiency <strong>of</strong> a country’s resources use in order to stimulate growth and stabilize <strong>the</strong> economy.<br />
Formal conditionality and development assistance programs are negotiated between <strong>the</strong> Bank and <strong>the</strong><br />
government, however, <strong>the</strong> negotiations are very one-sided and conditions tend to be more-or-less standard from<br />
one country to <strong>the</strong> next. The Bank’s recommendations (which inform <strong>the</strong> loan agreement and become<br />
conditionality) include currency devaluation and o<strong>the</strong>r measures to promote trade liberalization, privatization <strong>of</strong><br />
strategic sectors (such as energy, health and water), a reduced role for government, lower social spending, new<br />
user fees (e.g. for health, education and electricity), higher interest rates, and compression <strong>of</strong> wages.<br />
Conditionality applies not only to economic and financial matters; by adopting a “good governance” agenda, <strong>the</strong><br />
Bank is able to undertake reforms in o<strong>the</strong>rwise political areas such as freedom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> press, <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> court<br />
systems and <strong>the</strong> recruitment <strong>of</strong> civil servants.<br />
“… increasing gender equality is central to <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> development as freedom,<strong>of</strong> expanding <strong>the</strong> choices and<br />
control that people have over <strong>the</strong>ir lives.”<br />
World Bank press release,<br />
December 2001<br />
Conditionality is problematic for several reasons. It is prescribed as a “one size fits all” model and does not<br />
respond to <strong>the</strong> specific needs or goals <strong>of</strong> different societies. It represents a large loss <strong>of</strong> independence on <strong>the</strong> part<br />
<strong>of</strong> governments. It is <strong>of</strong>ten based on political considerations and ideology. Most importantly, <strong>the</strong>se mandated<br />
reforms have <strong>of</strong>ten produced fur<strong>the</strong>r suffering, inequality and poverty within a country.<br />
Conditionality is <strong>of</strong>ten justified in terms <strong>of</strong> accountability — for a country to receive financing from a public<br />
institution (backed by foreign taxpayers) it must demonstrate that it will use <strong>the</strong> money responsibly and repay <strong>the</strong><br />
debt in a timely manner. Corrupt governments are blamed for much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> debt <strong>of</strong> developing countries and<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> Bank demands increasing accountability from borrowers/ aid recipients. Where, however, is <strong>the</strong><br />
comparable accountability on <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank?<br />
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World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
The World Bank, Gender Equality and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong><br />
It has been repeatedly demonstrated that economic restructuring is not gender-neutral or genderless. Some Bankendorsed<br />
structural adjustment policies have particularly negative impacts on women, for example:<br />
a) Women’s unpaid labour increases with <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> subsidies on social services. When subsidized daycare<br />
is cut, for example, women provide free childcare for <strong>the</strong>ir families and neighbours. When medical services are<br />
cut, women care for those who would o<strong>the</strong>rwise have been hospitalized. Inherent in structural adjustment<br />
programs and <strong>the</strong> dominant economic agenda is an assumption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unlimited availability <strong>of</strong> women’s time and<br />
unpaid labour; women are seen as a resource to be tapped to promote <strong>the</strong> efficiency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market and a solution<br />
to <strong>the</strong> shortfall in social services. [4]<br />
b) Removing food subsidies (which results in increased food prices) is a common tactic for reducing public<br />
expenditures. Devalued currencies also make imported food more expensive. Higher food costs tend to be borne<br />
by <strong>the</strong> woman in <strong>the</strong> household — she has less to feed her children and may compensate by eating only once a<br />
day herself or having protein only once a week. [5]<br />
As a result <strong>of</strong> such findings, <strong>the</strong> Bank has paid increasing attention to women and gender in development<br />
processes. In January 2002 <strong>the</strong> Bank attempted to consolidate its work in this area by releasing Integrating<br />
Gender into <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s Work: A Strategy for Action. [6]<br />
What is <strong>the</strong> Bank’s Strategy for Action Gender?<br />
Integrating Gender into <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s Work: A Strategy for Action is now <strong>the</strong> Bank’s internal gender<br />
mainstreaming policy. A key element <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> strategy is <strong>the</strong> requirement <strong>of</strong> periodic multi-sectoral Country<br />
Gender Assessments (“CGAs”) from each client country. They should analyze <strong>the</strong> gender dimensions <strong>of</strong><br />
development across sectors and identify gender-responsive actions for poverty reduction, economic growth and<br />
human development. Priority policy and operational interventions that respond to <strong>the</strong> CGA should <strong>the</strong>n be<br />
implemented as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank’s Country Assistance Strategy.<br />
The Strategy for Action is a very positive development in that it formalizes and prioritizes many positive elements<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank’s gender strategies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> last decade. There are several reasons, however, to be cautious in our<br />
optimism regarding this report, including:<br />
• only <strong>the</strong> CGA is mandatory; no gender-responsive actions are required (for this reason it is a “selective or<br />
strategic mainstreaming approach”);<br />
• no rights-based targets are included; <strong>the</strong> strategy continues to focus on women as instrumental to <strong>the</strong><br />
development process and focuses attention on gender issues in order to reduce poverty and induce economic<br />
growth, not to secure <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> women or gender equality;<br />
• <strong>the</strong>re is no requirement for civil society participation in <strong>the</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CGA, in <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong><br />
priority gender responsive-actions, or in <strong>the</strong> evaluation and monitoring <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcomes; <strong>the</strong>re is no requirement<br />
for information-sharing and transparency in ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> implementation or <strong>the</strong> evaluation <strong>of</strong> this strategy;<br />
mechanisms for evaluation and monitoring were not released with <strong>the</strong> strategy (<strong>the</strong>y are “under<br />
development”); and <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> strategy is unclear (e.g. it is not an “operational policy” which is clearly<br />
mandatory within <strong>the</strong> Bank’s operations). This ambiguity may impact on <strong>the</strong> attitudes <strong>of</strong> Bank staff and<br />
governments towards <strong>the</strong> strategy and increases <strong>the</strong> possibility that it will remain a set <strong>of</strong> ‘promises on paper<br />
only’ because no solid rights, responsibilities or incentives are tied to it.<br />
The absence <strong>of</strong> women in economic policy formulation can only reinforce gender-blind policies. Given that all<br />
macroeconomic policy is gendered and neoliberal policy has distinct impacts depending on gender, class, age,<br />
education level and ethnicity, gender analysis within all policy and project design is imperative to guaranteeing<br />
women’s rights and ensuring that<br />
Accountable to Women?<br />
women benefit from development.<br />
Groups such as Women’s Eyes on <strong>the</strong> World Bank, Iniciativa Feminista Cartegena, Gender Action, <strong>the</strong> Gender and<br />
Economic Reforms in Africa program, Development Alternatives With Women for a New Era, Women’s<br />
Environment and Development Organization, and <strong>the</strong> Tanzania Gender Networking Program have been advocating<br />
for women’s rights and gender equality in World Bank projects and have proposed mechanisms to hold <strong>the</strong> Bank<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r multilateral organizations accountable for many years. Their efforts have undoubtedly contributed to <strong>the</strong><br />
Bank’s increasing focus on gender issues and women’s rights both internally and in <strong>the</strong>ir policy prescriptions. [7]<br />
As <strong>the</strong> following three issues reveal however, despite <strong>the</strong> progress that has been made, <strong>the</strong> World Bank continues<br />
to falter in terms <strong>of</strong> accountability to women.<br />
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World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
Participation:<br />
Participation is vital to a rights-based approach to development and is a key avenue for institutional<br />
accountability. Effective participation should be based on transparency, collaboration, learning, equity and<br />
flexibility. The World Bank requires some civil society participation in <strong>the</strong> PRSP process and invites public<br />
comment on its policies and procedures. Civil Society groups can also influence <strong>the</strong> institution through<br />
consultative groups including <strong>the</strong> External Gender Consultative Group, <strong>the</strong> Europe and Central Asia Region NGO<br />
Working Group, and <strong>the</strong> Joint Facilitation Committee.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> Bank requires civil society participation in processes such as PRSPs, <strong>the</strong>re are no guidelines for ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>the</strong> quality or form <strong>of</strong> this participation and PRSP writers and Bank staff do not necessarily use <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> participatory process or implement changes in response to critical commentary. [8]<br />
This model <strong>of</strong> “participation” begs <strong>the</strong> question: is mandated civil society interaction about benefiting from<br />
<strong>the</strong> input <strong>of</strong> those who will be impacted by <strong>the</strong> chosen policies, priorities and targets, or is it a method<br />
to sell an already decided upon package <strong>of</strong> policies? [9] Similarly, is mandated participation genuinely<br />
representative, or are international organizations used as proxies for local stakeholders who are excluded from<br />
participatory processes? Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>re are numerous factors which inhibit <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> women, <strong>the</strong> poor and<br />
local non-governmental organizations to effectively participate in economic policy-making, including: time<br />
pressures, inexperience, cultural exclusions, political risks, and limited analytical, advocacy and research<br />
capabilities. Some groups also question <strong>the</strong> utility <strong>of</strong> participating in processes such as PRSP consultations,<br />
perceiving that participating may lend legitimacy to an illegitimate agenda.<br />
“Modern high-tech warfare is designed to remove physical contact: dropping bombs from 50,000 feet ensures that<br />
one does not “feel” what one does. Modern economic management is similar: from one’s luxury hotel, one can<br />
callously impose policies about which one would think twice if one knew <strong>the</strong> people whose lives one was<br />
destroying.”<br />
The Neoliberal Macroeconomic Model:<br />
Joseph Stiglitz<br />
(Former World Bank Chief Economist)<br />
Globalization and Its Discontents (2002)<br />
In recent years, factors that are considered “social issues” (e.g. gender, <strong>the</strong> environment) have become part <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> dialogue around macroeconomics, aid and debt. A tendency remains, however, for <strong>the</strong> World Bank to focus<br />
first on market-based criteria and <strong>the</strong>n to add on social policies. [10] This “add on” approach can produce policies<br />
that impose additional burdens on women while failing to address <strong>the</strong>ir needs. For <strong>the</strong> World Bank to be truly<br />
accountable to women, it needs to open <strong>the</strong> dominant macroeconomic<br />
model up to debate and seriously consider reforming it or replacing it with alternative visions. Growth may be a<br />
necessary component in <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> poverty, but it is not sufficient on its own and may be<br />
accompanied by rising inequalities. [11] Alternative approaches make explicit that all macroeconomic policies<br />
have social and gender content because <strong>the</strong>y are enacted within a gendered set <strong>of</strong> distributive relations and<br />
institutional structures. The soundness <strong>of</strong> economic policy should not be judged by financial criteria or economic<br />
growth results but instead by whe<strong>the</strong>r it ultimately leads to social justice and gender equality. [12]<br />
Formal Mechanisms <strong>of</strong> Accountability:<br />
<strong>Human</strong> rights and gender strategies that lack mechanisms <strong>of</strong> accountability are <strong>of</strong> limited value. The Inspection<br />
Panel <strong>of</strong>fers one potential avenue for accountability. It is an independent body established by <strong>the</strong> World Bank with<br />
<strong>the</strong> power to review Bank activities that have adverse impacts on <strong>the</strong> rights or interests <strong>of</strong> individuals because <strong>of</strong><br />
a failure on <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank to follow one <strong>of</strong> its own operational policies or procedures. [13] This type <strong>of</strong> panel<br />
is encouraging but <strong>of</strong> limited value in terms <strong>of</strong> accountability to women since <strong>the</strong> Bank does not have<br />
enforceable policies or procedures on gender equality and women’s rights.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r avenue for women’s rights accountability could be developed through <strong>the</strong> internal human rights<br />
discussions ongoing at <strong>the</strong> World Bank. While <strong>the</strong> Bank has previously argued that its mandate does not include<br />
human rights and that it will not include women’s rights within its activities (although implicitly its loans, projects<br />
and policy advice impact on <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> women throughout <strong>the</strong> world everyday), it has now opened a door by<br />
admitting that its mission is tied to <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> human rights and by proposing <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> a<br />
human rights strategy. Of course, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> potential <strong>of</strong> this strategy for advancing women’s rights in<br />
development is achieved remains to be seen.<br />
Developing o<strong>the</strong>r mechanisms to ensure accountability with respect to gender, based on principles <strong>of</strong><br />
transparency, responsiveness, flexibility, and democratic governance must be a priority for all international<br />
institutions. <strong>Human</strong> rights and gender equality reviews <strong>of</strong> CASs, project lending and programming<br />
would seem a logical starting point with respect to <strong>the</strong> Bank.<br />
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How to Influence International Economic Institutions:<br />
● bring toge<strong>the</strong>r solid research and effective advocacy strategies;<br />
● learn how <strong>the</strong> project/program cycle works from sympa<strong>the</strong>tic insiders;<br />
● analyze project documentation using a gender, class, race and ethnicity analysis;<br />
● meet regularly with <strong>of</strong>ficials and employees — know <strong>the</strong> facts, provide alternatives, and use <strong>the</strong>ir language;<br />
● share your analysis and recommendations with <strong>the</strong> media;<br />
● keep up <strong>the</strong> pressure with more meetings and campaigns; and<br />
● demand access to information about programs, policies and loans that are in <strong>the</strong> works.<br />
Women Demanding <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Accountability:<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> power and impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s activities, it is impossible to work for gender equality, women’s<br />
rights and sustainable development without paying some attention to <strong>the</strong> policies and activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bank.<br />
Feminist strategies to create sustainable and equitable economies take numerous forms: some are advocating for<br />
<strong>the</strong> abolition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank, o<strong>the</strong>rs argue that its scope should be narrowed and its structures democratized,<br />
and still o<strong>the</strong>rs contend that <strong>the</strong> Bank can play an important role in reconstruction and development efforts. We<br />
need to develop strategic short- and long-term strategies to influence <strong>the</strong> dominant economic agenda<br />
and to shape international governance. Here are a few ideas that can be adapted to local experiences and<br />
goals:<br />
● From billion dollar health care reform programs to forestry projects and financial sector reforms, large loans<br />
are being designed and implemented throughout <strong>the</strong> world without <strong>the</strong> input <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> individuals <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
meant to benefit. These programs need to be monitored from a gender perspective. Those with<br />
expertise in economics and gender analysis can provide <strong>the</strong> needed skills for <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
analysis into projects and into CAS and PRSP documents. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, gender advocates can contribute to<br />
CGAs and work to ensure that <strong>the</strong> CGA recommendations are actually prioritized in <strong>the</strong> Bank’s lending and<br />
project design.<br />
● Advocacy around international financial institutions should not be confined to women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
governments are members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank and Nor<strong>the</strong>rn citizens should demand accountability and<br />
transparency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> institution through <strong>the</strong>ir government representatives. As members and “owners”,<br />
Nor<strong>the</strong>rn governments can influence <strong>the</strong> Bank’s agenda and hold it to account for human rights<br />
violations and environmental degradation resulting from <strong>the</strong> projects it funds. Thus far, <strong>the</strong> West has driven<br />
<strong>the</strong> globalization agenda — it’s time to use this power responsibly to demand human rights accountability<br />
and gender justice.<br />
● When women’s rights are negatively impacted by World Bank funded programs, victims can request that<br />
<strong>the</strong> Inspection Panel investigate and hold <strong>the</strong> Bank to its own policies on indigenous peoples, involuntary<br />
resettlement and o<strong>the</strong>r issues. Moreover, women's groups can keep pressure on <strong>the</strong> World Bank to<br />
operationalize its promises to mainstream gender by adopting strong operational policies and<br />
monitoring procedures for gender. Bank staff are required to follow operational policies and <strong>the</strong> Inspection<br />
Panel can review <strong>the</strong>ir compliance.<br />
Gender advocates can join <strong>the</strong> voices <strong>of</strong> environmental and social justice activists all over <strong>the</strong> world<br />
demanding accountable and democratic governance. The women’s movement needs to ensure that gender<br />
equality is at <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> this agenda.<br />
AWID wishes to thank Elena Kochkina & Liliana Proskuryakova (Open Society Institute), Mariama Williams (DAWN<br />
& International Gender and Trade Network) and Elaine Zuckerman (Gender Action) for <strong>the</strong>ir helpful suggestions on<br />
this primer. All errors remain <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> AWID.<br />
Published in:<br />
Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> and Economic Change<br />
Facts and Issues<br />
No. 5, October 2002<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development ©<br />
L’Association pour les droits de la femme et le développement<br />
Asociación para los Derechos de la Mujer y el Desarrollo<br />
96 Spadina Avenue, Suite 401<br />
Toronto, <strong>On</strong>tario<br />
CANADA, M5V 2J6<br />
T: (+1) 416-594-3773<br />
F: (+1) 416-594-0330<br />
E: awid@awid.org<br />
http://www.awid.org/<br />
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World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
[1] “About Us” section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank website (www.worldbank.org).<br />
[2] “About Us” section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank website (www.worldbank.org). The “World Bank Group” actually<br />
comprises five institutions, operating under a common Board: The<br />
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), <strong>the</strong> International<br />
Development Agency (IDA), <strong>the</strong> International Finance Corporation (IFC), <strong>the</strong> Multinational Investment Guarantee<br />
Agency (MIGA) and <strong>the</strong> International Centre for <strong>the</strong> Settlement <strong>of</strong> Investment Disputes (ICSID). For <strong>the</strong> purposes<br />
<strong>of</strong> this primer, we are focusing on <strong>the</strong> IBRD and IDA.<br />
[3] See Annual Report 2001. [accessible through <strong>the</strong> “About Us” section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank<br />
website: www.worldbank.org.]<br />
[4] D. Tsikata and J. Kerr (eds.), Demanding Dignity: Women Confronting Economic Reforms in Africa (The North-<br />
South Institute and Third World Network-Africa, 2000) page 7.<br />
[5] Ibid., and C. Moser, “Adjustment from Below: Low-Income Women, Time and <strong>the</strong> Triple Role in Guayaquil,<br />
Ecuador” in Afshar and Dennis (eds.), Women and Adjustment Policies in <strong>the</strong> Third World, (Macmillan, 1992).<br />
[6] See http://www.worldbank.org/gender/overview/ssp/home.htm.<br />
[7] See for example <strong>the</strong> World Bank Policy Research Report Engendering Development:<br />
Through Gender Equality in <strong>Rights</strong>, Resources, and Voice (Oxford University Press, 2001).<br />
[8] A study by Elaine Zuckerman indicates that even if women have been able to participate in <strong>the</strong> PRSP process,<br />
<strong>the</strong> outputs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> participatory processes have seldom fed into <strong>the</strong> actual PRSP. See “Poverty Reduction Strategy<br />
Papers and Gender” (Background Paper for <strong>the</strong> Conference on Sustainable Poverty Reduction and PRSPs –<br />
Challenges for Developing Countries and Development Cooperation, Berlin, May 13-16, 2002).<br />
[9] See D. Elson and N. Çagatay, “The Social Content <strong>of</strong> Macroeconomic Policies” 28(7)<br />
World Development (2000), page 1352.<br />
[10] Ibid., page 1347.<br />
[11] D. Tsikata and J. Kerr (eds.), Demanding Dignity: Women Confronting Economic Reforms in Africa (The North-<br />
South Institute and Third World Network-Africa, 2000) page 7.<br />
[12] United National Development Fund, “Budgets as if People Mattered: Democratizing<br />
Macroeconomic Policies” (Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division, Bureau<br />
for Development Policy), page 10.<br />
[13] See http://www.inspectionpanel.org.<br />
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Ten Principles for Challenging Neoliberal Globalization<br />
”Facts and Issues”<br />
By Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID)<br />
Neoliberal globalization is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> primary threats to women’s human rights and equitable, sustainable<br />
development that we face today. These ten principles are starting premises for opposing this narrow economic<br />
agenda and devising alternatives.<br />
Every day and in almost every aspect <strong>of</strong> life, gender equality and women’s rights are affected by economic policy.<br />
Choices and opportunities regarding education, health care, employment, and childcare, for example, are all<br />
directly impacted by national economic agendas and international financial forces. Women <strong>the</strong>refore have a lot to<br />
lose when economic policies do not take gender discrimination and gender roles into account. At <strong>the</strong> same time,<br />
women’s rights can be advanced through economic policies that put <strong>the</strong>ir concerns, needs, and livelihoods at <strong>the</strong><br />
centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis. Neoliberal globalization, which is <strong>the</strong> dominant driving force for economic policies<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> world today, is <strong>the</strong>refore a crucial focus <strong>of</strong> gender equality advocates.<br />
What is Neoliberalism?<br />
Neoliberalism is a particular brand <strong>of</strong> economic <strong>the</strong>ory that has gained prominence in recent decades, becoming<br />
<strong>the</strong> predominant ideology steering globalization, macroeconomic policy and political decision-making in much <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> world. Primarily a response to <strong>the</strong> economic downturn and international debt crises <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1970s,<br />
neoliberalism is based on an unwavering belief in “free markets”. It promotes competitive market<br />
capitalism, private ownership, “free trade”, export-led growth, strict controls on balance <strong>of</strong> payments and deficits,<br />
and drastic reductions in government social spending. This formula is assumed to promote economic growth;<br />
which is seen as <strong>the</strong> means and end to economic problems and poverty. Until recent decades, national<br />
governments were responsible for economic policies which affected <strong>the</strong>ir domestic economies. Yet since <strong>the</strong><br />
1970s, political, social and economic processes have stretched across borders and <strong>the</strong> neoliberal<br />
project has spread throughout <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 1980s, international financial institutions (IFIs) began to impose <strong>the</strong>ir economic prescriptions on countries<br />
that accepted loans or aid from <strong>the</strong>m through “conditionality”, a central feature <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment policies.<br />
[1] While <strong>the</strong> programs <strong>of</strong> IFIs have evolved over <strong>the</strong> years, <strong>the</strong> neoliberal agenda remains <strong>the</strong> standard for what<br />
is considered “sound and prudent” economic policy. National Poverty Reduction Strategies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank<br />
continue to be framed around <strong>the</strong>se types <strong>of</strong> policies. [2] In addition, international investors, donors, and trade<br />
organizations (e.g. <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization) have increased powers <strong>of</strong> persuasion with respect to economic<br />
policies. Their overwhelming preference for policies <strong>of</strong> trade liberalization and investor rights has fur<strong>the</strong>r solidified<br />
this vision <strong>of</strong> development and governance.<br />
Neoliberal economic globalization has not brought about equality or eliminated poverty; it has instead resulted in<br />
a concentration <strong>of</strong> wealth in certain parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world and in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> certain people. In most areas,<br />
marginalized members <strong>of</strong> society — especially poor women — have not benefited from neoliberal<br />
economic restructuring. For example, in many regions women are disproportionately suffering from disruptions<br />
to <strong>the</strong>ir local economies, from <strong>the</strong> continuing undervaluing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir work, and from <strong>the</strong> insecurity brought about by<br />
<strong>the</strong> increasing prevalence <strong>of</strong> casual and flexible jobs. Women are <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>the</strong> primary users <strong>of</strong> social services, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are frequently employed in <strong>the</strong> public sector and in service industries, and <strong>the</strong>y lack access to capital, credit and<br />
property rights. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se factors exacerbate <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> gender equality in this era <strong>of</strong> globalization.<br />
The System Needs to Change in at least Ten Different Ways<br />
Accounts in <strong>the</strong> media, by politicians, and in much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature imply that neoliberal globalization is<br />
irresistible, uncontrollable and inevitable. This is not true. We can influence processes <strong>of</strong> globalization and<br />
shape <strong>the</strong> policies and structures that govern our lives. The global popularity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Social Forum<br />
process is a key indicator that alternatives can be harnessed towards making ‘ano<strong>the</strong>r world possible’.<br />
As gender equality advocates, we can look for biases in economic policies that undermine gender equality and<br />
work to address <strong>the</strong> economic inequalities that face women and o<strong>the</strong>r marginalized groups. Strategies and policies<br />
can not necessarily be generalized from one context to ano<strong>the</strong>r. We can, however, articulate feminist<br />
principles to guide our analysis, our advocacy and our policy recommendations. Feminist principles<br />
(feminist in that <strong>the</strong>y underscore equality for women through structural change) can be applied in various<br />
contexts, in accordance with <strong>the</strong> local needs, priorities and circumstances.<br />
“It seems utopian, but <strong>the</strong> world must recover its capacity for dreaming and in order to start, a new economic<br />
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1. Policy-Making Processes must be Participatory and Transparent<br />
paradigm is required… [3] ”<br />
Cecilia Lopez<br />
While national policymakers will <strong>of</strong>ten take credit for creating policies to boost <strong>the</strong> economy and many boast about<br />
taking stakeholders needs into account, it is always necessary to look behind <strong>the</strong> scenes to find out who is really<br />
calling <strong>the</strong> shots. In poor countries, especially those that rely heavily on development assistance and loans from<br />
foreign sources, policies are <strong>of</strong>ten primarily developed based on growth models and economic <strong>the</strong>ories advanced<br />
by <strong>the</strong> IFIs and certain Nor<strong>the</strong>rn universities. As a result, states that hold disproportionate power within <strong>the</strong> IFIs<br />
(most notably <strong>the</strong> United States) and Nor<strong>the</strong>rn trained policymakers in ministries <strong>of</strong> finance play a central role in<br />
dictating <strong>the</strong> economic policies <strong>of</strong> developing nations, <strong>of</strong>ten with little direct knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> realities and<br />
priorities <strong>of</strong> poor people within those countries. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, economic policies developed for one country are<br />
frequently applied to o<strong>the</strong>r countries with only slight modifications. Meaningful participation requires more<br />
than mere consultation. The country consultations that have been undertaken in conjunction with <strong>the</strong> Poverty<br />
Reduction Strategy process have been gender-blind, male dominated, and ineffective in terms <strong>of</strong> responding to<br />
local needs and perspectives. [4] Moreover, consultation processes have been used as instruments to legitimize<br />
economic policies imposed by donors.<br />
Economic policy is seldom based solely on technical calculations – <strong>the</strong> calculations and economic models should<br />
inform deliberative democratic processes where <strong>the</strong> policies are actually formulated. The voices <strong>of</strong> local people,<br />
particularly women’s rights advocates, <strong>the</strong>refore must be given real weight in all stages <strong>of</strong> policy development,<br />
implementation and evaluation.<br />
2. Recognize Diverse Experiences and Identities to Determine who Wins and who Loses<br />
Neoliberal globalization has been uneven, contradictory and complex. Some women have benefited from new<br />
opportunities brought about by processes <strong>of</strong> globalization, while many o<strong>the</strong>rs are struggling to survive in <strong>the</strong> face<br />
<strong>of</strong> insecure employment, rising prices, reduced services and escalating poverty. Often it is those from<br />
marginalized groups, such as racial or ethnic minorities, indigenous people or poor women and men, who are<br />
negatively impacted by neoliberal economic policies. Gender, race and class analysis is <strong>the</strong>refore essential<br />
to both understanding <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> neoliberal policies and for developing alternative policies that<br />
put sustainable development and human rights ahead <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>its. For example, prioritizing <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
most disadvantaged and discriminated against is one way to ensure that policies are just, empowering and<br />
transformative.<br />
“Multiple and radical resistances to neoliberalism are spawning alternatives in many places but, alas, <strong>the</strong>se are<br />
being frustrated by institutionalized market fundamentalism. The challenge is to interlink <strong>the</strong>re resistances into a<br />
truly global movement by all <strong>of</strong> humanity and multiply spaces where people’s alternatives that are grounded on<br />
democracy, diversity and inclusiveness could be debated, crafted and actualized with greater force.” [5]<br />
3. Transformative Economic Policies Must Address Power Dynamics<br />
- Josefa (Gigi) Francisko<br />
Neoliberal policies, in common with most economic <strong>the</strong>ories, <strong>of</strong>ten do not address <strong>the</strong> power differentials that<br />
exist between “economic agents” (i.e. individuals) and within households. Policies that assume that men and<br />
women have <strong>the</strong> same access to and control <strong>of</strong> resources, <strong>the</strong> same ability to engage in paid employment and<br />
equivalent responsibilities in <strong>the</strong> home, will generally negatively impact women. Women may be unable to take<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> new opportunities created by economic reforms; <strong>the</strong>y may have increased burdens as a direct<br />
results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new policies. Moreover, while poverty is interrogated and problematized, wealth tends to be<br />
unquestioned and herefore <strong>the</strong> inequalities which permit <strong>the</strong> accumulation <strong>of</strong> excessive wealth by certain<br />
individuals and institutions are not addressed.<br />
Gender equality advocates need to push for alternative economic prescriptions that address <strong>the</strong> root<br />
causes <strong>of</strong> power differentials in specific communities, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y are cultural, economic, religious,<br />
social or o<strong>the</strong>rwise. Examples could range from programs <strong>of</strong> land redistribution, alternative savings and<br />
investment mechanisms, nonmonetized exchange arrangements, and subsidized childcare, to global taxation and<br />
redistribution schemes (e.g. a “Tobin Tax”), debt cancellation, and reparations for past injustices. Assumptions<br />
about <strong>the</strong> roles and responsibilities <strong>of</strong> women, class and ethnic divisions, inequalities in <strong>the</strong> law, and skewed<br />
distribution <strong>of</strong> resources ultimately can only be rectified through holistic economic, social and political strategies.<br />
4. Account for Women’s Unpaid Work<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> biggest problems with many economic policies is <strong>the</strong>ir failure to account for women’s unpaid work. For<br />
many women, unpaid work, (including attending to children, cooking and small-scale farming) accounts for a large<br />
portion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contribution to <strong>the</strong> economy. Toge<strong>the</strong>r, unpaid housework, volunteering and community work is<br />
<strong>the</strong> single largest sector <strong>of</strong> all nations’ economies. [6] If women did not contribute <strong>the</strong>ir unpaid labour, <strong>the</strong><br />
monetized economy could not function. The strength and well-being <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paid labour force is directly correlated<br />
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to unpaid care work, <strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong> which is carried out by women. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, economic policies that do not<br />
account for this unpaid labour are likely to have a detrimental impact on women by assuming that <strong>the</strong>ir ability to<br />
contribute unpaid labour is unlimited. Too much unpaid work and too little care are both detrimental to<br />
quality <strong>of</strong> life. [7] Therefore, when economic policies take unpaid work into account, communities can have<br />
better programs for food security, childcare, education, water and sanitation, and all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r essential elements<br />
that guarantee <strong>the</strong> well-being <strong>of</strong> households.<br />
5. Make <strong>the</strong> Links: Local,National, Regional and Global<br />
Trade liberalization, privatization <strong>of</strong> essential services, foreign investment promotion, and labour market<br />
flexibilization are all part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same agenda. Activities in national ministries <strong>of</strong> finance, regional trading bodies<br />
and international financial institutions are all interconnected. While policy coherence is not well-developed<br />
between human rights institutions and financial institutions (in o<strong>the</strong>r words, economic policies are not<br />
necessarily in line with human rights law), coherence between financial institutions is well<br />
coordinated.<br />
In order to challenge <strong>the</strong> neoliberal agenda <strong>the</strong>refore, gender equality advocates must be sophisticated in making<br />
<strong>the</strong> analytical links between local, regional and global levels <strong>of</strong> economic policy making and <strong>the</strong>ir impacts. For<br />
instance, changing <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> Mexican women factory workers could simultaneously involve: workers<br />
organizing at <strong>the</strong> factory level to demand better working conditions; legislative changes and enforcement at <strong>the</strong><br />
national level to require higher levels <strong>of</strong> protections for workers; using international mechanisms such as those <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> International Labour Organization to guarantee <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> workers; and advocacy at <strong>the</strong> international level<br />
to influence <strong>the</strong> provisions <strong>of</strong> trade and investment agreements that impact on working conditions. In terms <strong>of</strong><br />
advocacy and activism <strong>the</strong>refore, we need to make <strong>the</strong> links in order to select <strong>the</strong> most strategic venues for<br />
raising our concerns.<br />
6. Protect <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Prioritize Equality<br />
Traditional economic <strong>the</strong>ories are built around <strong>the</strong> model <strong>of</strong> a ‘male breadwinner’, that is, a full-time, life-long<br />
worker who supports his family. Those who do not fit into this norm are accorded lesser rights because <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
seen as dependents. A focus on human rights, <strong>the</strong>refore, is important for women as it provides a counterweight to<br />
policies focused purely on economic growth and models which continue to assume that women occupy a position<br />
<strong>of</strong> dependency on men. [8] Pro-women, pro-poor alternatives to neoliberal globalization would<br />
acknowledge <strong>the</strong> equal worth and dignity <strong>of</strong> each person in <strong>the</strong>ir own right, advancing equality and<br />
human rights as a means <strong>of</strong> development.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> current system, many women are employed in informal and unregulated sectors, free trade zones, or do<br />
home-based work. Women are <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> small-scale farmers on <strong>the</strong> planet and also <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong><br />
those employed in factories producing for export. Many are not protected by labour laws, are not unionized, and<br />
are isolated from <strong>the</strong>ir families, communities, and o<strong>the</strong>r women who share <strong>the</strong>ir experiences. Moreover, <strong>the</strong><br />
evidence shows that women’s rights to food, to housing, to health care, and to political participation (to name just<br />
a few), continue to be violated <strong>the</strong> world over, <strong>the</strong> violations <strong>of</strong>ten resulting directly from or exacerbated by trade<br />
liberalization and investment policies.<br />
Instead <strong>of</strong> only analyzing impacts and developing social safety-nets after <strong>the</strong> fact, we need to institutionalize<br />
regulations and structures that will provide for <strong>the</strong> welfare and empowerment <strong>of</strong> women. Economic<br />
planning must <strong>the</strong>refore include economic and social policies that support <strong>the</strong> equitable distribution <strong>of</strong> resources,<br />
universal provisioning <strong>of</strong> essential services and <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
7. Do Not Underestimate <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nation State<br />
Many neoliberal policies involve limiting state involvement in <strong>the</strong> economy, <strong>of</strong>ten through privatization <strong>of</strong><br />
previously state-run enterprises including <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> water, electricity, health care and education. A defining<br />
characteristic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contemporary state is <strong>the</strong> subordination <strong>of</strong> social policy to <strong>the</strong> demands <strong>of</strong> labour market<br />
flexibility and competitiveness. Many contend that governments have lost <strong>the</strong>ir power in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> IFIs and<br />
transnational corporations, but despite <strong>the</strong> shifts and structural changes that have taken place <strong>the</strong> state continues<br />
to play many important roles. As <strong>the</strong> manager <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domestic economy, <strong>the</strong> protector <strong>of</strong> marginalized groups and<br />
<strong>the</strong> voice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation in international institutions, national governments continue to be powerful actors in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own right.<br />
Governments have international obligations (including women’s human rights commitments) and responsibilities<br />
for redistributing income and developing action plans for eradicating poverty. They should not be allowed to ‘get<br />
<strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> hook’ by blaming all <strong>the</strong>ir woes on international actors. National governments are <strong>the</strong>refore important<br />
entry points for gender equality advocates, between local constituencies and international<br />
institutions.<br />
“Promoting gender-sensitive economic policies is not only about establishing safety nets. It is primarily about<br />
ensuring that <strong>the</strong>re will be no need for safety nets. In this regard, a feminist approach would posit that sound and<br />
equitable policies require men and women to have equal access to, and control over, productive resources, equal<br />
participation in decision making, and equal distribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir work.” [9]<br />
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8. Align Goals and Indicators with Gender Equality and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong><br />
- Zo Randriamaro<br />
Economic policies <strong>of</strong>ten aim at maximizing economic efficiency and growth, as measured by and indicator such as<br />
Gross Domestic Product. [10] Increased economic efficiency and growth are abstract concepts that say<br />
nothing about increasing human welfare, protecting human rights, or ensuring gender equality and<br />
empowerment. We <strong>the</strong>refore need to question <strong>the</strong> conventional wisdom <strong>of</strong> what constitutes “sound and prudent”<br />
economic policies. Shortsighted and narrow definitions <strong>of</strong> efficiency Do not give an accurate account, including<br />
how resources are distributed and <strong>the</strong> full costs <strong>of</strong> production.<br />
By articulating <strong>the</strong> goals <strong>of</strong> a policy and <strong>the</strong> indicators <strong>of</strong> success in terms <strong>of</strong> increasing equality, improving <strong>the</strong><br />
lives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most marginalized, realizing human rights, and achieving sustainable human development, policies<br />
that are pro-women and pro-poor will more likely be implemented. Indicators <strong>of</strong> progress must be tangible,<br />
concrete and meaningful. The end goal cannot be solely that more women are engaged in paid work. We must<br />
instead look to <strong>the</strong> types <strong>of</strong> jobs <strong>the</strong>y have secured, <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>the</strong>y receive, <strong>the</strong>ir working conditions and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
paid work.<br />
9. Hold Decision-Makers To Account<br />
Economic policies have <strong>of</strong>ten failed large segments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population, including and especially women. By holding<br />
decision-makers to account for <strong>the</strong>se failures, redress can be obtained for <strong>the</strong> ‘victims’ and better programs can<br />
be developed for <strong>the</strong> future. Actors that may be held accountable include governments, IFIs, private corporations<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>rs. Accountability may be based on commitments to international human rights treaties,<br />
domestic constitutional guarantees or o<strong>the</strong>r regulatory frameworks, and also political processes.<br />
Developing and using accountability mechanisms that are accessible, transparent and effective are key strategies<br />
for guaranteeing women’s rights in this era <strong>of</strong> neoliberal globalization.<br />
10. There are Alternatives to Neoliberal Globalization<br />
Finally, it is important to remember that despite messages to <strong>the</strong> contrary, <strong>the</strong>re are alternatives to <strong>the</strong><br />
current dominant paradigm. Macroeconomic policy is not given or non-negotiable. Countries that do not follow<br />
<strong>the</strong> IMF-prescribed policy agenda do not necessarily have to suffer from poverty, insecurity and hyperinflation;<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is no “one-size fits all” policy. We have feminist analyses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy – what we need now is to<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r streng<strong>the</strong>n advocacy efforts based on our analysis in order to bring about a more equitable,<br />
just world.<br />
These principles have been articulated in order to provide direction to gender equality advocates all over <strong>the</strong> world<br />
who want to oppose neoliberal globalization. As a check-list for evaluating local policies, a training framework for<br />
understanding globalization, a rallying point for campaigning and lobbying, or an empowering and unifying agenda<br />
for diverse social justice groups, <strong>the</strong>se principles can assist us in developing global solutions to global problems<br />
because, as <strong>the</strong> poignant motto <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Social Forum reminds us, “Ano<strong>the</strong>r World is Possible”.<br />
Economic Terms Demystified<br />
Economic Growth: an increase in <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> money flowing through a country’s economy. Promoting<br />
economic growth is <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> much economic policy because it is <strong>of</strong>ten incorrectly assumed that economic<br />
growth is good for everyone.<br />
Efficiency: <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> goods and services such that no person can be made better <strong>of</strong>f without making<br />
someone else worse <strong>of</strong>f (or such that those who are made worse <strong>of</strong>f can be compensated by those who are made<br />
better <strong>of</strong>f). Efficiency is usually a goal <strong>of</strong> economic policies. An efficient allocation, however, does not necessarily<br />
require an equal or fair distribution <strong>of</strong> goods or services.<br />
Fiscal Policy: policy relating to government revenue, particularly taxation and spending.<br />
Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC): countries that have accumulated a large amount <strong>of</strong> debt during <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s and as a result qualify for <strong>the</strong> HIPC debt reduction initiative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank and International Monetary<br />
Fund.<br />
Macroeconomics: refers to economic issues that concern <strong>the</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy <strong>of</strong> a whole country,<br />
including <strong>the</strong> overall output and income <strong>of</strong> a country, unemployment, trade, interest rates, investment, and<br />
government budgets (as opposed to microeconomics which looks at <strong>the</strong> economic activity <strong>of</strong> individuals or small<br />
groups).<br />
Monetary Policy: <strong>the</strong> government policy that controls <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> currency available in an economy.<br />
Neoliberalism: an economic <strong>the</strong>ory which opposes state intervention in <strong>the</strong> economy and believes in <strong>the</strong> free<br />
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operation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market.<br />
Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): comprehensive action plans for combating national poverty.<br />
These are required by <strong>the</strong> World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order for a country to access<br />
development loans and aid.<br />
Privatization: occurs when services that were owned by <strong>the</strong> government are sold to private companies. When<br />
privatized, services such as health care, education and social services are provided by companies who aim to<br />
make a pr<strong>of</strong>it. A belief in <strong>the</strong> inherent superiority <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it-oriented production has lead to a drastic increase in<br />
privatization in recent years.<br />
Structural Adjustment: processes <strong>of</strong> reform imposed mostly on poor countries requiring that <strong>the</strong>y export more<br />
products, privatize services, increase taxation, devalue <strong>the</strong>ir currency, and reduce <strong>the</strong> government’s role in <strong>the</strong><br />
economy in order to stabilize <strong>the</strong>ir economies. In <strong>the</strong> 1980s, structural adjustment policies (SAPs) were imposed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> World Bank and International Monetary Fund in over seventy developing countries.<br />
Trade Liberalization: <strong>the</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> restrictions (including tariffs, quotas and regulatory standards) on <strong>the</strong><br />
trade <strong>of</strong> goods and services across borders.<br />
Myth: Economics is pure science.<br />
Myths and Realities about Economic Policy<br />
Reality: Economics is <strong>of</strong>ten represented as technical and scientific, based on ‘truths’ from ma<strong>the</strong>matics or<br />
statistics. However, economic policy is pr<strong>of</strong>oundly political and represents a certain set <strong>of</strong> subjective assumptions<br />
about power and <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> resources.<br />
Myth: Economics is gender-neutral.<br />
Reality: Traditional economic analysis can have devastating impacts on women because it does not take into<br />
consideration <strong>the</strong> gendered nature <strong>of</strong> our societies and <strong>the</strong> resulting gender differentiated impacts <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
policies. Women’s assumed status as secondary wage earners in <strong>the</strong> paid labour force results in women<br />
experiencing more poverty than men, for example. The privatization <strong>of</strong> public services increases women’s unpaid<br />
work as <strong>the</strong>y take over where <strong>the</strong> public sector leaves <strong>of</strong>f in terms <strong>of</strong> nursing <strong>the</strong> sick, educating children and<br />
caring for <strong>the</strong> elderly and those in need <strong>of</strong> assistance. And as companies cut costs by laying <strong>of</strong>f employees,<br />
reducing salaries and using home-based workers, women are <strong>the</strong> most affected. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
economic crises are more severe for women. Applying a gender analysis to economics reveals biases that exclude<br />
women and allows for <strong>the</strong> redress <strong>of</strong> economic inequalities that face women.<br />
Myth: Gender equality advocates do not have <strong>the</strong> expertise to engage with macroeconomic policy.<br />
Reality: Gender equality advocates come from all walks <strong>of</strong> life and are all affected by economic policies in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
day-today lives. They are <strong>the</strong>refore capable <strong>of</strong> critiquing economic policies and <strong>of</strong> suggesting policy directions that<br />
would empower women.<br />
Who is Working Towards Economic Gender Justice?<br />
Many NGOs, civil society organizations, grassroots movements, academic institutions, and individuals all over <strong>the</strong><br />
world are challenging <strong>the</strong> neoliberal globalization model from a gender perspective. Some organizations you<br />
might want to contact or become involved with include:<br />
African Women’s Economic Policy Network (AWEPON):<br />
http://www.awepon.org PO Box 33576, Kampala, Uganda<br />
Articulación Feminista Marcosur:<br />
http://www.mujeresdelsur.org.uySalto 1265, Montevideo 11200, Uruguay<br />
Development Alternatives with Women in a New Era (DAWN)<br />
http://www.dawn.org.fj Secretariat, PO Box 13124, Suva, Fiji<br />
Gender and Economic Reforms in Africa (GERA)<br />
http://twnafrica.org/aboutgera.asp Secretariat, TWN-Africa,9 Ollenu Street, East Legon, PO Box AN19452, Accra-<br />
North, Ghana<br />
Iniciativa Feminista de Cartagena:<br />
http://www.repem.org.uy/iniciativafc.htm Colonia 2069, CP 11200, Montevideo, Uruguay<br />
International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN):<br />
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http://www.igtn.org Secretariat, 1225 Otis Street, NE, Washington, DC 20017, USA<br />
International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>(ESCR-Net):<br />
http://www.escr-net.org162 Montague Street, 2nd Floor, Brooklyn, New York 11201, USA<br />
KARAT Coalition:<br />
http://www.karat.orgul. Karmelicka 16 m. 13, 00-163 Warsaw, Poland<br />
Maquila Solidarity Network:<br />
http://www.maquilasolidarity.org606 Shaw Street, Toronto, <strong>On</strong>tario, Canada M6G 3L6<br />
Network Women in Development Europe (WIDE):<br />
http://www.eurosur.org/wide Rue de la Science 10,1000 Brussels, Belgium<br />
Third World Network (TWN)-Africa:<br />
http://www.twnafrica.org9 Ollenu Street, East Legon, P.O. Box AN19452, Accra-North , Ghana<br />
Women’s Edge Coalition: http://www.womensedge.org1825 Connecticut Avenue NW, Suite 800, Washington, D.C.<br />
20009, USA<br />
Women’s Environment and Development Organization(WEDO):<br />
http://www.wedo.org 355 Lexington Avenue, 3rd FloorNew York, NY 10017-6603, USA<br />
Women’s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ):<br />
http://www.wicej.org 12 Dongan Place #206, New York, NY 10040, USA<br />
AWID, Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> and Economic Change ©<br />
Facts and Issues, No. 6, December 2003<br />
Written by: Renu Mandhane and Alison Symington<br />
Copyedited by: Jane Connolly<br />
Produced by: Shareen Gokal<br />
Design: Dana Baitz<br />
Editing in MS Word for Windows for <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> publishing in <strong>the</strong> Journal “Globalizacija.com”: Women’s Centre<br />
for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia<br />
See original paper at:<br />
http://www.awid.org/publications/primers/factsissues6.pdf<br />
The Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development is an international membership organization connecting,<br />
informing and mobilizing people and organizations committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable<br />
development and women’s human rights. A dynamic network <strong>of</strong> women and men, AWID members are<br />
researchers, academics, students, educators, activists, business people, policy-makers, development<br />
practitioners, funders and o<strong>the</strong>rs, half <strong>of</strong> whom are located in <strong>the</strong> global South and Eastern Europe.<br />
AWID’s goal is to cause policy, institutional and individual change that will improve <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women and girls<br />
everywhere. Since 1982, AWID has been doing this by facilitating on-going debates on fundamental and<br />
provocative issues as well as by building <strong>the</strong> individual and organizational capacities <strong>of</strong> those working for women’s<br />
empowerment.<br />
215 Spadina Ave., Suite 150,<br />
Toronto, ON, Canada, M5T 2C7<br />
T: +1 (416) 594-3773<br />
F: +1 (416) 594-0330<br />
E-mail: awid@awid.org<br />
Web: http://www.awid.org<br />
[1] See AWID Facts & Issues No. 5, “The World Bank and Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development”, for a more detailed<br />
discussion <strong>of</strong> conditionality.<br />
[2] See ibid.<br />
[3] Cecilia Lopez, (former Minister <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Environment in Columbia and member <strong>of</strong> Iniciativa Feminista Cartagena),<br />
Plenary Speech, AWID’s 9th International Forum on Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development: Reinventing Globalization,<br />
October 2002. http://es.awid.org/forum/plenaries/day1cecilialopezspanish.html.<br />
[4] See Ann Whitehead, Failing Women, Sustaining Poverty: Gender in Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, Report<br />
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for <strong>the</strong> UK Gender and Development Network, May 2003. See also Elaine Zuckerman and Ashley Garrett, “Do<br />
Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) Address Gender? A Gender Audit <strong>of</strong> 2002 PRSPs” (Gender Action,<br />
2003).<br />
[5] Josefa (Gigi) Francisco is <strong>the</strong> South-East Asian Regional Coordinator <strong>of</strong> DAWN and <strong>the</strong> Executive Director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Women and Gender Institute <strong>of</strong> Miriam College Foundation in Quezon City, Philippines.<br />
[6] With <strong>the</strong> possible exception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States.<br />
[7] See Elson, D., and N. Catagay, “The Social Content <strong>of</strong> Macroeconomic Policy” World Development, 28:7 (2000)<br />
[8] Diane Elson (Pr<strong>of</strong>essor, University <strong>of</strong> Essex), at <strong>the</strong> Conference “Women’s Access to <strong>the</strong> Economy in <strong>the</strong><br />
Current Period <strong>of</strong> Economic Integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Americas: What Economy?”, Montreal, 23-26 April 2003.<br />
[9] “African Women Challenging Neo-liberal Economic Orthodoxy: The Conception and Mission <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GERA<br />
Programme”, Gender and Development, 11.1 (2003): 47.<br />
[10] Gross Domestic Product (GDP) measures all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market transactions that take place in a country.<br />
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Shape up or ship out: Why Millennium Goal No. 3 can not be achieved<br />
until <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions stop imposing neo-liberal policy on <strong>the</strong><br />
rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world<br />
By Rochelle Jones<br />
AWID<br />
Whilst undertaking research on macro-economic policy and <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty, I was struck by how many<br />
miles have already been walked, how many articles and books have already been written, how many task-forces<br />
have already been deployed, and how <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions remain unashamedly as opaque<br />
and undemocratic as ever. The evidence and <strong>the</strong> research are astounding and date back to decades before now.<br />
Countless reports and articles have succinctly and systematically recorded and analysed <strong>the</strong> forces <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal<br />
globalisation and how <strong>the</strong>y are destroying <strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> people all over <strong>the</strong> world. I don’t know how many<br />
passionate, compelling, tragic and simply shocking stories I have read over <strong>the</strong> past years that have spelled out in<br />
sophisticated detail that <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation imposed upon countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South has to be<br />
redesigned. We have visibly been working hard to have our voices heard. It is <strong>the</strong> United States government and<br />
<strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Trade Organisation<br />
(WTO) and Asia Development Bank – not to mention Export Credit Agencies <strong>of</strong> national governments and <strong>the</strong><br />
pr<strong>of</strong>it-greedy multinationals – that have to now take action.<br />
Gender equality and freedom from <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty is enshrined in many international instruments,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1948), <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong><br />
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW – 1979), and <strong>the</strong> Beijing Declaration and Platforms that will undergo its<br />
ten year review at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> this month. The recent UN Millennium Development Project (UNMDP) report also<br />
outlines some important strategic priorities in achieving Millennium Goal number three – Gender equality and<br />
empowerment <strong>of</strong> women. With such outstanding frameworks to work with, coupled with extensive research that<br />
shows clearly how people and especially women are suffering under <strong>the</strong> current neo-liberal system, why do<br />
women still constitute <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor? Why are women still not granted <strong>the</strong>ir full rights as human<br />
beings?<br />
Blind policy has been negotiated for too long behind thick walls that obscure women’s diverse realities. Freedom,<br />
liberty and human rights are all energetically advocated by those in powerful positions within <strong>the</strong> neo-liberal order<br />
(usually men), however, if <strong>the</strong>y placed <strong>the</strong>ir ears close to <strong>the</strong> ground, <strong>the</strong>y would hear <strong>the</strong> voices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
marginalised, muffled by <strong>the</strong>ir own dancing feet. I am not saying that women do not have any agency under <strong>the</strong>se<br />
powerful institutions. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary, women have made and continue to make important gains in terms <strong>of</strong> rights<br />
and equality. What I am saying is that if <strong>the</strong>se milestones are to continue, <strong>the</strong> monopoly on power and knowledge<br />
that is held by <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions and o<strong>the</strong>rs has to stop. It is simply not fair.<br />
So what do we do as women and sisters who have passionately fought for a right to be heard, but constantly find<br />
ourselves in a position where <strong>the</strong> most powerful institutions in <strong>the</strong> world, supported by <strong>the</strong> most powerful state in<br />
<strong>the</strong> world, hear our voices, but fail to listen? We keep telling <strong>the</strong> truth until <strong>the</strong>y do listen.<br />
Why Millennium Goal Number 3 will not be achieved unless <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions shape up:<br />
Neo-liberal policy and <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions that impose it play a key role in undermining sovereignty and<br />
perpetuating <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty. Institutions such as <strong>the</strong> World Bank, WTO and <strong>the</strong> IMF have eroded <strong>the</strong><br />
ability <strong>of</strong> national governments to make decisions regarding economic and social policy, through <strong>the</strong><br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> ‘globalisation from above’. Decision-making processes within <strong>the</strong> IMF and <strong>the</strong> World Bank are<br />
based on a system <strong>of</strong> investment. The more a country ‘contributes’ to <strong>the</strong> organisation, <strong>the</strong> more voting power<br />
<strong>the</strong>y have. This undemocratic system <strong>of</strong> decision-making has resulted in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> North imposing neoliberal<br />
policies on countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) solidifies neo-liberal policy<br />
convergence in <strong>the</strong> international political system by creating <strong>the</strong> rules governing international trade. Agreements<br />
are drafted by “The Quad” governments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States, Canada, Europe and Japan, and <strong>the</strong>se draft<br />
agreements are <strong>the</strong>n discussed by a group <strong>of</strong> representatives from 20-30 countries, with <strong>the</strong> smaller one hundred<br />
or so developing countries typically excluded. Policies are imposed upon countries as conditions to lending,<br />
whereby <strong>the</strong> neo-liberal mantra <strong>of</strong> trade liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation becomes <strong>the</strong> orthodoxy,<br />
undermining democratic processes and participation within <strong>the</strong> state, and resulting in cleavages between civil<br />
society and <strong>the</strong> government. The recent collapse <strong>of</strong> trade talks at Cancun in 2003, exemplifies how not much has<br />
changed in macro-economic policy since Seattle in 1999.<br />
Women, who already constitute <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor, feel <strong>the</strong> negative consequences <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal policy on a<br />
greater scale than men do. Millennium Development Goal 3 is to achieve gender equality and <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong><br />
women. The latest UN Millennium Project (UNMP) task-force report on gender [1] identifies seven strategic<br />
priorities as <strong>the</strong> “minimum necessary to empower women and alter <strong>the</strong> historical legacy <strong>of</strong> female disadvantage<br />
that remains in most societies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world”:<br />
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1.Streng<strong>the</strong>n opportunities for post-primary education for girls.<br />
2.Guarantee sexual and reproductive rights.<br />
3.Invest in infrastructure to reduce women’s and girls’ time burdens.<br />
4.Guarantee women’s and girls’ property and inheritance rights.<br />
5.Eliminate gender inequality in employment by decreasing women’s reliance on informal employment, closing<br />
gender gaps in earnings, and reducing occupational segregation.<br />
6.Increase women’s share <strong>of</strong> seats in national parliaments and local government bodies.<br />
7.Combat violence against girls and women.<br />
These seven priorities are intimately linked to macro-economic policy and in particular multilateral trade rules, in<br />
that “globalisation, trade liberalisation and <strong>the</strong> emerging coherence between international financial and trade<br />
institutions greatly impinge on <strong>the</strong> policy space at <strong>the</strong> national level [and yet] <strong>the</strong>re is no policy interaction at <strong>the</strong><br />
institutional level with regard to gender mainstreaming” [2]. Achieving <strong>the</strong>se strategic priorities will require an<br />
increased focus from national governments and a significant diversion <strong>of</strong> funding from o<strong>the</strong>r areas, but according<br />
to UNCTAD [3], multilateral trade rules: “can limit <strong>the</strong> capacity <strong>of</strong> governments to apply policies in support <strong>of</strong><br />
gender inequality”; contribute to “maintaining large wage differentials between male workers (mostly skilled) and<br />
female workers (mostly unskilled) despite increases in exports”; and contribute to widespread job losses for<br />
women via <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> domestic support to small-scale farmers in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. Whilst <strong>the</strong>se<br />
strategic priorities identify important areas <strong>of</strong> concern in regards to alleviating <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty, <strong>the</strong>y do<br />
not specifically refer to <strong>the</strong> structural issues <strong>of</strong> inequality that are embedded within <strong>the</strong> practices and policies <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> most powerful institutions in <strong>the</strong> world governing trade and development policy. These institutions “have<br />
added gender mainstreaming to <strong>the</strong>ir rhetoric, but have not changed <strong>the</strong>ir practices or <strong>the</strong>ir policies” [4].<br />
Mariama Williams from <strong>the</strong> International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN) argues that within macro-economic<br />
policy, gender is relegated to “s<strong>of</strong>t” areas that “must work to complement and <strong>of</strong>fset <strong>the</strong> necessary adjustment<br />
costs <strong>of</strong> macro planning decisions and outcomes”. This means that “hard” areas such as agricultural liberalisation<br />
and tariff reductions are deemed gender neutral, whereas food distribution between men and women are analysed<br />
from a gender perspective [5]. This is a significant problem whereby decisions on neo-liberal policy are not only<br />
made through an undemocratic decision-making process that favours <strong>the</strong> rich countries over <strong>the</strong> poor, but <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are made without any real consideration <strong>of</strong> gender. This simply reifies existing structural inequalities and results in<br />
a perpetuation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty. Taking a closer look at two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> priorities identified in <strong>the</strong> taskforce<br />
report reveals how neo-liberal policy convergence ignores gender concerns and exacerbates <strong>the</strong> difficulties<br />
faced by women. Strategic priority 4 is to guarantee women’s and girls property and inheritance rights. Land<br />
ownership is deemed important to empowering women both economically and socially, and means that women<br />
have access to direct benefits such as <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> crops and rights to <strong>the</strong>ir proceeds. There is also evidence to<br />
suggest that asset ownership can also protect against domestic violence [6]. The report asserts that <strong>the</strong>re are few<br />
statistics on <strong>the</strong> magnitude <strong>of</strong> gender asset gaps, but that some reports conducted indicate that women hold a<br />
substantially lower amount <strong>of</strong> land ownership than men in countries throughout Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa<br />
and South and Central Asia.<br />
The right to ‘land ownership’ is an interesting way to discuss women’s relationship with <strong>the</strong> earth. It is estimated<br />
that women grow at least 59 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s food, with women in Africa producing more than 70 percent <strong>of</strong><br />
Africa’s food [7]. Clearly, women are key stakeholders in any trade agreements on agricultural products, yet <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
needs and interests are not taken seriously by <strong>the</strong> institutions that push for lower trade barriers, greater access<br />
for multi-national corporations and cash crop exports. The same could be said for intellectual property<br />
agreements. For thousands <strong>of</strong> years women have been looking after <strong>the</strong> nutritional needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir families through<br />
subsistence agriculture, as well as <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> natural medicines, and now this indigenous knowledge is being<br />
increasingly “discovered” and patented by MNCs. Eco-feminist Vandana Shiva explains: “patents and intellectual<br />
property rights are supposed to be granted for novel inventions. But patents are being claimed for rice varieties<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> basmati for which <strong>the</strong> Doon Valley (where I was born) is famous, or pesticides derived from <strong>the</strong> neem<br />
tree which our mo<strong>the</strong>rs and grandmo<strong>the</strong>rs have been using for centuries. Rice Tec, a US-based company, has<br />
been granted Patent no. 5,663,484 for basmati rice lines and grains… The knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor is being<br />
converted into <strong>the</strong> property <strong>of</strong> global corporations, creating a situation where <strong>the</strong> poor will have to pay for <strong>the</strong><br />
seeds and medicines that <strong>the</strong>y have cultivated, developed and used to meet <strong>the</strong>ir needs for nutrition and health<br />
care” [8].<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> current neo-liberal agenda, women who produce food for <strong>the</strong>ir families are classified as unproductive,<br />
with only cash crops counting for productivity within <strong>the</strong> economy. Simplistic poverty reduction strategies such as<br />
export-oriented growth ignore <strong>the</strong> productive capacity <strong>of</strong> women in subsistence and community farming, and <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
destroy women’s productivity and self-worth when <strong>the</strong>y are forced to change to cash crops for export, and are<br />
unable to provide food from subsistence agriculture for <strong>the</strong>ir families. Small autonomous producers are rendered<br />
invisible to <strong>the</strong> global economy when governments are forced to compete with giant agribusiness companies, and<br />
shift agricultural production to industrial monocultures [9].<br />
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Coupled with increases in production for exports, neo-liberal policy advocates for a reduction <strong>of</strong> welfare services,<br />
higher charges for basic services and lower wages [10]. In addition to <strong>the</strong>se barriers, <strong>the</strong>re are rising production<br />
costs and decreasing commodity prices as a result <strong>of</strong> cheaper goods flooding <strong>the</strong> market. The right to land<br />
ownership, <strong>the</strong>n, is rendered useless when women and <strong>the</strong>ir families are faced with rising costs <strong>the</strong>y are simply<br />
unable to meet. Increasingly poor, many families are selling <strong>the</strong>ir land to investors, who ei<strong>the</strong>r use <strong>the</strong> land for<br />
industry, or create large cash crops for export. The right to land ownership also disregards <strong>the</strong> reality <strong>of</strong><br />
communal land. In Africa, for example, wherecommunal land tenure is still common, privatisation <strong>of</strong> this land for<br />
cash crops has been a major objective <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank [11], with absolutely no consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> land by women for subsistence farming.<br />
Many women are forced to find extra employment to meet rising costs, and because <strong>the</strong>y are generally paid less<br />
than men, women usually find it easier to gain employment [12]. This channels <strong>the</strong>m into <strong>the</strong> informal workforce,<br />
where <strong>the</strong>y work as street vendors, domestic workers and in <strong>the</strong> service industry – perpetuating <strong>the</strong> gendered<br />
division <strong>of</strong> labour.<br />
Strategic priority 5 is to eliminate gender inequality in employment. According to <strong>the</strong> report, women’s status in<br />
<strong>the</strong> labour market is inferior to men’s in most countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world [13]. Women in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global South<br />
continue to be found in low-skill, repetitive work in industries such as textiles and electronics and <strong>the</strong> informal<br />
workforce because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> many barriers to training and education that women face as opposed to men [14]. Job<br />
segregation in terms <strong>of</strong> gender is a major area <strong>of</strong> concern for <strong>the</strong> fight against <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />
Neo-liberal policy such as <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> trade barriers, privatisation and deregulation is meant to foster a climate<br />
for foreign direct investment to jump-start stagnant economies and bring in foreign currency. MNCs are taking<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se environments to set up manufacturing and production facilities in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South where<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are large pools <strong>of</strong> cheap labour, flexible labour laws and tax incentives. This can have both positive and<br />
negative effects for women. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> positive side, <strong>the</strong> influx <strong>of</strong> MNCs entering <strong>the</strong> labour-intensive sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
South, such as textiles, footwear, data processing and service outsourcing has resulted in an increase in levels <strong>of</strong><br />
employment for women in some countries [15]. The UNMDP report asserts, however, that in <strong>the</strong> last twenty<br />
years, “women’s overall economic activity rates increased… yet women’s status in <strong>the</strong> labour market remains<br />
significantly inferior to that <strong>of</strong> men’s worldwide”. Responsibility for this lies within neo-liberal policy convergence,<br />
which creates <strong>the</strong>se ‘favourable’ environments for foreign investment, fails to take into account <strong>the</strong> different<br />
experiences <strong>of</strong> men and women, and focuses only on economic growth factors as development indicators,<br />
rendering gender implications invisible.<br />
Export Processing Zones (EPZs) or Free Trade Zones, have increased dramatically as a result <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal policy,<br />
and yet recent research shows that EPZs <strong>of</strong>ten fall short <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir goals and <strong>the</strong>ir performance is erratic, despite <strong>the</strong><br />
incentives <strong>of</strong>fered by host governments. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> biggest problems arising from <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> EPZs include<br />
environmental damage, poor safety and health standards, and labour rights abuses. The majority <strong>of</strong> employees in<br />
EPZs are women, and despite arguments suggesting that EPZs exist as a route for women to enter <strong>the</strong> formal<br />
employment sector where wages are <strong>of</strong>ten higher than in <strong>the</strong> informal sector, women face sexual harassment and<br />
discrimination in hiring, wages and benefits.<br />
There has been a wealth <strong>of</strong> research into <strong>the</strong> negative effects <strong>of</strong> Multinational Corporations (MNCs) on countries <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> South, with some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most compelling examples coming from John Pilger [16], an Australian journalist who<br />
has helped to expose some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour rights abuses and discrimination that women face when <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
employed by some MNCs. Of course not all MNCs are guilty <strong>of</strong> labour abuses, but <strong>the</strong> climate <strong>of</strong> free trade zones<br />
or EPZs leaves it almost entirely up to <strong>the</strong> employer as to what regulations and standards <strong>the</strong>y are going to<br />
impose. Under <strong>the</strong>se conditions, and with <strong>the</strong> bottom line <strong>of</strong> every MNC being pr<strong>of</strong>it, labour rights abuses and<br />
lowered standards are inevitable.<br />
Whilst visiting an EPZ in Indonesia, Pilger describes a common scenario: “Posing as a London fashion buyer… I<br />
was given a tour <strong>of</strong> one such factory, which makes Gap clo<strong>the</strong>s for Britain and America. I found more than a<br />
thousand mostly young women working, battery-style, under <strong>the</strong> glare <strong>of</strong> strip lighting, in temperatures that<br />
reach 40 degrees centigrade. The only air-conditioning was upstairs, where <strong>the</strong> Taiwanese bosses were… The<br />
women have no choice about <strong>the</strong> hours <strong>the</strong>y must work, including a notorious ‘long shift’: 36 hours without going<br />
home. I was assured that, if I wanted to place a last-minute order, that was ‘no problem’ because ‘we just make<br />
<strong>the</strong> workers stay longer’” [17].<br />
Indonesia was described as <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s “model pupil <strong>of</strong> globalisation” under <strong>the</strong> Suharto regime before <strong>the</strong><br />
financial crisis. When he was forced to resign in 1998, he took with him approximately $10 billion dollars <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
World Bank’s money, which is still being repaid by <strong>the</strong> Indonesian people. When Pilger interviewed <strong>the</strong> World<br />
Bank’s chief economist at <strong>the</strong> time, Nicholas Stern, he asked him to explain why <strong>the</strong> World Bank or IMF did not<br />
speak out against <strong>the</strong> regime, who was singled out by <strong>the</strong> UN Commission on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> because <strong>of</strong> inequality<br />
and discrimination. Stern responded that “Indonesia’s economy grew as a result <strong>of</strong> integrating into <strong>the</strong> global<br />
economy… it was a dictatorship, so people didn’t have some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir human rights” [18].<br />
Clearly <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s narrow focus on economic growth in Indonesia is an example <strong>of</strong> how this approach<br />
ignores <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal policy on people’s lives. The reality is that labour segregation and <strong>the</strong><br />
‘race to <strong>the</strong> bottom’ in terms <strong>of</strong> wages in <strong>the</strong> workforce is perpetuated, not alleviated, by neo-liberal policy. The<br />
WTO Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, for example, which rested on a system <strong>of</strong> clothing export quotas for<br />
countries exporting to <strong>the</strong> European Union, Canada and <strong>the</strong> United States, expired at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 2004 and is being<br />
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phased out in 2005 [19]. From 2005, all WTO member countries will have unrestricted access to European,<br />
Canadian and US markets. Countries who previously had high quota allocations, such as Sri Lanka, will now have<br />
to become more competitive in <strong>the</strong> market. The International Confederation <strong>of</strong> Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) is<br />
concerned that an increase in competitiveness across <strong>the</strong> international textiles and clothing sectors, will result in<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r violations <strong>of</strong> labour practices as companies look to invest in countries where labour costs are low and<br />
labour laws are weak [20]. China is already showing signs <strong>of</strong> competitive advantage in this area <strong>of</strong> low-cost<br />
labour.<br />
So whilst <strong>the</strong> strategic priorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Millennium Development Project are obvious for achieving gender equality<br />
and alleviating <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty, <strong>the</strong>y are unrealistic given <strong>the</strong> structural impediments <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal<br />
policy imposed on countries by <strong>the</strong> multilateral institutions. No-where in <strong>the</strong> UNMDP report does it mention<br />
embedded, structural inequalities in macro-economic policy, despite <strong>the</strong> intimate relationship between multilateral<br />
institutions and national policies. The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty is inextricably related to policies and decisions made<br />
inside <strong>the</strong> ‘Green Room’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WTO, and vetoes and conditionalities on lending decisions by <strong>the</strong> US and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
affluent countries within <strong>the</strong> walls <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank and <strong>the</strong> IMF. These institutions have no accountability in <strong>the</strong><br />
area <strong>of</strong> gender or human rights, and if this continues, objectives such as <strong>the</strong> Millennium Development Goals, will<br />
be difficult to reach.<br />
It has become an imperative to wrestle back <strong>the</strong> agenda and investigate alternatives to economic liberalisation<br />
and neo-liberal policy convergence. This does not only involve reform <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international institutions that fortify<br />
<strong>the</strong> inequalities we see in <strong>the</strong> North and <strong>the</strong> South, but it involves a return to our Socratic right to question truth.<br />
Our reliance on mainstream political ideology is thwarting our ability to conceptualise truth and distinguish it from<br />
rationality. Problem-solving <strong>the</strong>ories like neo-liberalism use <strong>the</strong> current structures as <strong>the</strong> framework for action and<br />
reify <strong>the</strong> existing world order with its accompanying power and wealth inequalities that reinforce <strong>the</strong>se<br />
inequalities. Frameworks to alleviate poverty and to achieve gender equality are <strong>of</strong> no use unless <strong>the</strong>y include a<br />
serious rethinking <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economic system.<br />
Published in:<br />
Resource Net Friday File, Issue 212<br />
Friday February 4, 2005<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development ©<br />
http://www.awid.org<br />
Notes:<br />
[1] UNMP Report 2005. Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and<br />
empowering women. Sourced from http://unmp.forumone.com/eng_html_02.html January 2005.<br />
[2] IGTN (International Gender and Trade Network) 2004. <strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> Mariama Williams: Roundtable Discussion<br />
on Mainstreaming Gender Perspectives into all Policies and Programs in <strong>the</strong> UN System. United Nations, NY, July 6-<br />
7, 2004. Sourced from:<br />
http://www.genderandtrade.net/Research/UN<strong>Statement</strong>Mariama-07-04.pdf January 2005.<br />
[3] UNCTAD 2004. UNCTAD XI and <strong>the</strong> Gender Implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multilateral trading system. Round Table on<br />
Trade and Gender, 15 June: Press Release.<br />
[4] AWID (Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development) 2004. “Gender Mainstreaming: Can it work for<br />
Women’s <strong>Rights</strong>?”. Spotlight, November 2004: 3.<br />
[5] IGTN (International Gender and Trade Network) 2004. <strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> Mariama Williams: Roundtable Discussion<br />
on Mainstreaming Gender Perspectives into all Policies and Programs in <strong>the</strong> UN System. United Nations, NY, July 6-<br />
7, 2004. Sourced from:<br />
http://www.genderandtrade.net/Research/UN<strong>Statement</strong>Mariama-07-04.pdf January 2005.<br />
[6] UNMP Report 2005. Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and<br />
empowering women. Sourced from http://unmp.forumone.com/eng_html_02.html January 2005.<br />
[7] Warren, K.J. 1997. “Taking Empirical Data Seriously: An Ec<strong>of</strong>eminist Philosophical Perspective” in Warren, K.J.<br />
1997 (Ed). Ec<strong>of</strong>eminism: Women, Culture, Nature. Indiana: Indiana University Press.<br />
[8] Shiva, V. 2001. “Globalization and Poverty”, in Bennholdt-Thomsen, V. Faraclas, N & Von Werlh<strong>of</strong>, C. (Eds.)<br />
There is an alternative: Subsistence and worldwide resistance to corporate globalisation. London: Zed Books.<br />
[9] Ibid.<br />
[10] Henshall Momsen, J. 2004. Gender and Development. London: Routledge.<br />
[11] Federici, S. 2001. “War, Globalization and Reproduction” in Bennholdt-Thomsen, V. Faraclas, N & Von<br />
Werlh<strong>of</strong>, C. (Eds.) There is an alternative: Subsistence and worldwide resistance to corporate globalisation.<br />
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London: Zed Books.<br />
[12] Henshall Momsen, J. 2004. Gender and Development. London: Routledge.<br />
[13] UNMP Report 2005. Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality<br />
and empowering women. Sourced from http://unmp.forumone.com/eng_html_02.html January 2005.<br />
[14] Ibid.<br />
[15] UNCTAD 2004. UNCTAD XI and <strong>the</strong> Gender Implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multilateral trading system. Round Table on<br />
Trade and Gender, 15 June: Press Release.<br />
[16] Pilger, J. 2003. The New Rulers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World. London: Verso.<br />
[17] Ibid.<br />
[18] Ibid.<br />
[19] ICFTU (International Confederation <strong>of</strong> Free Trade Unions) 2004. Behind <strong>the</strong> Brand Names: Working<br />
conditions and labour rights in Export Processing Zones. Available from http://www.icftu.org. December 2004.<br />
[20] Ibid.<br />
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Economic Globalisation and Paradoxes [1]<br />
By Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
Women’s Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia<br />
“The net transfer <strong>of</strong> financial resources to developing countries has been negative each and every year since<br />
1997, according to what K<strong>of</strong>i Annan, Secretary General <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations, reported to <strong>the</strong> General Assembly in<br />
2002. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, money is being taken from <strong>the</strong> poor to give to <strong>the</strong> rich. The world economy is functioning<br />
like a reverse Robin Hood.” [2]<br />
“We believe that <strong>the</strong> main challenge we are facing today is to ensure that globalisation remains a positive force for<br />
all people in <strong>the</strong> world.” [3]<br />
Summary<br />
Technological development, market integration, and free movement <strong>of</strong> goods, capital, and labour have resulted in<br />
enormous opportunities for human development and <strong>the</strong> uprooting <strong>of</strong> many maladies <strong>of</strong> humankind such as<br />
poverty and hunger. Current trends in <strong>the</strong> world, however, indicate that <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation are<br />
unevenly distributed and that <strong>the</strong>y stimulate discrimination and inequality. Thanks to neoliberal politics based on<br />
ga<strong>the</strong>ring pr<strong>of</strong>it at any cost, paradoxes in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> bigger gaps between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor are intensified.<br />
Key words: globalisation, neoliberalism, poverty, poverty feminisation, labour force feminisation, human rights<br />
based development.<br />
Introduction<br />
Despite more and more numerous <strong>the</strong>ories and concepts about globalisation, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> topics most discussed at<br />
<strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 21 st century, agreement on a clear and generally acceptable definition <strong>of</strong> this phenomenon<br />
has still not been reached. Various authors approach consideration and analysis <strong>of</strong> this process from various<br />
standpoints and fields, such as economics, politics, political economy, sociology, culture, technology,<br />
communication, information, etc. [4] What is common to <strong>the</strong>se approaches is <strong>the</strong> understanding that globalisation<br />
refers to <strong>the</strong> intensification <strong>of</strong> social and economic relations across state borders, <strong>the</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> which leads<br />
to tighter and higher mutual impact <strong>of</strong> global and local events. In this paper, globalisation will, above all, refer to<br />
<strong>the</strong> economic aspects resulting from <strong>the</strong> economic integration <strong>of</strong> nations, regions, and markets characterising<br />
today’s world globally and regionally.<br />
Dominant political trends shaping economic aspects <strong>of</strong> globalisation include trade liberalisation, <strong>the</strong> deregulation <strong>of</strong><br />
various activities <strong>of</strong> nations and o<strong>the</strong>r players, <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> state functions and services, and <strong>the</strong><br />
appearance and intensified impact <strong>of</strong> new powerful international players at <strong>the</strong> economic level, such as World<br />
Bank, International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation, transnational corporations, multinational<br />
companies, and informal groups such as G7 and G8. Basic trends that currently shape macroeconomics start from<br />
<strong>the</strong> neoliberal point <strong>of</strong> view, meaning complete freedom <strong>of</strong> movement <strong>of</strong> goods, capital, and services, <strong>the</strong><br />
decrease in public expenditures for social services, deregulation in any area that may contribute to pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
decrease, privatisation, and <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> public property. Globalisation is driven by neoliberal<br />
economic policy, which is <strong>the</strong> current political choice <strong>of</strong> international financial institutions, governments, and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
international players.<br />
Globalisation and Poverty<br />
Statistical indicators and UNDP studies [5] in recent years indicate that <strong>the</strong> prevailing trend <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
globalisation resulted in <strong>the</strong> extension <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gap between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor – both between developed and<br />
underdeveloped countries, and among particular social classes within individual countries and regions, including<br />
<strong>the</strong> richest parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world. The ratio <strong>of</strong> income between <strong>the</strong> top fifth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s population according to<br />
income and <strong>the</strong> lowest fifth was 30:1 in 1960, 60:1 in 1990, and 74:1 in 1999. [6] In <strong>the</strong> period from 1979 to<br />
1997, <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong> 60% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s population decreased; 20% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population achieved a modest income<br />
increase; <strong>the</strong> 20% at <strong>the</strong> top income levels achieved a drastic income increase. In 1999, 68-86% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s<br />
gross domestic product, goods and services exports, and direct foreign investments, belonged to <strong>the</strong> richest<br />
group, while <strong>the</strong> lowest one-fifth achieved only 1%. In this year, <strong>the</strong> index <strong>of</strong> humane development applied in <strong>the</strong><br />
UNDP Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong>e Development for <strong>the</strong> first time decreased in 30 countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, illustrating <strong>the</strong><br />
trend <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> absolute poverty.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> late 1990s, <strong>the</strong> 200 richest people in <strong>the</strong> world doubled <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir property in only a few years. The<br />
income <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three richest people in <strong>the</strong> world exceeds <strong>the</strong> GDP <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poorest countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world with a<br />
total population <strong>of</strong> over 600 million. The richest 1% has more income that 57% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poorest. In this period, <strong>the</strong><br />
fifth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s population living in <strong>the</strong> highest-income countries had: 82% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s export markets –<br />
<strong>the</strong> bottom fifth just 1%; , 68% <strong>of</strong> foreign direct investments – <strong>the</strong> bottom fifth just 1%; 74% <strong>of</strong> world telephone<br />
lines – <strong>the</strong> bottom fifth just 1,5%,and were 93% <strong>of</strong> Internet users – <strong>the</strong> bottom fifth just 0,2%. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
hand, 1.2 billion people live in extreme poverty. [7]<br />
Poverty as a Violation <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The analysis <strong>of</strong> globalisation’s effect on poverty first requires definition <strong>of</strong> poverty. Poverty used to be defined as<br />
<strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> material property or <strong>of</strong> resources for <strong>the</strong> acquisition <strong>of</strong> property. Today, poverty is viewed in much<br />
wider terms, which also include <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> opportunities to achieve dignity in life, such as involvement in decision<br />
making and <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> resources and mechanisms for achieving and protecting human rights.<br />
The concept <strong>of</strong> poverty is not explicitly included in <strong>the</strong> main international human rights conventions that are <strong>the</strong><br />
basis <strong>of</strong> international human rights law. However, it is certain that poverty reduce <strong>the</strong> opportunity <strong>of</strong> people to<br />
enjoy <strong>the</strong>ir basic human rights. Illiterate or insufficiently educated people, who have no housing and inadequate<br />
food are unable to be involved in decision making regarding <strong>the</strong>ir destiny and in <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir country. The<br />
achievement <strong>of</strong> civil and political rights means much more than satisfaction <strong>of</strong> basic human’s needs; it includes<br />
<strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> information, education, health care, and ways to satisfy cultural needs. Poverty is not <strong>the</strong><br />
problem <strong>of</strong> an individual and his/her (in)competence to “manage” but it is <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> basic human rights, [8]<br />
which are <strong>the</strong> responsibility not only borne by a State, according to traditional understanding <strong>of</strong> human rights law.<br />
This responsibility is also borne by new international actors that have priority in making decisions and in managing<br />
global, national, and regional activities. These international actors include, for example, international<br />
organisations, transnational corporations, and international financial institutions [9] . The result <strong>of</strong> this prevailing<br />
concept is <strong>the</strong> formulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to control transnational corporations in <strong>the</strong> third generation <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights, which is a formulation contributed by <strong>the</strong> UN Sub-Commission for <strong>the</strong> Promotion and Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, that also created, and in August 2003 adopted, <strong>the</strong> “Draft Norms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Responsibility <strong>of</strong> Transnational<br />
Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r Business Enterprises Regarding <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>” [10] .<br />
Starting from <strong>the</strong> World Conference on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> held in Vienna in 1993, <strong>the</strong> promotion and protection <strong>of</strong><br />
human rights and basic freedoms have been considered to be UN priority objectives in accordance with UN<br />
objectives and principles, especially regarding international cooperation. From that date, <strong>the</strong> connection between<br />
<strong>the</strong> poverty and human rights has been acknowledged. The UN Committee for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and its Sub-<br />
Committee have started to support <strong>the</strong> human rights based approach to poverty. [11] The Committee on<br />
Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> expressed its regret that poverty reduction policies rarely take into account<br />
human rights dimensions <strong>of</strong> poverty, since such an approach may intensify and make strategies for decreasing<br />
poverty much more efficient. [12] The Committee adopted a wider concept <strong>of</strong> poverty, defining it as “human<br />
condition characterised by sustained or chronic deprivation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> resources, capabilities, choices, security and<br />
power necessary for <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> an adequate standard <strong>of</strong> living and o<strong>the</strong>r civil, cultural, economic, political<br />
and social rights. While acknowledging that <strong>the</strong>re is no universally accepted definition, <strong>the</strong> Committee endorses<br />
this multi-dimensional understanding <strong>of</strong> poverty, which reflects <strong>the</strong> indivisible and interdependent nature <strong>of</strong> all<br />
human rights.” (para. 8). [13]<br />
In <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Committee identified<br />
<strong>the</strong> rights that are directly related to decreasing poverty. Those are <strong>the</strong> rights to work, an appropriate living<br />
standard, accommodation, food, health, and education. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> Committee estimated that <strong>the</strong> basic elements<br />
<strong>of</strong> a successful strategy against poverty are those that create <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> a normative framework <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights: non-discrimination, equality, participation in public life, and responsibility. Banning discrimination and<br />
achieving <strong>the</strong> right to equality refer to all rights <strong>of</strong> individuals and marginalised and socially excluded groups.<br />
The above-mentioned presents only <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> UN activities to extend <strong>the</strong> understanding <strong>of</strong> poverty viewed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> human rights. Therefore, Special Rapporteurs, and independent experts have been appointed to<br />
research particular issues regarding poverty, such as extreme poverty, income distribution, <strong>the</strong> programmes <strong>of</strong><br />
structural adjustment, and globalisation.<br />
Poverty Reduction as a Millennium Development Goal<br />
The UN have decided that <strong>the</strong> struggle against poverty is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basic activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN, <strong>the</strong> international<br />
community, and UN member countries for <strong>the</strong> 21 st century. [14] <strong>On</strong>e objective accepted is to decrease, to half <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> 1990 level, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor suffering from hunger and living with less than USD 1 <strong>of</strong> income per day<br />
by 2015. In his last UN report on <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> Millennium Development Goals, K<strong>of</strong>i Annan, UN General<br />
Secretary, emphasised that for <strong>the</strong> first time in its history humankind has <strong>the</strong> necessary resources and knowledge<br />
to reduce poverty and hunger; never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> this objective mostly depends on achieving fair<br />
development. [15] Despite <strong>the</strong> current trend <strong>of</strong> poverty rates decreasing in transitioning countries in contrast to<br />
rapid poverty increases in <strong>the</strong> 1990s, <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> concern is that poverty increased in 37 out <strong>of</strong> 67 poor countries.<br />
Accordingly to <strong>the</strong> average worldwide trend, hunger in <strong>the</strong> world is slowly but certainly decreasing; [16]<br />
never<strong>the</strong>less, reason for concern comes from <strong>the</strong> big regional inequalities and <strong>the</strong> fact that in <strong>the</strong> 1990s <strong>the</strong>re was<br />
both a huge excess <strong>of</strong> food production and an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> underfed children in Asia and Africa (up<br />
to 50% in South-Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa). This is primarily <strong>the</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> structural effects,<br />
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such as long-term economic and agrarian policies, <strong>the</strong> bad and subordinated positions <strong>of</strong> women, social<br />
inequalities, and endemic conflicts. [17]<br />
Globalisation, Banning Discrimination, and <strong>the</strong> Right to Equality<br />
In 2000 <strong>the</strong> UN Commission on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> decided to nominate as Special Rapporteurs [18] to undertake a<br />
study on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> globalization and its impact on <strong>the</strong> full enjoyment <strong>of</strong> all human rights. In <strong>the</strong>ir Report, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
concluded that it was fairly evident that <strong>the</strong> phenomenon <strong>of</strong> globalization, <strong>the</strong> processes and institutional<br />
frameworks through which it was propagated, and its multifaceted nature have numerous implications for <strong>the</strong><br />
promotion and protection <strong>of</strong> all human rights. This implies that <strong>the</strong>re is a need for a critical reconceptualization <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> policies and instruments <strong>of</strong> international trade, investment and finance. [19]<br />
Of course, it would be absurd to say that globalisation created inequality and discrimination. However,<br />
globalisation has caused global conditions <strong>of</strong> inequality and discrimination to worsen [20] . To confirm this<br />
statement, one only needs to see statistics [21] and analyse, for example, <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Internet as <strong>the</strong> indicator<br />
<strong>of</strong> resource availability and ask who is in <strong>the</strong> loop, as UNDP did [22] . Yet even if telecommunications systems are<br />
installed and accessible, without literacy and basic computer skills people will have little access to <strong>the</strong> network<br />
society. In 1995 adult literacy was less than 40% in 16 countries, and primary school enrolments less than 80%<br />
in 24 countries. Current access to Internet runs along <strong>the</strong> fault lines <strong>of</strong> national societies, dividing educated from<br />
illiterate, men from women, rich from poor, young from old, urban from rural. National Internet surveys in 1998<br />
and 1999 revealed that income buys access, ethnicity counts, educated, men and youth dominate. [23] This also<br />
refers to telecommunication presenting <strong>the</strong> framework for modern globalisation. Important characteristics <strong>of</strong><br />
telecommunication use and availability are gender, language, geographical coordinates, and income levels. Apart<br />
from <strong>the</strong>se indicators, globalisation also creates a gap between urban and rural populations and fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
contributes to <strong>the</strong> intensification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gap between those who have and have not. In <strong>the</strong> areas with a majority <strong>of</strong><br />
rural people, such as is <strong>the</strong> case on <strong>the</strong> African continent, <strong>the</strong> fact is that globalisation has not resulted in<br />
improvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> life. [24]<br />
Opening markets, removing customs barriers, and liberalizing trade do not guarantee that everyone will gain<br />
benefits from <strong>the</strong>se changes. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary, current trends and effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se policies indicate that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
benefit <strong>the</strong> big and rich (markets, states, regions, individuals, etc.) to <strong>the</strong> detriment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> small and poor<br />
(markets, states, regions, individuals, etc.). It is a paradox that growing integration, one <strong>of</strong> globalisation’s<br />
features, is <strong>of</strong> very little benefit to those who provide significant contribution to <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> property and<br />
resources: workers and especially migrants. Today, migrants represent an “invisible state” within <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Union and <strong>the</strong> industrially developed countries <strong>of</strong> North America. Uniting <strong>the</strong> EU market has stimulated <strong>the</strong><br />
mobility <strong>of</strong> labour in <strong>the</strong> entire territory <strong>of</strong> Europe. Despite <strong>the</strong> fact that EU member states’ economies are based<br />
to great extent on <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> this cheap, flexible, and available labour force, <strong>the</strong>se workers are an unprotected<br />
population, whose rights are protected nei<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong> legislation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir states <strong>of</strong> residence nor by <strong>the</strong>ir home<br />
countries. Migrants are more and more faced with various limitations: <strong>the</strong>y may not vote in local and national<br />
elections; <strong>the</strong>y may not establish <strong>the</strong>ir associations; and in many countries <strong>the</strong>y may not be employed in <strong>the</strong><br />
public sector. [25] The lack <strong>of</strong> relevant legal protection increases <strong>the</strong> insecurity <strong>of</strong> work in formal positions;<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, more migrants move from <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> formal work to <strong>the</strong> informal sector or to temporary and part-time<br />
jobs without any security regarding appropriate salaries and adequate safety at work. The fact that <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong><br />
migrants do not belong to <strong>the</strong> white race clearly indicates <strong>the</strong> racial and discriminatory nature <strong>of</strong> this issue,<br />
invisible in <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial policy <strong>of</strong> those countries [26] .<br />
Globalisation has not only reinforced traditional inequality between North and South, but also within <strong>the</strong> North, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> countries which are traditionally supposed to be <strong>the</strong> main beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> globalisation. In Canada, at <strong>the</strong> top<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNDP human development index, <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 5 million poorest families decreased by 5% on average<br />
during <strong>the</strong> 1990s, while <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> richest increased by 7%. Similar trends have occurred in Germany,<br />
Italy, and o<strong>the</strong>r developed economies, while Scandinavian countries face stronger pressures for decreasing<br />
expenditures on welfare and social activities. As for Western countries, poverty is most widespread and present in<br />
<strong>the</strong> USA. As many as 68 million Americans, i.e. every fourth one, lives in poverty; 2 million Americans are<br />
homeless; in <strong>the</strong> 1990s <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> richest one-fifth <strong>of</strong> Americans increased by 83%, while <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> poorest one-fifth decreased by 14%. [27] It is a paradox that increasing wealth and improvement resulting<br />
from globalisation and integration leads to growth in inequality and discrimination.<br />
Globalisation’s Impact on Women’s Positions<br />
The paradoxes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> globalisation are nowhere more apparent than in relation to <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> globalisation on<br />
<strong>the</strong> gender relations and on <strong>the</strong> plight <strong>of</strong> women in particular. This is <strong>the</strong> observation that was particularly<br />
stressed in <strong>the</strong> Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-<strong>On</strong>yango and Deepika Udagama on <strong>the</strong> impact<br />
<strong>of</strong> globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights. [28] In order to analyse this impact, particular factors<br />
related to globalisation should be determined and observed regarding <strong>the</strong>ir impact on women’s positions, including<br />
isolation <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r factors that also produce changes and effects, but are not directly related to globalisation.<br />
Numerous studies [29] in this field still unambiguously indicate that globalisation has impacted women’s positions,<br />
where <strong>the</strong> effects have varied depending on nation, region, and social class. The general impression is that <strong>the</strong><br />
impact <strong>of</strong> globalisation on women has both positive and negative aspects. For example, <strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> new<br />
factories in export-oriented branches may create new opportunities <strong>of</strong> women’s employment and thus create <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
income sources and basis to achieve economic independence. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> significant increase in<br />
women’s share <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour force in developing countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Philippines<br />
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has been followed by average salaries decreases, less favourable labour conditions, and rising insecurity, thus<br />
creating conditions for <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> poverty. [30]<br />
Globalisation has both positive and negative effects on women in developed countries, too (Bakker, 1999: 32).<br />
Dominant policies that shape globalisation have been barely successful in stimulating economic development and<br />
decreasing inflation in many rich countries, while, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong>y have contributed to growing income<br />
polarisation, social exclusion, and growth in unemployment rates. The decreasing role <strong>of</strong> state welfare and social<br />
security systems have resulted in <strong>the</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se roles from <strong>the</strong> public (governmental) sector to markets or<br />
families. This has gradually resulted in <strong>the</strong> increased burden on women to perform <strong>the</strong>se activities, including a<br />
growing trend <strong>of</strong> transferring women from <strong>the</strong> formal to <strong>the</strong> informal economy. Economic systems based on pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten gain it at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> women’s labour. [31] In many studies, globalisation is also related to growing<br />
exploitation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> trafficking <strong>of</strong> women for prostitution, especially in <strong>the</strong> countries characterised<br />
by accelerated transformation in order to adopt a market economic model. [32]<br />
Thanks to <strong>the</strong> increased number <strong>of</strong> feminist researchers, it has been shown that all aspects <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
globalisation, such as international trade, unemployment, employment, global management, international<br />
resources, foreign debts, and poverty, have gender dimensions, i.e. that <strong>the</strong>y produce different effects on men<br />
versus on women. This is reflected both in <strong>the</strong>ir economic and social positions in societies and families and in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
opportunities for achieving and enjoying civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights and protection.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e study by <strong>the</strong> UN has confirmed <strong>the</strong> fact that industrialisation under <strong>the</strong> umbrella <strong>of</strong> globalisation is oriented as<br />
much to using women’s labour as it is to exporting. [33] Women have taken over <strong>the</strong> labour market in <strong>the</strong> majority<br />
<strong>of</strong> countries that have accepted a liberal economic policy. The overall economic activity rate <strong>of</strong> women between<br />
ages 20 and 54 in 1996 approached 70% in paid work [34] . Among <strong>the</strong> newly industrializing countries, where<br />
manufacturing has been heavily oriented toward export, <strong>the</strong> share <strong>of</strong> women workers in such industries has<br />
increased substantially. [35] This is especially <strong>the</strong> case with export areas and special economic areas where labourintensive<br />
industries have moved into developing countries to find cheap labour thanks to foreign investments and<br />
free movement <strong>of</strong> capital. In branches, such as lea<strong>the</strong>r, textiles, footwear, and computer production, that require<br />
semi-skilled labour, investors have, as a rule, given advantage to women when employing people. At <strong>the</strong> same<br />
time, those are labour-intensive branches with low salaries. Compared to <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> industrial products<br />
exported from <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn, more developed countries, <strong>the</strong> employment growth recorded in developing countries<br />
had been proportionately greater in <strong>the</strong> labour-intensive, low-salaried industries.<br />
Racing to attract foreign capital, many countries, especially developing ones, decrease <strong>the</strong>ir legal minimum wage,<br />
working standards, and work safety, while also introducing tax deductions for investors that have negative effects<br />
on <strong>the</strong> baseline regarding <strong>the</strong> possibility for employees and job seekers to achieve economic and social rights.<br />
When creating comparative advantages that would attract investments, labour force costs decrease. States loose<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir standards in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> labour legislation; <strong>the</strong>refore, full-time employment is more and more replaced by<br />
temporary and part-time jobs explaining this as labour flexibility designed to increase employment. The truth is,<br />
however, that such policies benefit large capital owners who in this way get facilitated access to cheap labour,<br />
cost decreases, and high pr<strong>of</strong>it gains. In this sense, a tighter connection is created between trade liberalisation<br />
and cheaper labour, which becomes mostly a women’s labour force. [36]<br />
The phenomenon <strong>of</strong> demand for a cheaper labour force results in <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> internal and external women’s<br />
migration, and <strong>the</strong>ir vulnerability makes <strong>the</strong>m easily available for exploitation, both in work and sexually. A high<br />
number <strong>of</strong> under-educated and rural women, especially young ones, migrates to towns and developed countries in<br />
search <strong>of</strong> work. Within a migrant population, which is already a marginalised social group, women make up <strong>the</strong><br />
most vulnerable part for whom almost all mechanisms <strong>of</strong> human rights protection are unavailable. In Asia, where<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are large population migrations, <strong>the</strong> ratio <strong>of</strong> women to men among Philippines migrants is 12:1, and among<br />
Indonesians it is 3:1. Many <strong>of</strong> those women are housewives, nurses, shop assistants, restaurant and shop<br />
workers, and entertainers in sex and o<strong>the</strong>r entertainment industries. Despite <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y get <strong>the</strong><br />
opportunity to earn more than at home, <strong>the</strong>se women are unprotected and exposed to high rates <strong>of</strong> exploitation<br />
and social and working insecurity. To high extent, this is facilitated by <strong>the</strong> countries that accept migrants, for <strong>the</strong>y<br />
do not provide <strong>the</strong> possibility for enjoyment and protection <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights. The growth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
informal economic sector magnifies <strong>the</strong> problem that <strong>the</strong> traditional mechanisms protecting equality, rights, and<br />
benefits enjoyed by employees within <strong>the</strong> formal sector are not applied to those working within <strong>the</strong> informal<br />
economy. Insecure market conditions cause family incomes to decrease, <strong>of</strong>ten because men lose <strong>the</strong>ir jobs,<br />
putting more pressure on women to find or keep jobs in <strong>the</strong> labour force even when <strong>the</strong>y prefer not to do so.<br />
Those who may not find a job within <strong>the</strong> formal economy, <strong>of</strong>ten because <strong>the</strong>y do not possess relevant education<br />
and working experience, are forced to turn to <strong>the</strong> informal sector, where working conditions are even worse.<br />
Transnational companies who enter new markets characterised by high level <strong>of</strong> informal economy have found out<br />
that employment workers in temporary or part-time jobs significantly decreases <strong>the</strong>ir expenses. The result <strong>of</strong> this<br />
is ano<strong>the</strong>r paradox <strong>of</strong> current globalisation: <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> poverty among <strong>the</strong> employed.<br />
Conclusions<br />
The neoliberal model <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation fur<strong>the</strong>r deepens historical and existing inequalities according to<br />
ethnicity, gender, , and economics within and among states, thus impeding <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> establishing<br />
sustainable and equitable development for all. Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO,<br />
stimulate <strong>the</strong> type <strong>of</strong> globalisation dominated by trade liberalism and <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> everything, including<br />
services. Such a globalisation model and way <strong>of</strong> stimulating economic growth has resulted in <strong>the</strong> aggravation <strong>of</strong><br />
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economic, social, and cultural conditions in which <strong>the</strong> most sensitive groups live, and it has contributed to <strong>the</strong><br />
growth <strong>of</strong> poverty and social exclusion. [37]<br />
The related phenomenon <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation and poverty expansion is <strong>the</strong> increased insecurity <strong>of</strong><br />
individuals, groups, and states in various domains: economic, financial, cultural, employment equality, social,<br />
health care, ecological, political, and personal. The liberalisation <strong>of</strong> finance, trade, investment, and technology<br />
since <strong>the</strong> 1970s has resulted in a faster capital flow than in any previous periods. It has resulted in unimagined<br />
economic and technological opportunities for individuals. At <strong>the</strong> same time, it has contributed to <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong><br />
conditions where less people may enjoy <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation. Trade liberalisation produces a<br />
series <strong>of</strong> consequences such as:<br />
● Increased inequality among individuals, among regions, among nations and within nations, continuing<br />
poverty growth;<br />
● An increased level <strong>of</strong> people’s vulnerability due to social differences such as unemployment, poverty, and<br />
crime;<br />
● Increased opportunities for regions, nations, communities, and individuals not to enjoy <strong>the</strong> advantages and<br />
benefits resulting from globalisation;<br />
Unless care is taken to eliminate exploitation and discrimination, globalisation can result in <strong>the</strong> marginalisation<br />
and social exclusion <strong>of</strong> whole areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world and social groups such as women, <strong>the</strong> disabled, <strong>the</strong> aged,<br />
migrants, etc. While many people are benefiting from new communication technologies, new levels <strong>of</strong> wealth<br />
through increased investment, trade and capital flow, o<strong>the</strong>r are left behind, in poverty, effectively marginalized<br />
from <strong>the</strong> hopes that globalisation holds out. [38]<br />
The concentration <strong>of</strong> financial power results in <strong>the</strong> concentration <strong>of</strong> political power held by fewer people. The<br />
centres <strong>of</strong> decision making and creating world policy move from international institutions such as <strong>the</strong> UN to<br />
informal power centres, such as G7 and G8. For many authors, <strong>the</strong> solution is to move from neoliberal model <strong>of</strong><br />
economy based on pr<strong>of</strong>it and market fundamentalism to human rights based development. [39] Why is this<br />
important? Because currently prevailing political trends shaping globalisation fur<strong>the</strong>r deepen inequality, poverty,<br />
and conflicts, and thus disable sustainable development and <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights by a<br />
large majority <strong>of</strong> people. Many lose opportunities to take part in making decisions and controlling <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
environments and resources. Unless <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> social and economic development are extended to all<br />
countries, a growing number <strong>of</strong> people in all countries and even entire regions will remain marginalized from <strong>the</strong><br />
global economy. A review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economy as it functions within <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
international financial institutions will assist in establishing <strong>the</strong> extent to which an enabling environment<br />
supportive <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human rights exists. The global economy is one aspect in <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> social and<br />
international order conducive to <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human rights. A just, and efficient social order must also exist<br />
at <strong>the</strong> national level. Therefore, good governance is an essential element. [40] The basic principles that should<br />
provide this goal are:<br />
1. The principle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> priority <strong>of</strong> human rights: human rights must be <strong>the</strong> basic framework and objective for<br />
everything, for multilateral and bilateral investments, trade, and financial arrangements.<br />
2. The principle <strong>of</strong> non-retrogression: nations may not derogate or restrict international obligations concerning<br />
<strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> economic, social, and cultural rights.<br />
3. The right to effective protection in front <strong>of</strong> a relevant forum.<br />
4. The rights <strong>of</strong> individuals and groups, especially affected or marginalised ones especially referring women, to<br />
make decisions.<br />
<strong>Human</strong> rights may not ei<strong>the</strong>r be achieved or protected without appropriate national and international legal<br />
frameworks, including effective institutions and mechanisms at national and international levels and material<br />
resources. At <strong>the</strong> global level, this objective may not be achieved without designing and implementing<br />
mechanisms that would provide control and responsibilities for protection <strong>of</strong> human rights for all state and nonstate<br />
actors, including corporate responsibility <strong>of</strong> international financial institutions and multinational corporations.<br />
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14. UNDP. 1999. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
15. UNDP. 2000. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
16. UNDP. 2003. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
17. UNDP, UNOHCHR, Royal Ministry <strong>of</strong> Foreign Affairs <strong>of</strong> Norway. 1998. <strong>Human</strong> Development and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>,<br />
Report on <strong>the</strong> Oslo Symposium, Oslo<br />
18. UNIFEM. 2000. Progress <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World’s Women 2000. New York: UNIFEM.<br />
19. United Nations. 1999. 1999 World Survey on <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and<br />
Work, United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8<br />
20. WIDE. 1999. Gender, Trade and <strong>Rights</strong>: Moving Forward. Brussels: WIDE.<br />
21. WIDE. 2000. From Seattle to Beijing+5: How Can Women’s Economic <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> be Safeguarded in Times<br />
<strong>of</strong> Globalization? The Impact <strong>of</strong> Macroeconomy on Women, Brussels: WIDE<br />
Temida © 2003<br />
http://www.vds.org.yu<br />
[1] Published in Serbian in <strong>the</strong> Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Victimology Society <strong>of</strong> Serbia Temida No.4/2003: 15-22.<br />
[2] Social Watch. 2003. Report 2003: The Poor and <strong>the</strong> Market, Montevideo, Uruguay, p. 9.<br />
[3] UN Millennium Declaration, I.5. (A/RES/55/2).<br />
[4] Beynon, J. and Dunkerley, D. (eds) (2001), Globalization: The Reader, Oxford University Press.<br />
[5] UNDP. 1999. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
[6] Ibidem, p. 3.<br />
[7] Ibidem.<br />
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[8] Poverty and <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>Statement</strong> adopted by <strong>the</strong><br />
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, UN doc. E/C.12/2001/10, para. 1.<br />
[9] Fur<strong>the</strong>r: Skogly, S. 2001. The <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank and <strong>the</strong> International Monetary<br />
Fund, London, Cavendish Publishing Limited.<br />
[10] To read more see: http://www.hrw.org/corporations/<br />
[11] UN Committee on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Resolution 2001/31 (“<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Extreme Poverty”), UN Sub-<br />
Committee for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Resolution 2001/8 (“The Application <strong>of</strong> Existing Norms <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and<br />
Standards in <strong>the</strong> Context <strong>of</strong> Struggling Extreme Poverty”).<br />
[12] Poverty and <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>Statement</strong> adopted by <strong>the</strong><br />
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, UN doc. E/C.12/2001/10, para. 2<br />
[13] Ibidem, para. 8<br />
[14] A/RES/55/2<br />
[15] Implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN Millennium Declaration, Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General, General Assembly, fiftyeighth<br />
session, Follow-up <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Millennium Summit, A/58/323, September 2, 2003, p. 9.<br />
[16] Ibid. p. 19.<br />
[17] Ibid. p. 10.<br />
[18] Mr. J. Oloka-<strong>On</strong>yango and Ms. Deepika Udagama. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13<br />
[19] Ibid. para. 62.<br />
[20] Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-<strong>On</strong>yango and Deepika Udagama on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong><br />
globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13), para. 26<br />
[21] UNDP. 2000. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press; UNDP. 2003. <strong>Human</strong><br />
Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press; Social Watch. 1999. No. 3; Social Watch. 2003.<br />
Report 2003: The Poor and <strong>the</strong> Market, Montevideo.<br />
[22] UNDP. 1999. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. pp.63-66.<br />
[23] “The typical Internet user worldwide is male, under 35 years old, with a college education and high income,<br />
urban-based and English-speaking – a member <strong>of</strong> a very elite minority worldwide. The consequence? The network<br />
society is creating parallel communications systems: one for those with income, education and – literally –<br />
connections, (…); <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r for those without connections, blocked by high barriers <strong>of</strong> time, cost and uncertainty<br />
and dependent on outdated information (…) The voices and concerns <strong>of</strong> people already living in human poverty –<br />
lacking incomes, education and access to public institutions – are being increasingly marginalized.” Ibidem, p. 63.<br />
[24] Ibid. p. 62.<br />
[25] Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-<strong>On</strong>yango and Deepika Udagama on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong><br />
globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13), para. 28.<br />
[26] Ibidem.<br />
[27] Data and statistics from: UNDP. 2000. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press;<br />
UNDP. 2003. <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press; Social Watch. 1999. Report<br />
No. 3; Social Watch. 2003. Report 2003: The Poor and <strong>the</strong> Market.<br />
[28] E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13, para.30-40.<br />
[29] United Nations. 1999. World Survey on <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work,<br />
(United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8); UNIFEM (2000), Progress <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World’s Women 2000. New<br />
York: UNIFEM; WIDE (1999), Gender, Trade and <strong>Rights</strong>: Moving Forward. Brussels: WIDE<br />
[30] WIDE (2000), From Seattle to Beijing+5: How Can Women’s Economic <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> be Safeguarded in<br />
Times <strong>of</strong> Globalization? The Impact <strong>of</strong> Macroeconomy on Women, Brussels: WIDE<br />
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[31] Report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, special rapporteur for violence against women, <strong>the</strong>ir causes and effects<br />
(UN doc. E/CN.4/1995/42, para. 55).<br />
[32] Report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, special rapporteur for violence against women, <strong>the</strong>ir causes and effects<br />
(UN doc. E/CN.4/2000/68).<br />
[33] United Nations, 1999 World Survey on <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work,<br />
(United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8)<br />
[34] ILO(1996b), Globalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Footwear, Textiles and Clothing Industries, Geneva: ILO<br />
[35] United Nations, 1999 World Survey on <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work,<br />
(United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8), para. 103-104.<br />
[36] Karadenizli, M. 2002. “Instruments for Engendering Trade Agreements”, Instruments for Gender Equality in<br />
Trade Agreements, July 2002, Brussels: WIDE.<br />
[37] Fur<strong>the</strong>r on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> services to <strong>the</strong> poor and women in: Social Watch. 2003. Report<br />
2003: The Poor and <strong>the</strong> Market, Montevideo.<br />
[38] Preliminary Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human rights,<br />
UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342, para 6.<br />
[39] Fur<strong>the</strong>r: UNDP, UNOHCHR, Royal Ministry <strong>of</strong> Foreign Affairs <strong>of</strong> Norway, <strong>Human</strong> Development and <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, Report on <strong>the</strong> Oslo Symposium, October 23, 1998.<br />
[40] See: Preliminary Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights, UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342; Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-<br />
<strong>On</strong>yango and Deepika Udagama on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/<br />
Sub.2/2000/13),<br />
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Trade Liberalisation<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_lit.htm (1 van 2)16-12-2005 12:34:01<br />
TRADE LIBERALISATION<br />
Impacts <strong>of</strong> Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia<br />
By Charita Jashi, Ph.D.<br />
Liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world economy creates new opportunities to take full advantage <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> market economy. The trade policies <strong>of</strong> national governments and <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
World Trade Organization (“WTO”) have a significance influence on <strong>the</strong> economic and<br />
social development in <strong>the</strong> world. The modern global marketplace is characterized by a<br />
high degree <strong>of</strong> monopolization. It is very difficult for <strong>the</strong> developing countries to access<br />
<strong>the</strong>se markets.<br />
Gender Effects <strong>of</strong> Globalisation on <strong>the</strong> Serbian Economy: The Case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Clothing Industry ‘Novitet’<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D.<br />
Neoclassical interpretations <strong>of</strong> globalisation mainly focus on <strong>the</strong> changes on <strong>the</strong> market<br />
and in <strong>the</strong> state and on <strong>the</strong>ir mutual relationship. In terms <strong>of</strong> trade, globalisation<br />
operates as trade liberalization, grounded in <strong>the</strong> ideology <strong>of</strong> free trade and <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong><br />
comparative advantage. Thus, powerful international institutions such as IMF and <strong>the</strong><br />
World Bank argue that reducing all barriers to trade in goods and services between<br />
countries will have positive economic effects on <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> countries and,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, will yield better living standards for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir populations.<br />
Civil Society Protest in Geneva Against <strong>the</strong> WTO Corporate Agenda<br />
By Amandine Bach<br />
WIDE<br />
Hundreds <strong>of</strong> civil society trade campaigners from around <strong>the</strong> world ga<strong>the</strong>red on 27-29<br />
July in Geneva during <strong>the</strong> WTO's General Council meeting. After <strong>the</strong> so-called July<br />
framework was agreed in Geneva last year, campaigners had decided to be in Geneva in<br />
July while <strong>the</strong> negotiations were taking place, to prevent a bad deal from being signed by<br />
developing countries.<br />
Women‘s <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy<br />
By AWID<br />
The trade policies <strong>of</strong> national governments and <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade<br />
Organization (”WTO“) have important ramifications for economic and social development<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> world. This primer describes <strong>the</strong> WTO and <strong>the</strong> relationship between trade<br />
policies and gender, and concludes with an agenda for action.<br />
Gender and Trade Indicators<br />
By Irene van Staveren<br />
WIDE Information Sheet<br />
Although we know that women are <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor and low skilled workers,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is very little known on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> globalisation on women. Partly this is because<br />
<strong>of</strong> a lack <strong>of</strong> gender disaggregated data in trade statistics, and partly because <strong>of</strong> a lack <strong>of</strong><br />
gender awareness in economic analyses and models. In particular, <strong>the</strong> blind spot for <strong>the</strong><br />
unpaid care economy prevents <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> links between trade and unpaid labour. WIDE<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore has developed a tool that will help to understand, measure and monitor <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship between trade and gender. This tool consists <strong>of</strong> three sets <strong>of</strong> indicators,<br />
which can be applied to any trading relationship between countries or trade blocks.<br />
Many Good Reasons for Women to be Against GATS<br />
By Christa Wichterich<br />
WIDE Briefing<br />
No doubt, <strong>the</strong> public sector must be reformed, as <strong>of</strong>ten it is inefficient, sick and corrupt<br />
and unable to guarantee basic rights and <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> basic services to all members <strong>of</strong><br />
society. But GATS and privatisation are not <strong>the</strong> right path to follow. We must look for<br />
alternatives and re-invent social thinking and solidarity. But for this we do not need any
Trade Liberalisation<br />
GATS.<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_lit.htm (2 van 2)16-12-2005 12:34:01
Privatisation<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_pri.htm (1 van 2)16-12-2005 12:34:24<br />
PRIVATISATION<br />
Privatization <strong>of</strong> Public Enterprises in Nigeria:<br />
The Views and Counterviews<br />
By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D.<br />
The issue <strong>of</strong> privatization has been a subject <strong>of</strong> intense global debate in recent years. In<br />
Africa, it has remained highly controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria<br />
has not been a popular reform. It has received so much criticism from labor, academia,<br />
and individuals. There have been numerous strikes against proposed sell-<strong>of</strong>fs by unions<br />
fearing loss <strong>of</strong> jobs. While proponents <strong>of</strong> privatization see that aspect <strong>of</strong> economic reform<br />
as an instrument <strong>of</strong> efficient resource management for rapid economic development and<br />
poverty reduction…<br />
Public Goods – The Economic vs <strong>the</strong> Ethical Category<br />
By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D.<br />
The phenomenon <strong>of</strong> public goods has existed since <strong>the</strong> dawn <strong>of</strong> civilization, but <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
significance and <strong>the</strong> approach to <strong>the</strong>m has been different in various historical, and<br />
especially socio-economic, stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> civilization. This issue is<br />
becoming emphasized in <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New Economy (or Total<br />
Economy), especially in countries in transition.<br />
Faites vos jeux, Messieurs!<br />
or<br />
A Case Study on <strong>the</strong> Impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> General Agreement on Trade in Services<br />
(GATS) in Bulgaria - The Concession <strong>of</strong> S<strong>of</strong>ia Water Supply and Wastewater<br />
Services: Legal, Economic, Social and Gender Aspects<br />
By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D.<br />
By joining GATS <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian government had to start playing <strong>the</strong> GATS game and,<br />
subsequently, to follow its rules. GATS is <strong>the</strong> first multilateral agreement containing <strong>the</strong><br />
commitment for a continuous liberalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trade in all services, essential services<br />
included, through binding rules. The aim <strong>of</strong> GATS is to increase international trade by<br />
removing any control and restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities,<br />
environment protection, existing social standards or laws which maintain <strong>the</strong> public<br />
monopoly on some services.<br />
Is Water a Public Good or a Commodity?<br />
Thoughts on water privatization and related issues for poor populations<br />
By Massan d’ Almeida, AWID<br />
More than 1.1 billion humans are indeed deprived <strong>of</strong> drinking water and 2.4 billion <strong>of</strong><br />
health services. Already, more than half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population in developing countries suffers<br />
from at least one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> six main water related diseases that kills more than five millions<br />
people every year, eleven thousands <strong>of</strong> whom are children who die every day, which is<br />
three to four times <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> victims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Center attacks! How <strong>the</strong>n is<br />
one to understand <strong>the</strong> deafening silence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> media and our own?<br />
Women and Water Privatization<br />
By Ana Elena Obando, WHRnet<br />
The increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global degradation <strong>of</strong> ecosystems, <strong>the</strong> excessive consumption <strong>of</strong><br />
water, contamination and salinization <strong>of</strong> water-bearings, aquifers and dams, along with<br />
<strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> extreme poverty which has been worsened by privatization, are<br />
contributing factors to an environmental catastrophe. This has had pr<strong>of</strong>ound effects on<br />
<strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> drinking water and, consequently, has led to <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to<br />
life, safety, food, health and education <strong>of</strong> billions <strong>of</strong> human beings. Water is a<br />
fundamental and inalienable human right and a common good that every person and<br />
institution <strong>of</strong> this planet should protect.
Privatisation<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_pri.htm (2 van 2)16-12-2005 12:34:24
Is water a public good or a commodity?<br />
Is Water a Public Good or a Commodity?<br />
Thoughts on water privatization and related issues for poor populations<br />
By Massan d'Almeida, AWID<br />
Water is at <strong>the</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> life on earth. For a long time, it was considered an element. It was only in <strong>the</strong> eighteenth<br />
century that <strong>the</strong> physician Henry Cavendish conducted his analysis and discovered its double structure, a binary<br />
compound composed <strong>of</strong> oxygen and hydrogen. However, water can not be reduced only to what physicists and<br />
chemists may have to say about it. The biologists' stand point on <strong>the</strong> matter is just as interesting.<br />
"No living organisms can live without water in any <strong>of</strong> its forms. The reason why is simple: our cells, all living<br />
animals, ourselves included, live in an aqueous environment. Therefore, <strong>the</strong>re are constant chemical exchanges<br />
through <strong>the</strong> membranes <strong>of</strong> our cells between <strong>the</strong> external environment composed <strong>of</strong> blood and interstitial liquids<br />
and <strong>the</strong> internal environment composed <strong>of</strong> various substances dissolved in water. Living organisms are first and<br />
foremost composed <strong>of</strong> water since <strong>the</strong>re is water inside and outside <strong>of</strong> those cells."<br />
(Claude Villeneuve, Eau secours!)<br />
"We do not know <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> water as long as <strong>the</strong> well isn’t dry."<br />
(Thomas Fuller, Gnomologia, 1732)<br />
"Every eight seconds, somewhere in <strong>the</strong> world, a child dies from a disease related to shortage in drinking water<br />
and health services."<br />
(WHO, 2000).<br />
More than 1.1 billion humans are indeed deprived <strong>of</strong> drinking water and 2.4 billion <strong>of</strong> health services. Already,<br />
more than half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population in developing countries suffers from at least one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> six main water related<br />
diseases that kills more than five millions people every year, eleven thousands <strong>of</strong> whom are children who die<br />
every day, which is three to four times <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> victims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Center attacks! How <strong>the</strong>n is one<br />
to understand <strong>the</strong> deafening silence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> media and our own? Especially since this 'water woe' is stupidly,<br />
recklessly and greedily imposed upon millions <strong>of</strong> us, as Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke's book eloquently<br />
demonstrates: "States have indeed agreed at <strong>the</strong> Johannesburg Summit, to grant access to drinking water and<br />
health services by 2015 to half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population deprived <strong>of</strong> that access, however, this was accomplished at <strong>the</strong><br />
cost <strong>of</strong> a non-recognition <strong>of</strong> access to water as a basic human right, contributing <strong>the</strong>reby to this public good<br />
becoming a commodity for <strong>the</strong> benefit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> water cartel."<br />
Water needs an ethic for action. It must be guided by precautionary principles and principles <strong>of</strong> mutual respect as<br />
well as by ideas <strong>of</strong> justice and solidarity. And so far, a binding human right to water has only explicitly been<br />
mentioned in <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women and only in <strong>the</strong><br />
context <strong>of</strong> access without discrimination. Today, <strong>the</strong> right to water derives essentially from <strong>the</strong> binding norms <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>. In this regard, <strong>the</strong> right to water is derived as<br />
a precondition to <strong>the</strong> right to life, <strong>the</strong> right to food, <strong>the</strong> right to health and <strong>the</strong> right to housing. This stance was<br />
translated in <strong>the</strong> FAO's slogan for <strong>the</strong> World Food Day in 2002: "No food without water".<br />
Therefore, it is clear that whoever is concerned with <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong> humanity must irrevocably ponder on <strong>the</strong> issue<br />
<strong>of</strong> water. Water, this "blue gold", has become an unavoidable issue. According to <strong>the</strong> UNEP, <strong>the</strong> global water crisis<br />
is <strong>the</strong> biggest challenge facing <strong>the</strong> international community and <strong>the</strong> drinking water crisis has <strong>the</strong> same dimensions<br />
and presents <strong>the</strong> same potential threats than climate changes.<br />
The need for a convention on water is not a tokenistic exercise separate from <strong>the</strong> emerging reality as stated by a<br />
few experts. Fundamental questions underline this call for a binding right, questions which need to be dealt with<br />
as quickly as possible. Is access to water a human right? Is water a public good, like <strong>the</strong> air we brea<strong>the</strong> or is it a<br />
commodity? Who can assume <strong>the</strong> right to open or close <strong>the</strong> water tap: a relevant authority, <strong>the</strong> population<br />
(through public authorities or governments) or <strong>the</strong> invisible hand <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market?<br />
Lack <strong>of</strong> financial resources is at <strong>the</strong> top <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> list <strong>of</strong> arguments produced by <strong>the</strong> international community to<br />
explain why billions <strong>of</strong> human beings continue to live in unacceptable conditions, deprived <strong>of</strong> water. The estimates<br />
<strong>of</strong> additional private means required to reach <strong>the</strong> Millennium Goals vary greatly. The UNEP calculated that we<br />
would need up to 180 billions dollars per year while <strong>the</strong> World Bank is talking about doubling annual investments<br />
to reach 30 billions dollars. The report called "Camdessus" presented at <strong>the</strong> third Global Forum on Water in Kyoto<br />
is also based on this argument. The primary originators <strong>of</strong> this report were <strong>the</strong> Global Water Partnership and <strong>the</strong><br />
World Water Council. It had been drafted by a financial expert under <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former Director <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus and must be used as a reference for donors' future policies. It<br />
speaks again <strong>of</strong> mega projects such as those which have been implemented in <strong>the</strong> last few years in many<br />
countries with all <strong>the</strong> fatal social and ecological consequences that we all know.<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/doc_en/e0040pri.htm (1 van 2)16-12-2005 12:34:37
Is water a public good or a commodity?<br />
According to advocates for <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> water supply services, additional financial resources would need to<br />
be mobilized through <strong>the</strong> private economy. We know <strong>the</strong> numerous examples <strong>of</strong> indebted developing countries<br />
who are pressured by <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund and <strong>the</strong> World Bank to privatize <strong>the</strong>ir water services in<br />
order to obtain new loans. Reality shows without any ambiguity that <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> water supply services is a<br />
dead-end path even when financial arguments are used.<br />
The Millennium Goals will never be reached this way. Multinationals are only interested in providing water services<br />
to mega cities, in o<strong>the</strong>r words areas with a clientele <strong>of</strong> a certain level <strong>of</strong> buying power and where <strong>the</strong>re are great<br />
opportunities for pr<strong>of</strong>it. Cases such as Manila, Maputo, Togo, South Africa, etc., demonstrate that multinationals<br />
have no concern about backing out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir commitments when gains do not meet <strong>the</strong>ir expectations. It is <strong>the</strong>n<br />
<strong>the</strong> State who is forced to pay <strong>the</strong> consequences. Public-private partnerships that have been subjects <strong>of</strong> countless<br />
praises and have been highlighted again in <strong>the</strong> Johannesburg Action Plan are also leading down <strong>the</strong> wrong path<br />
and have not thus far contributed to solving <strong>the</strong> water crisis.<br />
Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> reality is as follows: <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> people who do not have access to safe drinking water live ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
in rural areas or in slums. Ano<strong>the</strong>r far-reaching consequence <strong>of</strong> water privatization is higher water bills and drastic<br />
measures that are taken by companies against customers when <strong>the</strong>y are not paid on time.<br />
Water, basis <strong>of</strong> all life, remains without global and autonomous protection embedded in international law. An<br />
international convention on water could be one solution, <strong>of</strong>fering <strong>the</strong> following benefits:<br />
● Rendering <strong>the</strong> right to water, like any human right, binding on legal grounds.<br />
● Guaranteeing <strong>the</strong> right to water to future generations.<br />
● Protecting water as a public good for humanity.<br />
● Prioritizing water provision and holding States accountable for <strong>the</strong> respect, protection and implementation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to water.<br />
● Preventing water from being privatized and for becoming a commercial good.<br />
● Granting priority to human rights to water as opposed to <strong>the</strong> international trade law (i.e. WTO).<br />
● Putting water sources, unconfined groundwaters, rivers and lakes under <strong>the</strong> complete protection <strong>of</strong> public<br />
international law.<br />
● Guaranteeing women’s access to water as a human right.<br />
● Protecting local and nations rights to water for indigenous peoples within international law.<br />
● Anchoring <strong>the</strong> traditional culture <strong>of</strong> water and locals rights (nomads', for example) to water within<br />
international law.<br />
● Ensuring that <strong>the</strong> population is a stakeholder and has its say, democratically, in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong><br />
national and local strategies in water related matters.<br />
● Making available to all women and men legal ways internationally and nationally to claim <strong>the</strong> right to water.<br />
Published in:<br />
Resource Net Friday File,<br />
Issue 198<br />
Friday, October 8, 2004<br />
Association for Women's <strong>Rights</strong> in Development ©<br />
http://www.awid.org<br />
* This article originally appeared on our French-language e-list Carrefour, Volume 3, Number 16, May 25, 2004.<br />
It was translated to English by Cécile Grégoire.<br />
References:<br />
1. Global+ Dossier N°2, April 2004<br />
2. L'Encyclopédie de l'Agora<br />
3. Business Africa<br />
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Overview<br />
Women and Water Privatization<br />
By Ana Elena Obando<br />
WHRnet (Women’s <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Net) *<br />
The increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global degradation <strong>of</strong> ecosystems, <strong>the</strong> excessive consumption <strong>of</strong> water, contamination and<br />
salinization <strong>of</strong> water-bearings, aquifers and dams, along with <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> extreme poverty which has been<br />
worsened by privatization, are contributing factors to an environmental catastrophe. This has had pr<strong>of</strong>ound effects<br />
on <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> drinking water and, consequently, has led to <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to life, safety, food,<br />
health and education <strong>of</strong> billions <strong>of</strong> human beings.<br />
Water is a fundamental and inalienable human right and a common good that every person and institution <strong>of</strong> this<br />
planet should protect. This resource is, like air, a heritage <strong>of</strong> humanity and must be declared that way. Water is<br />
not merchandize and no person or institution should be allowed to get rich from <strong>the</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> it. It should not be<br />
privatized, marketed, exported or transferred to a few multinational companies, which today already control 90<br />
percent <strong>of</strong> privatized water utilities. For <strong>the</strong> GATT, NAFTA and FTAA, water is a commodity, an investment, a<br />
simple service for commercial use and pr<strong>of</strong>it.<br />
Women are <strong>the</strong> most affected by this crisis. More than half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1.2 billion people who do not have access to<br />
water are women and girls. The IV World Women’s Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations in 1995 contains one chapter<br />
in its Action Plan about women and environment in which <strong>the</strong> right to water was incorporated, although it was not<br />
analyzed how <strong>the</strong> water shortage or contamination disproportionately affect women.<br />
However, later investigations, as <strong>the</strong> one sponsored by UNIFEM, have verified that “… in most developing<br />
countries women are responsible for water management at <strong>the</strong> domestic and community level. It was also<br />
estimated that women and girls use more than 8 hours a day traveling from 10 to 15 km. to transport between 20<br />
and 15 liters <strong>of</strong> water in each trip”. Men, especially in rural areas, do not play <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> getting or carrying water.<br />
Their relation with water has more to do with agricultural work, and with <strong>the</strong> storage <strong>of</strong> water. This gender<br />
inequality has implications in women’s daily life, from a rights based perspective, since <strong>the</strong> carrying <strong>of</strong> water not<br />
only causes <strong>the</strong>m physical disorders, but also makes it difficult for <strong>the</strong>m to get involved in activities such as<br />
education, income generation, politics, leisure and recreation.<br />
According to a WEDO report, “…Women use vegetation and forests-for medicinal plants, food and fuel, as well as<br />
for income generation-but <strong>the</strong>se ecosystems rely on a healthy water supply. As <strong>the</strong> environment deteriorates,<br />
women's livelihoods become increasingly vulnerable.” For example “<strong>the</strong> availability and placement <strong>of</strong> toilets has a<br />
huge impact on women but in many communities women must walk a long distance to use facilities, <strong>of</strong>ten risking<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir personal safety-<strong>the</strong>re is an increased incidence <strong>of</strong> sexual and physical assault when toilets are in a remote<br />
location. In rural areas where toilets may be unavailable, deforestation and loss <strong>of</strong> vegetation have forced women<br />
and girls to rise earlier and walk fur<strong>the</strong>r in search <strong>of</strong> privacy. Toilets are also unavailable for vast numbers <strong>of</strong> poor<br />
women who work in urban centers. About 1 in 10 school-age African girls do not attend school during<br />
menstruation or drop out at puberty because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> clean and private sanitation facilities in schools”.<br />
Toge<strong>the</strong>r with this existing inequality and <strong>the</strong> consequent violation <strong>of</strong> almost all human rights, <strong>the</strong> World Bank and<br />
<strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund have imposed <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> water services on several countries as a<br />
condition to grant <strong>the</strong>m loans. This has serious consequences for <strong>the</strong> entire population, but for women in<br />
particular. Today many people in <strong>the</strong> world are advocating that water, as a basic right, be excluded from <strong>the</strong> WTO,<br />
FTAA and FTA negotiations. This is because <strong>the</strong> when water is legally considered a commodity, an investment or a<br />
service under international, regional or bilateral agreements, it violates <strong>the</strong> Agreement on Economic, Social and<br />
Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> and o<strong>the</strong>r International laws, and it also subjects <strong>the</strong> entire population <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world to a slow<br />
environmental genocide due to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> this resource.<br />
The Colombian researcher Mariela Adela Rivera-Santander highlights <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> water privatization “…<br />
In Cochabamba, Bolivia, water privatization has caused an indiscriminate rate increase <strong>of</strong> up to 200 percent,<br />
whereas in Conakry, Guinea, <strong>the</strong> increase has been 500 percent in only five years, resulting in a serious impact on<br />
<strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> displaced women, girls and boys. She explains how: “...in Colombia and <strong>the</strong> Philippines when water<br />
service is suspended due to nonpayment, women start using contaminated water again, which puts <strong>the</strong>m at risk<br />
<strong>of</strong> having serious illnesses <strong>the</strong>y also spend long hours carrying water, in addition to not being able to cover food,<br />
health or education expenses, since <strong>the</strong>y are using that money to pay for <strong>the</strong> water service …”<br />
Everyone must share water world resources: Economic sectors, interstate jurisdictions and sovereign nations,<br />
while respecting <strong>the</strong> need for a sustainable environment. Women <strong>of</strong>ten have <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> using and<br />
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managing water in <strong>the</strong> worst conditions, sometimes having to choose between eating or being able to rely on<br />
having water for daily chores. Time invested on securing water excludes <strong>the</strong>m from participating in decisionmaking<br />
processes, advocating against poverty and improving <strong>the</strong>ir quality <strong>of</strong> life. Equal access to water and<br />
monitoring <strong>of</strong> water ecosystems to protect this resource and to prevent natural disasters is more than a necessity.<br />
It is an urgent human right that cannot be postponed.<br />
It is essential to reassess <strong>the</strong> economic, social and environmental roles <strong>of</strong> water and to recognize and value <strong>the</strong><br />
women’s function as users and managers <strong>of</strong> water resources. We need to consider <strong>the</strong> sustainability <strong>of</strong><br />
environmental resources in <strong>the</strong> planning, construction, operation and management <strong>of</strong> main water projects, to<br />
evaluate <strong>the</strong> social impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> water resources, to reestablish <strong>the</strong> quality and protection <strong>of</strong><br />
subterranean and surface waters, and to link water policies with o<strong>the</strong>r ecosystem policies from a gender<br />
perspective.<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Mechanisms<br />
● The UN Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> excluded water as an explicit right. Its explicit inclusion was<br />
believed unnecessary given its nature as a resource necessary for basic survival.<br />
● Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> General Comment #15 on <strong>the</strong> Articles 11 and 12 on <strong>the</strong> right to water, adopted in<br />
November 2002 by <strong>the</strong> Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> explicitly recognized that water<br />
is a fundamental human right.<br />
The 145 countries that ratified this Agreement are obliged to progressively ensure that every person has access to<br />
safe drinking water, equally and without any discrimination. Obligation to respect this right requires that <strong>the</strong><br />
States part <strong>of</strong> this agreement abstain from adopting any conduct that interferes with <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> this right,<br />
such as practices denying equal access to acceptable drinking water or illegally contaminating <strong>the</strong> water by<br />
dumping industrial waste from Government companies. The parties are obliged to protect <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, avoid<br />
<strong>the</strong> interference <strong>of</strong> third parties in <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to drinking water. This obligation requires that all<br />
parties adopt <strong>the</strong> necessary measures to guarantee <strong>the</strong> right to drinking water.<br />
● In <strong>the</strong> Convention for Eradicating Discrimination against Women (1979) is established that rural women’s<br />
health depends on adequate and non-discriminatory access to water. O<strong>the</strong>r rights usually not associated<br />
with <strong>the</strong> right to water, but that directly affect women and girls, are <strong>the</strong> equal right to education and to<br />
political participation.<br />
● In 1995, during <strong>the</strong> Fourth World Women’s Conference (Beijing China), <strong>the</strong> Governments committed in <strong>the</strong><br />
Beijing Declaration “to<br />
promote <strong>the</strong> knowledge and favor <strong>the</strong> investigation <strong>of</strong> women’s role, particularly in rural and indigenous<br />
areas, in watering, land management and cleaning up, by focusing particularly on <strong>the</strong> knowledge and<br />
experience <strong>of</strong> indigenous women”.<br />
● This right is also mentioned in <strong>the</strong> Children <strong>Rights</strong> Convention (1989), article 24. Documents about <strong>the</strong><br />
Earth Summit , produced during <strong>the</strong> Rio De Janeiro meeting in June 1992.<br />
● The UN Millennium Development Goals<br />
● In <strong>the</strong> Ministerial Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Second World Water Forum , 2000 it was established that <strong>the</strong> best way<br />
to protect <strong>the</strong> planet's ecosystem is to consider women’s involvement in <strong>the</strong> planning process, <strong>the</strong>reby<br />
ensuring <strong>the</strong>ir participation in issues linked to water and land ownership.<br />
● The International Water Conference (Bonn, Germany) establishes that water policies and water<br />
management systems must be sensitive to gender issues. Any issues linked to water must deal with <strong>the</strong><br />
division <strong>of</strong> labor –with or without remuneration- between men and women. Men and women must<br />
participate in <strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> sustainable water resources exploitation and in <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> benefits<br />
in equal conditions. The women’s role in any sphere linked to water must be streng<strong>the</strong>ned and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
participation must be broadened”.<br />
● The World Summit on Sustainable Development (August 2002).<br />
● The Ministerial Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third World Water Forum (March 2003)<br />
● The Declaration <strong>of</strong> San Salvador for <strong>the</strong> defense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Right to Water .<br />
● Norms on <strong>the</strong> Responsibilities <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and O<strong>the</strong>r Business Enterprises with Regard to<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> .<br />
Facts and Figures<br />
· 2.4. billion people in <strong>the</strong> world, in o<strong>the</strong>r words two fifths <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world population, do not have access to<br />
adequate health.<br />
● 1.1. billion people in <strong>the</strong> world, in o<strong>the</strong>r words one sixth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world population, do not have access to<br />
potable water.<br />
● 2.2. million people in developing countries are dying every year, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m children, from diseases<br />
linked to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> access to clean drinking water, inadequate health and poor hygiene.<br />
● 6000 boys and girls die everyday from diseases linked to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> access to clean drinking water,<br />
inadequate health and poor hygiene.<br />
● The average distance a woman in Africa and Asia walks to collect water is 6 km.<br />
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● The weight <strong>of</strong> water that women in Asia and Africa carry on <strong>the</strong>ir heads is equivalent to <strong>the</strong> baggage weight<br />
allowed by airlines (20 kg).<br />
● In developing countries one person uses an average <strong>of</strong> 10 liters <strong>of</strong> water per day. In <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom,<br />
one person uses an average <strong>of</strong> 135 liters <strong>of</strong> water everyday.<br />
● When you flush <strong>the</strong> toilet, you are using <strong>the</strong> same water amount that one person in <strong>the</strong> Third World uses all<br />
day to wash, clean, cook and drink.<br />
● In <strong>the</strong> last ten years, diarrhea has killed more girls and boys than all people who have died since <strong>the</strong> World<br />
War II.<br />
● In China, Indonesia, and India, <strong>the</strong> people dying from diarrhea are double to those dying from HIV/AIDS.<br />
● The population <strong>of</strong> Nairobi, Kenya, pays five times more for one liter <strong>of</strong> water than does a North American<br />
citizen.<br />
● The Guatemalan a hand-washing initiative reduced 322,000 deaths from diarrhea in 1998.<br />
● 1.5. billion people in <strong>the</strong> world are suffering from parasite infections due to solid waste in <strong>the</strong> environment,<br />
which could be controlled with hygiene, water and sanitation. These infections can cause malnutrition,<br />
anemia and delayed growth.<br />
● In China, Mexico and Vietnam, communities are practicing ecological healthiness.<br />
Sources:<br />
Global Water Partnership, Understanding <strong>the</strong> Causes <strong>of</strong> Water Problems<br />
Marcelina White, ¿Cómo afectará el ALCA a la mujer? (“How Will FTAA Affect Women?”), Women's EDGE<br />
November 2003<br />
UNIFEM, Mujer, Medio Ambiente, Agua: Reflexiones sobre la promoción y protección del derecho de las mujeres al<br />
agua (“Women, Environment, Water: Reflections on <strong>the</strong> Promotion and Protection <strong>of</strong> Women’s Right to Water”),<br />
24 de marzo del 2003<br />
The Water Supply and Sanitation Collaborative Council, WASH Facts and Figures<br />
WEDO, Conexiones No Escritas: Diferencias de Género en Cuanto al Uso y Manejo del Agua ("Unwritten<br />
Connections: Gender Differences Regarding <strong>the</strong> Use and Management <strong>of</strong> Water”)<br />
World Water Development Report, El acceso al Agua como Derecho <strong>Human</strong>o (“Access to Water as a <strong>Human</strong><br />
Right”)<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development ©<br />
http://www.awid.org<br />
http://www.whrnet.org/docs/issue-water.html<br />
* WHRnet (Women’s <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Net) is a project <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Association <strong>of</strong> Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development<br />
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TRANSITION<br />
Relevance <strong>of</strong> New Solutions:<br />
The Example <strong>of</strong> Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro<br />
By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D.<br />
The transfer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economy into <strong>the</strong> phase <strong>of</strong> New Economics more than ever<br />
gives significance to <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> new solutions being limited by time<br />
and <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> knowledge and skills <strong>of</strong> particular subjects required to deal with<br />
change successfully. The problem <strong>of</strong> changing patterns <strong>of</strong> successful functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
global economy and its subjects does not lie only in <strong>the</strong> strength <strong>of</strong> arguments and<br />
positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> participants in <strong>the</strong> debate.<br />
Position <strong>of</strong> Women in Montenegro<br />
By Rosa Popovic<br />
During <strong>the</strong> past ten years Montenegrin economy underwent economic transformation, as<br />
well as serious social changes. This period is marked by <strong>the</strong> disintegration <strong>of</strong> former<br />
Yugoslavia, wars in <strong>the</strong> region, a large number <strong>of</strong> refugees and internal displaced persons<br />
(IDP's) who find shelter in Montenegro (at one moment <strong>the</strong>y represented 12% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
total Montenegrin population, and that was actually <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest economic,<br />
social and political crisis).<br />
The Quintessential Step <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro towards <strong>the</strong> European Union:<br />
Facing Historical and Present Day Myths and Delusions<br />
By Ognjen Radonjic<br />
The European Union is <strong>the</strong> only rational future road to political and economic<br />
development for Serbia and Montenegro. At <strong>the</strong> same time, it is also a powerful<br />
guarantee <strong>of</strong> peace and stability in <strong>the</strong> region. Serbia and Montenegro is very far from<br />
<strong>the</strong> European integration processes at this moment. In order to make <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong><br />
accession faster and easier and at <strong>the</strong> same time to prevent eventual wars in <strong>the</strong> near<br />
and distant future, this study has <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> revealing two extraordinary delusions on <strong>the</strong><br />
part <strong>of</strong> Serbian people and present day national leaders.<br />
Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans: In <strong>the</strong> Jaws <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Free Market<br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
The transitional economies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region have a number <strong>of</strong> common characteristics, many<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se arising from <strong>the</strong>ir common experience <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment. The region’s<br />
SAPs, dictated by <strong>the</strong> IMF, have features familiar from previous SAP experiences in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
regions, requiring removal <strong>of</strong> all obstacles to <strong>the</strong> international trade and foreign<br />
investments, prompt privatisation, labour market flexibility and reduction <strong>of</strong> all social<br />
costs. The new “transitional policy” abolished many <strong>of</strong> gained economic and social rights,<br />
and <strong>the</strong>se social and economic turbulences have mostly negatively influenced<br />
marginalized groups, women being <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Economic Reform and Poverty: A Gender Analysis<br />
By Sally Baden<br />
BRIDGE<br />
Economic reform in many developing countries has been associated with stabilisation and<br />
structural adjustment programmes supported by international financial institutions<br />
(IFIs). As <strong>the</strong>se have become more widespread and long term, concern has grown about<br />
<strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> economic reform policies on poverty. Evidence is not encouraging, with<br />
many countries experiencing increases in poverty under programmes <strong>of</strong> economic reform<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 1980s, or a worsening <strong>of</strong> income distribution, with a few exceptions. In recent<br />
years, however, it has become evident that <strong>the</strong> poverty in countries undergoing economic<br />
reform is not temporary in nature. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>re is considerable evidence that<br />
adjustment policies <strong>the</strong>mselves have contributed to increasing poverty.<br />
Invisible Workers: Women in <strong>the</strong> Informal Economy in Russia<br />
By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D.
Transition<br />
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The results <strong>of</strong> Russian quasi-reforms was deep economic crisis, break-down <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
industry, decline <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> production, deterioration <strong>of</strong> living standard <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population and<br />
mass unemployment. The lack <strong>of</strong> job, and livelihood opportunities drives labour force<br />
from <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial sphere <strong>of</strong> employment into <strong>the</strong> informal economy. The feminisation <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty and gender discrimination at <strong>the</strong> labour market are reasons why are women<br />
more likely than men to work in <strong>the</strong> informal economy.
Doc<br />
Position <strong>of</strong> Women in Montenegro<br />
By Rosa Popovic, Subregional coordinator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women's network <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Europe, International Confederation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Free Trade Unions, Montenegro<br />
Introduction<br />
During <strong>the</strong> past ten years Montenegrin economy underwent economic transformation, as well as serious social<br />
changes. This period is marked by <strong>the</strong> disintegration <strong>of</strong> former Yugoslavia, wars in <strong>the</strong> region, a large number <strong>of</strong><br />
refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP's) who find shelter in Montenegro (at one moment <strong>the</strong>y represented<br />
12% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total Montenegrin population, and that was actually <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest economic, social and<br />
political crisis).<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> economic and political collapse <strong>of</strong> former Yugoslavia, Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro suffered <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> 57% <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> economic power it had in 1989 (GDP per capita was 3000 USD). Since 1999 it started recovering slowly, with <strong>the</strong><br />
annual increase <strong>of</strong> approximately 2% in <strong>the</strong> past two years. In 2002 GDP was only 63% <strong>of</strong> what it was in 1989, which<br />
influenced <strong>the</strong> drop in <strong>the</strong> living standard <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population in Montenegro and resulted in <strong>the</strong> reduced social safety <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> citizens. Transition was marked by national and international politics, economic shocks that resulted in serious<br />
deterioration <strong>of</strong> productive activity, increase in inflation, <strong>of</strong>ficial unemployment and participation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> informal<br />
sector (gray economy) in <strong>the</strong> overall economic activity. In January 2002 Montenegro introduced Euro as <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
currency.<br />
Montenegro is currently part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state union <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro, with <strong>the</strong> common Parliament, President<br />
and Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers. Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers acts in five fields: foreign affairs, defense, international economic<br />
relations, internal economic relations and protection <strong>of</strong> human and minority rights.<br />
These common functions <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro will be financed jointly for both in <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> contribution<br />
<strong>of</strong> each republic to <strong>the</strong> national GDP. Although <strong>the</strong> two republics have some common institutions, <strong>the</strong>y still define<br />
economic, fiscal and monetary policy independently.<br />
After <strong>the</strong> 1999 elections, Montenegro started <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> economic reforms, much earlier than Serbia. These<br />
reforms were aimed at stabilizing prices, reducing budgetary deficit and elimination <strong>of</strong> irregularities in trade. With <strong>the</strong><br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> German Mark as an <strong>of</strong>ficial currency <strong>the</strong>re has been a significant drop in <strong>the</strong> inflation rate.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> ambitious reforms Montenegro is characterized by high participation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector in <strong>the</strong> total<br />
number <strong>of</strong> employed persons, thus, <strong>the</strong>re is a strong dependence on donor assistance and o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> financing in<br />
order to cover <strong>the</strong> existing level <strong>of</strong> consumption and investment. Many state enterprises are still non-pr<strong>of</strong>itable and<br />
require significant state subsidies in order to survive.<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> companies are privatized, many workers in those companies are dismissed, especially women. High<br />
unemployment rate is still present, and those who work have low wages. There is a large number <strong>of</strong> pensioners and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir average benefit is low. All this resulted in <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> poverty in Montenegro, which represents 12% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
total population (absolute poverty), according to <strong>the</strong> international standards.<br />
Real poverty in Montenegro is much higher than what is defined in <strong>the</strong> DPRS document (Development and Poverty<br />
Reduction Strategy <strong>of</strong> Montenegro). According to that project <strong>the</strong> following categories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor have been defined:<br />
1. 12,2% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population is in absolute poverty as compared to consumption per person <strong>of</strong> 116 Euro per<br />
month;<br />
2. 36,4% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population is economically vulnerable and poor as compared to <strong>the</strong> consumption per person <strong>of</strong><br />
160,5 Euros per month;<br />
3. 9,1% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population are in relative poverty, as compared to consumption per person <strong>of</strong> 105 Euros per<br />
month;<br />
4. 4,0% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population is considered poor on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> inadequate nutrition.<br />
Source: Draft PRSP and ISSP – Living standard and poverty in Montenegro, 2003.<br />
Social position <strong>of</strong> women in Montenegro<br />
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There is no doubt that <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in Montenegro has improved since WW II. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Constitution, women became equal to men in 1945, including <strong>the</strong> right to vote and be elected.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> self-management system women were recognized and respected in <strong>the</strong> society, but <strong>the</strong> traditional influence <strong>of</strong><br />
men on <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> family and society could still be felt. However, in that period women were more<br />
involved in politics and in o<strong>the</strong>r leading positions in <strong>the</strong> society, than today. In <strong>the</strong> past ten years, with <strong>the</strong> gradual<br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> market economy, social position <strong>of</strong> women in Montenegro deteriorated significantly. Not very many<br />
women occupied important positions, and men tried to push <strong>the</strong>m out even more, thus, women became less and less<br />
represented in <strong>the</strong> decision-making bodies and <strong>the</strong>ir social status became almost problematic. Some people claimed<br />
that women are incapable <strong>of</strong> being managers, politicians, ministers, and that <strong>the</strong>y do not know how to run business.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> real situation is different. There is much more success in those businesses that are managed by<br />
women. Globally speaking, women are more efficient, socially more sensitive and more responsible than men.<br />
Despite all <strong>the</strong> positive characteristics, in this period <strong>of</strong> transition and reforms, women are more affected by all <strong>the</strong><br />
changes than men.<br />
Position <strong>of</strong> women is best illustrated by <strong>the</strong> indicators <strong>of</strong> employment, unemployment and <strong>the</strong>ir participation in<br />
performing social and public functions, and similar.<br />
Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro has <strong>the</strong> population <strong>of</strong> 664.865 (June 30, 2002), out <strong>of</strong> which 51,8% are women. According to<br />
that, it should be expected that women participate with 45-48% in all <strong>the</strong> spheres <strong>of</strong> working and social life.<br />
Number <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> Parliament <strong>of</strong> Montenegro was 7% in 1993, while it is 10,66% in 2003, which means that<br />
<strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> women in politics is slowly improving, which was definitely contributed to by women's NGO's,<br />
fighting for a better status <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> society.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> Montenegro <strong>the</strong>re are 15,38% <strong>of</strong> women ministers, that is, two women are ministers – Minister<br />
<strong>of</strong> culture and Minister for foreign economic relations and EU integrations. For <strong>the</strong> first time in recent period a woman<br />
was elected State Prosecutor in Montenegro (this was reserved as a male position in <strong>the</strong> past).<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> case studies and data from <strong>the</strong> automobile dealer shops, 30% <strong>of</strong> women buy cars for <strong>the</strong>mselves,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> remaining 70% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> customers are men (until 10 years ago it was a rare situation that a woman bought a<br />
car for herself).<br />
Also, on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> case studies and data from <strong>the</strong> Real Estate Agency «AS» and Real Estate Agency ²Krstaš², in<br />
Podgorica, 20-25% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> owners <strong>of</strong> apartments are women, and this mostly involves smaller apartments. When an<br />
apartment is looked for, women are <strong>the</strong> ones who are consulted on <strong>the</strong> size, location, and similar, but after <strong>the</strong><br />
purchase, men become registered owners. This is a reflection <strong>of</strong> tradition, where men are seen as <strong>the</strong> heads <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
family, thus, <strong>the</strong> owners <strong>of</strong> real estate, as well.<br />
Due to <strong>the</strong> transformation <strong>of</strong> banks in Montenegro it was impossible to get any loan from <strong>the</strong>m. In recent times,<br />
when <strong>the</strong> banks regained <strong>the</strong>ir position in <strong>the</strong> society, <strong>the</strong>ir status has been legally regulated, and <strong>the</strong>y provide<br />
housing loans to citizens, with <strong>the</strong> payment period <strong>of</strong> 10-15 years, with a relatively high interest rate. Not very many<br />
women will be able to get a bank loan to build a house, buy an apartment, or similar, as <strong>the</strong>y have no ownership over<br />
real estate, which is necessary as a mortgage for <strong>the</strong> loan.<br />
Statistical data by sex are not maintained for <strong>the</strong> above-mentioned activities, which creates difficulties in getting a<br />
real picture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in this respect, which, again, shows <strong>the</strong>ir status in <strong>the</strong> society.<br />
Education <strong>of</strong> women is, however, a good indicator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir status in <strong>the</strong> society.<br />
Education level among population above 25 years <strong>of</strong> age, by sex (data from 1991):<br />
Education Women % Men %<br />
No education 77,3% 22,7%<br />
Primary school finished 63,59% 36,41%<br />
Primary education 50,4% 44,6%<br />
Secondary education 42,3% 57,7%<br />
University education 36,66% 63,34%<br />
Unknown data for education 1,5%<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook – year 2000<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this data it can be seen that <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> education <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population is continuously increasing, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> gap between men and women is reducing, as well as <strong>the</strong> illiteracy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population.<br />
There is a very low percentage <strong>of</strong> illiterate population, especially in <strong>the</strong> population category <strong>of</strong> 10-34 years <strong>of</strong> age.<br />
However, education level among some population groups s still low, especially among <strong>the</strong> poor, who start primary<br />
school, but never finish it.<br />
Approximately 5% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Montenegrin population is considered «educationally poor», which means that <strong>the</strong>y have not<br />
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attended primary or secondary school.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> education system in Montenegro, that is, in <strong>the</strong> primary education, gymnasium, and vocational education <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are 119.360 students enrolled. There are 7.485 teachers and pr<strong>of</strong>essors hired for <strong>the</strong> teaching process, and toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
with <strong>the</strong> support staff this number goes up to 12.205 workers.<br />
Overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employed teaching staff in primary schools<br />
Table 1<br />
School year No <strong>of</strong> teaching staff<br />
1997/98. 4.885<br />
1998/99 4.895<br />
1999/00 4.978<br />
2000/01 5.001<br />
2002/03 5.115<br />
Source: PRSP draft<br />
These indicators reflect slight increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> teaching staff in primary schools, by 270 persons specifically,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> period from 1997/98 until 2002/03.<br />
University education among women<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial statistics received through <strong>the</strong> 1991 Census, women represent 36,66% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong><br />
students who graduated from University.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> education for 2002, out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> enrolled children into preschool<br />
institutions (11.432), primary and secondary schools (119.360) and <strong>the</strong> University (11.000), women represent<br />
56%. This is a big improvement in <strong>the</strong> education <strong>of</strong> women as compared to <strong>the</strong> past.<br />
Employed in education by sex<br />
Table 2<br />
Year Total no <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employed Participation <strong>of</strong> women in<br />
education (%)<br />
1978. 7.896 36,86<br />
1979. 7.909 36,20<br />
1980. 8.035 37.40<br />
1981 8.162 38,59<br />
1982 8.241 39,34<br />
1983. No data<br />
1984. 8.604 40,68<br />
1985. 8.644 40,75<br />
1999. 10.632 57,60<br />
2000. 10.825 59,30<br />
2001. 11.182 59,30<br />
2002. 13.206 53,30<br />
Source: Statistical Yearbook 2002<br />
Looking at <strong>the</strong> sex structure <strong>of</strong> education, it can be noted that more and more women are involved in <strong>the</strong> education<br />
sector. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data from <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> education and <strong>the</strong> Republican Statistics Agency, it can be noted<br />
that <strong>the</strong>re is an increasing number <strong>of</strong> girls who finish primary schools (52,8% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> students), both<br />
in cities and villages, and this is a significant improvement as compared to <strong>the</strong> past, especially in <strong>the</strong> villages.<br />
There are still cases in some villages where girls don't finish primary schools even though <strong>the</strong>y have been enrolled,<br />
due to traditional and o<strong>the</strong>r views <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir parents and <strong>the</strong> environment where <strong>the</strong>y live. Luckily, this number is<br />
insignificant, so we have not presented any data on it here. With <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> standards in education coverage<br />
<strong>of</strong> female children with all levels <strong>of</strong> education and in all <strong>the</strong> communities will be higher.<br />
Position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labor market<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> real indicators <strong>of</strong> emancipation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> society is <strong>the</strong>ir employment. In <strong>the</strong> post-war period <strong>of</strong><br />
development one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> priorities in <strong>the</strong> society was faster employment <strong>of</strong> women. In <strong>the</strong> period 1948-1989, number<br />
<strong>of</strong> employed persons in <strong>the</strong> state sector was increased, among <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong>re was an increasing number <strong>of</strong> women, thus<br />
in 1971 participation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> employed persons was 28,2%, in 1982 – 35,5%, in 1989 –<br />
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38,7%, and in 1999 – 41,8%.<br />
General characteristics in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> employment <strong>of</strong> women are positive in <strong>the</strong> long run until 1989 (if we look into<br />
<strong>the</strong> overall structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employed).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> past ten-year period <strong>the</strong>re has been a reduction in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> employees in <strong>the</strong> state sector, thus<br />
increasing specific problems <strong>of</strong> employment <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
In order to analyze more thoroughly <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labor market, it is necessary to say a bit more<br />
about <strong>the</strong> paid working hours <strong>of</strong> both sexes, especially <strong>of</strong> women. According to <strong>the</strong> Law on labor relations, paid<br />
working hours for both sexes, men and women, is 8 hours per day, which is 40 hours per week, where <strong>the</strong>re is also a<br />
daily rest <strong>of</strong> 30 minutes during those working hours. This relates to full working hours <strong>of</strong> both sexes. There is no data<br />
on whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re is some overtime work performed, unless <strong>the</strong> company keeps such records in order to pay <strong>the</strong><br />
workers accordingly. There is no research done in relation to <strong>the</strong> working hours on any grounds, so <strong>the</strong>re is no data<br />
about it ei<strong>the</strong>r. Currently performed census (November 15, 2003) contains this question working hours <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
employed, so we can hope to get a clearer picture about that category in <strong>the</strong> near future.<br />
Working hours (for women and men – weekly)<br />
For men For women<br />
Paid work (weekly) 40 40<br />
Unpaid work – in <strong>the</strong> household 10 35<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> a case study, we have learned that women work 3,5 times more in <strong>the</strong> household (unpaid work) than<br />
men. This is a reflection <strong>of</strong> gender inequality within <strong>the</strong> family.<br />
Unpaid work is even less analyzed, and this primarily relates to voluntary activities and work in <strong>the</strong> household, and<br />
similar. In practice, <strong>the</strong>re is a big difference between <strong>the</strong> unpaid work in <strong>the</strong> household between men and women.<br />
Women work 8-10 hours in <strong>the</strong> household on average, while men work 1-2 hours, which means that women work 6-8<br />
hours more in <strong>the</strong> household than men every day. This is primarily <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional relations in <strong>the</strong> family,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> women. Even today (although not as much as in <strong>the</strong> past), men look at women as perfect<br />
for household activities, even in relation to upbringing <strong>of</strong> children. Younger generation <strong>of</strong> men and women change<br />
those views, luckily, and perform most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> household activities toge<strong>the</strong>r, even <strong>the</strong> ones related to care and<br />
upbringing <strong>of</strong> children. Slowly, but safely, this work in <strong>the</strong> family performed by men and women toge<strong>the</strong>r will become<br />
practice among young couples and this will contribute to <strong>the</strong> better position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> family and in <strong>the</strong> society<br />
in general.<br />
Voluntary, pr<strong>of</strong>essional and social work exist among both sexes, but <strong>the</strong>re are no statistical records kept in this<br />
respect ei<strong>the</strong>r. Also, <strong>the</strong>re are no statistical data on part time work, except for some data related to <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
disabled <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> II category (4 hours per day), which is regulated by <strong>the</strong> Law on labor relations. However, <strong>the</strong> new Law<br />
abolished that right and proposed a different solution for <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> disabled. The new Labor Law provides for<br />
new forms <strong>of</strong> work, such as work at home, work for several employers, full time work, part time work, and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
forms. It can be expected that <strong>the</strong>se forms <strong>of</strong> work will be implemented in case <strong>of</strong> both sexes, but especially in case<br />
<strong>of</strong> women. Due to <strong>the</strong> non-existing practice and no statistical data in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> labor on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> gender, no<br />
data can be presented here in relation to <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women from <strong>the</strong> aspect <strong>of</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir work engagement<br />
involving paid or voluntary work.<br />
Employment (1992 and 2002)<br />
Annual average<br />
Year Total no <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
employed<br />
Women % <strong>of</strong> women<br />
1992 135.587 53.046 39,7<br />
1993 130.948 52.238 39,9<br />
1994 128.797 51.083 39,7<br />
1995 125.399 49.492 39,4<br />
1996 125.194 48.996 39,35<br />
1997 121.278 49.035 40,4<br />
1998 118.273 48.252 41,3<br />
1999 115.328 48.180 41,8<br />
2000 113.784 48.725 42,8<br />
2001 114.440 48.335 42,2<br />
2002 113.827 45.474 39,95<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2000 and 2002<br />
Above-mentioned data show trends <strong>of</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> employment in Montenegro in <strong>the</strong> past 10, that is, 11 years. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> period from 1992, when <strong>the</strong> employment was 135.587 until 2002, when <strong>the</strong> employment was 113.827, we can<br />
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note that <strong>the</strong>re has been a reduction <strong>of</strong> 16,04%, or in numbers - 21.760 workers. The reason for it is a reduced<br />
scope <strong>of</strong> economic activity, changes in <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> population (constant reduction in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> workers in<br />
<strong>the</strong> industry is followed by an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> pensioners, but <strong>the</strong>re is an insufficient number <strong>of</strong> registered<br />
workers in <strong>the</strong> private sector). Among <strong>the</strong> registered workers in <strong>the</strong> industry sector, <strong>the</strong>re is an estimate that 11.000<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are technological surplus – workers who will be dismissed, as <strong>the</strong>y are not needed in <strong>the</strong> company (some<br />
estimates say that <strong>the</strong>ir number is as high as 20.000).<br />
Generally speaking, in <strong>the</strong> above-mentioned period, <strong>the</strong> average number <strong>of</strong> employed women is 40% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total<br />
number <strong>of</strong> workers. All <strong>the</strong> social, economic and transitional changes have affected <strong>the</strong> employment <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
Women have more difficulties in finding employment than men, especially now that most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state owned<br />
enterprises have been privatized. A woman is still seen as a worker who will be more absent from work due to family<br />
obligations, who will take sick leaves to take care <strong>of</strong> family members, and <strong>the</strong> new employers don't accept that. This<br />
is hidden discrimination <strong>of</strong> women at <strong>the</strong> workplace, without any <strong>of</strong>ficial records, but women and <strong>the</strong>ir families feel it<br />
as a big burden on <strong>the</strong>ir backs.<br />
Employment by sex in <strong>the</strong> period 1992 – 2002.<br />
(in percentages)<br />
Year % <strong>of</strong> women % <strong>of</strong> men<br />
1992 39,7 60,3<br />
1993 39,9 60,1<br />
1994 39,7 60,3<br />
1995 39,4 60,6<br />
1996 39,35 60,65<br />
1997 40,40 58,7<br />
1998 41,3 58,7<br />
1999 41,8 58,2<br />
2000 42,8 57,2<br />
2001 42,2 57,8<br />
2002 39,95 60,05<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2000 and 2002.<br />
This data clearly shows <strong>the</strong> inequality in employment <strong>of</strong> women and men, although female population in <strong>the</strong> total<br />
number <strong>of</strong> Montenegrin inhabitants participates with 51,8%, which is a slight majority. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
division <strong>of</strong> jobs by sex, many posts are reserved in advance for men, usually according to <strong>the</strong> education level,<br />
tradition (such as <strong>the</strong> jobs <strong>of</strong> pilots, captains <strong>of</strong> ships, drivers, and similar). In recent times, <strong>the</strong>se traditional barriers<br />
have been destroyed, and younger generation <strong>of</strong> workers is asking for changes, so now many jobs that used to be<br />
reserved for men are now open to women, which is encouraging (e.g. women police <strong>of</strong>ficers, miners, etc).<br />
Annual average employment in all ownership sectors by field <strong>of</strong> activity in 2001<br />
Total Women<br />
Annual average Annual average % <strong>of</strong> women in total no<br />
<strong>of</strong> employed<br />
Total 114440 48.335 42,2<br />
Agriculture, forestry and water<br />
management<br />
3698 1111 30,0<br />
Fishery 79 27 3,4<br />
Mining and stone excavation 4132 702 17,0<br />
Processing industry 26786 8622 32,3<br />
Civil works 5183 729 14,0<br />
Hotels and restaurants 6.549 3618 55,2<br />
Transportation and commun. 11515 3029 26,3<br />
Financial mediation 3097 2066 66,7<br />
Real estate activities 1200 515 42,9<br />
State administration and obligatory<br />
social insurance<br />
8790 4426 50,4<br />
Education 13206 7033 53,3<br />
Health and social work 9629 7843 81,5<br />
Communal and o<strong>the</strong>r services 4566 1847 40,5<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2002.<br />
Data analysis shows that women are mostly employed in <strong>the</strong> sector <strong>of</strong> health and social protection (81,5%), <strong>the</strong>n in<br />
financial mediation – 66,7%, in hotels and restaurants – 55,2%, and in education – 53,3%. These activities are<br />
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typically female ones, thus women are mostly occupying <strong>the</strong>se positions.<br />
There are some indicators that <strong>the</strong>se relations will change in <strong>the</strong> future, with <strong>the</strong> change in tradition and position <strong>of</strong><br />
women in <strong>the</strong> society, so women will become more involved in <strong>the</strong> activities that used to be predominantly male in<br />
<strong>the</strong> past.<br />
Employment by sex and type <strong>of</strong> activity in <strong>the</strong> period 1991 – 2001.<br />
Activity Year Total no <strong>of</strong><br />
employed<br />
Textile 1991<br />
2672<br />
2001<br />
Metal sector 1991<br />
2001<br />
Education 1991<br />
2001<br />
Health and social work 1991<br />
2001<br />
Trade 1991<br />
2001<br />
Housing and communal activity 1991<br />
2001<br />
Tourism and catering 1991<br />
2001<br />
Financial technical services 1991<br />
2001<br />
Agriculture and fishery 1991<br />
2001<br />
Civil works 1991<br />
Transportation and<br />
communications<br />
Employment rate<br />
2001<br />
1991<br />
2001<br />
3000<br />
11750<br />
15320<br />
12292<br />
13.206<br />
9784<br />
9629<br />
14112<br />
10238<br />
3518<br />
4566<br />
8788<br />
6549<br />
3713<br />
3097<br />
6026<br />
3698<br />
7896<br />
5183<br />
13569<br />
11515<br />
Women % <strong>of</strong> working<br />
women<br />
1886<br />
70,58<br />
2703<br />
1803<br />
2153<br />
6116<br />
7033<br />
7128<br />
7843<br />
8168<br />
5687<br />
666<br />
1847<br />
4931<br />
3618<br />
2125<br />
2066<br />
3054<br />
1111<br />
1117<br />
729<br />
2540<br />
3029<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 1993. and 2002.<br />
80,1<br />
15,34<br />
14,05<br />
49,7<br />
53,30<br />
72,1<br />
In <strong>the</strong> past 10 years <strong>the</strong>re has been a constant fall in <strong>the</strong> employment rate, which can be seen from Table 1. There is<br />
a significantly lower employment <strong>of</strong> men, with a bit higher participation <strong>of</strong> women, and <strong>the</strong> reasons can be found in<br />
<strong>the</strong> fact that many companies were closed, bankrupt, and similar, thus, many jobs disappeared and workers were<br />
dismissed. This is a characteristic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> transition, which resulted in many problems in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> labor,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> increase in <strong>the</strong> unemployment, especially among women.<br />
81,5<br />
57,9<br />
55,5<br />
18,9<br />
40,5<br />
56,1<br />
55,2<br />
57,2<br />
66,7<br />
50,7<br />
30,0<br />
14,1<br />
14,6<br />
18,7<br />
Year General unemployment rate Men % Women %<br />
1991. 33,66% 40,76% 26,48%<br />
2001. 27,44% 32,22% 23,96%<br />
Source: Some data are taken from <strong>the</strong> Statistical Yearbook (1993-2002), and some from <strong>the</strong> Employment Agency<br />
Employment rate was calculated by taking <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> employed persons in <strong>the</strong> analyzed period and dividing it by<br />
<strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> inhabitants with <strong>the</strong> capacity to work (age 15-64). Official institutions (Statistics Bureau <strong>of</strong><br />
Montenegro, Employment Agency <strong>of</strong> Montenegro) do not disclose <strong>the</strong> unemployment rate, but only <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />
unemployed persons. This rate was calculated for <strong>the</strong> period 1991-2001.<br />
Wages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employees in Montenegro are not statistically covered on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> sex, that is, <strong>the</strong>re are no gender<br />
statistics in <strong>the</strong> companies where <strong>the</strong>y work or at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic. Practice shows that wages <strong>of</strong> women are<br />
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18% lower than <strong>the</strong> wages <strong>of</strong> men. During <strong>the</strong> past two years, average wage at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic was not<br />
published. The last time it was <strong>of</strong>ficially announced was in June 2002, and it was 118,57 Euros.<br />
Average net wage by field <strong>of</strong> activity for 2001<br />
In Euro<br />
Total for <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro 107,80<br />
Agriculture, forestry and water management 63,63<br />
Fishery 23,29<br />
Mining and stone excavation 129,63<br />
Processing industry 89,88<br />
Electricity production and processing 166,58<br />
Civil works 59,95<br />
Trade 74,79<br />
Hotels and restaurants 40,92<br />
Transportation and communications 128,54<br />
Financial mediation 186,54<br />
Real Estate activities 88,55<br />
State administration and obligatory social insurance 149,29<br />
Education 131,30<br />
Health and social protection 132,68<br />
Communal and o<strong>the</strong>r services 97,14<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 2002.<br />
Wages in different fields <strong>of</strong> activity for <strong>the</strong> mentioned period are very low, and <strong>the</strong> Republican average is 107,80<br />
Euros, where 50% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se sectors have wages below <strong>the</strong> average, and 50% are slightly above <strong>the</strong> average wage in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Republic.<br />
Wage increase in 2002 was reduced and brought down to what is realistic, which during <strong>the</strong> year 2001, wage<br />
increase was partially financed by <strong>the</strong> significant international assistance, which positively reflected <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> workers. In order to stabilize <strong>the</strong> economy, in 2002 <strong>the</strong> wage increase was reduced. This partially resulted from<br />
<strong>the</strong> reduced inflation rate in 2002, which came down to one figure number, and we can expect it to drop down even<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> medium term.<br />
Wage level, wage types and coverage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> consumer basket with <strong>the</strong> average net wage are some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basic<br />
indicators <strong>of</strong> poverty in an economy. Average net wage estimates in Montenegro vary. According to <strong>the</strong> estimates <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Republican Statistics Agency, average wage in June 2002 was 118,57 Euros, while <strong>the</strong> ISSP from Podgorica<br />
estimated it to be 199 Euros. Coverage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> consumer basket with <strong>the</strong> average salary, according to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
statistics, for June 2002 was 46,72%, and according to ISSP wage coverage <strong>of</strong> monthly consumption <strong>of</strong> food and<br />
drinks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population was 46,2% during <strong>the</strong> year 2002. These indicators show that <strong>the</strong> regular incomes are very<br />
low and hardly satisfy some 40% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population, maybe even less than that, and due to that<br />
population is faced with a high poverty risk, which is usually mitigated by additional salaries from <strong>the</strong> informal sector.<br />
It can be concluded that a large number <strong>of</strong> workers have low wages and <strong>the</strong> worker is obliged to provide lacking<br />
funds through additional activities, ei<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> gray economy sector or in some o<strong>the</strong>r way, in order to satisfy basic<br />
needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family.<br />
Discrimination <strong>of</strong> women at <strong>the</strong> work place<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> indicators on employment <strong>of</strong> women, <strong>the</strong>ir low participation in <strong>the</strong> management structures in <strong>the</strong><br />
companies and institutions, it can be noted that <strong>the</strong>re is strong discrimination <strong>of</strong> women in respect to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>essional promotion and o<strong>the</strong>r aspects <strong>of</strong> work, as shown by <strong>the</strong> following table:<br />
Vertical discrimination <strong>of</strong> women<br />
Pr<strong>of</strong>ession Total no Women % Top positions-total Women %<br />
Medical doctor 1214 57,9% Directors <strong>of</strong> health institutions 9,7%<br />
Teachers in primary school 5.115 60% Primary school directors 13,4%<br />
Diplomats 49 37% Ambassadors (1 M) none<br />
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Source: Ministry <strong>of</strong> education <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro<br />
Health Institute <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro<br />
Ministry <strong>of</strong> foreign affairs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro
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This data shows open discrimination on vertical and horizontal levels, in respect to <strong>the</strong> managerial positions in very<br />
important fields, where women are mostly employed, such as health, education and similar.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> data from Draft PRSP, only 7,2% <strong>of</strong> women perform managerial tasks in <strong>the</strong> companies where <strong>the</strong>y<br />
work, which is an insignificant number as compared to <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> employed women with <strong>the</strong> managerial capacity<br />
in relation to <strong>the</strong> total population. Women are usually managers in small and medium size companies with <strong>the</strong> small<br />
number <strong>of</strong> workers, and with a low economic power, which means that <strong>the</strong>se 7,2% shows that women are engaged<br />
only so that it cannot be said that <strong>the</strong>y are ignored in this respect, and not because <strong>the</strong>y are less capable <strong>of</strong><br />
performing managerial jobs.<br />
Unemployment by gender<br />
Unemployment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population with <strong>the</strong> capacity to work is a national problem in Montenegro. Employment Agency<br />
<strong>of</strong> Montenegro has 80.548 persons registered as unemployed.<br />
Main characteristics <strong>of</strong> unemployment in Montenegro are: unfavorable ratio <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employed and <strong>the</strong> unemployed,<br />
long waiting for employment, gender inequality in relation to employment possibilities, regional disharmony, high<br />
participation <strong>of</strong> youth in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> unemployed, structural disharmony between <strong>the</strong> supply and demand <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
labor force, high participation <strong>of</strong> illegal work and high participation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers who are no longer needed, that is,<br />
technological and economic surplus workers.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial records, from <strong>the</strong> aspect <strong>of</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> unemployed and <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> active<br />
inhabitants in 2002, unemployment rate in Montenegro was 30,4%, or 20,6% among men, and 40,6% among<br />
women.<br />
Permanent employment is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main characteristics in Montenegro. Thus, according to data from 1992, 82,3%<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed are waiting for employment over one year, 59,2% are waiting more than 5 years, 25,6% are<br />
waiting over 8 years, while <strong>the</strong>re are 62,1% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed with no work experience. According to <strong>the</strong> data from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Labor Force Survey, long-term unemployment is present in 86,9% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cases as compared to total<br />
unemployment.<br />
Employment is usually awaited for 4 years in Montenegro. According to <strong>of</strong>ficial statistics 24% <strong>of</strong> people below 25<br />
years <strong>of</strong> age are waiting for employment. Average age <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> currently unemployed persons is 33.<br />
Labor market in Montenegro is characterized by a whole set <strong>of</strong> regional disharmonies in structural and dynamic<br />
sense. Thus, participation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> unemployed persons in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic in total<br />
unemployment between 1993 and 2002 has gone down from 58,5% to 52,0%, and in <strong>the</strong> middle part it has<br />
increased from 42,5% to 45,3%, while in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn part it has gone up from 13,0% to 17,5%.<br />
Increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed in <strong>the</strong> middle and sou<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic as compared to <strong>the</strong><br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn part is, primarily, <strong>the</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> migrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population, which is still ongoing.<br />
Participation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed (%)<br />
(Data from 1992– 2003)<br />
Table 1.<br />
Year Women %<br />
1992. 54,6<br />
1993. 58,3<br />
1994. 59,4<br />
1995. 59,3<br />
1996 60,3<br />
1997. 60,5<br />
1998. 60,1<br />
1999. 59,6<br />
2000. 58,6<br />
2001. 60,4<br />
2002. 60,6<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook 1992–2002<br />
Data from Table 1 shows that in <strong>the</strong> past 10 years <strong>the</strong>re has been a high unemployment rate among women. The<br />
highest unemployment rate for women is noted in 2002 – 60,6%, which is explained by <strong>the</strong> large influx <strong>of</strong> female<br />
labor force on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> technological and economic surplus workers in <strong>the</strong> companies that have been privatized<br />
and where women were dismissed from work, as well as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> female<br />
workers (coming out <strong>of</strong> school). In practice, women wait longer for employment than men. Causes <strong>of</strong> such a<br />
discriminatory status are multiple.<br />
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Unemployment by sex<br />
(1992 – 2002)<br />
Table 2<br />
Year Men % Women %<br />
1992 45,4 54,6<br />
1993 42,7 58,3<br />
1994 40,6 59,4<br />
1995 40,7 59,3<br />
1996 39,7 60,3<br />
1997 39,5 60,5<br />
1998 39,9 60,1<br />
1999 40,4 59,6<br />
2000 41,4 58,6<br />
2001 36,6 60,4<br />
2002 39,4 60,6<br />
Data from Table 2 shows <strong>the</strong> difference in percentages, related to <strong>the</strong> unemployment by sex, which can be<br />
interpreted in several ways. In order to reduce <strong>the</strong> differences between men and women in relation to <strong>the</strong><br />
unemployment rate, it is necessary to achieve better family and social standard that would enable women to get a<br />
job more easily and to perform it more easily. Also, it is necessary to be more aware <strong>of</strong> women's problems, to create<br />
legal preconditions for gender equality, as well as to develop knowledge in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> gender studies.<br />
It is necessary to develop services in order to assist <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> modern working women (better family services,<br />
preschool institutions for children and institutions that care for <strong>the</strong> elderly, and similar). Also, it is necessary to<br />
eliminate discrimination at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> employment and in promotion possibilities, sexual blackmail and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
negative things. <strong>On</strong>e encouraging fact is that <strong>the</strong>re is an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women entrepreneurs, which<br />
affects <strong>the</strong> unemployment <strong>of</strong> women, and <strong>the</strong>re is also an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women taking employment<br />
loans, and similar.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most important things is, surely, <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> adequate legal regulations that would sanction any<br />
form <strong>of</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to work, on one hand, and that would stimulate responsibilities, as well as rights <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
workers on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> employment, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand.<br />
Characteristics and specificities <strong>of</strong> unprotected work<br />
Social and demographic characteristics <strong>of</strong> unprotected work<br />
Structure according to sex<br />
In <strong>the</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> workers in <strong>the</strong> informal economy, men participate with 50,74% and women with 49,26%.<br />
Age structure<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers in <strong>the</strong> informal sector belong to <strong>the</strong> age group <strong>of</strong> up to 25 years old – 36,5%, and 44,4% <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m belong to <strong>the</strong> age group <strong>of</strong> 55 years and above (according to <strong>the</strong> Survey on informal economy).<br />
Qualifications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers have primary school education – 47% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m, or have only vocational training as ordinary<br />
workers – 42,8%, while <strong>the</strong>re are 11,5% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers with University education. According to pr<strong>of</strong>ession, most <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m are construction workers – bricklayers – 75%, <strong>the</strong>n 50% <strong>of</strong> waiters, salesmen – 25,4%, and <strong>the</strong> lowest is <strong>the</strong><br />
number <strong>of</strong> administrative workers.<br />
Territorial coverage<br />
The highest number <strong>of</strong> workers engaged in <strong>the</strong> informal sector is found in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic – 39,4%,<br />
while in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> informal work is 21,3%.<br />
Sectoral coverage<br />
Looking at different sectors, it can be said that <strong>the</strong> highest number <strong>of</strong> informal workers is seen in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> catering<br />
– 41,6%, civil works – 38,5% and trade – 25,7%, while <strong>the</strong> number is lowest in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> transportation.<br />
Survey shows that <strong>the</strong>re is a slightly higher number <strong>of</strong> men working in <strong>the</strong> informal sector – 33% than women –<br />
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28%. Then, younger workers <strong>of</strong> up to 25 years <strong>of</strong> age, as well as <strong>the</strong> older ones over 55 years <strong>of</strong> age are forced to<br />
work in this sphere <strong>of</strong> work for purely existential reasons.<br />
Main reasons for engagement in <strong>the</strong> informal sector are:<br />
- provision <strong>of</strong> funds for life<br />
- inability to find legal employment<br />
- long period <strong>of</strong> waiting for employment<br />
- loss <strong>of</strong> permanent job<br />
- insufficient salary at <strong>the</strong> legal job.<br />
Duration <strong>of</strong> employment in <strong>the</strong> informal sector<br />
Up to 2 months - 6,8%<br />
2-6 months - 16,1%<br />
6 months-1 year - 27,6%<br />
1-2 years - 14,6% and<br />
more than 2 years - 34,9%<br />
Salaries in <strong>the</strong> informal sector<br />
Salaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers usually range from 100-200 Euro per month. A smaller number <strong>of</strong> workers (approximately<br />
20%) receive 200-300 Euro. Salaries are paid out regularly only to some 85,8% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers and <strong>the</strong>se salaries are<br />
higher than <strong>the</strong> ones in <strong>the</strong> formal sector by approximately 30% (<strong>the</strong> difference is in <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> taxes in<br />
contributions that are not paid to <strong>the</strong> state).<br />
Working hours vary. From 8-12 hours for 40,2% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers, more than 12 hours for 4% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m, up to 4 hours<br />
for 2,2% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers and from 4 to 8 hours for 53,6 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above-mentioned data it is clear that <strong>the</strong>se workers are deprived <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basic labor and social<br />
rights, <strong>the</strong>y are exploited by <strong>the</strong> employer, without any social security.<br />
In order to legalize this kind <strong>of</strong> work, that is, to reduce <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> problems related to registration <strong>of</strong> workers and<br />
payment <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> contributions for <strong>the</strong>m by <strong>the</strong> employer, <strong>the</strong> state started an action and reduced taxes and<br />
contributions for <strong>the</strong> first year <strong>of</strong> employment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newly registered workers. Government <strong>of</strong> Montenegro, as well as<br />
CITUM, will work on <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> certain measures in order to reduce <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> informal work to <strong>the</strong><br />
lowest possible level, as this is in <strong>the</strong>ir mutual interest.<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> way to make this a priority issue for <strong>the</strong> society and to include as many actors in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> solving<br />
this problem as possible.<br />
Pensions<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Montenegro <strong>the</strong> right to pension is based on <strong>the</strong> Law on pension and disability insurance. In August<br />
2003 <strong>the</strong>re were 89.750 pensioners (age, disability and family pensions), with <strong>the</strong> average pension <strong>of</strong> 112,87 Euros.<br />
The lowest age pension for <strong>the</strong> full number <strong>of</strong> years <strong>of</strong> work experience was 107 Euro in this period, and limited<br />
pension for a small number <strong>of</strong> beneficiaries (approximately 91 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m) was 403 Euros. In <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> age and<br />
disability pensioners, <strong>the</strong>re are 41.917 men and 23.038 women, which is 81,95%.<br />
Average pension <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> age and disability pension beneficiaries is 129,29 Euros for men, and 106,52 Euros for<br />
women, or 21,37% lower for women than for men.<br />
Average age pension is 137,83 Euros, average disability pension is 99,66 Euros, and average family pension is 90, 87<br />
Euros.<br />
Family pension is awarded to <strong>the</strong> family <strong>of</strong> a deceased worker (spouse, children and o<strong>the</strong>r members <strong>of</strong> close family,<br />
in accordance with <strong>the</strong> Law), and it was not analyzed from gender aspect at this <strong>occasion</strong>.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> labor sphere, <strong>the</strong>re are more men employed than women, thus <strong>the</strong>re are more men as pension beneficiaries,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> situation is <strong>the</strong> same from <strong>the</strong> aspect <strong>of</strong> salary level. Higher salaries <strong>of</strong> men are later followed by higher<br />
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retirement benefits. Jobs performed by women are usually less complex than <strong>the</strong> ones performed by men, thus <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are valued less from <strong>the</strong> aspect <strong>of</strong> salary calculation, and this results later in a lower retirement benefit.<br />
Level <strong>of</strong> retirement benefit is not sufficient for existence in case <strong>of</strong> most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pensioners, thus <strong>the</strong> Republican fund<br />
for pension and disability insurance awards a number <strong>of</strong> pensioners with <strong>the</strong> lowest benefit one-time only financial<br />
assistance, from time to time, through <strong>the</strong> local associations <strong>of</strong> pensioners. There is no statistical data from <strong>the</strong><br />
gender aspect in relation to this type <strong>of</strong> assistance, thus we cannot say how many women received it.<br />
According to some estimates, 10-12% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pensioners provide <strong>the</strong> lacking funds for normal existence through <strong>the</strong><br />
engagement in <strong>the</strong> informal sector.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Law on pension and disability insurance, apart from pension, citizens have o<strong>the</strong>r rights, such as:<br />
financial assistance on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> physical disability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> worker in 8.269 cases, financial assistance for <strong>the</strong><br />
disabled <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 2nd category on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> part time work (4 hours) for 689 workers, <strong>the</strong>n disabled at work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
3rd category and <strong>the</strong>re are 2.034 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m according to <strong>the</strong> register <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Employment Agency, and <strong>the</strong>y are awaiting<br />
employment and in <strong>the</strong> meantime receiving financial assistance in <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> 65% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> minimum wage, which is<br />
32 Euros monthly.<br />
These are <strong>the</strong> so-called derived rights, financed by <strong>the</strong> Republican Pension Fund.<br />
The analysis shows that <strong>the</strong> existing pension system does not provide adequate protection to <strong>the</strong> elderly and that it<br />
results in <strong>the</strong> unfair distribution <strong>of</strong> assets. Every society should decide what is <strong>the</strong> optimal level <strong>of</strong> redistribution <strong>of</strong><br />
funds from <strong>the</strong> younger to <strong>the</strong> elderly, from <strong>the</strong> rich to <strong>the</strong> poor, from <strong>the</strong> capable to <strong>the</strong> incapable. Balance must be<br />
achieved between sufficient revenues for <strong>the</strong> elderly and sufficient assets in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> those capable <strong>of</strong> production.<br />
We need a balanced approach, in order to secure equal treatment <strong>of</strong> different generations, thus providing for<br />
minimum social security for those who can no longer work, and at <strong>the</strong> same time, to provide enough funds for<br />
economic growth and development.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> last few years, funds collected as contributions participated with 60% in <strong>the</strong> total revenues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fund<br />
necessary for <strong>the</strong> payment <strong>of</strong> retirement benefits, and <strong>the</strong> remaining 40% were provided from <strong>the</strong> Budget <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Republic. Due to that we have started <strong>the</strong> reform <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pension system and <strong>the</strong> new law was adopted (29.09.2003)<br />
on pension and disability insurance, which is much more restrictive than <strong>the</strong> previous one, and <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong><br />
this law will start on 01.01.2004. So, practice will show after some time what are <strong>the</strong> levels <strong>of</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
elderly secured by this Law.<br />
Table 1 – Data on <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> insured from 1992 – 2000<br />
Year 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000<br />
No <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
insured<br />
131.698 128.325 134.212 134.705 135.426 128.745 128.958 123.162 111.801<br />
No <strong>of</strong><br />
pensioners<br />
71.039 71.552 72.656 74.782 77.421 80.747 81.752 83.102 84.726<br />
Source: Pension Fund<br />
The analysis shows that this big increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> pensioners is a big burden for <strong>the</strong> economy, and at <strong>the</strong><br />
same time it causes o<strong>the</strong>r consequences, such as evasion <strong>of</strong> payment <strong>of</strong> contributions, increase <strong>of</strong> gray economy and<br />
increased participation <strong>of</strong> pension insurance expenditures in GDP, etc.<br />
Table 2 – Number <strong>of</strong> pensioners, structure and average benefit for August 2003<br />
Total no <strong>of</strong> pensioners 89.750 112,87<br />
Age pension 37.011 137,83<br />
Disability pension 26.932 99,66<br />
Family pension 25.807 90,87<br />
Source: Pension Fund<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this data it can be concluded that <strong>the</strong> age pension users are <strong>the</strong> most common ones, which was not<br />
<strong>the</strong> case in <strong>the</strong> past, where <strong>the</strong> largest group were disability pension users.<br />
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Table 3 – Size <strong>of</strong> pension<br />
Average pension 112,87<br />
Minimum pension for full no <strong>of</strong> working years 107,00<br />
Limited pension (maximum) 403,00<br />
Source: Pension Fund
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According to this data it can be concluded that due to difficult economic situation in <strong>the</strong> past 10 years, <strong>the</strong>re has been<br />
a sudden increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> pensioners, in <strong>the</strong> way that many companies have used <strong>the</strong> institute <strong>of</strong> buying<br />
<strong>the</strong> remaining number <strong>of</strong> years until retirement for <strong>the</strong>ir workers, in order to release <strong>the</strong>m, thus since 1990<br />
approximately 6.000 workers were retired on <strong>the</strong>se grounds. At <strong>the</strong> same time, it can be concluded that <strong>the</strong>re is an<br />
unfavorable ration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> pensioners and <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> workers <strong>of</strong> 1:1,3; <strong>the</strong>re is also high participation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expenditures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pension Fund in GDP – 17%, etc.<br />
Social support to women<br />
Coverage <strong>of</strong> children with preschool education and upbringing by age, for <strong>the</strong> age group 1-7<br />
Preschool network in Montenegro consists <strong>of</strong> 20 institutions. There are 175 children per building and 35 children in a<br />
group. There is a difference between different areas. Central part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic is <strong>the</strong> most burdened one, and <strong>the</strong><br />
burden is smaller in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic. According to age, 90,8% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kids are <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> age 3-7, while<br />
9,2% are groups below 3 years <strong>of</strong> age (nursery).<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial data coverage <strong>of</strong> children from 1-7 years <strong>of</strong> age is as follows:<br />
1975/76 covered 7% <strong>of</strong> children up to 7 years old<br />
1982/83 ² 13%<br />
1999/00 ² 19,04%<br />
2000/01 ² 21,32<br />
2002/03 ² 22%<br />
Source: - Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook for 2002<br />
- Ministry <strong>of</strong> education <strong>of</strong> Montenegro<br />
Data shows that coverage <strong>of</strong> children with preschool institutions is slowly increasing. This is, primarily, due to <strong>the</strong><br />
lack <strong>of</strong> space that is currently 1,89 m2 per child, while <strong>the</strong> existing pedagogical standards prescribe 8 m2 per child.<br />
Due to that, number <strong>of</strong> children in groups is much higher than <strong>the</strong> normative. Thus, <strong>the</strong>re is still a big gap between<br />
<strong>the</strong> capacity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> preschool institutions network and <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> parents for this form <strong>of</strong> care for children.<br />
This low level <strong>of</strong> coverage <strong>of</strong> children with preschool institutions (nursery and kindergartens) reduced <strong>the</strong> possibility<br />
for higher employment among women, as many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are not able to provide adequate care for <strong>the</strong>ir children in<br />
some o<strong>the</strong>r way. To be honest, in Montenegro, apart from <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial preschool institutions network, <strong>the</strong>re are a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> private kindergartens in <strong>the</strong> education system, for children between <strong>the</strong> age 3 and 7, but for a high<br />
compensation, which makes <strong>the</strong>se services inaccessible to many parents.<br />
If we wish to secure higher employment <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> future, it will be necessary to provide space for nursery and<br />
kindergartens, as well as to develop adequate social services, that is family support services.<br />
Children born in marriage or not within marriage structure (1993 – 2002.)<br />
In Montenegro we still have a patriarchal family and <strong>the</strong> institute <strong>of</strong> marriage is still traditionally respected as a form<br />
in which children are born.<br />
However, children born in marriage or outside such a structure are equal in <strong>the</strong>ir rights, thus, <strong>the</strong>re are no problems<br />
from this aspect in order to achieve <strong>the</strong>ir legal rights.<br />
But, irrespective <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons that have caused to persons not to get married, children from <strong>the</strong>se kinds <strong>of</strong><br />
communities – non-marital ones are still faced with <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social environment <strong>the</strong>y live in.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, in recent times <strong>the</strong>re has been an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> non-marital units in which children<br />
are born, which is a reflection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> change in tradition and change <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> patriarchal view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family in<br />
Montenegro.<br />
The data in <strong>the</strong> following table best shows <strong>the</strong> type <strong>of</strong> changes that are happening in <strong>the</strong> Republic in relation to <strong>the</strong><br />
children born in marriage or outside such a structure.<br />
Children born in marriage or not within marriage structure 1993 and 2002<br />
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Year Children born in marriage Children born outside marriage structure %<br />
1993. 8.057 865 10,73<br />
2002. 7.270 1.202 16,53<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency<br />
Data shows that in 2002 <strong>the</strong>re were 16,53% <strong>of</strong> children born outside marriage structure, which is 54% higher than in<br />
1993, and this clearly proves that <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> non-marital unit as a family model is slowly being accepted by<br />
<strong>the</strong> young couples.<br />
Number <strong>of</strong> single parents<br />
There is no data on <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> single parents, as <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial statistics do not follow this. ISSP research <strong>of</strong> family<br />
situation, undertaken in 2003, shows that single parents represent 5,7% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total population. These are mostly<br />
women as single parents, with one or two children that <strong>the</strong>y have to care for, with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir families (parents,<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>rs, sisters and o<strong>the</strong>r members).<br />
Single parents have some assistance provided by <strong>the</strong> society through <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong> social and child protection, which<br />
is realized as increased child allowance, or through material allowance for single parents if <strong>the</strong>y have no o<strong>the</strong>r source<br />
<strong>of</strong> income. There are also some o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> social care for children, such as free summer vacations, winter<br />
vacations, one-time-only financial assistance, free provision <strong>of</strong> school textbooks, and o<strong>the</strong>r. But, irrespective <strong>of</strong> all<br />
that, although <strong>the</strong>y are present as a category in labor and social legislation, as well as in <strong>the</strong> General Collective<br />
Agreement in <strong>the</strong> part related to paid leave related to care for children, this is still not <strong>the</strong> adequate system <strong>of</strong> social<br />
protection <strong>of</strong> parents and <strong>the</strong>ir children.<br />
It can be expected that <strong>the</strong> reform <strong>of</strong> labor and social legislation reform that is underway will resolve <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong><br />
single parents in a quality way.<br />
Average number <strong>of</strong> children in families.<br />
There are no <strong>of</strong>ficial statistics on this issue. There are some estimates and researches undertaken by some<br />
institutions in Montenegro. So, here is <strong>the</strong> data published by ISSP (Institute for Strategic Studies and Prognoses) –<br />
Household Survey, which shows average number <strong>of</strong> children (up to 15 years <strong>of</strong> age) in families in Montenegro:<br />
Roma 2.61 children per family<br />
Refugees 0.72<br />
IDP's 0.78<br />
Residents 0.57<br />
Total in Montenegro 0.61<br />
In order to analyze this occurrence in more detail, it is necessary to give more information about <strong>the</strong> birth rate in<br />
Montenegro.<br />
Birth and death rate in Montenegro per 1000 inhabitants<br />
Table 1.<br />
Year Children born alive Children who Birth rate Babies that die per 1000<br />
died<br />
<strong>of</strong> babies born alive<br />
1997 13,5 7,9 5,5 14,8<br />
1998 14,1 8,1 3,9 13,9<br />
1999 13,5 8,2 5,2 13,3<br />
2000 14,0 8,2 5,7 11,1<br />
2001 13,3 8,3 5,2 14,6<br />
Source: Republican Statistics Agency – Statistical Yearbook for 2002<br />
Analysis <strong>of</strong> data presented in Table 1 shows that <strong>the</strong> birth rate in Montenegro is still showing positive trend, although<br />
some municipalities show negative rate <strong>of</strong> population increase, such as Žabljak, Plužine, Šavnik, Cetinje and<br />
Andrijevica.<br />
Data collected on this issue shows that in 7 o<strong>the</strong>r municipalities in Montenegro <strong>the</strong>re is a small birth rate, close to<br />
negative: Danilovgrad, Kotor, H. Novi, Pljevlja, Kolašin and Mojkovac.<br />
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So, more than one half <strong>of</strong> Montenegrin municipalities have a reduced rate <strong>of</strong> population growth right now. Contrary to<br />
<strong>the</strong>m, in some municipalities this rate is much higher, such as in Rozaje (421 babies born, and 121 died). In o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Montenegrin municipalities, in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn and central part <strong>of</strong> Montenegro <strong>the</strong>re are twice as many children born<br />
than those that die, which contributes to <strong>the</strong> increase in <strong>the</strong> population growth rate. In 2002 <strong>the</strong>re were 8.494<br />
children born in Montenegro, while 5.524 persons died. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se indicators, population <strong>of</strong> Montenegro<br />
was increased only by 2.970 inhabitants last year.<br />
All this shows that Montenegro is faced with such a demographic process where <strong>the</strong> natural birth rate is at <strong>the</strong> edge<br />
<strong>of</strong> becoming negative.<br />
Population policy is an important question for every state; thus, statistics on birth rate are followed closely in order to<br />
maintain <strong>the</strong> optimal population growth rate. In that sense, certain measures <strong>of</strong> population policy are defined that will<br />
result in population increase, especially in <strong>the</strong> municipalities with <strong>the</strong> negative population growth rate.<br />
It is well known that with <strong>the</strong> lower number <strong>of</strong> child births every society becomes older and less capable to create<br />
new values. Thus, selfish views that one cannot provide enough funds to support one or two children, will result in a<br />
situation where those children will not be able to provide for better life <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own children tomorrow, as <strong>the</strong>re will<br />
simply be no work force available. Renowned demographic experts, economists, sociologists and analytics say that<br />
<strong>the</strong> white plague is dangerous for every society, and it is storming through most <strong>of</strong> Europe right now. This trend is<br />
explained by <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> villages, tradition, destruction <strong>of</strong> families, increase in social pathology, difficult<br />
economic situation in <strong>the</strong> family and society in general. There are many persons who feel that <strong>the</strong> increase in white<br />
plague is also <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> giving women <strong>the</strong> right to interrupt pregnancy.<br />
All <strong>the</strong>se reasons are present in Montenegro, as well, and must be solved quickly in order to avoid negative rate <strong>of</strong><br />
population growth, which does not allow even for basic reproduction.<br />
Sexual harassment <strong>of</strong> women at <strong>the</strong> workplace<br />
According to positive legal regulations in Montenegro, problem <strong>of</strong> sexual harassment at work is not regulated by law,<br />
nor by any o<strong>the</strong>r bylaw, which is a big problem in relation to protection <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> labor.<br />
It is a fact that Criminal Act <strong>of</strong> Montenegro regulates rape and mistreatment within marriage by a spouse and<br />
punishment is defined for such actions. However, in practice it is difficult to prove this, and to punish <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fender.<br />
By <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 2003 we expect to adopt changes and amendments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Criminal Act <strong>of</strong> Montenegro, and <strong>the</strong><br />
Association <strong>of</strong> working women »Woman Today« within CITUM will submit an initiative to <strong>the</strong> Legislative committee <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Parliament <strong>of</strong> Montenegro to add an article in <strong>the</strong> Criminal Act that would relate to sexual harassment <strong>of</strong> women<br />
at <strong>the</strong> workplace. We expect this initiative to be accepted by <strong>the</strong> responsible committee and <strong>the</strong> deputies in <strong>the</strong><br />
Montenegrin Parliament.<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research undertaken by Center for entrepreneurship and development <strong>of</strong> Montenegro, related to<br />
<strong>the</strong> discrimination <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> employment and at <strong>the</strong> workplace, obtained results show that <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
sexual harassment at work. It is seen in excessive jokes made by men, in demands to dress provocatively, comments<br />
related to <strong>the</strong> way a woman looks, touching, a director insisting on having a meeting, in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> letters,<br />
invitations and messages to women, following or spying on <strong>the</strong>m, open invitations to have sex, and similar. These<br />
things happen in practice, but not to a great extent, thus, <strong>the</strong>y should be prevented from spreading if not in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
ways, than through legal regulations and criminal prosecution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fenders. Case study based on visits to several<br />
boutiques, cafes, where primarily young women are employed, included interviews with employed women. The<br />
following questions were asked – Is <strong>the</strong>re any sexual harassment at work, as well as blackmails? The answer was<br />
shyly presented to be YES, without an explanation, which proves that this occurrence is present in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong><br />
labor, especially among private employers in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> catering, trade, where mostly young women are employed.<br />
If it happens that a case <strong>of</strong> blackmail or sexual harassment occurs at <strong>the</strong> workplace, this usually results in a person<br />
leaving that job, and <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fender is not punished, and even <strong>the</strong> closest family <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> young women is never informed<br />
about it.<br />
***<br />
This research shows that <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labor market, in <strong>the</strong> society, and family is inadequate (bad) as<br />
compared to <strong>the</strong>ir contribution in all <strong>the</strong> segments <strong>of</strong> life and work.<br />
In order to change this situation to improve <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women, it is necessary, among o<strong>the</strong>r things, to do <strong>the</strong><br />
following:<br />
● To provide a higher level <strong>of</strong> family and social standard;<br />
● Education on gender equality at all education levels;<br />
● Adoption <strong>of</strong> legal regulations on gender equality;<br />
● Change <strong>of</strong> textbooks in schools, where women are treated differently than men (remove <strong>the</strong> stereotypes<br />
related to women as less valuable creatures);<br />
● Greater participation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> authorities (Parliament, Government, Trade Union, Judiciary, and<br />
similar);<br />
● Organize a campaign on relations between sexes – public debates;<br />
● Greater solidarity among women <strong>the</strong>mselves (solidarity <strong>of</strong> all types);<br />
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● Encouraging women to achieve better status in <strong>the</strong> family, society, and similar, as well as a whole set <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
activities.<br />
REFERENCES:<br />
Draft PRSP and ISSP – Living standard and poverty in Montenegro, 2003<br />
Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook 1992–2002<br />
Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook – year 2000<br />
Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook – year 2002<br />
About <strong>the</strong> author:<br />
Rosa Popovic, subregional coordinator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women's trade unions network <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Europe, International<br />
Confederation <strong>of</strong> Free Trade Unions, president <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Employed Women's Association «Women Today» at <strong>the</strong> Trade<br />
Union, Montenegro. Obtained her BA at <strong>the</strong> Facutlty <strong>of</strong> Political Sciences, University <strong>of</strong> Belgrade, Serbia. She has<br />
published a number <strong>of</strong> papers and articles.<br />
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The Quintessential Step <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro towards <strong>the</strong> European Union:<br />
Facing Historical and Present Day Myths and Delusions<br />
By Ognjen Radonjic, Faculty <strong>of</strong> Philosophy, University <strong>of</strong> Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
Abstract: Political stability goes toge<strong>the</strong>r with economic stability. What is more, both are preconditions<br />
that must be fulfilled in order to provide fertile ground for economic growth and development in <strong>the</strong><br />
future. Consistently, we think that <strong>the</strong> European Union is <strong>the</strong> only rational future road to political and<br />
economic development for Serbia and Montenegro. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> assumption that Serbia and Montenegro<br />
sincerely wants to join <strong>the</strong> European Union and to become a reliable ally <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international community,<br />
this study is pointing out two tasks that have to be accomplished at <strong>the</strong> very beginning in order to achieve<br />
this goal. The first is to face myths about <strong>the</strong> Serbs as “sinless Celestial people,” Serbian historical justice<br />
and self–victimization, and international conspiracy aimed to destroy <strong>the</strong> Serbian nation. The second is to<br />
create and activate as soon as possible political mechanisms that will provide undisturbed and smooth<br />
cooperation with <strong>the</strong> International Tribunal in The Hague.<br />
Key words: political stability, economic stability, myths, delusions, cooperation, European Union,<br />
international community, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
Introduction<br />
The European Union (EU) is <strong>the</strong> only rational future road to political and economic development for Serbia<br />
and Montenegro. At <strong>the</strong> same time, it is also a powerful guarantee <strong>of</strong> peace and stability in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
Serbia and Montenegro is very far from <strong>the</strong> European integration processes at this moment. In order to<br />
make <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> accession faster and easier and at <strong>the</strong> same time to prevent eventual wars in <strong>the</strong><br />
near and distant future, this study has <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> revealing two extraordinary delusions on <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong><br />
Serbian people and present day national leaders. First is that Slobodan Milosevic (along with his former<br />
close political and military collaborators) [1] was a politician occupied with <strong>the</strong> welfare and <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong><br />
his country. Second is that Serbia and Montenegro is enjoying international credibility and trust at <strong>the</strong><br />
moment that enables <strong>the</strong> present government to constantly delay fulfilling its obligations towards <strong>the</strong><br />
International Tribunal in The Hague.<br />
A short historical background<br />
After <strong>the</strong> devastating WWII, enormous efforts have been made by <strong>the</strong> Western countries to<br />
institutionalize world peace and secure harmonized economic development worldwide through<br />
international political and financial institutions. The most prominent ones are <strong>the</strong> United Nations, <strong>the</strong><br />
World Bank, <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund, <strong>the</strong> Organization for Economic Cooperation and<br />
Development, <strong>the</strong> General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and, later, <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization. [2]<br />
Spontaneously, as time passed and war wounds started healing, nations realized that <strong>the</strong> ideals <strong>of</strong> peace<br />
and sustainable economic development were about to be carried out in <strong>the</strong> most efficient way by<br />
intensification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world integration process. However, integration processes where largely slowed<br />
down after <strong>the</strong> biggest threat in history to <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> humankind took place – <strong>the</strong> Cold War. The<br />
Cold War was a classical example <strong>of</strong> ideological clashes between <strong>the</strong> extreme political and economic elite<br />
movements in both Western and Eastern blocs.<br />
After those years living on <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> a third world war, <strong>the</strong> Iron Curtain finally fell down in 1989 when<br />
communist systems collapsed. The end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war threat and <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> peaceful consensus<br />
worldwide opened new opportunities for acceleration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> integration processes. [3] At <strong>the</strong> same time in<br />
1991, seemingly unexpectedly, so soon after <strong>the</strong> Cold War period had ended multiethnic conflicts in <strong>the</strong><br />
territory <strong>of</strong> former Yugoslavia began. The conflicts escalated into violence and destruction where many<br />
innocent people were killed, tortured, imprisoned and left without homes and property. Terrible atrocities<br />
were committed. In order to punish war criminals, provide justice for war victims and prevent eventual<br />
new conflicts in <strong>the</strong> future, in 1993 <strong>the</strong> United Nations Security Council established <strong>the</strong> International<br />
Tribunal in The Hague. Cooperation with <strong>the</strong> International Tribunal is compulsory for all countries that<br />
took part in <strong>the</strong> wars. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, cooperation is a precondition for approval <strong>of</strong> financial loans and<br />
donations and for accession <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro to all political, military and financial international<br />
institutions including <strong>the</strong> European Union. [4]<br />
Serbian virtual reality<br />
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Political stability goes toge<strong>the</strong>r with economic stability. What is more, both are preconditions that must be<br />
fulfilled in order to provide fertile ground for economic growth and development in <strong>the</strong> future. [5] Aware <strong>of</strong><br />
this fact, Deputies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> House <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Federal Parliament on 11 April 2002 passed <strong>the</strong><br />
Law on Cooperation with The Hague Tribunal. [6] This law contains a provision about extradition <strong>of</strong> citizens<br />
<strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro charged with committing war crimes. [7] During <strong>the</strong> pragmatic Serbian<br />
government under <strong>the</strong> leadership <strong>of</strong> assassinated Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, [8] <strong>the</strong> Law was enforced<br />
and cooperation with The Hague was not without difficulties but was satisfactory.<br />
At this moment, although <strong>the</strong> present authorities [9] are to a great extent aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> need to cooperate<br />
with <strong>the</strong> international community, <strong>the</strong>y do not show <strong>the</strong> will to do so. [10] At <strong>the</strong> same time, putting into<br />
effect full cooperation with <strong>the</strong> international community requires existence <strong>of</strong> national consensus<br />
concerning this issue. Unfortunately, at this moment Serbia does not have agreement because about<br />
thirty percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> electoral body, mainly supporters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former regime and its policies, are very<br />
hostile toward international ultimatums. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong>y are strongly opposing “delivery to <strong>the</strong> illegal<br />
International Tribunal in The Hague <strong>of</strong> Serbian heroes and patriots, like former president Slobodan<br />
Milosevic, who bravely defended <strong>the</strong>ir country against numerous aggressors. [11] ” In addition, <strong>the</strong>y have<br />
been pointing out that during <strong>the</strong> wars in former Yugoslavia, <strong>the</strong> international community was biased,<br />
supporting financially, politically and militarily only <strong>the</strong> Serbs’ enemies; whereas, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand,<br />
Serbia was under heavy sanctions imposed by <strong>the</strong> United Nations.<br />
We think that <strong>the</strong>re is no doubt that <strong>the</strong> international community has made some strategic mistakes that<br />
primarily resulted in a sharp drop in ordinary people’s living standards, <strong>the</strong>reby giving <strong>the</strong> Serbian<br />
oligarchy an excuse for leading such a destructive and dangerous policy. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, we think that <strong>the</strong><br />
international community, probably unaware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> very complicated political situation in <strong>the</strong> country, is<br />
still making mistakes. More concretely, mistakes including imposing ultimatums and not practicing a more<br />
flexible approach in negotiations with current Serbian authorities concerning <strong>the</strong> arrest <strong>of</strong> persons who are<br />
accused by <strong>the</strong> International Tribunal <strong>of</strong> crimes against humanity. Never<strong>the</strong>less, in our view it is more<br />
important and beneficial for our country to face <strong>the</strong> tragic policy and irreversible mistakes, with all <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
deterrent consequences, which former Serbian authorities under <strong>the</strong> leadership <strong>of</strong> Slobodan Milosevic<br />
have committed. The main purpose <strong>of</strong> this action should not be simply to achieve eligibility for loans and<br />
financial support, but ra<strong>the</strong>r to condemn war crimes. In our opinion, this would be <strong>the</strong> first but at <strong>the</strong><br />
same time <strong>the</strong> quintessential step towards European integration.<br />
Consistently, we strongly believe that Slobodan Milosevic (and <strong>the</strong> like) was not a political leader occupied<br />
with <strong>the</strong> welfare and <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong> his country. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary, <strong>the</strong> only thing he was worried about was<br />
how to seize power and later to keep it by all means. In order to dismiss <strong>the</strong> mythical delusion <strong>of</strong> part <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Serbian nation about unjustified allegations against him and his self-victimization and patriotism we<br />
will briefly turn to his style and <strong>the</strong> legacy <strong>of</strong> his ten-year reign:<br />
● He is <strong>the</strong> primary (but not <strong>the</strong> only) one who has to be blamed for violent dissolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Socialist<br />
Federal Republic <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia (SFRY); for civil war in Croatia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in Kosovo;<br />
and, as a result, for <strong>the</strong> Balkan’s hell during those painful years with numerous human victims who lost<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir lives, families, friends, property and homes. [12]<br />
● As a consequence, in 1992, <strong>the</strong> United Nations imposed very severe economic and military sanctions<br />
against <strong>the</strong> Federal Republic <strong>of</strong> (F. R.) Yugoslavia. In addition, F. R. Yugoslavia was expelled from all<br />
international political, financial and trade organizations.<br />
● His reign was strongly based on using cruel and severe repression measures against citizens <strong>of</strong> Serbia<br />
who did not support his policies. (Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m were imprisoned and tortured, put under surveillance and<br />
bugged.)<br />
● He controlled media heavily, isolated Serbia from <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world and, <strong>of</strong>ten fiercely and<br />
mercilessly, clashed with political opponents and independent journalists using all means <strong>of</strong> repression<br />
(secret and regular police, military intelligence and paramilitary formations like <strong>the</strong> Unit for Special<br />
Operations). [13]<br />
● HHJe and his clique usurped national natural resources, industrial and agricultural capacities, and old<br />
currency savings <strong>of</strong> citizens.<br />
● We experienced two hyperinflations [14] in a five-year interval that had a devastating influence on <strong>the</strong><br />
Yugoslavian economy and investments, monetary, fiscal and foreign trade stability. The drastic drop <strong>of</strong><br />
investments (especially in industrial production) caused a systematic and rapid depreciation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> popular<br />
wealth. [15]<br />
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● The living standard <strong>of</strong> common people sharply decreased to <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> Third World countries. In such a<br />
way, <strong>the</strong> average monthly salary in Serbia was 752 DM (Deutsche Marks) in December 1990, 21 DM in<br />
December 1993, 87 DM in December 1999, and just 70 DM in December 2000. In December 1990, only<br />
15% <strong>of</strong> families had an income <strong>of</strong> less than 100 DM per family member. In 1993, about 50% <strong>of</strong> families<br />
had an income <strong>of</strong> less than 100 DM per family member. [16] According to <strong>the</strong> 2000-2001 Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
World Bank, in 1999 about 73% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Serbian population had incomes less than 2 US dollars per day.<br />
[17]<br />
● Recorded GDP at current prices declined from about 28.5 billion US dollars in 1990 to about 9 billion US<br />
dollars in 2000.<br />
● In 2000, Yugoslavia’s external debt amounted to over 12 billion dollars. About 4.5 billion dollars <strong>of</strong> old<br />
foreign currency savings (internal debt) should be added to this amount. [18]<br />
Are <strong>the</strong>se facts convincing enough to dismiss <strong>the</strong> delusion that “domestic traitors” are sending “national<br />
heroes” to The Hague? <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> Milosevic’s fall, we believed that <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Serbian<br />
inhabitants were aware <strong>of</strong> his and his clique’s crimes, abuses, corruption and violent nature. It seems that<br />
we were wrong because today, five years later, a significant part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation still shows very hostile<br />
attitudes towards international institutions and politicians. Why is it so? Partly <strong>the</strong> answer derives from<br />
<strong>the</strong> second delusion, but this time, <strong>of</strong> actual present day national leaders.<br />
The second delusion we want to deal with is that present day government seems to think that Serbia has<br />
<strong>the</strong> credibility to defy <strong>the</strong> international community by refusing to arrest persons charged with committing<br />
war crimes. To be honest this is not a delusion, this is a hallucination. We do not want to put this delicate<br />
issue in some <strong>the</strong>oretical framework, because in our opinion we need, now more than ever, pragmatism<br />
and not fairy tales. Political forbearance under <strong>the</strong> slogan “problems will be solved by <strong>the</strong>mselves” or<br />
“give us some more time to do our best” is incompatible with current international or Serbian realities.<br />
Consequently, <strong>the</strong> USA imposed partial financial sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro in January, 2005.<br />
[19] Is this our return to <strong>the</strong> past or <strong>the</strong> fact that members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former regime have never lost <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
positions and power? It seems <strong>the</strong> truth is somewhere in between.<br />
This game with <strong>the</strong> patience <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international community irresistibly reminds us <strong>of</strong> Milosevic’s<br />
uncompromising attitude towards international diplomatic incentives and his unwillingness to cooperate<br />
and negotiate with <strong>the</strong> international community until it became too late. Similarly nowadays, instead <strong>of</strong><br />
managing and solving luke-warm Serbian problems, <strong>the</strong> present government makes <strong>the</strong>m more serious<br />
and complicated from day to day by expressing its irresoluteness and obvious lack <strong>of</strong> interest and<br />
initiative. The features <strong>of</strong> our current foreign policy are almost <strong>the</strong> same as <strong>the</strong>y used to be during <strong>the</strong><br />
1990s; In o<strong>the</strong>r words irrationality, formal legalism, arrogance, negation <strong>of</strong> international policy factors<br />
and <strong>the</strong> worst kind <strong>of</strong> political autism. So we firmly ask <strong>the</strong> present national leaders and <strong>the</strong> nation in<br />
general if <strong>the</strong>y have not learned anything from <strong>the</strong> mistakes and failures made by <strong>the</strong> post-second world<br />
war communist leaders and <strong>the</strong>ir successors (Milosevic’s clique).<br />
Conclusion<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> assumption that Serbia and Montenegro sincerely wants to join EU and to become a reliable ally <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> international community, <strong>the</strong>re are two tasks that have to be accomplished at <strong>the</strong> very beginning in<br />
order to achieve this goal. The first is to face myths about <strong>the</strong> Serbs as “sinless Celestial people,” Serbian<br />
historical justice and self-victimization, and international conspiracy aimed to destroy <strong>the</strong> Serbian nation.<br />
The main purpose <strong>of</strong> this act should be to condemn war crimes without reservations and finally to lay<br />
foundations for long term friendly relations with <strong>the</strong> international community. In our opinion it would be<br />
<strong>the</strong> first, but at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong> quintessential, step towards European integration. The second is to<br />
create and activate as soon as possible adequate political mechanisms that will provide undisturbed and<br />
smooth cooperation with <strong>the</strong> International Tribunal in The Hague.<br />
Appendix:<br />
Macroeconomic and Country Risk Indicators<br />
Desirable levels <strong>of</strong> some economic quantitative indicators that must be reached in order for a country to<br />
be eligible for nomination for accession to <strong>the</strong> European Union are listed below: [20]<br />
● GDP per capita should tend toward <strong>the</strong> EU average value (about 9000 US dollars per year).<br />
● The minimum GDP per capita should be 6000 US dollars (USD) per year.<br />
● The current account deficit should be below 5% <strong>of</strong> annual GDP.<br />
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● Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) should be about 10% <strong>of</strong> annual GDP.<br />
● The fiscal deficit should not be more than 3% <strong>of</strong> annual GDP.<br />
● Public spending should not be more than 40% <strong>of</strong> annual GDP.<br />
● Public debt should not be more than 60% <strong>of</strong> annual GDP.<br />
● Foreign debt should not be more than 30% <strong>of</strong> annual GDP.<br />
● The unemployment rate should not be more than 10%.<br />
● The annual inflation rate should not be more than 5%.<br />
● The money market interest rate should be slightly above <strong>the</strong> annual inflation rate.<br />
Values <strong>of</strong> some economic quantitative indicators in Serbia<br />
Year 2003 2004<br />
GDP (USD millions) 18 984 21 643<br />
GDP per capita (USD) 2 531.2 2 885.7<br />
Current account deficit, before grants (%<br />
<strong>of</strong> GDP) 10.2 13<br />
FDI (% <strong>of</strong> GDP) 7.2 4.1<br />
Fiscal deficit (% <strong>of</strong> GDP) 3.93 1.7<br />
Public spending (% <strong>of</strong> GDP) 49 46<br />
Public debt (% <strong>of</strong> GDP) 71.9 60.8<br />
Foreign debt (% <strong>of</strong> GDP) 43.7 35.6<br />
Unemployment rate (%) 32 32.1<br />
Annual inflation rate (retail prices in %) 7.8 13.7<br />
Money market interest rate (%) a 11.05 14.85<br />
a Average weighted interest rate on commercial papers issued by <strong>the</strong> National Bank <strong>of</strong> Serbia.<br />
Sources: Bilten javnih finansija. Ministarstvo finansija, Republika Srbija, Beograd, Decembar 2004 (Public<br />
Finance Bulletin, Ministry <strong>of</strong> Finance, Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia, Belgrade, December 2004) and Statisti•ki Bilten,<br />
Narodna Banka Srbije, Decembar 2004 (Statistical Bulletin, National Bank <strong>of</strong> Serbia, December 2004),<br />
www.nbs.co.yu<br />
As we can see, at <strong>the</strong> moment Serbia is ra<strong>the</strong>r far from reaching desirable levels <strong>of</strong> economic indicators<br />
(except for <strong>the</strong> fiscal deficit and <strong>the</strong> public debt). Consequently, as country risk rating indicators <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
C<strong>of</strong>ace Group [21] show, lack <strong>of</strong> political and economic stability results in low attractiveness <strong>of</strong> Serbia and<br />
Montenegro for foreign investors (intolerantly high investment risks).<br />
The country rating issued by <strong>the</strong> C<strong>of</strong>ace Group measures <strong>the</strong> average level <strong>of</strong> short-term non-payment<br />
risk associated with companies in a particular country. It reflects <strong>the</strong> extent to which a country's<br />
economic, financial, and political outlook influences financial commitments <strong>of</strong> local companies. However,<br />
international trade actors know that sound companies can operate in risky countries and unsound<br />
companies in less-risky countries and that overall risk will depend not only on a company's qualities but<br />
also on those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country in which it operates.<br />
Consistently, ratings are based on tw<strong>of</strong>old expertise:<br />
● macroeconomic expertise in assessing country risk based on a battery <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic financial and<br />
political indicators and<br />
● microeconomic expertise that draws on C<strong>of</strong>ace databases covering 44 million companies worldwide and<br />
50 years’ experience with payments in trade flows it guarantees.<br />
C<strong>of</strong>ace Group ranks country ratings on seven risk levels:<br />
A1 The steady political and economic environment has positive effects on an already good probability <strong>of</strong><br />
payment record <strong>of</strong> companies. Very weak default.<br />
A2 Default probability is still weak even in <strong>the</strong> case when one country's political and<br />
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economic environment or <strong>the</strong> payment record <strong>of</strong> companies is not as good as in A1-rated countries.<br />
A3 Adverse political or economic circumstances may lead to a worsening payment record that is already<br />
lower than <strong>the</strong> previous categories, although <strong>the</strong> probability <strong>of</strong> a payment default is still low.<br />
A4 An already patchy payment record could be fur<strong>the</strong>r worsened by a deteriorating political and economic<br />
environment. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> probability <strong>of</strong> a default is still acceptable.<br />
B An unsteady political and economic environment is likely to affect fur<strong>the</strong>r an already poor payment<br />
record.<br />
C A very unsteady political and economic environment could deteriorate an already bad payment record.<br />
DThe high risk pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> a country's economic and political environment will fur<strong>the</strong>r worsen a generally<br />
very bad payment record.<br />
Source: C<strong>of</strong>ace North America Group, http://www.c<strong>of</strong>ace-usa.com/<br />
In January 2005 Serbia and Montenegro was ranked in <strong>the</strong> C risk level group as along with, for instance,<br />
Ethiopia, Chad, Mozambique, Kenya, Angola, Uganda, Mauritania and Niger. For comparison, Slovenia was<br />
ranked in <strong>the</strong> A2 risk level group along with Czech Republic and Hungary. Poland was ranked A3; Croatia<br />
was A4; and Romania and Bulgaria ranked B. [22]<br />
References<br />
Bilten javnih finansija. Ministarstvo finansija, Republika Srbija, Beograd, Decembar 2004 (Public Finance<br />
Bulletin, Ministry <strong>of</strong> Finance, Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia, Belgrade, December 2004).<br />
Board <strong>of</strong> Governors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Federal Reserve System, www.federalreserve.gov<br />
Chomsky, N. 1999. “Pr<strong>of</strong>it iznad ljudi. Neoliberalizam i globalni poredak (Pr<strong>of</strong>it over People. Neoliberalism<br />
and Global Order).” Svetovi, Novi Sad.<br />
Dimitrijevi•, B. 2002. “Best Practices <strong>of</strong> EU Accession <strong>of</strong> Select Countries in Transition.” Policy and Legal<br />
Advice Centre, Beograd.<br />
G17 Plus, “Bela knjiga Miloševi•eve vladavine (The White Book <strong>of</strong> Milosevic’s Reign).” www.g17plus.org.<br />
yu/<br />
Nikoli•, M. 2002. “The Tragedy <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia – The Rise, <strong>the</strong> Reign and <strong>the</strong> Fall <strong>of</strong> Slobodan Milosevic.”<br />
Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden.<br />
Radonji•, O. 2003. “A View on <strong>the</strong> War, Dissolution and Economic Collapse. The Case <strong>of</strong> Serbia and<br />
Montenegro (1990-2000).” www.epunto.ch<br />
Statisti•ki Bilten, Narodna Banka Srbije, Decembar 2004 (Statistical Bulletin, National Bank <strong>of</strong> Serbia,<br />
December 2004), www.nbs.co.yu<br />
[1] Slobodan Milosevic is a personification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tragic policy that was led by Serbian authorities during <strong>the</strong><br />
1990s. This refers to all his former political and military collaborators within <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> ex-Yugoslavia.<br />
April 2005<br />
[2] Of course, <strong>the</strong>re are also opposite opinions. For instance, Noam Chomsky (1999) thinks that those institutions<br />
are nothing but <strong>the</strong> tools <strong>of</strong> powerful governments to force o<strong>the</strong>r countries to accept diverse agreements that<br />
enable multinational corporations to dominate <strong>the</strong> world by unlimited exploitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir resources.<br />
[3] Today, world integration processes are commonly defined as <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> globalization. Naturally, it is not<br />
easy to define <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> globalization. This is because it involves numerous aspects, where <strong>the</strong> economic one<br />
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is surely <strong>the</strong> most important. Briefly, economic globalization is characterized by elimination <strong>of</strong> international trade<br />
barriers in order to promote free and fast flows <strong>of</strong> goods, services and factors <strong>of</strong> production.<br />
[4] However, cooperation is only a precondition. Ano<strong>the</strong>r issue is <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> investments<br />
undertaken (naturally <strong>the</strong>se investments are covered by foreign sources) in order to reach institutional<br />
and legislative standards necessary to enter <strong>the</strong> European Union.<br />
[5] For fur<strong>the</strong>r discussion on quantitative economic indicators <strong>of</strong> convergence towards <strong>the</strong> European Union and<br />
<strong>the</strong> current position <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro, see <strong>the</strong> Appendix.<br />
[6] The Law was adopted under strong political and financial pressure exerted by <strong>the</strong> United States and Europe.<br />
[7] We must point out that <strong>the</strong> Law has a few controversial loopholes. For instance, <strong>the</strong> Law applies only to <strong>the</strong><br />
individuals against whom indictments had already been issued. But full cooperation requires extradition <strong>of</strong><br />
individuals charged with committing war crimes no matter when indictments are issued.<br />
[8] The reformist political leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party, Zoran Djindjic, was assassinated in March 2003 in<br />
action named “Stop The Hague.” Some soldiers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paramilitary formation Unit for Special Operations, several<br />
secret police agents and <strong>the</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> criminal organization, Zemun clan, are charged with committing this<br />
terrible crime.<br />
[9] The coalition government <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party <strong>of</strong> Serbia (Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica), G17 Plus, <strong>the</strong><br />
Serbian Renewal Movement, New Serbia and <strong>the</strong> Socialistic Party <strong>of</strong> Serbia ( Milosevic’s political party).<br />
[10] The present government's foreign policy strategy is based on <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> “two-way cooperation with <strong>the</strong><br />
International Tribunal” and “voluntary surrender <strong>of</strong> individuals charged with committing war crimes.”<br />
[11] The Croats, <strong>the</strong> Bosnian-Muslims, <strong>the</strong> Albanians and <strong>the</strong> NATO countries.<br />
[12] In essence, <strong>the</strong> civil war was <strong>the</strong> battle for redistribution <strong>of</strong> power, territory and resources between<br />
new authoritarian rulers that came to power mainly by inflaming national and confessional hatred.<br />
Milosevic, no doubt, had heavy influence on <strong>the</strong> drastic rise <strong>of</strong> tensions in <strong>the</strong> region by practicing his<br />
uncompromising style and intolerance. However, he was not alone. He initiated conflicts to which <strong>the</strong><br />
Croatian, <strong>the</strong> Bosnian-Muslim and <strong>the</strong> Albanian leaderships reacted mercilessly and furiously.<br />
[13] A few <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m were killed. The most prominent were former Serbian communist leader Ivan<br />
Stambolic (killed in autumn, 2000) and independent journalist Slavko Curuvija (killed in spring, 1999,<br />
during <strong>the</strong> NATO air raids).<br />
[14] Among o<strong>the</strong>r things, accumulated bad loans <strong>of</strong> well-connected banks and enterprises (so-called “political<br />
favorites”) were heavily financed through monetary expansion. In 1992, yearly inflation was 8993%, while in<br />
1994 yearly inflation reached a 15-digit number, 116 trillion percent. <strong>On</strong>ly in January, monthly inflation reached<br />
313 million percent.<br />
[15] The average rate <strong>of</strong> investment in F. R. Yugoslavia was -20.1% in 1990; -12% in 1994; -3.7% in<br />
1995; -5.7% in 1996; 0.8% in 1997; and -2.2% in 1998. Source: G17 Plus, “Bela knjiga Miloševi•eve<br />
vladavine (The White Book <strong>of</strong> Milosevic’s Reign).” www.g17plus.org.yu/<br />
[16]<br />
The 1 DM ranged from 0.47 to 0.7 <strong>of</strong> one US dollar during <strong>the</strong> 1990s. Source: Board <strong>of</strong> Governors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Federal Reserve System, www.federalreserve.gov<br />
[17] At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population with incomes less than 2 US dollars per day was<br />
77.8 in Bangladesh, 84.6 in Rwanda, 2 in Slovenia, 2 in Slovakia, 2 in Czech Republic, 4 in Hungary, and<br />
10.5 in Poland. Source: Nikoli•, M. 2002. “The Tragedy <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia – The Rise, <strong>the</strong> Reign and <strong>the</strong> Fall <strong>of</strong><br />
Slobodan Milosevic.” Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden.<br />
[18] For more details, see Radonji•, O. 2003. “A View on <strong>the</strong> War, Dissolution and Economic Collapse. The<br />
Case <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro (1990-2000).” www.epunto.ch<br />
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[19] In our opinion, if persons charged with committing war crimes were true heroes and patriots <strong>the</strong>y would<br />
surrender immediately in order to avoid threats to <strong>the</strong>ir country.<br />
[20] Desirable levels <strong>of</strong> economic quantitative indicators are not <strong>the</strong>oretically precisely defined. They<br />
represent opinions <strong>of</strong> numerous world economic experts for macroeconomics and transition. For example,<br />
see Dimitrijevi•, B. 2002. “Best Practices <strong>of</strong> EU Accession <strong>of</strong> Select Countries in Transition.” Policy and<br />
Legal Advice Centre, Belgrade.<br />
[21] C<strong>of</strong>ace North America Group is a well-known credit insurance and country risk rating company.<br />
[22] For more details see http://www.c<strong>of</strong>ace-usa.com<br />
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Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans<br />
Women's <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans: In <strong>the</strong> Jaws <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Free Market<br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
Women's Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
My presentation* will look at <strong>the</strong> macroeconomic trends in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans region and <strong>the</strong>ir effects on<br />
women's rights, and <strong>the</strong>n try to identify obstacles to women's economic and social position and openings to<br />
improve <strong>the</strong>m. The story is basically one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> stripping away <strong>of</strong> human rights / women's rights to make our<br />
countries more attractive for investors. A great deal <strong>of</strong> energy is being put into attracting investment: for<br />
instance, on my way to this conference I noticed, in a recent copy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Financial Times, two whole pages on<br />
Albania, all angled in such a way as to interest investors, toge<strong>the</strong>r with several ads for foreign banks.<br />
The countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region are Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro, and Albania,<br />
with a total population <strong>of</strong> 24 million. GDP per capita was €2,380 in 2002, with only Croatia above <strong>the</strong> average;<br />
while foreign direct investment (FDI) has risen from 3.9% <strong>of</strong> GDP in 2002 to 5.4% in 2003. Superficially, <strong>the</strong><br />
impact <strong>of</strong> FDI is visible in <strong>the</strong> large presence <strong>of</strong> foreign banks, but its main economic impacts are on domestic<br />
investment, employment and <strong>the</strong> balance <strong>of</strong> payments. Albania, Croatia and Macedonia are already members <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> WTO, while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro are in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> acceding to <strong>the</strong><br />
Organization. The region enjoys duty-free access to <strong>the</strong> EU market, thanks to <strong>the</strong> asymmetrical trade measures<br />
granted since <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 2000.<br />
Macroeconomic trends and <strong>the</strong>ir effects<br />
The impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international financial institutions (IFIs) is high in <strong>the</strong> region. They support <strong>the</strong> structural<br />
reforms through macroeconomic support and technical assistance. IMF programmes in are in place in all <strong>the</strong><br />
countries, and <strong>the</strong> World Bank provides technical and financial assistance with a wide array <strong>of</strong> structural<br />
adjustment programmes (SAPs). The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) finances mainly<br />
private-sector development, although in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro it works mostly with<br />
<strong>the</strong> public sector.<br />
The transitional economies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region have a number <strong>of</strong> common characteristics, many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se arising from<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir common experience <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment. Throughout <strong>the</strong> region, transition to <strong>the</strong> market economy has<br />
been delayed because <strong>of</strong> wars, armed conflicts, and exclusion from <strong>the</strong> international community during <strong>the</strong><br />
periods <strong>of</strong> conflict. The region's SAPs, dictated by <strong>the</strong> IMF, have features familiar from previous SAP experiences<br />
in o<strong>the</strong>r regions, requiring:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Removal <strong>of</strong> all obstacles to <strong>the</strong> international trade and foreign investments;<br />
Prompt privatisation;<br />
Labour market flexibility;<br />
Reduction <strong>of</strong> all social costs.<br />
You can imagine who pays <strong>the</strong> price for all this economic turbulence! The example <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro<br />
serves to illustrate what is happening throughout <strong>the</strong> region. The transition to a full market economy in <strong>the</strong><br />
country has been very rapid and unsettling. In <strong>the</strong> 1990s, Serbia and Montenegro had a state-led, quasi-market<br />
economy. In 2000, political changes led to economic changes and a SAP was started, geared to <strong>the</strong> development<br />
<strong>of</strong> a market economy based on privately-owned capital and trade liberalisation. A new wave <strong>of</strong> privatisation was<br />
introduced; even after failed exercises in privatisation 1990 and 1997, this is still seen as a panacea for all our<br />
economic problems. This round is based on tender privatisation, involving selling through tenders and auctions<br />
and capital transfer without compensation.<br />
The results anticipated from all this privatisation were:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
An efficient economy, guaranteeing economic growth and stability;<br />
A clear ownership structure;<br />
A functioning stock exchange;<br />
Strong corporate governance.<br />
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Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans<br />
However, this has not really materialised. At <strong>the</strong> macroeconomic level, <strong>the</strong> results so far include:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
70% state and socially owned firms and factories have been privatised; strategic industries (cement, oil,<br />
tobacco) are now owned by foreign companies and multinational corporations;<br />
New IMF loans have been granted, but <strong>the</strong>y are only for debt servicing;<br />
The trade deficit has increased (US$ 3.2 billion);<br />
Large-scale bankruptcy <strong>of</strong> big banks and up to 34,000 socially owned firms has been announced.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> following effects on <strong>the</strong> population can be observed:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Increasing economic, political, social and personal insecurity;<br />
Increased corruption;<br />
Increased unemployment (<strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial rate is 31%, but <strong>the</strong> real level is much higher);<br />
People forced increasingly into participation in informal economy - up to 60%;<br />
Increased dismissal <strong>of</strong> workers (400,000 job losses were recently announced);<br />
Higher living costs;<br />
Loss <strong>of</strong> free or low-cost services in health, education and housing.<br />
All this, plus <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> armed conflict <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s, has generated rising poverty and polarisation <strong>of</strong><br />
wealth. While <strong>the</strong> percentages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population living in poverty have risen from 14% in 1990 to 35% in 2003,<br />
some 5% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population have become extremely rich, pr<strong>of</strong>iting ei<strong>the</strong>r from <strong>the</strong> economic upheavals or from<br />
war. The middle class has almost disappeared. Those in need <strong>of</strong> social protection include:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
1.2 million retired people;<br />
400,000 families beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> child allowance;<br />
14,.500 families beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> family sustenance;<br />
100,000 beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> food allowance (FAO);<br />
77,000 disabled persons.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> budgetary support to underprivileged people has dropped from 16.7% (1995) to 11.7% currently,<br />
while a share <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> budget in <strong>the</strong> social security funds has also fallen sharply from 22,2% to 13,3%. Social<br />
welfare support is provided mostly by donations from <strong>the</strong> developed countries. The result is poorer health care<br />
and quality <strong>of</strong> life for citizens.<br />
The transition represents a fierce attack on economic rights. New laws on labour and on employment abolished or<br />
decreased many long-established rights and entitlements. Full employment is no longer guaranteed, and<br />
introduced flexibilisation <strong>of</strong> labour, seen as an important feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic reforms, means that many fulltime<br />
jobs have been replaced by part-time, temporary, seasonal and low-paid jobs. Since <strong>the</strong> mechanisms to<br />
regulate <strong>the</strong> private sector and force companies to fulfil <strong>the</strong>ir legal obligations to workers are weak and are not<br />
enforced, companies get away with many violations, such as non-payment <strong>of</strong> salaries and social security benefits,<br />
irregular contracting procedures, and so on. Labour inspection is weak, and <strong>the</strong> special courts that dealt with<br />
labour rights, which were free for workers, have been abolished; instead, workers claiming <strong>the</strong>ir rights must go<br />
through a very long, expensive and ineffective procedure in <strong>the</strong> regular courts.<br />
Meanwhile, social dialogue between <strong>the</strong> private sector, government, and workers is lacking. The trade unions are<br />
weakened and declining in influence; in fact, <strong>the</strong>y hardly exist in <strong>the</strong> growing private sector, where employees are<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten blackmailed by employers not to organise trade unions.<br />
This situation is <strong>the</strong> same throughout <strong>the</strong> region. In Croatia, for instance, <strong>the</strong> average wage is enough to cover<br />
only 65% <strong>of</strong> a family's basic costs, while a third <strong>of</strong> employees receive <strong>the</strong> minimum wage. Pension and healthcare<br />
funds are facing collapse, and social differences are increasing. In Macedonia, poverty has increased fivefold since<br />
1991.<br />
The impact on women's rights<br />
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Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans<br />
Using Serbia and Montenegro again as an example, <strong>the</strong> following basic statistics give a broad picture:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Women are 43% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour force<br />
Women are 55% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working population<br />
60% <strong>of</strong> university degrees are held by women<br />
90% <strong>of</strong> women have degrees in education<br />
58% <strong>of</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> refugees and displaced persons are women<br />
11% <strong>of</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parliament are women, and <strong>the</strong>re are local asseblies that have no women<br />
members.<br />
Overall, <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transition has not been good for women. The socialist gender ideology and gender<br />
equity is currently regarded as a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> repressive socialist system that has been overthrown. These<br />
ideological changes influenced new legislation and deprived women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> incentives <strong>the</strong>y had previously been<br />
granted by <strong>the</strong> socialist state. The new democratic governments now support women's right to stay at home. In<br />
this and o<strong>the</strong>r ways, <strong>the</strong> transition has encouraged a patriarchal ideology that pushes women back into <strong>the</strong><br />
home.<br />
Thus, women are <strong>the</strong> first to lose jobs, particularly higher-level and better-paid jobs, and particularly in industry,<br />
as a result <strong>of</strong> privatisation. More and more women are working in low-paid industrial and service sectors, with a<br />
growing pay equity gap. Women's unemployment has increased, and at 26% it is higher than men's<br />
unemployment (20%), while <strong>the</strong>re are decreasing opportunities to find jobs, especially for women over 40–45 in<br />
<strong>the</strong> private sector. The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty is thus ga<strong>the</strong>ring pace, as women have lost <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> previous<br />
social welfare system. Women are more likely than men to be exposed to poverty, because <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> children<br />
depends mainly or totally on women; and <strong>the</strong>y are more likely to be poor in old age as a consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
higher unemployment rate and <strong>the</strong> gender-based income gap. With growing poverty, sex trafficking and domestic<br />
violence are increasing. The needs <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most vulnerable groups <strong>of</strong> women (Roma, rural, minority, selfsupporting<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>rs, elder, housewives, disabled) are invisible and unmet.<br />
Women's position in <strong>the</strong> economy is very largely as employees, on an increasingly insecure basis. At least twice as<br />
many men as women are employers, with women accounting for only 30% <strong>of</strong> employers (i.e. founders/c<strong>of</strong>ounders<br />
<strong>of</strong> an enterprise or a shop). Almost no privatised firms have been bought by women. Women are impeded in<br />
becoming entrepreneurs by poor access to bank loans, capital and resources. Being underrepresented in <strong>the</strong><br />
privatisation process, women were usually not informed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir rights. e.g. to free shares.<br />
As employees, moreover, women find <strong>the</strong>ir rights systematically ignored. Private-sector employers prefer to hire<br />
women, because <strong>the</strong>y are considered to work harder, cause less trouble, and be readier to accept subordinate<br />
positions despite having greater expertise; <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten perform jobs beneath <strong>the</strong>ir educational level. Employers<br />
also prefer to hire young women, so <strong>the</strong>re are few or no jobs for women over 45. Many women work without a<br />
contract, without paid pension, social security or healthcare security, and without protection at work.<br />
Barriers to women's advancement<br />
In this context, <strong>the</strong>re are a host <strong>of</strong> barriers to women's advancement. Underpinning <strong>the</strong>m all is <strong>the</strong> persistence<br />
and streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dominant patriarchal society. Such barriers include:<br />
<strong>Rights</strong><br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Shortage <strong>of</strong> mechanisms and political will to protect and fulfil economic and social rights; blindness to<br />
women's concerns;<br />
Lack <strong>of</strong> respect <strong>of</strong> international labour and environmental standards, lack <strong>of</strong> transparency, and adequate<br />
legislation to regulate foreign investments;<br />
CEDAW and o<strong>the</strong>r UN Covenants ratified, but not implemented, no mechanisms, no national strategies for<br />
implementing <strong>the</strong>m;<br />
Absence <strong>of</strong> gender-sensitive legislative mechanisms to protect women against discrimination.<br />
Development planning<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Development policies do not take gender concerns into account;<br />
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Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Lack <strong>of</strong> gender awareness and awaraness <strong>of</strong> gender dimension <strong>of</strong> trade, unemployment, SAPs, poverty;<br />
Absence <strong>of</strong> adequate statistics;<br />
No national strategies for advancement <strong>of</strong> women;<br />
Underrepresentation <strong>of</strong> women in decision-making positions;<br />
Administrative barriers to development <strong>of</strong> women's entrepreneurship;<br />
Low participation <strong>of</strong> women in enterprise ownership.<br />
Social barriers<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Continued gender segregation in education and pr<strong>of</strong>essions, stereotypes and prejudices in education and<br />
media;<br />
Unrecognised unpaid work at home (4-5 hours more per day than men);<br />
Burden <strong>of</strong> child and elder care.<br />
Achievements and opportunities<br />
This list <strong>of</strong> barriers is daunting, but <strong>the</strong>re have been some achievements and <strong>the</strong>re are some opportunities for<br />
building on <strong>the</strong>m. All governments in <strong>the</strong> region are now under pressure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU to harmonise legislative<br />
accordingly <strong>the</strong> EU standards and to adopt measures to promote gender equality and end sex-based<br />
discrimination, set quotas for women's political participation, and so on. The process <strong>of</strong> introducing law on equal<br />
opportunities between women has started. The process <strong>of</strong> building national, regional and local machineries for <strong>the</strong><br />
advancement <strong>of</strong> women has also begun, thanks to pressure from UN agencies, <strong>the</strong> Organization for Security and<br />
Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), <strong>the</strong> Stability Pact Gender Task Force and women's groups. Gender concerns are,<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ory at least, integrated into <strong>the</strong> PRSPs.<br />
There are also openings and opportunities for advocacy by women's groups and human rights groups. Research<br />
on <strong>the</strong> gender dimensions <strong>of</strong> poverty and <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic issues such as trade liberalisation, SAPs, etc., is<br />
important and necessary. Housework and <strong>the</strong> care economy need to be taken into account in economic analysis<br />
and planning, and gender-sensitive indicators need to be designed.<br />
The development <strong>of</strong> pro-poor budgets and gender budgets is a key instrument for fulfilling women's economic<br />
rights. A new gender budgeting initiative in <strong>the</strong> CEE/NIS region launched in 2003 by <strong>the</strong> Network East-West<br />
Women is promoting strategies and activities to popularise gender budgeting as a tool for achieve gender equality<br />
in <strong>the</strong> labour market and employment and for addressing domestic violence, etc.<br />
Streng<strong>the</strong>ning mechanisms for enforcing ILO standards will help to counter <strong>the</strong> growing discrimination against<br />
women in employment and entrepreneurship. Regional monitoring mechanisms (e.g. ombudspersons) could be<br />
set up to do this. Gender concerns should be integrated into development policies, within a general rights-based<br />
approach to development that includes women's rights. Women's organisations in <strong>the</strong> whole region are eager to<br />
develop this approach as a counterweight to <strong>the</strong> prevailing pr<strong>of</strong>it motive.<br />
* Presentation at <strong>the</strong> WIDE Annual Conference 2004 "Globalising Women's <strong>Rights</strong>: Confronting Unequal<br />
Development Between <strong>the</strong> UN <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Framework and WTO Trade Agreements", Bonn, Germany, May 2004<br />
Published in <strong>the</strong> WIDE's Conference Report "Globalising Women's <strong>Rights</strong>: Confronting Unequal Development<br />
Between <strong>the</strong> UN <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Framework and WTO Trade Agreements"<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
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1. Executive Summary<br />
Economic Reform and Poverty: A Gender Analysis<br />
By Sally Baden<br />
BRIDGE<br />
Economic reform in many developing countries has been associated with stabilisation and structural adjustment<br />
programmes supported by international financial institutions (IFIs). As <strong>the</strong>se have become more widespread and<br />
long term, concern has grown about <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> economic reform policies on poverty. Evidence is not<br />
encouraging, with many countries experiencing increases in poverty under programmes <strong>of</strong> economic reform in <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s, or a worsening <strong>of</strong> income distribution, with a few exceptions. These concerns have led to changes in <strong>the</strong><br />
thinking about economic reform and poverty, including by IFIs, and in <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> stabilisation and adjustment<br />
packages, particularly <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> conditionalities on social sector spending and <strong>the</strong> funding <strong>of</strong> social<br />
programmes. There has also been considerable research into poverty in adjusting countries. It is unclear,<br />
however, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se changes have yet had a significant impact or whe<strong>the</strong>r concerns with poverty outcomes<br />
have much influence over macroeconomic policies. Greater integration is required between strategies to reduce<br />
poverty and economic reform policies.<br />
Early writings on structural adjustment and women highlighted <strong>the</strong> potentially negative affects, particularly on<br />
poor women, but were not based on rigorous studies. In spite <strong>of</strong> mounting evidence, <strong>the</strong> mainstream literature<br />
on poverty and adjustment still pays little attention to gender aspects <strong>of</strong> poverty and vulnerability. Where <strong>the</strong><br />
poor are disaggregated, it is not usually in terms <strong>of</strong> gender difference, although female-headed households are<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten singled out as a vulnerable group. Some empirical research has been done which compares poverty trends<br />
between male and female household heads, but this does not address <strong>the</strong> questions <strong>of</strong> intrahousehold resource<br />
allocation and poverty, relevant to <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> women. Although tools exist for integrating a gender analysis<br />
into many aspects <strong>of</strong> economic reform, <strong>the</strong>se are rarely applied in practice.<br />
Gender affects vulnerability to poverty in periods <strong>of</strong> insecurity, and women are likely to find it more difficult to<br />
escape poverty. Poor women may be particularly vulnerable to deepening poverty under adjustment. Any<br />
poverty reducing effects which adjustment may bring, e.g. through renewed stimulus to small scale agriculture,<br />
may not reach women directly, due to <strong>the</strong>ir lack <strong>of</strong> command over productive resources and control over output,<br />
as well as, particularly for poor women, lack <strong>of</strong> time. Poor supply response, observed in some adjusting<br />
economies may be linked to constraints to women’s ability or willingness to increase production, or market<br />
increased production, including gender biases in financial markets, and marketing systems. The costs <strong>of</strong><br />
economic restructuring are <strong>of</strong>ten disproportionately borne by women, through increased labour, or reduced intake<br />
<strong>of</strong> food, with severe human development consequences for women <strong>the</strong>mselves and, potentially, for children,<br />
especially girls, who may be drawn into household or income earning labour. Finally, existing safety net<br />
programmes have tended to target men, explicitly or implicitly, and wider social security and welfare provisions<br />
have not taken account <strong>of</strong> changes in social relations (including gender relations) which are occurring as a result<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic restructuring, as well as political and social conflict.<br />
Policy responses required are fur<strong>the</strong>r steps to incorporate gender concerns into <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> economic reform<br />
programmes, both through gender-aware economic planning and through increasing <strong>the</strong> accountability <strong>of</strong> policymaking<br />
to (poor) women. Monitoring <strong>the</strong> gender differentiated impacts <strong>of</strong> economic policies is also important,<br />
using women’s budgets and gender-disaggregated expenditure incidence analysis. Measures to remove <strong>the</strong><br />
constraints to economic opportunities for poor women include reform <strong>of</strong> marketing systems and infrastructure<br />
and <strong>of</strong> financial markets and institutions. Reform <strong>of</strong> social security provisions is needed to take account <strong>of</strong><br />
changes in household relations and <strong>the</strong> coping mechanisms <strong>of</strong> poor people <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
Useful conceptual frameworks are now in place which can assist understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> linkages between economic<br />
policy, gender and poverty concerns. There are also a number <strong>of</strong> initiatives which have attempted to influence<br />
policy in this area from a gender perspective. What is now needed is detailed context specific research, and<br />
comparative empirical research, which investigates how and whe<strong>the</strong>r policy changes take effect in<br />
implementation, and links between macro level changes and micro level responses.<br />
2. Economic reform and poverty<br />
2.1 Economic reform programmes and poverty trends<br />
In many developing countries, economic reform has been closely associated with structural adjustment packages,<br />
promoted by <strong>the</strong> international financial institutions (IFIs - i.e. <strong>the</strong> IMF and World Bank) in conjunction with lending<br />
programmes. In Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, particularly, Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)<br />
have dominated economic policy-making in <strong>the</strong> 1980s and early 1990s. Some East Asian countries (Philippines,<br />
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Indonesia, Malaysia) have also undergone processes <strong>of</strong> adjustment and, more recently, South Asian countries<br />
(India, Pakistan, Bangladesh). The experience <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment is highly varied although, broadly, in Asia,<br />
it has been associated with continuing growth, while in Latin America and particularly Africa, it has been<br />
associated with negative growth and increasing poverty. There are a number <strong>of</strong> exceptions to <strong>the</strong>se overall<br />
trends.<br />
Early discussions <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment were principally concerned with short term stabilisation and<br />
macroeconomic aggregates, and beyond this with removing distortions and increasing economic efficiency. It was<br />
only in 1987, with <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> UNICEF’s Adjustment with a <strong>Human</strong> Face (Cornia et al. 1987), that <strong>the</strong><br />
debate on poverty and adjustment gained some prominence. Since <strong>the</strong>n, a considerable <strong>the</strong>oretical, empirical and<br />
policy-oriented literature has developed on this topic (Demery and Squire 1996; Killick 1995; Stewart 1995).<br />
The IFIs have, by and large, tended to disassociate poverty in adjusting countries with adjustment policies,<br />
arguing that ei<strong>the</strong>r pre-adjustment economic crises or government policies (linked to vested interests and lack <strong>of</strong><br />
political will) are mainly responsible for increases in poverty or <strong>the</strong> failure to address poverty. Adjustment<br />
policies, it is argued, would improve <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor in <strong>the</strong> longer term, through labour-intensive growth<br />
and providing new opportunities and increased incomes for <strong>the</strong> poor, especially in rural areas. To <strong>the</strong> extent that<br />
adjustment had a negative social impact, it was perceived to be temporary, and concentrated in urban areas.<br />
In recent years, however, it has become evident that <strong>the</strong> poverty in countries undergoing economic reform is not<br />
temporary in nature. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>re is considerable evidence that adjustment policies <strong>the</strong>mselves have<br />
contributed to increasing poverty. Growth has not occurred as fast or as much as predicted in adjusting<br />
economies, and, where it has occurred, it has not, in general, been ‘pro-poor’, i.e. has tended to benefit higher<br />
income groups more. Not only has adjustment <strong>of</strong>ten been associated with worsening income distribution, but <strong>the</strong><br />
majority <strong>of</strong> adjusting countries have also seen increases in levels <strong>of</strong> absolute poverty. Trends in social indicators<br />
have been more mixed, with infant and child mortality rates <strong>of</strong>ten continuing to fall, but in some places,<br />
educational enrolment has fallen and maternal mortality rates have worsened (Stewart 1995).<br />
Killick (1995) finds evidence on poverty is mixed: in some countries <strong>the</strong>re has been a fall (e.g. Indonesia,<br />
Malaysia), in o<strong>the</strong>rs results are mixed (e.g. Chile, where income distributive effects <strong>of</strong> reform are regressive but<br />
targeted programmes have been effective in reducing absolute poverty), and in o<strong>the</strong>rs adjustment is associated<br />
with increases in poverty (e.g. Malawi). Those countries that have done relatively well under adjustment are <strong>the</strong><br />
East Asian and middle income heavily indebted countries, which are now recovering. The urban working poor are<br />
especially vulnerable under adjustment, through price rises, increased indirect taxation, job losses, and reduced<br />
real wages. However, <strong>the</strong> poor, especially in rural areas, can benefit from adjustment and any impact, positive or<br />
negative, is more likely to affect <strong>the</strong> poor than <strong>the</strong> very poor, who are weakly integrated. Benefits to <strong>the</strong> poor<br />
depend on such factors as land distribution and on <strong>the</strong> proportion <strong>of</strong> cash crops being produced by smallholders.<br />
2.2 Changes in policy to address poverty concerns<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> late 1980s, <strong>the</strong> IFIs have acknowledged <strong>the</strong> need to reconsider adjustment policies in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty reduction concerns. The core <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s approach to poverty reduction - set out in <strong>the</strong> World<br />
Development Report <strong>of</strong> 1990 - is <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> labour intensive growth, investment in basic services (health,<br />
education) and <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> safety nets (or targeted schemes to assist <strong>the</strong> vulnerable). These objectives are<br />
reflected in changes in approaches to adjustment in <strong>the</strong> early 1990s, with increased emphasis on: expenditure<br />
switching, ra<strong>the</strong>r than deflation; greater flexibility about <strong>the</strong> timing and phasing <strong>of</strong> subsidy removals and price<br />
reform (e.g. allowing food or fuel subsidies to remain in place after devaluation); reallocation <strong>of</strong> social investment<br />
towards basic services used by <strong>the</strong> poor (e.g. primary education and health care systems); and <strong>the</strong> development<br />
<strong>of</strong> compensatory programmes, mainly employment schemes or social funds, in conjunction with reform<br />
programmes ra<strong>the</strong>r than as an afterthought. O<strong>the</strong>r measures include a requirement that policy framework papers<br />
(PFPs) and country assessments contain an analysis <strong>of</strong> poverty issues, as well as an increase in research and data<br />
ga<strong>the</strong>ring on poverty issues, at country level (i.e. through poverty assessments), sectorally and through cross<br />
country analyses.<br />
Eighteen <strong>of</strong> 32 programmes in 1992, and six <strong>of</strong> 17 adjustment programmes in 1993 included specific measures to<br />
protect <strong>the</strong> poor (World Bank 1993, cited in Haddad et al. 1995). Specifically, an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />
programmes with conditionalities relating to social spending, from under five percent in 1984-6 to 30 percent in<br />
1990-2, is reported (based on <strong>the</strong> Bank’s own data - o<strong>the</strong>rs claim <strong>the</strong> increase is a more modest, from three to six<br />
percent) (Killick 1995: 320-321).<br />
The extent to which <strong>the</strong>se changes have made an impact is unclear. The limited evidence is not encouraging but<br />
perhaps <strong>the</strong>re has been insufficient time for changes in policy emphasis to make a significant impact. In <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s, adjusting countries’ spending on <strong>the</strong> social sector and priority to pro-poor services worsened compared to<br />
non-adjusting countries, in part because <strong>of</strong> stronger pressure to meet debt service obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former<br />
(Stewart 1995). Social programmes introduced in conjunction with adjustment programmes have reached only a<br />
small percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> potential target group, and were more <strong>of</strong>ten used as political tools. While some progress<br />
is reporting in including poverty (and gender) concerns in adjustment documents, <strong>the</strong>re is ‘no evidence that<br />
poverty and gender sensitivity is applied to <strong>the</strong> formulation <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic stabilisation policies’ (Foster and<br />
Lee 1996: 7). Even where poverty assessments have been done, <strong>the</strong>se are not carried through into<br />
recommendations to change economic policy (ibid.).<br />
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The impact <strong>of</strong> safety nets on poverty has been slight and patchy, in most cases, due to <strong>the</strong> widespread nature <strong>of</strong><br />
structural poverty and <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> a project approach in addressing this (Vivien 1995). Political objectives<br />
have tended to dominate, by favouring schemes with high visibility ra<strong>the</strong>r than poverty reducing impact, or<br />
attempting to ‘buy <strong>of</strong>f’ vocal opposition groups. Demand led schemes have tended to benefit better <strong>of</strong>f groups<br />
who are already organised, and who <strong>of</strong>ten have limited outreach to <strong>the</strong> poor.<br />
‘Social Funds introduced in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> adjustment reached only a small fraction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor' (Stewart and van<br />
Geest 1995: 126). In Ghana, 0.3 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total population were reached and only five percent <strong>of</strong> retrenched<br />
workers; in Egypt, 0.5 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total population benefited; in Honduras, 13 percent, and in Mexico, a more<br />
impressive 27 percent (ibid.; Graham 1994). In Zimbabwe, only 26 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> urban poor who were targeted<br />
with food subsidies were reached.<br />
Economic reform policies clearly still need considerable rethinking if poverty is to be reduced, and more action is<br />
required in <strong>the</strong> form, for example, <strong>of</strong> greater emphasis on poverty in policy dialogue, and <strong>the</strong> closer integration <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty strategies with adjustment programmes. Economic policies are needed which limit <strong>the</strong> costs <strong>of</strong><br />
adjustment. Some measures such as user charges for health and education have clearly had damaging effects<br />
on low income groups and <strong>the</strong>refore need to be reviewed (Killick 1995; Stewart 1995). There is a need for reform<br />
to social security systems to address poverty issues, ra<strong>the</strong>r than a reliance on <strong>of</strong>ten ineffective safety nets<br />
(Graham 1994).<br />
3. Gender in mainstream debates on economic reform and poverty<br />
In <strong>the</strong> literature on poverty and adjustment (reviewed above) <strong>the</strong>re is still a tendency to ignore gender (and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r) aspects <strong>of</strong> vulnerability and to treat <strong>the</strong> poor as a homogenous and passive category (e.g. Stewart 1995).<br />
The World Bank’s own poverty assessments have, until recently, paid very little attention to gender issues<br />
(Hamner et al. 1996).<br />
Where ‘<strong>the</strong> poor’ are fur<strong>the</strong>r disaggregated, it tends to be by rural-urban residence, or by degree <strong>of</strong> poverty (e.g.<br />
destitute or extreme poor versus absolute poor), or sector <strong>of</strong> activity, so that gender aspects <strong>of</strong> poverty are rarely<br />
visible. There are also distinctions made between <strong>the</strong> ‘new’ and ‘old’ poor (<strong>the</strong> former being those who have been<br />
impoverished under adjustment). Where reference is made to gender issues, it is usually by singling out femaleheaded<br />
households as a vulnerable group, requiring targeted assistance.<br />
Initially, concern with gender issues in relation to economic liberalisation and adjustment, emerged as a subset <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> debates on poverty referred to in 2.1. Poor women were seen to carry <strong>the</strong> major burden <strong>of</strong> adjustment<br />
through increased demands on <strong>the</strong>ir reproductive labour, as well as falling social services provision, an argument<br />
first advanced in UNICEF’s Invisible Adjustment (1988) mainly in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> urban Latin America.<br />
The Commonwealth Secretariat’s two volume study Engendering Adjustment (Chinery-Hesse 1989) argued that<br />
women bear <strong>the</strong> major burden <strong>of</strong> adjustment, in <strong>the</strong>ir four ‘roles’ as producers, mo<strong>the</strong>rs, home managers and<br />
community organisers. A ‘pincer’ effect, added to <strong>the</strong> pressure for women to earn market incomes at <strong>the</strong> same<br />
time as increasing <strong>the</strong>ir reproductive burden, through decreasing social services provision and community<br />
infrastructure and by increasing household labour requirements, e.g. <strong>the</strong> need to prepare cheaper foods.<br />
These studies, while <strong>the</strong>y set out an initial agenda for looking at <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> adjustment on women, were not<br />
persuasive, because <strong>the</strong>y lacked <strong>the</strong> backing <strong>of</strong> rigorous empirical studies and tended not to address <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong><br />
adjustment on men, or gender relations. There is still considerable disagreement as to whe<strong>the</strong>r it is adjustment<br />
policies which have negatively affected women, or <strong>the</strong> pre-existing conditions (Moghadam 1997; Haddad et al.<br />
1995). More recent arguments for consideration <strong>of</strong> gender in structural adjustment have focused on efficiency<br />
questions (Elson 1991, 1993; Palmer 1991), and it is <strong>the</strong>se perspectives that have proved influential in<br />
mainstream policy debates because <strong>the</strong>y have drawn attention to <strong>the</strong> possibility that unequal gender relations<br />
may underlie some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor performance <strong>of</strong> adjusting economies (see e.g. World Bank 1993).<br />
A few more rigorous quantitative empirical studies have attempted to look at <strong>the</strong> gender differential impact <strong>of</strong><br />
adjustment on poverty using household survey data. However, <strong>the</strong>se have tended to focus on comparisons <strong>of</strong><br />
male- and female-headed households, in part because <strong>of</strong> data limitations. While <strong>the</strong>se provide a certain amount<br />
<strong>of</strong> insight, including some counterintuitive findings, <strong>the</strong>y do not provide a comprehensive view <strong>of</strong> gender and<br />
poverty questions related to adjustment, since <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> women live in male-headed households.<br />
A series <strong>of</strong> measures have been taken by <strong>the</strong> World Bank and donor agencies in <strong>the</strong> last two to three years, in<br />
part stimulated by external pressure from NGOs as well as researchers, to give a higher pr<strong>of</strong>ile to <strong>the</strong> gender<br />
differentiated impacts <strong>of</strong> economic policy reform and to modify policies on this basis. These include: setting up a<br />
consultative group, with international representation, to monitor progress on gender issues and propose reforms<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Bank; <strong>the</strong> piloting <strong>of</strong> ‘gender-aware’ adjustment missions in Mali, Mozambique and Burkina Faso (see<br />
section 5); and sponsoring research (notably <strong>the</strong> SAGA programme’s three country study, and major study <strong>of</strong><br />
gender and adjustment in Tanzanian agriculture commissioned by <strong>the</strong> EC).<br />
However, despite <strong>the</strong> fact that ‘macro-economics is notoriously gender blind (but <strong>of</strong>ten biased)... o<strong>the</strong>r growth<br />
related policies such as public expenditure allocation, tax policy, deregulation/price liberalization and even<br />
privatization are all highly amenable to gender analysis...’ (Foster and Lee, 1996: 7), few adjustment documents<br />
integrate such an analysis.<br />
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4. Why is gender important to economic reform and poverty linkages?<br />
4.1 Gender, economic reform and vulnerability to poverty<br />
Gender is a key determinant <strong>of</strong> vulnerability (o<strong>the</strong>rs are, e.g., age, class, ethnicity, region etc.) so that in a period<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic transition, women are likely to be especially vulnerable to increased poverty or insecurity. While job<br />
losses may affect men and women, women may find it harder than men to regain employment or become selfemployed,<br />
due to relative lack <strong>of</strong> education and skills, lifecycle issues (employers may favour younger women)<br />
and lack <strong>of</strong> independent access to capital. Poor women are more likely to have no o<strong>the</strong>r adult earners in <strong>the</strong><br />
household and to have a higher dependency ratio and may be especially vulnerable to <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> subsidies<br />
and increasing charges for services and rising prices, leaving <strong>the</strong>m in deepening poverty.<br />
4.2 Poverty reducing effects <strong>of</strong> economic reform are mediated by gender relations<br />
Poverty reducing benefits <strong>of</strong> economic reform may not reach women. For example, benefits to poor rural farmers<br />
from increased prices <strong>of</strong> cash crops accrue directly to men, but may have limited positive, or negative impacts for<br />
women, whose labour is intensified to increase production, but who are not always recompensed for this<br />
additional effort, as demonstrated in contrasting studies <strong>of</strong> sugar commercialisation in <strong>the</strong> Philippines and Kenya<br />
(Kennedy and Bouer, cited in Haddad et al. 1995). In addition, reduced direct control over incomes undermines<br />
women’s bargaining power in <strong>the</strong> household and influence over economic decision-making, as found with <strong>the</strong><br />
intensification <strong>of</strong> traditional cash crops (e.g. tobacco) in Uganda (Elson and Evers 1997).<br />
Where women do benefit directly from economic reform and liberalisation (e.g. in <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> female<br />
intensive export manufacturing, through gaining access to <strong>the</strong> labour market for <strong>the</strong> first time, and earning a<br />
higher income than would be available in alternative forms <strong>of</strong> employment), <strong>the</strong>se gains are <strong>of</strong>ten in <strong>the</strong> context<br />
<strong>of</strong> discriminatory practices in labour markets and <strong>of</strong>ten harsh working conditions (see e.g. Moghadam 1997).<br />
Also, <strong>the</strong>se benefits <strong>of</strong>ten do not accrue to poor women (those most likely to be employed are younger, more<br />
educated women) and are not always durable.<br />
4.3 The supply response issue<br />
A failure to consider <strong>the</strong> systemic barriers to increased production faced by women, in response to price<br />
incentives, may lead to over-optimistic assumptions about <strong>the</strong>ir impact (World Bank 1996). A variety <strong>of</strong><br />
interlocking, gender-related constraints limit <strong>the</strong> extent to which women are willing, or able, to increase <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
output, or to market <strong>the</strong>ir increased output. These include time constraints, linked to <strong>the</strong> burden <strong>of</strong> reproductive<br />
labour, lack <strong>of</strong> command over productive resources (land, capital, labour) because <strong>of</strong> limited property rights,<br />
household power relations, and high market transactions costs as well as gender biases in marketing systems,<br />
and in <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> associated marketing infrastructure (information, transport, storage, market facilities,<br />
credit) (Baden 1997a, 1997b). The fact that women <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>of</strong>ten do not receive <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
increased production (see 4.2) is an additional constraint.<br />
Time constraints are a major limiting factor for poor women, who cannot afford to hire in labour, and are occupied<br />
with meeting immediate survival needs. A recent study <strong>of</strong> farming households in Zambia showed that<br />
discrepancies in time use between men and women were particularly marked in subsistence level households. In<br />
general, poor women are concentrated in low pr<strong>of</strong>it, petty trading segments <strong>of</strong> agricultural marketing, with high<br />
levels <strong>of</strong> competition and rates <strong>of</strong> wastage, <strong>of</strong>ten barely able to generate enough revenue to buy new stock and<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten buying on credit from suppliers on highly unfavourable terms. Higher up <strong>the</strong> marketing chain, <strong>the</strong> number<br />
<strong>of</strong> men increases.<br />
4.4 Hidden costs, human development and intergenerational transfer <strong>of</strong> poverty<br />
Often, <strong>the</strong> costs <strong>of</strong> economic transition are ‘hidden’ because <strong>the</strong>y are absorbed by increases in poor women’s<br />
unpaid labour, intensity <strong>of</strong> work, reduced nutrition or energy depletion. This has severe potential costs in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
women’s own health and well-being, and girls’ education may suffer due to mo<strong>the</strong>rs drawing heavily on girls’<br />
labour in informal sector activity, agricultural work, or in household work. For example, in Uganda, women and<br />
girls are employed in <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> non-traditional exports, such as vanilla, and seasonal peaks in demand for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir labour were known to affect girls’ school attendance (Elson and Evers 1997). Hence a vicious cycle <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty, whereby girls’ future prospects are also limited, is set in train.<br />
4.5 Gender biases in social programmes and social security systems<br />
Safety nets tend to see women as targets for social assistance and men as targets for employment, based on a<br />
male breadwinner model. Their populist orientation and appeal to political support means that <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten tend to<br />
reinforce ‘family values’. Women benefit mainly from nutritional programmes. For example, in Bolivia, 99 percent<br />
<strong>of</strong> beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ESF were men. In Chile, <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> a new scheme (POJH) targeting (male) heads<br />
<strong>of</strong> household (women were 25-30 percent <strong>of</strong> beneficiaries), and which paid 40 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> minimum wage, led<br />
to <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> a pre-existing programme (PEM), paying only one quarter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> minimum wage (Graham<br />
1994; Vivien 1995).<br />
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Lack <strong>of</strong> gender policies, reliance on NGOs and o<strong>the</strong>r organisations to carry out projects, with no systematic<br />
monitoring, mean that social funds are ill-equipped to address gender aspects <strong>of</strong> poverty. Moreover, participatory<br />
activities or community-based social provisioning in social programmes <strong>of</strong>ten rely on <strong>the</strong> unpaid labour <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
Some social programmes associated with economic reform packages have a poor record on women’s participation:<br />
because <strong>the</strong>y have explicitly targeted <strong>the</strong> new poor, i.e. retrenched workers from privatised industries, more likely<br />
to be men; because <strong>of</strong> a male biased model <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> breadwinner in ei<strong>the</strong>r targeting or recruitment procedures;<br />
and/or because <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> programmes builds in barriers to female participation (e.g.: project site a long way<br />
from <strong>the</strong> household, or markets, lack <strong>of</strong> child care facilities; heavy ‘men’s’ work required, such as construction).<br />
Indirect beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> social programmes are <strong>of</strong>ten assumed to be household members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main earner (by<br />
implication usually women and children), which fails to consider inequities in intrahousehold resource allocation.<br />
Some safety net programmes have been more successful in targeting poor women. The benefits from social<br />
infrastructure provision through public works have a gender differential impact. Local community facilities (e.g.<br />
wells, schools, nurseries, sanitation provision etc.) are likely to be <strong>of</strong> much greater benefit to women, than, for<br />
example, roads, airport runways etc.).<br />
Social safety nets by and large have not yet taken on gender issues (see above) and, more broadly, wider social<br />
security and welfare provisions have not taken account <strong>of</strong> changes in social relations (including gender relations)<br />
which are occurring as a result <strong>of</strong> economic restructuring, as well as political and social conflict (Baud and Smyth<br />
1997; Moghadam 1997). These include changes in patterns <strong>of</strong> household formation (such as later marriage,<br />
increased incidence <strong>of</strong> non-formal unions), dissolution (rising rates <strong>of</strong> abandonment, separation, divorce), and<br />
residence (living apart as a result <strong>of</strong> migration), as well as changes in intrahousehold expenditure patterns, due to<br />
unemployment, falling real wages, poverty and women’s increased market earning capacity.<br />
5. Implications for policy and practice<br />
5.1 Incorporating gender concerns into design <strong>of</strong> economic reform<br />
5.1.1 Gender-aware economic policy-making<br />
A variety <strong>of</strong> tools are being developed to make economic policy and planning more gender-sensitive. This<br />
includes, for example, macroeconomic models which take account <strong>of</strong> women’s unpaid labour and thus are able to<br />
factor this into attempts to predict <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> policy reform (Cagatay et al. 1995). Public expenditure reviews<br />
(PERs) can incorporate a gender analysis. Underpinning <strong>the</strong>se approaches is a need to refine methodologies, and<br />
improve <strong>the</strong> collection, analysis and use <strong>of</strong> gender-disaggregated data for policy and planning.<br />
Various initiatives have been taken to increase dialogue between finance ministries, o<strong>the</strong>r key sectoral ministries,<br />
and women’s machineries, to promote <strong>the</strong> consideration <strong>of</strong> gender perspectives in economic policy formulation.<br />
The World Bank has piloted ‘gender-aware’ adjustment operations in three countries in Sub-Saharan Africa,<br />
attempting to ensure that gender-based constraints are taken into consideration when adjustment policies are<br />
being devised. Much work remains to be done in this area, so that <strong>the</strong>se efforts are systematic.<br />
5.1.2 Increasing accountability <strong>of</strong> economic policy to (poor) women.<br />
A second and equally important mechanism for incorporating gender concerns into <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> economic reform<br />
is to make <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> economic policy more accountable to women and <strong>the</strong>ir organisations (e.g. through<br />
consulting with women’s groups, economic literacy work, women’s budget campaigns etc.). Examples <strong>of</strong> this<br />
approach include <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> CEEWA in Uganda, in lobbying for changes to economic legislation (<strong>the</strong> recent<br />
Financial Institutions Act 1993 and Bank <strong>of</strong> Uganda Statute 1993) enacted in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> financial sector<br />
reform, to ensure that it does not institutionalise discrimination or biases against poor women who are <strong>the</strong> main<br />
beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> non-formal microenterprise finance (Kiggundu 1998). The setting up <strong>of</strong> consultation mechanisms<br />
during <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> formulating economic policy is also important and, alongside this, raising gender issues<br />
during policy dialogue with governments.<br />
5.2 Monitoring <strong>of</strong> gender-differentiated impacts<br />
The gender-disaggregated impacts <strong>of</strong> economic policies require monitoring to inform future policy development.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e mechanism for this is gender-sensitive indicence analysis <strong>of</strong> public expenditure (Demery 1996). Women’s<br />
budget exercises, notably that in South Africa which has gained considerable support both within <strong>the</strong> Parliament<br />
and beyond, are also possible leverage mechanisms to raise awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> public expenditure<br />
decisions, and trace through <strong>the</strong>ir impacts (Budlender 1996). O<strong>the</strong>r mechanisms are also required which<br />
institutionalise capacity for monitoring adjustment impacts, e.g. <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> indicators via development<br />
programmes, social sector service provision or community based initiatives.<br />
5.3 Reducing barriers to women’s response to economic opportunities<br />
A number <strong>of</strong> measures can be taken to reduce or remove <strong>the</strong> constraints to women’s response to economic<br />
opportunities. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se relate to reducing <strong>the</strong> time burden on women, e.g. through improvements in <strong>the</strong><br />
provision <strong>of</strong> social infrastructure, such as water supply, child care facilities etc. In order to improve direct returns<br />
to women’s labour, <strong>the</strong>re is a need to secure <strong>the</strong>ir property rights through legal reforms although <strong>the</strong>se <strong>of</strong>ten have<br />
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limited effectiveness at local level, unless women develop bargaining power to assert <strong>the</strong>ir claims.<br />
Gender biases in financial and agricultural markets need to be tackled. In <strong>the</strong> financial sector, support to <strong>the</strong><br />
development <strong>of</strong> non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs) which are successful in reducing transactions costs <strong>of</strong><br />
lending to women, an emphasis on savings, as well as credit, to mobilise women’s own resources, and <strong>the</strong> reform<br />
<strong>of</strong> banking institutions and legislation to remove discriminatory practices are all possible measures. The definition<br />
<strong>of</strong> financial instruments in legislation should be flexible to ensure that institutions lending to women are not<br />
negatively affected (Baden 1997a).<br />
Initiatives needed to support women’s trading include group loans for transport, storage etc. to women traders,<br />
measures to limit police harassment and excessive taxation <strong>of</strong> informal traders, and <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> services<br />
which are located in areas where women trade (Baden 1997b).<br />
5.4 Social security and safety nets<br />
There is now considerable experience <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gendered impact <strong>of</strong> safety nets and <strong>of</strong> measures which can be taken<br />
to ensure greater participation <strong>of</strong> women, such as decentralised location <strong>of</strong> work sites, near homes and markets,<br />
provision <strong>of</strong> child care and health facilities, use <strong>of</strong> women’s networks to publicise schemes, improved recruitment<br />
practices, hiring <strong>of</strong> women in supervisory positions (BRIDGE 1995). Programmes which specifically target female<br />
heads or women may have drawbacks in that <strong>the</strong>y can institutionalise gender divisions <strong>of</strong> labour and<br />
discriminatory payment practices and, in some instances, create a political backlash.<br />
There is a need for greater recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> increasing variety <strong>of</strong> household forms, and associated patterns <strong>of</strong><br />
vulnerability, and a need to move away from <strong>the</strong> male breadwinner model underlying social security and welfare<br />
systems, as well as for legal and institutional changes which streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> women in non-formal unions,<br />
or who are not living with, or supported by, male partners. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> coping strategies <strong>of</strong> poor<br />
women, as well as men, need to be better understood, and supported, as alternatives to top down provision <strong>of</strong><br />
safety nets (Baud and Smyth 1997).<br />
6. Directions for fur<strong>the</strong>r research<br />
Useful conceptual frameworks are now in place which can assist understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> linkages between economic<br />
policy, gender and poverty concerns. There are also a number <strong>of</strong> initiatives which have attempted to influence<br />
policy in this area from a gender perspective. What is now needed is detailed context specific research, and<br />
comparative empirical research, which investigates how and whe<strong>the</strong>r policy changes take effect in implementation<br />
and links between macro level changes and micro level responses. Some areas are suggested below.<br />
● Monitoring <strong>of</strong> extent to which incorporation <strong>of</strong> gender considerations at policy level in economic reform<br />
impacts on actual changes through budgetary allocations, investment, changing employment patterns and<br />
resource allocation to men/women.<br />
● Research on <strong>the</strong> linkages between economic policy and restructuring and changing household forms and<br />
relations, e.g. through changes in male/female participation rates, incomes and expenditure patterns and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir effects on household relations.<br />
● Research on how policies <strong>of</strong> trade and investment liberalisation impact on <strong>the</strong> gender intensity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work<br />
force in different sectors, and on wage structures and working conditions. Parallel to this, research on <strong>the</strong><br />
impact <strong>of</strong> labour legislation and labour standards provisions in redressing gender inequities in <strong>the</strong> labour<br />
force.<br />
● Research on coping strategies in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> insecurity caused by economic restructuring and policy<br />
changes, and <strong>the</strong> scope for improving social security provision.<br />
● In agricultural and o<strong>the</strong>r product markets, analysis/mapping <strong>of</strong> gender segmentation in marketing systems,<br />
to increase understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> different conditions faced by women and men in trading.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Baden, S., 1992, ‘Gender and adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa’, BRIDGE Report No 8, Brighton: IDS<br />
Baden, S., 1997a, ‘Gender issues in financial liberalisation and financial sector reform,’ BRIDGE Report No 39,<br />
Brighton: IDS<br />
Baden, S., 1997b, ‘Gender issues in agricultural market liberalisation,’ BRIDGE Report No 41, Brighton: IDS<br />
Baden, S., 1997c, ‘Adjustment’s impact on women’s employment in selected developing countries,’ in E. Date-<br />
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Bah (ed), Promoting Gender Equality at Work: Turning Vision into Reality, London: Zed<br />
Baden, S., with Milward, K., 1994, ‘Gender and poverty,’ BRIDGE Report No 30, Brighton: IDS<br />
BRIDGE, 1995, ‘Poverty reduction strategies’, Development and Gender in Brief No 2, Brighton: IDS<br />
Budlender, D. (ed), 1996, The Women’s Budget, Cape Town: IDASA<br />
Cagatay, N., Elson, D., and Grown, C. (eds), 1995, World Development, Vol 23 No 11 (Special issue on ‘Gender<br />
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Women and Structural Adjustment, London: Commonwealth Secretariat<br />
Cornia, G.A., Jolly, R. and Stewart, F., 1987, Adjustment with a <strong>Human</strong> Face, Oxford: Clarendon<br />
Demery, L., 1996, ‘Gender and public social spending: disaggregating benefit incidence’, World Bank, Policy and<br />
Social Policy Department (mimeo)<br />
Demery, L. and Squire, L., 1996, ‘Macroeconomic adjustment and poverty in Africa: an emerging picture’, World<br />
Bank Research Observer, Vol 11 No 1: 39-59<br />
Elson, D., 1991, ‘Male bias in macro-economics: <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> structural adjustment’, in D. Elson (ed), Male Bias in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Development Process, Manchester: Manchester University Press<br />
Elson, D., 1993, ‘Gender aware analysis and development economics’, Journal <strong>of</strong> International Development, Vol<br />
5 No 2: 237-47<br />
Elson, D. and Evers, B., 1997, ‘Uganda,’ Gender Aware Country Economic Papers, Manchester: University <strong>of</strong><br />
Manchester, GENECON Unit, Graduate School <strong>of</strong> Social Sciences<br />
Foster, M. and Lee, S., 1996, ‘The treatment <strong>of</strong> poverty and gender issues in SPA adjustment programmes: a<br />
review <strong>of</strong> policy framework papers, adjustment credits and country assistance strategies in SPA countries since<br />
1994’, 30 August, Overseas Development Agency (UK) (mimeo)<br />
Graham, C., 1994, Safety Nets, Politics and <strong>the</strong> Poor: Transitions to Market Economies, Washington DC: Brookings<br />
Institution<br />
Haddad, L., Brown, L.R., Richter, A. and Smith, L., 1995, ‘The gender dimensions <strong>of</strong> adjustment policies:<br />
potential interactions and evidence to date’, World Development, Vol 23 No 6<br />
Hamner, L., Pyatt, G. and White, H., with Pouw, N., 1996, Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa: What Can we Learn<br />
From <strong>the</strong> World Bank’s Poverty Assessments?, The Hague: Institute <strong>of</strong> Social Studies Advisory Service<br />
Kiggundu, R., 1998, ‘Loosening <strong>the</strong> purse strings: financial sector reform in Uganda,’ Development and Gender in<br />
Brief, No 6: 2<br />
Killick, T., 1995, ‘Structural adjustment and poverty alleviation: an interpretative survey,’ Development and<br />
Change, Vol 26: 305-31<br />
Kurian, R., 1996, ‘Women, employment and poverty alleviation: <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> economic reform in developing<br />
countries,’ paper for <strong>the</strong> Conference on Employment and Women: Research and Policy Issues, Institute <strong>of</strong> Social<br />
Studies, The Hague<br />
Moghadam, V., 1997, ‘The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty: notes on a concept and trends,’ Women’s Studies Program<br />
Occasional Papers No 2, Illinois State University<br />
Palmer, I., 1991, ‘Gender and population in <strong>the</strong> adjustment <strong>of</strong> African economies: planning for change’, Women,<br />
Work and Development Series No 19, Geneva: ILO<br />
Palmer, I., 1996, ‘Gender and adjustment in Tanzanian agriculture,’ study prepared for DGVIII, European<br />
Commission (mimeo)<br />
Sen, G., 1996, ‘Gender, markets and states: a selective review and research agenda’, World Development, Vol 24<br />
No 5: 821-9<br />
Smyth, I. and Baud, I., 1997, ‘Searching for security: women’s responses to economic transformations,’ in I.<br />
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Smyth, and I. Baud (eds), Searching for Security: Women’s Responses to Economic Transformations, Studies in<br />
Development and Society, London: Routledge<br />
Special Programme <strong>of</strong> Assistance to Africa, 1997, ‘1988 status report on poverty in sub-Saharan Africa’, annotated<br />
outline, Working Group on Social Policy and Poverty, September (mimeo)<br />
Stewart, F., 1995, Adjustment and Poverty: Options and Choices, London: Routledge<br />
Stewart, F., and van den Geest, W., 1995, Adjustment and Social Funds: Political Panacea or Effective Poverty<br />
Reduction, Geneva: ILO, Employment Department<br />
Tanski, J.M., 1994, ‘The impact <strong>of</strong> crisis, stabilisation and structural adjustment on women in Lima, Peru’, World<br />
Development, Vol 22 No 11: 1627-42<br />
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Regional Office<br />
Vivien, J., 1995, ‘How safe are social safety nets’, European Journal <strong>of</strong> Development Research, Vol 7 No 1<br />
World Bank, 1990, World Development Report, Washington DC: World Bank<br />
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Technical Note No 13, Washington DC: World Bank<br />
World Bank, 1996, ‘Gender in <strong>the</strong> Special Program <strong>of</strong> Assistance for Africa (SPA): a compilation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> principal<br />
documents’, Gender Team, Africa Region, September<br />
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Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida)<br />
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Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies ©<br />
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BRIDGE (development - gender)<br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Sussex<br />
Brighton BN1 9RE, UK<br />
Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261<br />
Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202<br />
Email: bridge@ids.ac.uk<br />
Website: http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge /<br />
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October 1997
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Invisible Workers: Women in <strong>the</strong> Informal Economy in Russia [1]<br />
By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D.<br />
Russian Academy <strong>of</strong> Sciences,<br />
Institute for Socio-Economic Studies <strong>of</strong> Population, Russia<br />
The results <strong>of</strong> Russian quasi-reforms was deep economic crisis, break-down <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> industry, decline <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
production, deterioration <strong>of</strong> living standard <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population and mass unemployment. The lack <strong>of</strong> job, and<br />
livelihood opportunities drives labour force from <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial sphere <strong>of</strong> employment into <strong>the</strong> informal economy.<br />
This problem is critical for Russia due to <strong>the</strong> large scale <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> informal sector and <strong>the</strong> role it plays in <strong>the</strong> economy<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country in <strong>the</strong> last decade. According to Goscomstat RF <strong>of</strong>ficial data in 2003, 8 to 10 million people work in<br />
<strong>the</strong> informal economy. Approximately 15% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> active part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population does not have any o<strong>the</strong>r sources<br />
for survival. What is more important, mostly all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are hired workers with low salaries.<br />
The labour relations and employment are regulated in Russia by two federal laws – Labour Code (2002) and Law<br />
on Employment <strong>of</strong> Population (1991). National labour legislation does not take into account <strong>the</strong> realities <strong>of</strong> modern<br />
labour market. Workers in informal economy are nei<strong>the</strong>r recognized nor protected by <strong>the</strong>se laws. As a result,<br />
current growth <strong>of</strong> activities in <strong>the</strong> informal economy has led to growing ranks <strong>of</strong> vulnerable, marginalized workers<br />
with no access to justice. The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty and gender discrimination at <strong>the</strong> labour market are reasons<br />
why are women more likely than men to be in <strong>the</strong> informal economy.<br />
Women and men involved in <strong>the</strong> informal sector do not even possess a minimal level <strong>of</strong> social guarantees. They<br />
do not receive annual paid leaves or payment for a temporary disability; <strong>the</strong>ir working day is not limited by set<br />
hours; women do not have right to a maternity leave or to support for child care. They do not have life and health<br />
insurance, so <strong>the</strong>y are exposed to constant risk. They are also deprived <strong>of</strong> legal protection. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y and <strong>the</strong>ir problems are invisible for <strong>the</strong> governmental <strong>of</strong>ficials and statistics.<br />
In Russia, according to Goskomstat statistics, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> workers in informal sector in 2002 was same as <strong>the</strong><br />
number <strong>of</strong> unemployed (each about 9 million persons). The government allocates considerable institutional<br />
(employment service) and material (benefits) resources aimed at solving <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> unemployment, but <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are no resources available at solving <strong>the</strong> labour and social problems <strong>of</strong> millions working in informal economy.<br />
Moreover, this problem is not recognised at <strong>the</strong> governmental level. These people and <strong>the</strong>ir problems are invisible<br />
for <strong>the</strong> law, government and society. Currently, <strong>the</strong>re are no programs and projects in Russia, aimed at solving<br />
<strong>the</strong> social problems <strong>of</strong> men and women working in <strong>the</strong> informal sector <strong>of</strong> economy.<br />
The tendency <strong>of</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> informal sector has a global character, and everywhere poor women are involved in<br />
this type <strong>of</strong> activity more than men. But <strong>the</strong> specific <strong>of</strong> Russia is that women involved in informal sector have (in<br />
many cases) high level <strong>of</strong> education. There are former engineers, teachers, and etc. Our survey shows that 55%<br />
<strong>of</strong> men and women employed in informal economy have pr<strong>of</strong>essional education (more <strong>the</strong>n high school — <strong>the</strong>y<br />
finished collage or university). Their entry into this sector is absolutely necessary, as it is <strong>of</strong>ten sole source <strong>of</strong><br />
income for <strong>the</strong>mselves and <strong>the</strong>ir families. Economic crisis, unemployment and open discrimination in <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
labour market denied <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> opportunity to attain <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional employment commensurate with <strong>the</strong>ir label<br />
<strong>of</strong> education. They have no o<strong>the</strong>r opportunity but to work in <strong>the</strong> informal sector, and <strong>the</strong>y cannot reconcile <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
identity with such reality.<br />
The informal economy in Russia has different impact on <strong>the</strong> social and economic status <strong>of</strong> men and women. My<br />
study has shown that <strong>the</strong> problems faced in <strong>the</strong> informal economy first and foremost affected women. The main<br />
gender problems in <strong>the</strong> employment sphere include <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> female unemployment, <strong>the</strong> difficulty <strong>of</strong> finding<br />
jobs, <strong>the</strong> discrepancy between <strong>the</strong> job specifications and <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional qualification, <strong>the</strong> dismissal <strong>of</strong> qualified<br />
women employees, barriers to carrier promotion, and so on. All <strong>the</strong>se problems stem from gender inequality or<br />
discrimination against women in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> employment and labour market. Unemployed women, especially<br />
divorced and single mo<strong>the</strong>rs, as families’ sole bread-winners, but also young girls coming into <strong>the</strong> labour market<br />
for <strong>the</strong> first time, agree to any work on any terms, including in <strong>the</strong> informal sector. These so-called “terms”<br />
include that women do not have <strong>the</strong> right to marry or to have children while <strong>the</strong>y work.<br />
Factors <strong>of</strong> predomination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> women’s informal work in Russia:<br />
● Economic crisis and reduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour force in last decade in Russia (1990-2002) on 11 million<br />
workers;<br />
● Uneven reduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour force with visible discrimination against women - as a result 7,5 million<br />
women lost a job in <strong>the</strong> formal sector <strong>of</strong> Russian economy (20% <strong>of</strong> women’s labour force) and only 3,5<br />
million <strong>of</strong> men (10% <strong>of</strong> men’s labour force);<br />
● High level <strong>of</strong> unemployment;<br />
● Gender discrimination at <strong>the</strong> labour market.<br />
The strongest influence on female labour force in Russian society today is discrimination in hiring practices that<br />
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pushes <strong>the</strong>m beyond <strong>the</strong> labour market. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, a decline in <strong>the</strong> quality and standard <strong>of</strong> living<br />
demands <strong>the</strong>ir contribution to a family budget, since <strong>the</strong> family cannot make living on one salary. According to<br />
statistics, 2/3 <strong>of</strong> families with children where only one parent works live below <strong>the</strong> poverty level. Under <strong>the</strong>se<br />
conditions, women choose various survival strategies, among which in <strong>the</strong> past few years is <strong>the</strong> work in <strong>the</strong><br />
informal sector as <strong>the</strong> only means <strong>of</strong> possibility to realize <strong>the</strong>ir right to work and right to receive a salary.<br />
The liquidation <strong>of</strong> 7,5 million jobs for women in <strong>the</strong> last decade illustrates not only <strong>the</strong>ir position in <strong>the</strong> society, but<br />
also <strong>the</strong> deformation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour market. This is <strong>the</strong> biggest price that women pay for <strong>the</strong> Russian transition to<br />
<strong>the</strong> market economy.<br />
[1] Abstract <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper presented at <strong>the</strong> IAFFE (International Association <strong>of</strong> Feminist Economics) Conference “A<br />
feminist economic dialogue on transition and EU-enlargement”, January 21-22, 2005, Budapest, Hungary<br />
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Gender Equality<br />
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GENDER EQUALITY<br />
The Women’s Movement in Russia: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow<br />
By Zoya Khotkina<br />
The women’s movement in contemporary Russia exists as <strong>the</strong> social, cultural, and<br />
political activity <strong>of</strong> women’s groups and organisations, aimed at bringing toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />
interests <strong>of</strong> various social strata <strong>of</strong> women and bringing about a change in <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong><br />
gender relations. The Ministry <strong>of</strong> Justice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation has <strong>of</strong>ficially registered<br />
over 600 women’s organisations. The women’s movement in Russia is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most<br />
active parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third Section Movement, encompassing approximately 10% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
most active NGOs.<br />
The New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Gender Equality<br />
By Marijana Pajvanèiæ, Ph.D.<br />
The constitutional issue in <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia has been open for a long time now. The<br />
debate on <strong>the</strong> constitutional issue was initiated among experts as early as <strong>the</strong> moment <strong>of</strong><br />
adopting <strong>the</strong> Constitution, and debate has continued. The constitutional debate has been<br />
conducted in stages, focusing on various constitutional issues. Constitutional guarantees<br />
<strong>of</strong> gender equality did not come into <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> attention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expert and political<br />
community until late 2004. Some o<strong>the</strong>r constitutional contents had been <strong>the</strong> object <strong>of</strong><br />
interest until <strong>the</strong>n.<br />
The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Neighbouring Countries: <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans -<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic and<br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
WIDE briefing paper<br />
The privatisation process has lead to <strong>the</strong> abolishment <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights and<br />
inadequate protective mechanisms; a lack <strong>of</strong> respect for international labour and<br />
environmental standards; a lack <strong>of</strong> transparency. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>re is no legislation on<br />
corporate responsibility. The need to make <strong>the</strong> economy attractive for foreign<br />
investments is being used as justification for all <strong>the</strong>se legal changes. Of course, all <strong>the</strong>se<br />
policies are not gender-neutral. Women have absorbed <strong>the</strong> shock <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjustment by<br />
intensifying <strong>the</strong>ir unpaid work necessary because <strong>of</strong> budget cuts in basic public services<br />
such as education, social services, and health care.<br />
The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union -<br />
By Z<strong>of</strong>ia Lapniewska, Raisa Sinelnikova, Shorena Dzotsenidze, Halyna Fedkovy and<br />
Oksana Kisselyova, PhD<br />
The transition from centrally planned to market-based economies was based on<br />
privatisation, liberalisation and a streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> financial and tax discipline <strong>of</strong><br />
companies. These changes had serious implications for <strong>the</strong> redistribution <strong>of</strong> resources and<br />
budgetary spending. Price increases and an increase in foreign debt put pressure on<br />
national budgets resulting in cuts in public expenditures - including in health, education<br />
and family related benefits. The transition process had significant social impacts including<br />
destabilising <strong>the</strong> labour market and creating a class <strong>of</strong> so-called “new poor”.<br />
The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Candidate Countries -<br />
By Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D., with Plamenka Markova, Ph.D. and Genoveva Tisheva<br />
Structural reform, privatisation, attracting foreign direct investments and accession to <strong>the</strong><br />
European Union in 2007 are <strong>the</strong> main priorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian government - but <strong>the</strong><br />
government is not taking into consideration <strong>the</strong> negative effects <strong>of</strong> globalisation on social<br />
protection, especially among vulnerable groups (women, young people, pensioners).<br />
Armed conflicts in <strong>the</strong> Balkans and financial constraints related to structural adjustment
Gender Equality<br />
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programmes have negatively affected <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> previous and <strong>the</strong> current<br />
governments <strong>of</strong> Bulgaria to promote social development through better safety nets.<br />
The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Central and Eastern European New Member States -<br />
By Anita Seibert and Kinga Lohmann, with Jana Javornik<br />
The CEE countries share a common economic history <strong>of</strong> being centrally controlled until<br />
<strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s - including wages, prices <strong>of</strong> goods and services, and real estate,<br />
followed by <strong>the</strong> subsidisation <strong>of</strong> a great range <strong>of</strong> goods and services (and hence those<br />
goods were relatively affordable). At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s, <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> political,<br />
social and economic transition led to <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> state assets and <strong>the</strong> integration<br />
into <strong>the</strong> global capitalist market.<br />
The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Old Member States -<br />
By Elizabeth Villagómez<br />
From a women’s rights and a gender equality perspective, and indeed from a social<br />
protection perspective in general, <strong>the</strong>re is growing evidence that social directives and<br />
guidelines from <strong>the</strong> EU are at odds with those ruling economic matters. It is undeniable<br />
that in some countries <strong>the</strong> social directives and guidelines have done much to introduce<br />
and accelerate an increased awareness and needed change with respect to women’s<br />
economic and social rights and gender equality in general. However, economic policies<br />
can work directly and indirectly against adequately guaranteeing <strong>the</strong>se rights inasmuch<br />
as <strong>the</strong>se policies assume gender neutrality when in fact <strong>the</strong>y are gender blind.<br />
The enlarged European Union and its agenda for a ‘wider Europe’:<br />
What considerations for gender equality?<br />
By Mandy Macdonald<br />
WIDE Report<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> shared values <strong>the</strong> EU wants its new and future members and its neighbours to<br />
foment are democracy, respect for human rights and <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> law. But do <strong>the</strong>se values<br />
include gender equality? The European Commission’s 2003 Communication ‘Wider Europe<br />
- Neighbourhood: A new framework for relations with our Eastern and Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
neighbours’ is silent on <strong>the</strong> subject. The hearing held by Women in Development Europe<br />
(WIDE) at <strong>the</strong> European Parliament on December 2, 2004 explored <strong>the</strong> potential for<br />
mainstreaming gender equality in key areas <strong>of</strong> national policy in <strong>the</strong> new member states<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r Eastern European countries, and <strong>the</strong> extent to which <strong>the</strong> EU can help in this<br />
respect. The hearing followed up WIDE’s consultation on gender equality in EU accession<br />
negotiations held in 2003 in Brussels, and aimed to carry <strong>the</strong> discussion forward to <strong>the</strong><br />
formulation <strong>of</strong> recommendations to be taken back to <strong>the</strong> participants’ national<br />
governments.
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The Women’s Movement in Russia: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow<br />
By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D., Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, Russian Academy <strong>of</strong> Sciences, Russia<br />
1. What does Russian feminism (as <strong>the</strong> basis for a social movement) look like?<br />
The women’s movement in contemporary Russia exists as <strong>the</strong> social, cultural, and political activity <strong>of</strong> women’s<br />
groups and organisations, aimed at bringing toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> various social strata <strong>of</strong> women and bringing<br />
about a change in <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong> gender relations. The Ministry <strong>of</strong> Justice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation has <strong>of</strong>ficially<br />
registered over 600 women’s organisations. The women’s movement in Russia is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most active parts <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Third Section Movement, encompassing approximately 10% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most active NGOs.<br />
To understand <strong>the</strong> originality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contemporary Russian women’s movement, and to distinguish it from Western<br />
feminism, it is essential to give at least a brief overview <strong>of</strong> its historical roots. I shall present only <strong>the</strong> main <strong>the</strong>ses<br />
on this issue and shall state a few historical fact and instances.<br />
Thesis one<br />
Russian feminism (as a <strong>the</strong>ory) and women’s movement (as practice) were not “imported” to Russia from <strong>the</strong><br />
West; ra<strong>the</strong>r than that, <strong>the</strong>y had a deep historical tradition, dating back to <strong>the</strong> mid-19 th century. This means that<br />
Russian feminism is over one hundred and fifty years old, ra<strong>the</strong>r than fifteen, as argued by some Russian and<br />
Western specialists. Russia has had two great waves <strong>of</strong> feminism:<br />
● <strong>the</strong> first wave – from <strong>the</strong> mid-19 th century until 1930 and<br />
● <strong>the</strong> second wave – from <strong>the</strong> late 1980s to <strong>the</strong> present.<br />
The first wave <strong>of</strong> feminism in Russia (mid-19 th century until 1930)<br />
The beginnings <strong>of</strong> feminism in Russia are closely connected with <strong>the</strong> 19 th century liberation and peasants’ rights<br />
movement. (Serfdom was abolished in Russia in 1861.) It was <strong>the</strong> struggle for <strong>the</strong> peasants’ rights that actualised<br />
<strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> women’s status and rights in <strong>the</strong> Russian society.<br />
Western researchers are better informed about <strong>the</strong> Soviet-period feminism in Russia, associated with <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong><br />
Alexandra Kollontay, while being insufficiently familiar with <strong>the</strong> pre-Revolution stage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first wave <strong>of</strong> feminism<br />
in Russia. But nowadays, owing to <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> modern Russian feminist historians, <strong>the</strong> scientific discourse has<br />
included a multitude <strong>of</strong> documents and <strong>the</strong>oretical texts <strong>of</strong> pre-Revolution (up to 1917) Russian feminists. These<br />
texts show how strong and efficient <strong>the</strong> women’s social movement was at <strong>the</strong> time and that it had a serious<br />
<strong>the</strong>oretical basis.<br />
The massive nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian women’s movement is illustrated, for instance, by <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> First<br />
Pan-Russian Women’s Congress in St. Petersburg in 1908. The Congress was attended by 1000 delegates from all<br />
over Russia (while <strong>the</strong> interest was even higher). They represented various types <strong>of</strong> women’s organisations from<br />
women’s fractions within political parties to charitable and proletarian organisations. The texts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir speeches<br />
show that <strong>the</strong> essential issues and problems discussed at <strong>the</strong> Congress were women’s social and political status,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir economic status and <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> paid work, participation <strong>of</strong> women in local government, <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong><br />
democracy, women in Russia, etc. Obviously, <strong>the</strong> agenda <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Congress held a hundred years ago is<br />
still relevant!<br />
The maturity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first wave <strong>of</strong> Russian feminism as a <strong>the</strong>ory is evidenced by <strong>the</strong> following facts. For over ten<br />
years (1904-1917), Russia saw <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> feminist magazines such as Women’s Gazette and Women’s<br />
Association containing serious articles (on <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> women workers, on <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> women in local<br />
government, on marriage, abortion, and prostitution), informative ones (on <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> political, provincial, and<br />
foreign women’s organisations), as well as <strong>the</strong>oretical articles (such as A. Kalymanovich’s “A Few Words on<br />
Feminism,” E. Kuskova’s “Women and Equal <strong>Rights</strong>,” M. Pokrovskaya’s “Prostitution as a Form <strong>of</strong> Violence against<br />
Women,” etc.). Even <strong>the</strong>n, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> feminism was elaborated in two basic streams: egalitarian feminism and<br />
<strong>the</strong> feminism <strong>of</strong> diversity. The egalitarian stream was more popular and stronger, as <strong>the</strong> struggle for equal rights<br />
with men was <strong>the</strong> most relevant at that moment. However, <strong>the</strong> positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adherents <strong>of</strong> diversity feminism,<br />
with <strong>the</strong>ir idea <strong>of</strong> “equality in differences” were represented both in speeches at <strong>the</strong> Congress and in publication.<br />
Here is a quotation from a speech entitled “Women’s Self-Awareness as a Factor in <strong>the</strong> Restoration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Society”<br />
presented at <strong>the</strong> Congress by Olga Sapir: “It is time to stop proving that SHE can be like HE: no! First <strong>of</strong> all, she<br />
must be herself and develop her own individual abilities.”<br />
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Thesis two<br />
In view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above, my second <strong>the</strong>sis is that rights <strong>of</strong> Soviet women were not granted “from above” as argued<br />
by some Western and Russian authors. It was an act <strong>of</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> many years <strong>of</strong> struggling by<br />
Russian women for <strong>the</strong>ir rights. In 1917, women got all <strong>the</strong>se social and political rights for which <strong>the</strong>y had fought<br />
for over 50 years. Bolsheviks, who took power as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> October Revolution in 1917, cleverly used <strong>the</strong><br />
women’s protest movement to win <strong>the</strong>m over by giving <strong>the</strong>m full social and political rights.<br />
Aleksandra Kollontay played a significant and tragic role in <strong>the</strong> process through which <strong>the</strong> traditions and ideas <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Russian women’s movement and <strong>the</strong>oretical first-wave feminism were discontinued, forgotten, and even<br />
banned in <strong>the</strong> Soviet era. Before <strong>the</strong> Revolution, she assured female workers that <strong>the</strong>y have more common social<br />
interests with male proletarians than with “bourgeois feminists” (Kollontay, 1909). The protest <strong>of</strong> “proletarian<br />
women” that she lead against “bourgeois feminism” in Russia in <strong>the</strong> early 20 th century bears certain resemblance<br />
to <strong>the</strong> political protest <strong>of</strong> African-American feminists against “white feminism <strong>of</strong> middle-class women” that<br />
challenged Western feminism in <strong>the</strong> 1980s.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early 1920’s, Kollontay also strove to abolish and ban all women’s organisations apart from women’s<br />
sections <strong>of</strong> proletarian organisations. Established at her initiative after <strong>the</strong> 1917 revolution, trade unionist and<br />
territorial Women’s Councils and Women’s Sections were called in to perform <strong>the</strong> tasks <strong>of</strong> work (as <strong>the</strong> country<br />
was initiating its industrialisation and needing labouring hands) and political mobilisation (as <strong>the</strong> Bolsheviks were<br />
reinforcing <strong>the</strong>ir power). Still, when Women’s Sections tried to widen <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir activities and started to<br />
gain control over <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government bodies and <strong>the</strong> budget – <strong>the</strong>y were banned. It means that 75 years<br />
ago our grandmo<strong>the</strong>rs made <strong>the</strong> first steps towards gender budgeting. Unfortunately, <strong>the</strong>y were prevented;<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rwise, we would have found it much easier to work today.<br />
Here is an extract from <strong>the</strong> agenda <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Central Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bolshevik Party for<br />
1928/29:<br />
"Supervise <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> trade unions, co-operatives, Councils for <strong>the</strong> Improvement <strong>of</strong> Women Workers’ Lives;<br />
supervise <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Health and <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Education in improving <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> peasant<br />
women, and also how much <strong>the</strong> federal and local budgets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country have reflected <strong>the</strong> measures for <strong>the</strong><br />
improvement <strong>of</strong> living and working conditions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Easterners” (women from Central Asian republics)."<br />
The document is kept at <strong>the</strong> RCCHDNI Archives and was published in E. Kostyusheva’s “Women and Feminism” in<br />
Women’s Issues in <strong>the</strong> Context <strong>of</strong> National Culture (Materials <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Congress at <strong>the</strong> Nevsky<br />
Language and Cultural Institute, St. Petersburg, 1998, p. 48).<br />
The establishment <strong>of</strong> Stalin’s totalitarian regime lead to <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> all forms <strong>of</strong> civil activities and, in <strong>the</strong><br />
early 1930s, to closure <strong>of</strong> Women’s Sections. It was announced that <strong>the</strong> “women’s issue” in <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union was<br />
resolved and, accordingly, no women’s organisations were required.<br />
Over <strong>the</strong> following 60 years <strong>of</strong> Soviet rule (from <strong>the</strong> mid-1930s until <strong>the</strong> mid-1980s), <strong>the</strong> women’s movement in<br />
Russia was practically non-existent. In 1944, for <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> propagating <strong>the</strong> achievements <strong>of</strong> Soviet women<br />
abroad, <strong>the</strong> government formed <strong>the</strong> Soviet Women’s Committee. It, however, did not encompass solving <strong>the</strong><br />
practical problems <strong>of</strong> Soviet women. An attempt was made in <strong>the</strong> late 1970s to publish a dissident women’s<br />
magazine Maria for which Tatiana Mamonova and her colleagues were exiled from <strong>the</strong> USSR. In <strong>the</strong> mid-1980s,<br />
Gorbachev proposed reinstatement <strong>of</strong> Women’s Councils, which were controlled by <strong>the</strong> Party and, in most cases,<br />
were purely ceremonial in character. The Iron Curtain and Soviet censorship gave practically no opportunity for<br />
information on <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> feminism in <strong>the</strong> West to reach <strong>the</strong> country.<br />
A new era in Russian feminism (late 1980s to <strong>the</strong> present)<br />
The beginning <strong>of</strong> a new era in Russian feminism is associated with <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> glasnost and perestroika.<br />
Women’s NGOs as a phenomenon <strong>of</strong> social life emerged in <strong>the</strong> late 1980s.<br />
The activities <strong>of</strong> new feminist organisations in Russia in <strong>the</strong> 1990s and <strong>the</strong>ir critique regarding <strong>the</strong> “solution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
women’s issue” in <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union are ra<strong>the</strong>r well-known in <strong>the</strong> West. This information is considerably welldistributed<br />
owing to <strong>the</strong> active work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Moscow Centre for Gender Studies. They introduced to Russia in 1991<br />
and 1992 <strong>the</strong> First and Second Independent Women’s Forums in Dubna, and <strong>the</strong>y published in English <strong>the</strong> book<br />
Women in Russia: A New Era in Russian Feminism which I co-authored.<br />
Nearly 600 women’s organisations exist in Russia now but only 5-10% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m declare <strong>the</strong>mselves to be feminist<br />
organisations. The activities <strong>of</strong> all o<strong>the</strong>r women’s organisations are connected with <strong>the</strong> following (by rate <strong>of</strong><br />
occurrence):<br />
● human rights, women’s social security, reproductive rights, committees <strong>of</strong> soldiers’ mo<strong>the</strong>rs, etc.;<br />
● educational and training organisations for women and related programmes, including university centres and<br />
programmes <strong>of</strong> Women’s and Gender Studies in <strong>the</strong> universities;<br />
● information work (production, storage, and dissemination <strong>of</strong> information; women’s archives and libraries;<br />
information centres and programmes, including <strong>the</strong> women’s portal http://www.owl.ru);<br />
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● work with <strong>the</strong> public and services for women (emergency centres for women, legal and psychological<br />
consulting, public reception <strong>of</strong>fices, etc.);<br />
● family assistance (organisations <strong>of</strong> single mo<strong>the</strong>rs and mo<strong>the</strong>rs with many children, mo<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>of</strong> disabled<br />
children, work with minors, charity work for poor and o<strong>the</strong>r children);<br />
● women’s entrepreneurship (associations, clubs, and programmes);<br />
● feminism, research, resource, and training centres;<br />
● political activities (parties, women voters’ clubs, organisation and active participation at rallies, actions, and<br />
picketing); and<br />
● women’s creative organisations and associations, and women’s SMIs (mass media).<br />
There are several women’s organisations in Russia that ei<strong>the</strong>r form a wide regional network or are networks<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves. They usually work in several directions. For example, <strong>the</strong> Information Centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Independent<br />
Women’s Forum connects about 100 organisations; <strong>the</strong> Consortium <strong>of</strong> women’s NGOs (1998) connects 85<br />
organisations; <strong>the</strong> Union <strong>of</strong> Women <strong>of</strong> Russia (former Soviet Women’s Committee) registered in 1991 formally<br />
comprises 94 regional departments; and <strong>the</strong> Women’s Movement <strong>of</strong> Russia (1996) has 59 regional departments.<br />
The peak <strong>of</strong> activity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second wave <strong>of</strong> feminism in Russia can be placed in <strong>the</strong> mid-1990s. In this period<br />
(1993-95), <strong>the</strong> Duma (<strong>the</strong> Federal Parliament <strong>of</strong> Russia) included a faction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Women <strong>of</strong> Russia” advocating<br />
<strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> country’s highest legislative body. Moreover, 1995 was <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> preparation and<br />
occurrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 4 th World Women’s Conference and NGO Forum in Beijing. At <strong>the</strong> Beijing Forum, Russia was<br />
represented by more than 270 women (delegates and women from NGOs). In comparison, in Nairobi in 1985, <strong>the</strong><br />
Soviet Union sent only 10 people, mainly men from <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Foreign Affairs.<br />
Enriched by <strong>the</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> active participation in <strong>the</strong> women’s movement in <strong>the</strong> late 1990’s, Russian<br />
researchers started <strong>the</strong>ir active involvement in empirical research, as well as in introducing feminism into<br />
university curricula. The Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, toge<strong>the</strong>r with regional universities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
Summer School on Gender Studies in 1996-98, contributed greatly to unification and consolidation <strong>of</strong> Russian<br />
feminist-oriented research. I was <strong>the</strong> Director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first three summer schools (Valday-96, Volgga-97, and Azov-<br />
98). This initiative was accepted <strong>the</strong>n by universities; and, since 2000, such schools have been operating regularly<br />
in various regions <strong>of</strong> Russia.<br />
The end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s in Russia can be regarded as <strong>the</strong> institutional phase <strong>of</strong> gender relations studies as a<br />
scientific and educational stream. Not only at certain Russian universities, this was <strong>the</strong> time when <strong>the</strong> research <strong>of</strong><br />
gender relations was introduced as a compulsory university standard for experts in social work and sociology.<br />
The results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> Russian research <strong>of</strong> gender relations became more obvious at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> 21 st century. There was a real boom in publications on gender relations; dissertations on this topic are being<br />
presented all over <strong>the</strong> country; and hundreds <strong>of</strong> qualified university instructors have been educated. At Russian<br />
universities, hundreds <strong>of</strong> students write <strong>the</strong>ir graduation papers on and thousands <strong>of</strong> students attend courses in<br />
<strong>the</strong> history and <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> feminism. This is all contributing to <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> establishing knowledge in this field<br />
and wide dissemination <strong>of</strong> feminist ideas in Russia.<br />
2. How and why is Russian feminism different from Western feminism?<br />
The first thing to mention is that feminism is <strong>the</strong>ory and practice that has emerged and developed as a response<br />
to women’s social demands. Thus, if real problems faced by women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> East and West, white and non-white,<br />
rich and poor, from various countries and cultures are not <strong>the</strong> same, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>ir “feminisms” are different as well.<br />
According to Russian feminists Anna Temkina and Elena Zdravomyslova, <strong>the</strong>se differences are ontological,<br />
political, and gnoseological.<br />
In ontological terms (as <strong>the</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship between masculinity and femininity), <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
system <strong>of</strong> gender relations is essentially different from <strong>the</strong> Western one. The experience, practices, and<br />
deprivation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet “working mo<strong>the</strong>r” differ significantly from <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>of</strong> an economically dependent<br />
American “housewife,” and this is why <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> oppression, conceived in <strong>the</strong> West through <strong>the</strong> prism <strong>of</strong><br />
“patriarchate,” are not quite apparent in Russia.<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> political factors determining <strong>the</strong> different character <strong>of</strong> Russian feminism, one must first highlight <strong>the</strong><br />
change <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> political system as a whole and <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> public discourse in <strong>the</strong> real sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word, as<br />
<strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> dealing with a problem whose solution is <strong>the</strong> interest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil society ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
government. The second factor is <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women’s movement. Originally, <strong>the</strong> Russian women’s<br />
movement was diversified into two streams – <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet women’s movement (Women’s Councils) – and <strong>the</strong><br />
feminist faction. In accordance with those, two streams <strong>of</strong> research and education developed as well – feminology<br />
(vaguely similar to Women’s Studies) and more radical gender studies <strong>of</strong> feminists. It must be pointed out that<br />
now such a clear-cut distinction no longer exists, nei<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> Russian women's movement nor within <strong>the</strong> groups<br />
<strong>of</strong> researchers and university lecturers.<br />
The gnoseological factors also affected <strong>the</strong> specific character <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> feminism in Russia because all<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r scientific approaches and <strong>the</strong>ories were banned and tabooed during <strong>the</strong> era <strong>of</strong> dogmatic Marxism. Analysing<br />
barriers to spreading feminist philosophy in Russia, researchers argue that <strong>the</strong> Soviet scientific discourse saw <strong>the</strong><br />
discontinuation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical tradition that had formed a basis for feminist critique and that was characteristic<br />
<strong>of</strong> feminist gnoseology and <strong>the</strong> Western women’s movement.<br />
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In connection with <strong>the</strong> significant differences in <strong>the</strong> contemporary socio-economic situations <strong>of</strong> Russia and <strong>of</strong><br />
Western countries, Russian feminism and women’s movement are naturally targeted toward solving <strong>the</strong>ir own or<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs’ social tasks and cannot imitate <strong>the</strong> traditional Western institutions and patterns <strong>of</strong> social relationships. As<br />
<strong>the</strong> philosopher Irina Zherebkina believes, not only Russia but also <strong>the</strong> entire East European region was definitely,<br />
in this context and in <strong>the</strong> eyes <strong>of</strong> Western analysts, <strong>the</strong> cultural “o<strong>the</strong>r,” unharmonised with Western-type<br />
democracy. This exotic “o<strong>the</strong>r” was hardly comprehensible to Western feminists. This is why, for example, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
could not hear what East European women wanted to tell <strong>the</strong>m at <strong>the</strong> NGO Forum in Beijing in 1995 about ethnic<br />
wars, <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> basic human rights, unemployment among women, <strong>the</strong> rise in violence, control <strong>of</strong> women’s<br />
bodies and reproductive ability, sexism, and <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> new forms <strong>of</strong> social inequality. However, in <strong>the</strong><br />
documents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing conference, <strong>the</strong> transition <strong>of</strong> former Communist countries to democracy was termed a<br />
“completed” and “relatively peaceful” process. The reality <strong>of</strong> women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> East European region was<br />
characterised by <strong>the</strong> West with terms <strong>of</strong> categorical imperative: <strong>the</strong> ideology <strong>of</strong> democracy must transform your<br />
lives for <strong>the</strong> best; if you claim <strong>the</strong> opposite, <strong>the</strong>n it is your personal feeling that nobody is interested in<br />
(Zherebkina, p. 11).<br />
But as <strong>the</strong> Russian proverb goes, “<strong>the</strong>re is no bad without good.” The disregard shown by <strong>the</strong> international<br />
women’s movement for <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> women in countries with transitioning economies, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, and<br />
real development <strong>of</strong> Russian gender studies, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, have given impulse to <strong>the</strong> active study <strong>of</strong> feminist<br />
heritage in Russia, not only that <strong>of</strong> Western origin but <strong>of</strong> genuinely Russian origin as well. In various towns and at<br />
universities, <strong>the</strong> 1990s saw <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> active study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> historical heritage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first-wave Russian<br />
feminism.<br />
Russian feminism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first wave is currently actively studied and taught at universities, first <strong>of</strong> all by Svetlana<br />
Aivazova and Natalia Pushkareva (<strong>the</strong> Russian Academy <strong>of</strong> Sciences in Moscow), Irina Yukina (Nevsky Institute in<br />
St. Petersburg), Valentina Uspenskaya (<strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Tversk), Olga Hazbulatova and Olga Shnirova (Ivanovsky<br />
Institute), etc. Owing to <strong>the</strong>ir publications and lectures on <strong>the</strong>se subjects, modern researchers and activists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
women’s movement, as well as students, have not only found a lot <strong>of</strong> new information on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> feminism<br />
in Russia, but also have gotten an opportunity to read texts by Russian feminists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first wave.<br />
3. What barriers in Russian society and politics have prevented feminism from developing as a<br />
movement?<br />
The barriers in <strong>the</strong> Russian society and politics that have prevented feminism from developing as a movement are<br />
similar to those in o<strong>the</strong>r countries – gender stereotypes; sexism; and <strong>the</strong> absence among women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> material,<br />
governmental, and institutional resources necessary to build a more humane, gender symmetrical, and just<br />
society; however, additional barriers exist in Russia. Concentrated ideological pressure through SMIs (mass<br />
media), religion, and literature pertaining to <strong>the</strong> propagation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional wife-and-mo<strong>the</strong>r role for women,<br />
does not allow Russian women to realise <strong>the</strong> true status <strong>of</strong> work and <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own roles in <strong>the</strong><br />
contemporary society. The process <strong>of</strong> democratisation and market “quasi-reforms” in Russia and o<strong>the</strong>r East<br />
European countries is a men’s project. It has targeted appropriating former state property ra<strong>the</strong>r than improving<br />
<strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> life.<br />
The dramatic situation <strong>of</strong> Russian women is reflected in <strong>the</strong> fact that now <strong>the</strong>y are forced to protect <strong>the</strong> rights and<br />
guarantees that <strong>the</strong>y already had under <strong>the</strong> Communist regime but that were lost for <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong><br />
liberalising state policy: <strong>the</strong> rights to free medical services and free education, financial assistance for mo<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
and cheap kindergartens, reproductive rights (e.g., free abortion), and <strong>the</strong> right to work. Even more today, <strong>the</strong><br />
Russian women’s movement has been forced to fight for what already had been acquired ten years ago. For<br />
instance, <strong>the</strong> national mechanism <strong>of</strong> gender equality was formed before <strong>the</strong> Beijing Conference, in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong>:<br />
1. The Committee for <strong>the</strong> Issues <strong>of</strong> Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation, headed by <strong>the</strong> Deputy Prime<br />
Minister, whose decisions were mandatory and executive (dissolved by Decree no. 215 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Russian Federation, dated 16 April, 2004);<br />
2. The Committee for <strong>the</strong> Issues <strong>of</strong> Family, Women, and Demography, within <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Labour and Social<br />
Development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation (but <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Labour has not existed since 2004 so <strong>the</strong>re is no<br />
Committee ei<strong>the</strong>r); and<br />
3. The Committee for <strong>the</strong> Issues <strong>of</strong> Family, Women, and Demography, working with <strong>the</strong> President <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
country since 1994 (which disappeared in 2000 with <strong>the</strong> election <strong>of</strong> President Putin).<br />
This endless “Sisyphean task” <strong>of</strong> continued endeavour to achieve what already had been achieved and <strong>the</strong>n was<br />
wasted is by all means a clearly visible feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> modern Russian women’s movement.<br />
Barriers preventing <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women’s movement in Russia can be divided, conditionally, into three<br />
types. These are barriers <strong>of</strong> society, <strong>of</strong> state policies, and <strong>of</strong> women <strong>the</strong>mselves, as outlined below.<br />
1. The most significant barriers at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> society are:<br />
● <strong>the</strong> traditionalism <strong>of</strong> Russian society and <strong>the</strong> wide incidence <strong>of</strong> sexism and gender stereotypes in it;<br />
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● underdeveloped civil society; and<br />
● sharp social segmentation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian society and differentiation <strong>of</strong> social groups.<br />
2. Barriers created by state policy include:<br />
● abolishing <strong>the</strong> national mechanism <strong>of</strong> gender equality in early 2000 (i.e., formal governmental and<br />
executive structures for protecting women’s interests and promoting <strong>the</strong>ir status in <strong>the</strong> Russian society);<br />
● neglecting <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> male and female populations in forming basic social policies (e.g., priorities in<br />
solving <strong>the</strong> social problems <strong>of</strong> military and law enforcement personnel) – actions which place many<br />
women’s social problems outside <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> attention <strong>of</strong> state structures;<br />
● weakening state control in <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> legislation, forcing <strong>the</strong> women’s movement to fight for <strong>the</strong><br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> laws securing women’s rights because Russian legislation is harmonised with<br />
international standards <strong>of</strong> gender relations but de facto <strong>the</strong>y are not implemented;<br />
● failing <strong>of</strong> masculinised governmental structures to implement anti-discrimination laws (e.g., in <strong>the</strong> late<br />
1990s <strong>the</strong> Duma (90% men) voted against legislation to prevent domestic violence; for <strong>the</strong> past five years,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Duma has failed to pass <strong>the</strong> law on “state guarantees <strong>of</strong> equal rights, and freedoms and equal<br />
opportunities for men and women in <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation”);<br />
● lacking coherent state policy on women’s relations (i.e., <strong>the</strong> demographic policy is <strong>the</strong> only relevant one<br />
clearly articulated and institutionalised at <strong>the</strong> state level but its existent form implies control <strong>of</strong> women’s<br />
reproductive function and sexuality); and<br />
● initiating only “decorative” and declarative state-level activities (i.e., announcing <strong>the</strong> significance and<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> women’s issues for state policy, while <strong>the</strong> Government and <strong>the</strong> Duma are doing nothing even<br />
in cases <strong>of</strong> open and intolerable breeches <strong>of</strong> women’s rights, like discrimination at work and domestic<br />
violence).<br />
3. Barriers at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> women <strong>the</strong>mselves and within <strong>the</strong> women’s movement:<br />
● <strong>the</strong> Russian women’s movement should not be called massive because its major segment encompasses<br />
educated, politically-active, middle-class women (e.g., academic researchers, pr<strong>of</strong>essors, and students<br />
from university circles), while mass surveys show that almost one-half <strong>of</strong> women are unaware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
existence and work <strong>of</strong> women’s organisations;<br />
● <strong>the</strong>re is a lack <strong>of</strong> models, programmes, and concepts <strong>of</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women’s movement in<br />
perspective; and<br />
● many representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women’s movement lack clarification or acceptance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basic <strong>the</strong>ses <strong>of</strong><br />
feminist <strong>the</strong>ory, which frequently gives rise to conclusions about “bad” feminism and “good” gender<br />
relations.<br />
In comparison with <strong>the</strong> mid-1990s, nowadays Russia is obviously experiencing a decline in <strong>the</strong> women’s<br />
movement. In view <strong>of</strong> this, I would argue that <strong>the</strong> situation in <strong>the</strong> Russian women’s movement needs to be<br />
considered not only as something separate, but also in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> overall processes occurring today in <strong>the</strong><br />
global women’s movement.<br />
As Seyla Benhabib wrote 10 years ago, “We do not know, in fact, what this general feminist ‘we’ means, but it is<br />
sure that today we should not feel a nostalgia for expired integrity in <strong>the</strong> women’s movement, because it is <strong>the</strong><br />
healthy pluralism <strong>of</strong> viewpoints and practical strategies that expresses <strong>the</strong> various aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> modern women’s<br />
movement” (Seyla Benhabib, ‘From Identity Politics to Social Feminism’, p.29. In: David Trend, ed., Radical<br />
Democracy: Identity, Citizenship and <strong>the</strong> State. NY: Routledge, 1996).<br />
4. Are <strong>the</strong>re any strategies that would help a feminist movement to develop?<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> above mentioned problems and barriers, in <strong>the</strong> past 15 years, <strong>the</strong> Russian feminism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second<br />
wave has accomplished a lot! The main achievement is that basic ideas and notions <strong>of</strong> feminist and gender<br />
<strong>the</strong>ories have become part and parcel <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> life <strong>of</strong> modern Russian society. They have transformed considerably<br />
public discourse and public awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population and decision makers. Such notions as gender,<br />
reproductive rights, and sexual harassment have been brought into scientific usage and have become known not<br />
only to specialists. In discussions about <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> Russian women, <strong>the</strong> discourse about women’s “rights” is<br />
used actively now alongside <strong>the</strong> discourse about women’s “problems.” The taboo has been lifted on public<br />
discussion <strong>of</strong> such topics as discrimination <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> politics, labour, and family violence. Now<br />
many Russians and decision makers understand that <strong>the</strong>se are not personal problems <strong>of</strong> separate women but are<br />
social and political problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> society.<br />
Thousands <strong>of</strong> militia and local administrative <strong>of</strong>ficers, judges, and journalists have had training in Russia and<br />
abroad in <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> prevention <strong>of</strong> violence against women. Gender expertise <strong>of</strong> legislation at all levels,<br />
programs <strong>of</strong> political parties, statistics, media, textbooks, and now also budgets, have become practiced widely in<br />
Russia. Methods and results <strong>of</strong> gender expertise are published in books, web sites <strong>of</strong> women’s organizations, and<br />
a women’s portal (http://www.owl.ru). These are available to everyone.<br />
The process <strong>of</strong> reproduction <strong>of</strong> gender knowledge and specialists is making good progress through development<br />
and implementation <strong>of</strong> university programs on women’s and gender studies, as well as through publication <strong>of</strong><br />
books and articles plus defence <strong>of</strong> dissertations and students’ diplomas on gender issues. We witness a real boom<br />
<strong>of</strong> publications on gender issues. In <strong>the</strong> directory Gender Studies in Russia and NIS: Who is Who, prepared by me<br />
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in 2000, <strong>the</strong>re were about 2000 titles <strong>of</strong> books and articles, but by now <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> publications on gender<br />
issues has tripled.<br />
The women’s movement is making a substantial contribution to development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil society in Russia when<br />
<strong>the</strong> Government is pursuing <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> monetization <strong>of</strong> children’s and pensioners’ privileges. Women’s<br />
organizations have established public consulting <strong>of</strong>fices that provide free consultations with lawyers and<br />
psychologists. These services are used widely by women in regions. They express a high opinion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />
women’s organizations (Saratov, Smolensk, Syktyvkar, Murmansk, etc.). A network <strong>of</strong> crisis centres and hot lines<br />
for women has been established across <strong>the</strong> country and is successfully operating now.<br />
A pr<strong>of</strong>essional expert community <strong>of</strong> highly skilled specialists has been created in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> gender studies, whose<br />
reputation is recognized both in Russia and abroad in international organizations. For example, my colleagues<br />
from Moscow Center <strong>of</strong> Gender Studies, Olga Voronina, Marina Malysheva, Elena Ballayeva, and Marina<br />
Baskskova, are experts <strong>of</strong> UNDP, ILO, UNIFEM, World Bank, and o<strong>the</strong>r international organizations. I, myself, am<br />
an expert <strong>of</strong> UNDP and a consultant to ILO in gender and related areas.<br />
Regional women’s movements are successfully preparing and promoting women to oblast, city, and municipal<br />
legislative bodies. For example, in such regions as Yekaterinburg, Murmansk, and Snezhinsk, 30-40% <strong>of</strong> local<br />
authorities are women. Over ten years, Russian women’s information networks have been working successfully to<br />
disseminate information about <strong>the</strong> women’s movement in Russia and worldwide, about workshops and<br />
conferences, as well as about new publications, calls for grant proposals, and experiences and achievements <strong>of</strong><br />
organizations and women in Russian regions.<br />
During all 15 years, <strong>the</strong> Russian women’s movement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second wave has been working in hard conditions,<br />
when <strong>the</strong> advanced ideas <strong>of</strong> gender equality were moved forward despite <strong>the</strong> traditionalist policy and ideology<br />
imposed on women and society. Therefore, we are deeply grateful to <strong>the</strong> international women’s community for <strong>the</strong><br />
great moral and material support rendered to us. Financial support from <strong>the</strong> West made it possible to carry over<br />
60% <strong>of</strong> our projects and programs conducted by <strong>the</strong> Russian women’s movement in <strong>the</strong>se years.<br />
At present <strong>the</strong> activity centres <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women’s movement are moving more and more from <strong>the</strong> centre to regions<br />
and from large-scale mass events and actions to intricate everyday work at <strong>the</strong> local level. While in Moscow <strong>the</strong><br />
low-skill government is pursuing anti-popular and anti-gender policy (for example, monetization <strong>of</strong> privileges,<br />
liquidation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National mechanism on women’s affairs), at <strong>the</strong> local level women are making efforts to ensure<br />
successful and fruitful work to solve many social and political problems <strong>of</strong> women, including by promoting women<br />
to power. For example, in Syktyvkar <strong>the</strong>re is a Women’s Chamber successfully working, and in Yekaterinburg and<br />
Veliky Novgorod are Women’s Parliaments; and no serious political and economic decision can be taken without<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir participation.<br />
Regretfully, <strong>the</strong>se local women’s activities have not been investigated and conceptualized by Russian feminist<br />
science. This is partly due to domination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> liberal-democratic egalitarian orientation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian feminist<br />
discourse; it is more sensitive to examining drawbacks and to being critically minded, but is not quite fit for<br />
analyzing and summarizing <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> “small actions” and positive practices. Yet, <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local<br />
activities are mostly appreciable and effective at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> women’s everyday lives.<br />
This strategy <strong>of</strong> “small actions” <strong>of</strong> women and women’s organizations that show <strong>the</strong>mselves in everyday practices,<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than in large-scale events, was called “constructive feminism” by a researcher from Syktyvkar, Svetlana<br />
Yaroshenko. The main work on changing <strong>the</strong> society and women’s consciences has been started by <strong>the</strong> women’s<br />
movement, and no “barriers” can stop it. Therefore, today we have not to “struggle” but to act and create<br />
constructive feminism – every day, everyone in her own place – and we shall change <strong>the</strong> world for <strong>the</strong> better!<br />
Translation from Russian: Women’s Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
REFERENCES:<br />
Alexandra Kollontay, The Social Basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Questions, 1909. See at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/<br />
kollonta/works/1909/social-basis.htm<br />
E. Kostyusheva, ‘Women and Feminism’, in Women’s Issues in <strong>the</strong> Context <strong>of</strong> National Culture,Materials <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
International Congress at <strong>the</strong> Nevsky Language and Cultural Institute, St. Petersburg, 1998, p.48<br />
Seyla Benhabib, ‘From Identity Politics to Social Feminism’, p.29. In: David Trend, ed., Radical Democracy:<br />
Identity, Citizenship and <strong>the</strong> State. NY: Routledge, 1996<br />
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The New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Gender Equality<br />
The New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Gender Equality<br />
Marijana Pajvancic, Ph.D, Law School, University <strong>of</strong> Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
1. The Constitutional Process in Serbia: Contents and <strong>the</strong> Progress <strong>of</strong> Constitutional Debate<br />
The constitutional issue in <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia has been open for a long time now. The debate on <strong>the</strong><br />
constitutional issue was initiated among experts as early as <strong>the</strong> moment <strong>of</strong> adopting <strong>the</strong> Constitution, and debate<br />
has continued. The constitutional debate has been conducted in stages, focusing on various constitutional issues.<br />
Constitutional guarantees <strong>of</strong> gender equality did not come into <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> attention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expert and political<br />
community until late 2004. Some o<strong>the</strong>r constitutional contents had been <strong>the</strong> object <strong>of</strong> interest until <strong>the</strong>n.<br />
The search for new constitutional solutions began after a phase <strong>of</strong> critical consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990 Constitution,<br />
which brought about a lot <strong>of</strong> criticism concerning this constitution. The first incentive to <strong>the</strong> discussion on new<br />
constitutional solutions for Yugoslavia was a project by a group <strong>of</strong> authors, Proposal for a New Association <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Republics <strong>of</strong> Former Yugoslavia. [1]<br />
The initial debate was conducted on <strong>the</strong> most important open constitutional questions and constitutional<br />
principles, which are <strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basic constitutional consensus. This is fur<strong>the</strong>r evidenced by <strong>the</strong> studies<br />
on individual constitutional issues [2] and constitutional projects published between 1995 and 2000: A Draft<br />
Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia; [3] The Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Regional State <strong>of</strong> United Serbian States, [4] Constitutional<br />
Principles for a Democratic Serbia. [5] After <strong>the</strong> year 2000, this <strong>the</strong>oretical debate was substituted by a debate on<br />
specific constitutional issues, [6] and more specific definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> constitutional principles and <strong>the</strong><br />
most important constitutional institutions. [7] The experts’ attention was focused on two groups <strong>of</strong> issues: <strong>the</strong><br />
concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new constitution and vertical power sharing.<br />
Interest in constitutional issues grew in 2003, with <strong>the</strong> commencement <strong>of</strong> work on <strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia.<br />
The discussion was focused on four constitutional projects that were <strong>the</strong> objects <strong>of</strong> particular attention:<br />
Constitutional Solutions for Serbia and Yugoslavia, [8] Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Serbia, [9] A Model <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia, [10] and The Basic Principles for a New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia. [11] Four groups <strong>of</strong><br />
questions were differentiated during <strong>the</strong> debate: [12] <strong>the</strong> basic principles and definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, human rights,<br />
organisation <strong>of</strong> government, and territorial organisation.<br />
The third phase began in 2003. It was marked by <strong>the</strong> commencement <strong>of</strong> work on <strong>the</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new<br />
Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia at <strong>the</strong> National Assembly <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia. During <strong>the</strong> work on changing <strong>the</strong><br />
Constitution, <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party <strong>of</strong> Serbia specified <strong>the</strong>ir views, previously stated in The Basic Principles for <strong>the</strong><br />
New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia, in a document Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia (2003). A different party, Democratic Party<br />
submitted ano<strong>the</strong>r Draft Constitution (2003), while some political parties supported <strong>the</strong> fundamental ideas stated<br />
in <strong>the</strong> projects elaborated by expert groups. [13] . The first attempt at adopting <strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia<br />
resulted in a failure. The work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitutional Committee [14] was discontinued by <strong>the</strong> dissolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
National Assembly <strong>of</strong> Serbia in late 2004.<br />
When work on <strong>the</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution was recommenced in Serbia, <strong>the</strong> attention was focused on eight<br />
constitutional projects. [15] Three <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eight projects were prepared by political parties, [16] two were <strong>the</strong> work<br />
<strong>of</strong> expert groups ga<strong>the</strong>red by NGOs, [17] one was <strong>the</strong> original work <strong>of</strong> a pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> constitutional law, [18] and<br />
<strong>the</strong> most recent proposals were submitted by <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> Serbia and <strong>the</strong> expert group formed by <strong>the</strong><br />
President <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic. [19] Gender aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se eight alternatives are discussed in section two <strong>of</strong> this<br />
paper.<br />
A brief overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitutional debate so far points to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that no serious attention has been<br />
paid to considering <strong>the</strong> ways in which general constitutional guarantees <strong>of</strong> gender equality are to be provided in<br />
<strong>the</strong> future Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia. We find this issue important because it refers to <strong>the</strong> constitutional status and<br />
human rights <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> citizens <strong>of</strong> Serbia, so it will be <strong>the</strong> object <strong>of</strong> our particular attention.<br />
A democratic constitution is legitimised by consensus, not only <strong>of</strong> political actors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitutional process, but<br />
also <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> widest circle <strong>of</strong> citizens on <strong>the</strong> most important issues comprising <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> community in which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y live. The constitutional process and <strong>the</strong> adoption process <strong>of</strong> a constitution should make it possible to reach a<br />
consensus on <strong>the</strong> fundamental issues <strong>of</strong> a political community’s structure and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> citizens in it.<br />
Serbia needs a new constitution that would constitutionalise <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> democratic transition and, within<br />
this framework, would set <strong>the</strong> rules providing and specifying <strong>the</strong> constitutional principle <strong>of</strong> gender equality.<br />
Adopting a constitution means defining <strong>the</strong> new identities and <strong>the</strong> institutional framework <strong>of</strong> future new communal<br />
life. This applies not only to all individual citizens, but for <strong>the</strong> political association as well. A constitution is not only<br />
a fundamental but also a founding act - legislation which legally formalises decisions enabling <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong><br />
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The New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Gender Equality<br />
citizens and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state in a manner <strong>of</strong> constitutional democracy. The status <strong>of</strong> individuals and <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
political association will depend on which principles and criteria <strong>the</strong> constitution makers choose in approaching<br />
<strong>the</strong>se and <strong>the</strong> related questions.<br />
For <strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia to meet all <strong>the</strong>se requirements, <strong>the</strong> constitutional process must equally include<br />
men and women. As early as <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French Revolution and <strong>the</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Liberties and <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Man, Olympia de Gouge (1775-1793) warned in <strong>the</strong> Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
and Citizens that female citizens had <strong>the</strong> right to participate actively in creating and adopting a constitution: “The<br />
Constitution is null and void if <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> citizens comprising <strong>the</strong> Nation did not participate in adopting it.” Led<br />
by this principle, we state our willingness to participate in <strong>the</strong> constitutional debate and <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> preparing<br />
<strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia.<br />
2.Constitutional Solutions <strong>of</strong> Gender Equality in <strong>the</strong> Projects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia<br />
In this section, we point to <strong>the</strong> fundamental solutions and <strong>the</strong> manner <strong>of</strong> setting up gender equality in <strong>the</strong> eight<br />
constitutional projects that were <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> special attention from <strong>the</strong> expert and political communities. These<br />
can be used as sources for new constitutional solutions.<br />
A Proposal for <strong>the</strong> New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia by Belgrade Centre for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> starts from <strong>the</strong><br />
international standards <strong>of</strong> human rights. Guarantees relevant to gender equality include: equality before <strong>the</strong> law;<br />
<strong>the</strong> right to equal legal protection without discrimination; [20] prohibition <strong>of</strong> direct and indirect gender<br />
discrimination; <strong>the</strong> right to marriage with free consent <strong>of</strong> future spouses; equality <strong>of</strong> spouses entering, during,<br />
and ending marriage; protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family, mo<strong>the</strong>r and child; <strong>the</strong> right to <strong>the</strong> lawful state pregnancy and postnatal<br />
benefits; health care for children, pregnant women, and senior citizens, if not provided on o<strong>the</strong>r grounds;<br />
and affirmative action as required to achieve equality, special care, and advancement for people in inequitable<br />
positions so <strong>the</strong>y can enjoy human rights fully under equal conditions.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> authors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> project are trying to use gender sensitive vocabulary, <strong>the</strong>y do not do it in full. [21] The<br />
policy <strong>of</strong> equal opportunities is not established as a right and an obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state. Reasons for prohibiting<br />
<strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> a political party do not include gender-based discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred<br />
and discrimination. Parental rights are not provided as equal rights and obligations <strong>of</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r and mo<strong>the</strong>r. Special<br />
rights after childbirth (maternity leave) are guaranteed only to mo<strong>the</strong>rs, not to fa<strong>the</strong>rs. The right <strong>of</strong> decision<br />
regarding procreation is not specifically guaranteed.<br />
A Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Serbia by P. Nikoli•, Ph.D. guarantees equality <strong>of</strong> all before <strong>the</strong> law<br />
including citizens in terms <strong>of</strong> gender; availability <strong>of</strong> all jobs and positions under equal conditions; <strong>the</strong> right to fair<br />
wages and equal remuneration for work <strong>of</strong> equal value without difference; special job safety and special working<br />
conditions for women, youths and invalids; mandatory social security for all employees and members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
families; <strong>the</strong> right to health care from public revenue for children, women, and senior citizens not receiving those<br />
benefits on o<strong>the</strong>r grounds; special care for families, mo<strong>the</strong>rs, children, and minors without parents; marriage with<br />
free consent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> future spouses; equality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spouses in marriage; free decision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spouses regarding<br />
procreation; parents’ rights and obligations to support, raise, and educate <strong>the</strong>ir children.<br />
The project uses gender sensitive vocabulary [22] inconsistently. Measures <strong>of</strong> affirmative action are not provided<br />
separately. There are no specific provisions regarding indirect or direct discrimination. The policy <strong>of</strong> equal<br />
opportunities is not established as a constitutional right and obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state. Reasons for prohibiting <strong>the</strong><br />
work <strong>of</strong> a political party do not include gender based discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and<br />
discrimination. The right to decide regarding procreation is guaranteed only to married spouses, not those in<br />
common law marriage. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not guaranteed specifically.<br />
A Project <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution <strong>of</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia by Forum Iuris guarantees human rights originating from<br />
international standards. In accordance with <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> social solidarity, it stipulates that it is <strong>the</strong> obligation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> state to actively undertake measures <strong>of</strong> economic and social aid to citizens and social groups who are in<br />
underprivileged position for various reasons. Such measures must be aimed at removing economic an social<br />
barriers to achieving equality <strong>of</strong> rights; equality before <strong>the</strong> law; equality in <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> freedoms and rights;<br />
equality <strong>of</strong> parents in parental rights and responsibilities; <strong>the</strong> right to marriage; equality <strong>of</strong> men and women<br />
entering, during, and ending marriage; marriage based on free consent <strong>of</strong> future spouses; citizens’ rights to enter<br />
public service under equal conditions and to perform political functions; <strong>the</strong> right to equal opportunities and equal<br />
treatment in choosing employment; employment without gender-based discrimination; special rights for women,<br />
youth, and <strong>the</strong> handicapped; <strong>the</strong> right to equal remuneration for work <strong>of</strong> equal value without any difference; <strong>the</strong><br />
right to personal dignity at work; right <strong>of</strong> employed women to <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> maternity; <strong>the</strong> right to equal<br />
opportunities and equal treatment <strong>of</strong> employment versus family responsibilities; obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state and<br />
employees to take legal measures in terms <strong>of</strong> labour rights; availability <strong>of</strong> all forms <strong>of</strong> education under equal<br />
terms; <strong>the</strong> right to shelter from gender-based persecution; and obligatory state-provided health care for children,<br />
pregnant women, and <strong>the</strong> elderly, if <strong>the</strong>y are not receiving those benefits on o<strong>the</strong>r grounds.<br />
The authors <strong>of</strong> this proposal use gender-sensitive terminology. [23] The proposal does not explicitly stipulate<br />
prohibition against direct and indirect discrimination and does not explicitly provide <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> undertaking<br />
affirmative action measures. The policy <strong>of</strong> equal opportunities is not established as a general obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
state, except in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> social solidarity. Reasons for prohibiting <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> a political party do<br />
not include gender based discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and discrimination. The right <strong>of</strong><br />
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decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically<br />
guaranteed.<br />
A Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia submitted by <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party also starts from <strong>the</strong> international human<br />
rights standards. It prohibits gender based discrimination; restrictions on human rights under <strong>the</strong> pretence that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are not constitutionally guaranteed; and forced labour, explicitly defining whe<strong>the</strong>r sexual or economic<br />
exploitation <strong>of</strong> disadvantaged persons is considered forced labour. It guarantees <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> equal legal<br />
protection without discrimination; shelter from gender-based persecution; men and women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> age <strong>of</strong> consent<br />
to marry and to have a family; <strong>the</strong> pregnancy and post-natal support and care for mo<strong>the</strong>rs during <strong>the</strong> lawful<br />
period; special protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family, mo<strong>the</strong>r, and child; and parents and guardians to educate <strong>the</strong>ir children<br />
according to <strong>the</strong>ir religious and moral beliefs. It stipulates equality before <strong>the</strong> law; <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> introducing<br />
affirmative action measures; equality <strong>of</strong> spouses entering, during, and ending marriage; and special health care<br />
for children, pregnant women and senior citizens, if not received on o<strong>the</strong>r grounds.<br />
The authors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposal have striven to secure gender sensitive vocabulary [24] but this rule is not followed<br />
consistently throughout <strong>the</strong> text. Some important rights are not provided, for example, <strong>the</strong> rights to decide<br />
regarding procreation, to maternity or paternity leave, to equality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r and <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r in parental<br />
responsibilities, to special workplace safety for pregnant women and mo<strong>the</strong>rs, and to equal remuneration for work<br />
<strong>of</strong> equal value. Special care and support are guaranteed only to mo<strong>the</strong>rs during pregnancy and post-natal periods,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> right to this support and protection after childbirth is not guaranteed to <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r. Reasons for<br />
prohibiting <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> an association include only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and not gender based<br />
discrimination. It does not stipulate equal opportunities policy as an obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state.<br />
A Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia prepared by <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party <strong>of</strong> Serbia guarantees human<br />
rights starting from international standards in this field. The proposal specifically guarantees <strong>the</strong> rights to equal<br />
legal protection without discrimination; marriage; parents and guardians to develop <strong>the</strong>ir children according to<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir religious and moral beliefs; support and protection <strong>of</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs in pregnancy and <strong>the</strong> post-natal period; and<br />
health care from public revenue for children, pregnant women and <strong>the</strong> elderly not receiving those benefits on<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r grounds. It prohibits direct and indirect gender based discrimination and forced labour, explicitly defining<br />
sexual or economic exploitation <strong>of</strong> disadvantaged people as forced labour. It guarantees equality before <strong>the</strong><br />
Constitution and <strong>the</strong> law and equality <strong>of</strong> spouses entering, during, and ending marriage. It guarantees equality <strong>of</strong><br />
parents in <strong>the</strong>ir rights and responsibilities to support, raise, and educate <strong>the</strong>ir children and <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong><br />
revoking or limiting <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> one or both parents in <strong>the</strong> child’s interest, by court decision and in accordance<br />
with <strong>the</strong> law. The proposal stipulates affirmative action measures to achieve full and effective equality <strong>of</strong> persons<br />
or groups in really unequal positions to o<strong>the</strong>r citizens; special workplace safety and special working conditions for<br />
women, youths and invalids; marriage based on free consent <strong>of</strong> men and women; stimulation and help by <strong>the</strong><br />
Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia to parents in deciding on procreation; and special protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family, mo<strong>the</strong>r, and child<br />
guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia.<br />
This proposal does not follow <strong>the</strong> standard demanding that <strong>the</strong> vocabulary <strong>of</strong> legislation be gender sensitive. [25]<br />
The proposed Constitution does not include <strong>the</strong> obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state to implement an equal opportunities policy.<br />
Special protection and support is guaranteed during pregnancy and <strong>the</strong> post-natal period only to <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> right to this support and protection is not guaranteed to <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r. The right to maternity/paternity<br />
leave is not specifically guaranteed. There is no guarantee <strong>of</strong> social security and protection for pregnant women<br />
and mo<strong>the</strong>rs. Reasons for prohibiting <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> an association include only racial, ethnic and religious hatred –<br />
not gender-based discrimination. There is no explicit prohibition against expressing gender-based intolerance. The<br />
right <strong>of</strong> asylum is not specifically guaranteed.<br />
The Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia proposed by <strong>the</strong> Liberals <strong>of</strong> Serbia also starts from international human rights<br />
standards and specifically stipulates <strong>the</strong> rights to equal legal protection without discrimination; to <strong>the</strong> lawful state<br />
support and protection for mo<strong>the</strong>rs during pregnancy and post-natal periods; and for parents and guardians to<br />
educate <strong>the</strong>ir children according to <strong>the</strong>ir religious and moral beliefs. It prohibits gender based discrimination and<br />
forced labour, considering sexual or economic exploitation <strong>of</strong> disadvantaged persons to be forced labour. It<br />
stipulates equality before <strong>the</strong> law; special protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family, mo<strong>the</strong>r, and child provided by <strong>the</strong> society and<br />
<strong>the</strong> state; and special healthcare for children, pregnant women, and senior citizens not receiving those benefits on<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r grounds. It guarantees <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> taking measures <strong>of</strong> affirmative action.<br />
This proposal does not respect <strong>the</strong> standard demanding that <strong>the</strong> vocabulary <strong>of</strong> legislation should not be<br />
discriminatory. [26] It does not explicitly stipulate <strong>the</strong> forms <strong>of</strong> discrimination (indirect and direct). The proposed<br />
Constitution does not include <strong>the</strong> obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state to implement an equal opportunities policy. Special care<br />
and support is guaranteed during pregnancy and post-natal periods only to mo<strong>the</strong>rs, while <strong>the</strong>se rights are not<br />
guaranteed to fa<strong>the</strong>rs. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically guaranteed, nor are social security<br />
and protection for pregnant women and mo<strong>the</strong>rs. Reasons for prohibiting <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> an association include only<br />
racial, ethnic, and religious hatred – not gender-based discrimination. There is no explicit prohibition against<br />
expressing gender-based intolerance. The freedom <strong>of</strong> decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed.<br />
Two draft constitutions will be <strong>the</strong> subjects <strong>of</strong> our special attention. They are <strong>the</strong> Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic<br />
<strong>of</strong> Serbia prepared by <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> Serbia, and a proposal by an expert group ga<strong>the</strong>red by <strong>the</strong> President <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Republic. The reason for this is that <strong>the</strong>se proposals came from persons who are entitled, under <strong>the</strong> current<br />
Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia, to submit proposals for adopting a new constitution.<br />
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The Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia prepared by <strong>the</strong> Constitutional Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Government <strong>of</strong> Serbia contains both general provisions on gender equality and several special guarantees<br />
regarding gender equality. General provisions that should be mentioned include direct application <strong>of</strong> international<br />
law and constitution in <strong>the</strong> national law (Article 17), and explicit constitutional prohibition against direct and<br />
indirect discrimination (Article 19). These provisions enable direct application <strong>of</strong> all universal and regional<br />
conventions and standards, both general and specific to gender equality. In addition, <strong>the</strong> draft constitution<br />
includes <strong>the</strong> prohibition against discrimination, among o<strong>the</strong>rs, on <strong>the</strong> ground <strong>of</strong> gender; and, in accordance with<br />
international standards, specifically emphasises direct and indirect discrimination as <strong>the</strong> fundamental modalities <strong>of</strong><br />
discrimination (Article 19). Positive discrimination (Article 20), which includes regulations, measures, and<br />
activities, is a new concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitutional system, contributing to <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> discrimination.<br />
Among particular provisions specifically concerned with gender equality, we point would point out: prohibition<br />
against trafficking <strong>of</strong> human beings (Article 25); prohibition against sexual exploitation, which, by explicit<br />
constitutional provision, is considered as forced labour and subject to prohibition as such (Article 25); equality <strong>of</strong><br />
husband and wife (Article 60); guaranteed freedom <strong>of</strong> decision regarding procreation; parental rights (Article 63);<br />
constitutional guarantees <strong>of</strong> special care for <strong>the</strong> family, mo<strong>the</strong>r, and child (Article 64); and special health care for<br />
pregnant women (Article 66). The proposal, however, does not use gender sensitive vocabulary, nor does it oblige<br />
<strong>the</strong> state to implement equal opportunities policies, which are international standards in this area. There is no<br />
explicit guarantee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> free consent <strong>of</strong> spouses before entering marriage or <strong>of</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> single parents. A<br />
general provision enabling positive discrimination is not specifically stipulated by <strong>the</strong> draft constitution, nor is that<br />
content specified in relevant chapters.<br />
A Proposal for a New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia by an expert group [27] formed by <strong>the</strong> President <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic<br />
also contains general guarantees and specific rights regarding gender equality. This proposal is characterised by<br />
<strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> gender sensitive vocabulary in accordance with international conventions (CEDAW). Among <strong>the</strong> general<br />
provisions, <strong>the</strong> fundamental principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposed constitution guarantee equality <strong>of</strong> men and women (Article<br />
15) and oblige <strong>the</strong> state to implement an equal opportunities policy (Article 15). The general provisions in <strong>the</strong><br />
chapter on human rights guarantee <strong>the</strong> direct application <strong>of</strong> international law as well as direct application <strong>of</strong><br />
constitutional provisions on human rights (Articles 23 and 24). Those general provisions also prohibit<br />
discrimination (Article 25) and list direct and indirect discrimination as forms <strong>of</strong> discrimination, while measures <strong>of</strong><br />
positive discrimination are provided as instruments to eliminate discrimination (Article 25). In addition, among <strong>the</strong><br />
general provisions on human rights, this proposal includes provisions which indirectly protect constitutional rights<br />
from possible restriction or elimination that may occur by <strong>the</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> constitutional guarantees which<br />
would “imply <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, group or individuals to take action aimed at abolishing a constitutionally<br />
guaranteed right or imposing restrictions greater than those permitted by <strong>the</strong> Constitution” (Article 26), and<br />
explicitly prohibits placing restrictions on human rights under <strong>the</strong> pretence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir not being guaranteed by <strong>the</strong><br />
Constitution (Article 28).<br />
The proposal also contains several special guarantees specifically concerned with gender equality including<br />
prohibition against sexual exploitation, which is considered as forced labour (Article 34). Matters <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality in family relations include guarantees <strong>of</strong> free consent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spouses when entering into marriage (Article<br />
49), equality <strong>of</strong> spouses in marital relations (Article 49), special protection <strong>of</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs and single parents (Article<br />
63), and equality <strong>of</strong> parents in parental responsibilities (Article 63). In <strong>the</strong> political area, guarantees concerning<br />
gender equality are explicitly guaranteed measures <strong>of</strong> positive discrimination in <strong>the</strong> elections, both parliamentary<br />
and local (Article 57) and <strong>the</strong> guarantee to at least one seat as <strong>the</strong> Vice President <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Assembly for <strong>the</strong><br />
underrepresented gender (Article 97).<br />
This overview <strong>of</strong> constitutional solutions specifically concerned with <strong>the</strong> general constitutional principle <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality points to ten general conclusions:<br />
1. Although <strong>the</strong>re is a noticeable attempt to use gender sensitive vocabulary in <strong>the</strong> highest legal act <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
state, it is done with only partial success. <strong>On</strong>ly two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects pay attention to this aspect using both genders<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> noun “citizen” in <strong>the</strong> preamble, while only one uses this vocabulary consistently.<br />
2. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposals guarantee equality <strong>of</strong> men and women, ei<strong>the</strong>r by positive norm or by prohibiting<br />
gender based discrimination. There are specific guarantees <strong>of</strong> equality before <strong>the</strong> law as well equality in <strong>the</strong> right<br />
to <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> freedoms and rights. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects lack <strong>the</strong> definitions <strong>of</strong> forms <strong>of</strong> discrimination<br />
(indirect or direct). It is noticeable that causing gender-based intolerance or hatred is not prohibited, nor is<br />
gender-based discrimination listed as a reason for prohibiting <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> a political party or citizens’ organisation.<br />
In both cases <strong>the</strong> prohibition only applies to racial, religious, and ethnic intolerance.<br />
3. All projects, except one, lack <strong>the</strong> provision on <strong>the</strong> obligation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state to implement an equal<br />
opportunities policy.<br />
4. Measures <strong>of</strong> affirmative action are provided as a possibility in most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects, and <strong>the</strong> discontinuation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se measures is connected to achieving <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se affirmative action measures.<br />
5. The freedom <strong>of</strong> decision regarding procreation is guaranteed by most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects, but it is noticeable<br />
that its contents are determined differently. In some projects, it is guaranteed by a general provision. In o<strong>the</strong>rs,<br />
<strong>the</strong> decision regarding procreation is <strong>the</strong> parents’ right.<br />
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6. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rights guaranteed by project proposals concern <strong>the</strong> special care for women in <strong>the</strong>ir reproductive<br />
roles (mo<strong>the</strong>rs and pregnant women in pre- and post-natal periods). Still, none <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects specifies, for<br />
instance, <strong>the</strong> right to paid maternity (or paternity) leave for <strong>the</strong> employed. Also lacking is <strong>the</strong> guaranteed right to<br />
social security for parents (men or women), especially single parents having children up to a certain age. Despite<br />
<strong>the</strong> obvious attempt in some projects, <strong>the</strong>y are not fully successful in emphasising <strong>the</strong> rights and responsibilities<br />
<strong>of</strong> both parents in relation to <strong>the</strong>ir children. For instance, <strong>the</strong> rights to health care and special post-natal care are<br />
guaranteed only to mo<strong>the</strong>rs, not to fa<strong>the</strong>rs. <strong>On</strong>ly one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects explicitly stipulates <strong>the</strong> funding source for<br />
this form <strong>of</strong> health care (public revenue), which is especially significant for <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> effective<br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right. There is no guarantee whatsoever <strong>of</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> single parents. Some rights are<br />
guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> general norm that requires fur<strong>the</strong>r specification in order to be implemented effectively (e.g.,<br />
<strong>the</strong> provision under which families, mo<strong>the</strong>rs and children enjoy <strong>the</strong> special care <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> society and <strong>the</strong> state).<br />
7. It is obvious that <strong>the</strong> authors are trying to provide special forms <strong>of</strong> protection for employed women.<br />
Although in this respect <strong>the</strong>re could be some more decisive guarantees, <strong>the</strong>se are definitely <strong>the</strong> most completely<br />
regulated guarantees, now formulated in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> blanket provisions (e.g., rights could be formulated as <strong>the</strong><br />
employer’s responsibility). It is significant that only a few proposals contain an explicit provision regarding <strong>the</strong><br />
right to equal remuneration for work <strong>of</strong> equal value. <strong>On</strong>ly one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects explicitly guarantees <strong>the</strong> right to<br />
equal opportunities and equal treatment in <strong>the</strong> choice <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ession and employment without gender-based<br />
discrimination.<br />
8. The right to education is guaranteed in all projects as a general right enjoyed by every person. Yet, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are certain differences regarding education levels (e.g., whe<strong>the</strong>r it includes only primary education or all<br />
educational levels). Wording should be unambiguous, and <strong>the</strong> right should be guaranteed for all levels <strong>of</strong><br />
education, as equal availability to all levels <strong>of</strong> education.<br />
9. Equality <strong>of</strong> future spouses when entering marriage, freedom <strong>of</strong> decision <strong>of</strong> future spouses about entering<br />
marriage, and <strong>the</strong>ir equality during <strong>the</strong> marriage and at its dissolution are guaranteed by all projects.<br />
10. In some projects, sexual or economic exploitation <strong>of</strong> disadvantaged persons is considered to be forced labour<br />
prohibited by <strong>the</strong> Constitution. These are definitely solutions to be supported, and <strong>the</strong>y should find <strong>the</strong>ir place in<br />
<strong>the</strong> future Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia.<br />
All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above speak in favour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> need to approach <strong>the</strong> constitutional matters regulating <strong>the</strong> equality <strong>of</strong> men<br />
and women in a responsible and careful manner. This is because <strong>the</strong> Constitution remains <strong>the</strong> fundamental<br />
framework defining <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitutional principle <strong>of</strong> equality and <strong>the</strong> source <strong>of</strong> accompanying<br />
regulations, notably laws regulating this matter more specifically. Therefore, it is important to have a Constitution<br />
with a firm and clear guarantee <strong>of</strong> equality <strong>of</strong> women and men and with a reliable guide for legislative activity.<br />
3. Gender Equality and The Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Freedoms<br />
The legal reference framework for <strong>the</strong> constitutional arrangement <strong>of</strong> gender equality in Serbia is represented by<br />
two types <strong>of</strong> legal sources to be borne in mind when writing <strong>the</strong> Constitution. <strong>On</strong>e source is international legal<br />
sources and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r is <strong>the</strong> Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Freedoms as an act <strong>of</strong> national<br />
legislation. This is why we shall make a brief overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se documents.<br />
Specific proposals <strong>of</strong> constitutional norms for <strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia start from <strong>the</strong><br />
international human rights standards established in international conventions. Especially important are those<br />
ratified by <strong>the</strong> competent authorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Union <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Montenegro and specified through <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong><br />
international institutions for human rights protection and <strong>the</strong> generally accepted rules <strong>of</strong> international law.<br />
Specific proposals especially refer to constitutional guarantees <strong>of</strong> gender equality and prohibition <strong>of</strong> indirect and<br />
direct discrimination and <strong>the</strong> obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state and <strong>the</strong> government to implement an equal opportunities<br />
policy. Ano<strong>the</strong>r important provision is for closer definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender-equality principle in<br />
individual spheres <strong>of</strong> social life, especially in <strong>the</strong> spheres <strong>of</strong> economics (e.g., work and employment) and politics<br />
(e.g., <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> equal participation <strong>of</strong> women in electoral and appointed positions). Also vital are<br />
establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> taking affirmative action measures to eliminate actual inequality and protection<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to gender equality (e.g., <strong>the</strong> right to protection, tools, and procedures).<br />
When stipulating <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> gender equality, it is necessary to bear in mind <strong>the</strong> general and regional<br />
international standards in this field. They are contained in ratified international conventions. [28] They are<br />
operationalised specifically through <strong>the</strong> practices <strong>of</strong> international bodies in charge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
standards and <strong>of</strong> international institutions in charge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> human rights. These standards need to be<br />
implemented in <strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia.<br />
In addition to <strong>the</strong> above, it is necessary to point out <strong>the</strong> guarantees regarding <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> gender equality<br />
stipulated by <strong>the</strong> Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Freedoms. Provisions in <strong>the</strong> Charter relevant to<br />
constitutional solutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender-equality principle include several guarantees. These are prohibition against<br />
direct and indirect discrimination (Article 3, Paragraph 3); affirmative action measures (Article 3, Paragraph 4);<br />
prohibition against placing restrictions on human rights under <strong>the</strong> pretence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir not being guaranteed by <strong>the</strong><br />
Charter (Article 8); guarantees <strong>of</strong> acquired rights (Article 47, Paragraph 1); <strong>the</strong> right to marriage based on <strong>the</strong><br />
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The New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Gender Equality<br />
free will <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spouses (Article 9, Paragraph 1); equality <strong>of</strong> spouses entering, during, and dissolving marriage<br />
(Article 9, Paragraph 1); special protection <strong>of</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs and children (Article 40); special health care for pregnant<br />
women (Article 45); and <strong>the</strong> right to asylum based on fear <strong>of</strong> gender-based persecution (Article 38, Paragraph 1).<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Freedoms does not include some significant<br />
guarantees <strong>of</strong> gender equality that represent international standards. Thus, <strong>the</strong> Charter does not meet <strong>the</strong><br />
standard demanding that legislation, especially <strong>the</strong> Constitution as <strong>the</strong> most important legal act, should be written<br />
in gender-sensitive vocabulary. We shall quote a few examples to illustrate. The right to vote is enjoyed by<br />
citizens, but <strong>the</strong> noun is only in masculine-gender form (Article 33, Paragraph 2); The right to participate in<br />
decision-making in all public affairs is guaranteed to citizens, but <strong>the</strong> noun is only in masculine-gender form<br />
(Article 33, Paragraph 1). The right to citizenship is guaranteed to citizens, but <strong>the</strong> noun is only in masculinegender<br />
form (Article 35).<br />
The Charter also contains good examples <strong>of</strong> gender sensitive vocabulary that should be used as a model. For<br />
instance, every person has <strong>the</strong> right to establish newspapers and o<strong>the</strong>r means <strong>of</strong> public communication (Article<br />
30, Paragraph 1); every person enjoys <strong>the</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> association (Article 32, paragraph 1).<br />
The Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Freedoms does not guarantee some rights or freedoms <strong>of</strong><br />
special importance for effective implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitutional principle <strong>of</strong> gender equality. Unlike o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
rights and freedoms guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> Constitution, without guaranteeing <strong>the</strong>se rights, <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality remains at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> a programmatic constitutional norm without effective and direct implementation.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> constitutional protection <strong>of</strong> family and marriage, <strong>the</strong>re are no guarantees to equality <strong>of</strong> spouses in<br />
marriage. There are no provisions regarding <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> equal responsibilities <strong>of</strong> parents in bringing up<br />
children and for rights and responsibilities to children. Freedom <strong>of</strong> decision regarding procreation is not<br />
guaranteed. In <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> political rights, <strong>the</strong>re is no explicit guarantee <strong>of</strong> equal opportunities for both genders to<br />
participate in political life and public government, nor <strong>of</strong> equal representation <strong>of</strong> men and women in all elected<br />
and appointed positions. Reasons for prohibiting <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> a political party do not include gender-based<br />
discrimination – only racial, ethnic, and religious intolerance and hatred, etc. In <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> work and employment<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are no guarantees <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to equal remuneration for work <strong>of</strong> equal value, to availability <strong>of</strong> each job<br />
under equal conditions, to equal opportunities for pr<strong>of</strong>essional advancement and training, etc. In <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong><br />
social security and health care, <strong>the</strong>re are no provisions for some important rights connected with <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong><br />
reproductive rights that would point to <strong>the</strong> special care <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> reproductive rights such as <strong>the</strong><br />
right to maternity and paternity leave; special rights to social and health care for single parents (fa<strong>the</strong>rs and<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>rs) with children up to a certain age; special rights to financial security during <strong>the</strong> unemployment period for<br />
single parents (fa<strong>the</strong>rs and mo<strong>the</strong>rs) with children up to a certain age; and <strong>the</strong> right to health care for household<br />
workers, etc.<br />
4. A Point <strong>of</strong> View to <strong>the</strong> A Constitutional Framework to Provide Gender Equality in <strong>the</strong> New<br />
Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia<br />
The remaining section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper will contain <strong>the</strong> author’s specific proposal regarding gender equality and<br />
specific stipulations <strong>of</strong> this fundamental constitutional principle in <strong>the</strong> future Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia. The Preamble<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Constitution should be written with <strong>the</strong> noun “citizen” in both grammatical genders. [29]<br />
In <strong>the</strong> introductory part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution, among <strong>the</strong> fundamental principles underlying <strong>the</strong> Constitution, it is<br />
necessary to include provisions on equality between women and men and on <strong>the</strong> obligations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state to<br />
develop an equal opportunities policy and to undertake special affirmative action measures towards this goal. The<br />
wording <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitutional provision could read: “The Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia provides for equality <strong>of</strong> citizens <strong>of</strong> both<br />
genders. It promotes <strong>the</strong> equality <strong>of</strong> women and men by developing <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> equal opportunities, including<br />
special measures <strong>of</strong> affirmative action (positive discrimination).” [30]<br />
The part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution regulating freedoms and rights should include several important guarantees, so as to<br />
provide <strong>the</strong> following:<br />
● Guarantees <strong>of</strong> an attained level <strong>of</strong> rights. The wording <strong>of</strong> this norm could be, “The attained level <strong>of</strong><br />
human and minority rights, individual or collective, may not be reduced. This Constitution shall not abolish<br />
or amend any rights or freedoms acquired by way <strong>of</strong> confirmed and publicised international treaties.” A<br />
similar guarantee is contained in <strong>the</strong> Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Liberties; whereas,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are no such guarantees in <strong>the</strong> Draft Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia; <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong>y should be included.<br />
● Prohibition against restricting and minority rights under <strong>the</strong> pretence that <strong>the</strong>y are not<br />
guaranteed by Constitution. The wording <strong>of</strong> this norm could be, “It is not permitted to restrict human<br />
and minority rights guaranteed by generally accepted rules <strong>of</strong> international law, adopted and ratified by<br />
international treaties and laws, under <strong>the</strong> pretence that <strong>the</strong>y are not guaranteed by Constitution or that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are guaranteed to a lesser extent.” Such a provision is contained in <strong>the</strong> Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and<br />
Minority <strong>Rights</strong> and Civil Liberties (Article 8). The Draft Constitution does not contain this prohibition as an<br />
important guarantee <strong>of</strong> human rights; <strong>the</strong>refore, and it should be incorporated into <strong>the</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong><br />
Serbia.<br />
● The right to effective judicial protection <strong>of</strong> human rights guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> Constitution and<br />
international law. The wording <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> norm could be, “Everyone shall have <strong>the</strong> right to effective judicial<br />
protection in cases <strong>of</strong> infringed or denied human or minority rights guaranteed by generally accepted rules<br />
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The New Constitution <strong>of</strong> Serbia and Gender Equality<br />
later on this is not done consistently, nor is <strong>the</strong>re a general remark that nouns are to be understood as referring<br />
to both genders.<br />
[25] E.g., articles 1, 2, 12, 13, 16, 50, 51, and 55.<br />
[26] E.g., articles 1, 2, 5, 7, 9, 43, 54, and 57.<br />
[27] The expert group included Pr<strong>of</strong>. M. Gruba•, Ph.D.; Pr<strong>of</strong>. V. Dimitrijevi•, Ph.D.; Pr<strong>of</strong>. M. Pajvan•i•, Ph.D.; Pr<strong>of</strong>.<br />
D. Popovi•, Ph.D.; O. Nikoli•, Ph.D.; V. •eri•, M.Sc.; S. Bulaji•, M.Sc.; S. •ipli•, M.Sc.; and R. Žarevac, M.Sc.<br />
[28] The Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (1948); <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Political <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women (1952);<br />
<strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (1966); <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social<br />
and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> (1966); <strong>the</strong> Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women<br />
(1967); <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women (1979); The Convention<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Nationality <strong>of</strong>Married Women; Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and<br />
Registration <strong>of</strong> Marriages; <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Equality <strong>of</strong> Women and Men (1988); The Conclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Conferences in Strasbourg (1986), Vienna (1989), Rome (1993); <strong>the</strong> conclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fourth Conference on<br />
Women (Vienna 1994); Beijing documents 1995 (Parliamentary Declaration, Platform for Action) <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong><br />
Europe Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion <strong>of</strong> Democracy (1997); <strong>the</strong><br />
Universal Declaration on Democracy (1997); <strong>the</strong> final document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Interparliamentary Conference in New<br />
Delhi (1997); <strong>the</strong> final document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Interparliamentary Conference on Security and Cooperation in <strong>the</strong><br />
Mediterranean (2000); <strong>the</strong> European Convention for <strong>the</strong> Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Fundamental Freedoms;<br />
<strong>the</strong> Charter on Fundamental <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> European Union (2000); <strong>the</strong> document adopted in Bucharest (2001);<br />
<strong>the</strong> International Labour Organisation Convention 3 Concerning <strong>the</strong> Employment <strong>of</strong> Women in Pre-natal and Postnatal<br />
Period; ILO Convention 45 Concerning <strong>the</strong> Employment <strong>of</strong> Women on Underground Work in Mines <strong>of</strong> All<br />
Kinds; ILO Convention 89 Convention Concerning Night Work <strong>of</strong> Women Employed in Industry; ILO Convention<br />
100 Concerning Equal Remuneration for Men and Women Workers for Work <strong>of</strong> Equal Value; Maternity Protection<br />
Convention no. 103; ILO Convention 111 (1958) Concerning Discrimination in Respect <strong>of</strong> Employment and<br />
Occupation, etc.<br />
[29] See <strong>the</strong> documents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Interparliamentary Union – especially <strong>the</strong> agenda for correcting <strong>the</strong> current<br />
discrepancy in <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> women and men in political life (Point B IV / Paris 1994) stipulating that<br />
language used in legislation must not be gender blind and recommending that states revise <strong>the</strong>ir constitutions and<br />
eliminate vocabulary that tends to advocate gender stereotypes.<br />
[30] The basic principles especially guarantee <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> three categories <strong>of</strong> citizens: subjects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia living abroad, members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Serbian nation (Article 13), and ethnic minorities (Article 14).<br />
We believe that <strong>the</strong> introductory section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution should also specifically stipulate equality <strong>of</strong> women<br />
and men, and especially <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> equal treatment. This is supported by <strong>the</strong> comparative constitutional<br />
practice and international documents (Articles 3 and 4 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> all Forms <strong>of</strong><br />
Discrimination against Women; <strong>the</strong> Final Document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 4 th UNO Conference on Women, Beijing 1995;<br />
Paragraph 3 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Charter on European Security; Sections A and B <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration on Equality Between<br />
Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion <strong>of</strong> Democracy, Istanbul 13-14 Nov. 1997; Article 17 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Directive<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong> Europe No. 78 <strong>of</strong> 27 Nov. 2000, etc.).<br />
[31] E.g., Articles 4 and 7/1 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women;<br />
Point 14 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Final Document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Interparliamentary Conference, New Delhi, 18 Feb. 1997; Section A <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Declaration on Equality between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion <strong>of</strong> Democracy, Istanbul, 1997;<br />
Section C-III, Point 104 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration on Democracy, Paris, 1997; Strategies G-1 and G-2 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Final Document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Interparliamentary Conference, Marseilles, etc.<br />
[32] E.g., Article 11, Paragraph 1, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against<br />
Women; Strategies G-1 and G-2 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental<br />
Criterion <strong>of</strong> Democracy, Istanbul, 1997; Convention 111 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Labour Convention – prohibition <strong>of</strong><br />
discrimination against women in employment and occupation; Article 23 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Charter on Fundamental<br />
<strong>Rights</strong> no. 364/01 <strong>of</strong> 7 th November 2000; <strong>the</strong> European Charter on Social <strong>Rights</strong>, etc.<br />
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The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe:<br />
The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Neighbouring Countries: <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans -<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD, Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, and<br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic, Women’s Center for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Serbia and Montenegro<br />
WIDE briefing paper<br />
Short description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region<br />
The countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, <strong>the</strong> Former Yugoslav Republic (FRY) <strong>of</strong> Macedonia,<br />
Serbia and Montenegro, with a total population <strong>of</strong> 19,6 million, belong to <strong>the</strong> least developed countries in Europe.<br />
The average Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in 2002 was 1.544 Euro ranging from 710 Euro in Kosovo<br />
to 2.055 Euro in Serbia and Montenegro. Albania and Macedonia are members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization<br />
(WTO); Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro are in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> joining. These Western Balkan<br />
countries are also progressing towards EU membership within <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called Stabilisation and<br />
Association process.<br />
Macroeconomic overview<br />
Transition to <strong>the</strong> market economy has been delayed because <strong>of</strong> armed conflicts and exclusion from <strong>the</strong><br />
international community during <strong>the</strong> periods <strong>of</strong> conflict. The region’s Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs),<br />
dictated by <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Found (IMF), are similar to o<strong>the</strong>r SAPs in that <strong>the</strong>y require <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong><br />
obstacles to international trade and foreign investments, <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> public services, labour market<br />
flexibility and <strong>the</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> all social costs. The countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region are characterised by political<br />
uncertainties and weak institutions. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>y are struggling to transform <strong>the</strong>ir economies. The dissolution <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia and associated hostilities and conflicts, followed by sanctions, cut <strong>of</strong>f important markets<br />
and transit routes to all <strong>the</strong> countries. This, plus <strong>the</strong> Kosovo crisis and <strong>the</strong> NATO intervention in 1999, have<br />
severely crippled economic activities and engendered a high level <strong>of</strong> uncertainty in all <strong>the</strong> successor states. As <strong>the</strong><br />
economic system was designed to foster close ties among <strong>the</strong> republics, its dissolution has magnified <strong>the</strong><br />
downward spiral <strong>of</strong> economic activity.<br />
Albania Bosnia and FYR Macedonia Serbia and Kosovo<br />
Herzegovina<br />
Montenegro<br />
GDP per capita<br />
in 2002<br />
1602 1383 1971 2055 710<br />
Year: 1998 2003 1998 2003 1998 2003 1998 2003 2000 2003<br />
Real GDP growth<br />
%<br />
12,7 6 15,6 3,5 3,4 3,0 6,7 3,0 21,2 4,7<br />
Trade balance %<br />
<strong>of</strong> GDP<br />
-22,8 -22,8 -48,4 -36,6 -14,4 -17,2 -13,1 -25,1 -184 -88,8<br />
Foreign debt In<br />
billion EUR<br />
0,9 1,2 - 1,8 1,2 1,3 9,0 12,2 - -<br />
FDI in million<br />
EUR<br />
40 135 100 282 105 41 101 1063 - -<br />
FDI % <strong>of</strong> GDP 1,5 2,7 2,9 4,9 3,3 1,0 0,8 5,8 - -<br />
Unemployment<br />
%<br />
17,8 14,9 37,4 41,0 34,5 36,7 27,0 30,0 - -<br />
Poverty rate [1] 25,4 19,5 10,5 - -<br />
Corruption rank<br />
2003 [2]<br />
92 70 106 106<br />
Source: European Commission, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, The Western Balkans in<br />
transition, Occasional Papers no. 5, Brussels, January 2004<br />
Impact <strong>of</strong> EU policies on <strong>the</strong> region<br />
In 2000, within <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (SPSEE), <strong>the</strong> World Bank (WB) and<br />
its main regional development partners adopted a report on a comprehensive approach to development for South<br />
East Europe (SEE). The report outlined how quickly <strong>the</strong> SEE countries and <strong>the</strong>ir private sectors should move<br />
towards trade integration with <strong>the</strong> EU [3] . Domestic sector reform priorities have been put in place including <strong>the</strong><br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> privatisation and structural reforms as well as policies to encourage Foreign Direct Investment<br />
(FDI), to eliminate labour market inefficiencies and reduce rigidity in labour market legislation, to promote trade<br />
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The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe:<br />
liberalisation, and to reduce <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector and overall level <strong>of</strong> public spending.<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> experiences <strong>of</strong> moving from a communist/socialist regime and state-led economies to free market<br />
economies have been negative. The effects have included increasing poverty, insecurity, unemployment, crime,<br />
and corruption; a vanishing middle class; and new economic and political elites arising from amongst war<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>iteers and former communist leaders. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>re is a widening gap between <strong>the</strong> poor and <strong>the</strong> rich.<br />
Registered unemployment is very high as much as 36% in Serbia and Montenegro. However, real unemployment<br />
levels are believed to be much higher - possibly as high as 55% in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Decreased<br />
opportunities for employment are also leading to a ‘brain-drain’ <strong>of</strong> young educated people as <strong>the</strong>y seek<br />
opportunities elsewhere.<br />
The privatisation process has lead to <strong>the</strong> abolishment <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights and inadequate protective<br />
mechanisms; a lack <strong>of</strong> respect for international labour and environmental standards; a lack <strong>of</strong> transparency.<br />
Moreover, <strong>the</strong>re is no legislation on corporate responsibility. The need to make <strong>the</strong> economy attractive for foreign<br />
investments is being used as justification for all <strong>the</strong>se legal changes.<br />
Of course, all <strong>the</strong>se policies are not gender-neutral. Women have absorbed <strong>the</strong> shock <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjustment by<br />
intensifying <strong>the</strong>ir unpaid work necessary because <strong>of</strong> budget cuts in basic public services such as education, social<br />
services, and health care. The costs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> care economy and o<strong>the</strong>r reproductive costs are not included in <strong>the</strong><br />
national income outputs and thus <strong>the</strong>y become invisible. This is just one example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> negative effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
SAP and how it impacts women’s lives. With regard to gender equality in <strong>the</strong> economic sector, two o<strong>the</strong>r issues<br />
emerge: <strong>the</strong> extent to which a gender bias exists in <strong>the</strong> shift to <strong>the</strong> informal market; and <strong>the</strong> increased pressure<br />
on women’s time, with its negative effect on <strong>the</strong>ir health and welfare.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> state has retreated from its role as a social institution and public expenditure is reduced, so too <strong>the</strong> tax and<br />
benefit systems have been objects <strong>of</strong> region-wide reforms. The general trend has been to maintain <strong>the</strong> individual<br />
as <strong>the</strong> unit for taxes and benefits, and use an individual’s employment history to determine benefits and<br />
entitlement levels. But <strong>the</strong> employment history <strong>of</strong> women is more likely to have been interrupted and shorter<br />
which means <strong>the</strong>y are more adversely affected. Across <strong>the</strong> region, pension systems are also being reformed with<br />
substantial erosion in <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> benefit paid to all recipients. Men will benefit more than women from both<br />
<strong>the</strong>se reforms and will gain more in terms <strong>of</strong> total benefits.<br />
Common characteristics in <strong>the</strong> region regarding gender equality issues<br />
The economic and social status <strong>of</strong> women is declining. This is due to:<br />
● A re-patriachalisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> societies, pushing women from <strong>the</strong> public sphere and labour market (paid<br />
work) to <strong>the</strong> private sphere (family and child care);<br />
● High levels <strong>of</strong> bankruptcy leading to <strong>the</strong> dismissal <strong>of</strong> workers;<br />
● Increasing unemployment and flexibility <strong>of</strong> labour market;<br />
● Cuts in social services and public spending;<br />
● The abolishing <strong>of</strong> economic and social rights gained;<br />
● A reduction <strong>of</strong> workers’ rights and protection laws plus weakened trade unions;<br />
● The horizontal and vertical segregation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market;<br />
● The increasing shift <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour force, particularly <strong>of</strong> women, from a formal economy to informal<br />
economy;<br />
● The fact that women are more ready than men to accept unfavourable working conditions, <strong>of</strong>ten in <strong>the</strong><br />
informal economy.<br />
● Women have been excluded from <strong>the</strong> privatisation process: very few women are owners <strong>of</strong> enterprises;<br />
<strong>the</strong>y tend more <strong>of</strong>ten to be employees ra<strong>the</strong>r than employers.<br />
● Women own less land, and o<strong>the</strong>r assets.<br />
● Poverty is becoming increasingly feminised. Those most vulnerable to poverty such as self-supporting<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>rs, rural women, minority women, <strong>the</strong> elderly, Roma, housewives, are <strong>the</strong> least visible.<br />
● Women are <strong>of</strong>ten excluded, isolated or removed from decision making. This can be seen in <strong>the</strong> decreasing<br />
number <strong>of</strong> women in parliaments and in decision making positions. Women are also excluded from <strong>the</strong><br />
peace negotiations and stabilisation processes.<br />
● Discrimination and violence against women are both increasing. Despite <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> acquis<br />
international commitments to secure equal opportunities for women <strong>the</strong>se are not respected de facto. The<br />
principles <strong>of</strong> gender mainstreaming are widely acknowledged but implementation lags behind. Laws and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r measures are inadequate to eliminate discrimination and violence against women.<br />
● There is a lack <strong>of</strong> research on women’s position in society, <strong>the</strong>ir position in <strong>the</strong> labour market, <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong><br />
violence against women, and <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> economic and social policies on women’s livelihoods. In addition<br />
where data is available it is rarely gender disaggregated.<br />
● Gender sensitive budgeting does not exist or, as in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Serbia, has even been rejected.<br />
● Policy makers and <strong>the</strong> public lack gender awareness.<br />
Impact <strong>of</strong> EU legislation on gender equality issues<br />
The harmonisation <strong>of</strong> domestic legislation with EU legislation has been beneficial for women, as it has meant<br />
adopting and developing laws, legal measures and mechanisms for protecting women’s rights and empowering<br />
women. As part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU membership process, all <strong>the</strong> governments in <strong>the</strong> region have started to develop and set<br />
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The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe:<br />
up national machineries for advancement <strong>of</strong> women [4] and adopt laws on equal opportunities <strong>of</strong> both sexes [5] .<br />
The governments have set quotas for women’s political participation; and women’s concerns relating to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
position in <strong>the</strong> labour market and <strong>the</strong>ir access to resources are integrated into <strong>the</strong> Poverty Reduction Strategy<br />
Papers (PRSPs). In spite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se achievements, de facto gender equality is far from being realised. In all<br />
countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region, <strong>the</strong> governments give priority to <strong>the</strong> managing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic and political situation,<br />
with gender issues being a much lower priority. In addition, implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adopted legislation is slow and<br />
inconsistent.<br />
Recommendations for policy change<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions<br />
● To promote a human rights/women’s rights based approach to development, and to create a social Europe,<br />
not one focusing purely on pr<strong>of</strong>it and economic growth.<br />
● To analyse <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> EU policies on <strong>the</strong> neighbouring countries from gender and human rights<br />
perspective, and to develop policies that would create opportunities for economic development and well<br />
being for all people in all <strong>the</strong> European countries.<br />
● To take appropriate measures and develop a long-term policy aimed at promoting rule <strong>of</strong> law, gender<br />
equality, social justice and human rights in all <strong>the</strong> European countries, including <strong>the</strong> EU non-members<br />
countries, in order to build a new Europe without borders, wars, conflicts, poverty, unemployment etc. The<br />
achievement <strong>of</strong> this goal is not possible without <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> existing gap between <strong>the</strong> EU<br />
members and non-EU members.<br />
● To support comparative research/analysis <strong>of</strong> past accession processes and how <strong>the</strong> EU enlargement has<br />
influenced <strong>the</strong> neighbouring countries (looking at unemployment, poverty, migration <strong>of</strong> workers, living<br />
standard, cross-boarder crime and sex-trafficking, etc.). The EU also needs to look at how <strong>the</strong> isolation/<br />
exclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU neighbouring countries influence <strong>the</strong> EU (e.g. in terms <strong>of</strong> wage levels, labour markets,<br />
unemployment).<br />
● To include gender perspectives and gender assessments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU policies in all agreements and<br />
negotiations with <strong>the</strong> EU neighbouring countries.<br />
● To support and encourage women to put forward <strong>the</strong>ir candidacy for <strong>the</strong> European Parliament elections, and<br />
to promote women’s interethnic cooperation within parliamentarian and non-parliamentarian frameworks.<br />
● To develop corporate responsibility mechanisms that would oblige enterprises and corporations to protect<br />
human rights and provide safe working environments.<br />
● To urge governments in <strong>the</strong> EU neighbouring countries to interact with and support women’s NGOs and<br />
create sustainable national structures/mechanisms for <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
● To support national governments to implement and regularly assess gender mainstreaming policies,<br />
including gender budgeting as a tool for monitoring and assessing <strong>the</strong> differentiated impacts <strong>of</strong> EU policies<br />
on women and men, and for supporting gender equality objectives.<br />
● To establish a European agency on advancement <strong>of</strong> gender equality and women’s rights. This agency<br />
should have enforcement powers.<br />
● To take measures to engender macroeconomic and trade policy decision-making. This should include<br />
identifying <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> current policies and programmes on different groups <strong>of</strong> women and men;<br />
addressing gender power relations; and recognizing <strong>the</strong> care economy as a component <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formal<br />
economy.<br />
● To support national governments in Europe to stop <strong>the</strong> current negotiations in <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). The privatisation <strong>of</strong> social services and public goods will<br />
increase poverty in all EU and non-EU member states.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> national governments in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans<br />
● To include gender mainstreaming and gender equality issues in all domestic legislation.<br />
● To adopt and implement effective equal opportunity legislation. Sufficient financial support should be<br />
provided to support <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> this legislation.<br />
● To integrate gender issues into all national strategies (economic development, employment, poverty<br />
reduction, access to training, education, health, etc.), with special attention to <strong>the</strong> most vulnerable groups<br />
<strong>of</strong> women.<br />
● To develop a National Strategy for Advancement <strong>of</strong> Women based on commitments to <strong>the</strong> CEDAW, Beijing<br />
Platform for Action, ILO conventions and <strong>the</strong> EU directives and recommendations.<br />
● To secure adequate representation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> parliaments and decision making positions, as well as<br />
in <strong>the</strong> conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction.<br />
● To introduce and implement sex-disaggregated data in <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> economic, trade, social,<br />
pension, health, education etc. policies. To formulate indicators to measure gendered impact for reporting,<br />
monitoring and policy change.<br />
● To reject <strong>the</strong> transition model based merely on economic growth and pr<strong>of</strong>it; to avoid “copy-paste”<br />
programmes and strategies dictated by <strong>the</strong> International Financial Organisations in creating healthy<br />
environment for economic development and democratisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries, without taking into<br />
consideration <strong>the</strong> particular economic and political context and needs and interests <strong>of</strong> families, women and<br />
men.<br />
● To analyse <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> joining <strong>the</strong> EU from gender perspective.<br />
This infosheet was produced with <strong>the</strong> financial assistance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission, DG Education and Culture.<br />
The views expressed herein are those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author(s) and can <strong>the</strong>refore in no way be taken to reflect <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
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The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe:<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
[1] World Bank Group, 2004 World Development Indicators, 2004<br />
[2] Table 1: Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2003<br />
http://www.transparency.org/cpi/2003/cpi2003.en.html<br />
opinion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EC or <strong>of</strong> WIDE.<br />
[3] Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, The Road to Stability and Prosperity in South Eastern Europe - A<br />
Regional Strategy Paper, 1 March 2000. With <strong>the</strong> World Bank (WB) and cooperation with its main development<br />
partners in <strong>the</strong> region (European Commission (EC), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (ERBD),<br />
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), European Investment Bank (EIB), Council <strong>of</strong><br />
Europe and Council <strong>of</strong> Europe Development Bank) it looked at <strong>the</strong> speed <strong>of</strong> acceptance for trade integration with<br />
<strong>the</strong> EU was <strong>the</strong> SEE primary goal in moving forward.<br />
[4] For example, <strong>the</strong> Secretariat for Labour and Gender Equality at <strong>the</strong> Executive Council <strong>of</strong> Vojvodina, <strong>the</strong><br />
counselling body at <strong>the</strong> government <strong>of</strong> Serbia, <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice for gender equality in Montenegro.<br />
[5] For example, in <strong>the</strong> Serbian province <strong>of</strong> Vojvodina <strong>the</strong> provincial parliament has recently adopted a Declaration<br />
on Gender Equality.<br />
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The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union<br />
The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union -<br />
By Z<strong>of</strong>ia Lapniewska, NEWW-Polska. With <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> Raisa Sinelnikova, Counterpart Alliance for<br />
Partnership, Belarus; Shorena Dzotsenidze, Center for Women and Development, Georgia; Halyna Fedkovych,<br />
Women’s Perspective, and Oksana Kisselyova, PhD, Liberal Society Institute, Ukraine.<br />
Short description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region<br />
The Russian Federation and <strong>the</strong> fourteen Newly Independent States (NIS) - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia,<br />
Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Moldova, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan -<br />
form <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> EU neighbouring countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union (FSU). Three <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m -<br />
Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia - are already European Union (EU) member states. This report analyses <strong>the</strong> situation<br />
<strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> remaining eleven countries, with a special focus on Belarus, Georgia and Ukraine.<br />
Belarus Georgia Ukraine<br />
Population<br />
GDP per capita<br />
9.89 million 4.7 million 47.7 million<br />
(USD) (2003<br />
est.) [1]<br />
6.100 2.500 5.400<br />
World Trade<br />
Organization<br />
(WTO)<br />
membership<br />
status [2]<br />
EU relationships<br />
Foreign Direct<br />
Investment (FDI)<br />
inflows<br />
Observer status since<br />
September 1993.<br />
The EU-Belarus<br />
relations are regulated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> 1997 General<br />
Affairs Council<br />
conclusions [3] on<br />
Belarus.<br />
84 million Euro (0,7<br />
percent <strong>of</strong> GDP) [4]<br />
Member since June 2000.<br />
EU-Georgia cooperation:<br />
<strong>the</strong> EU will aim at ensuring<br />
a coordinated use <strong>of</strong> all<br />
available policy and<br />
assistance instruments and<br />
focus on three key areas:<br />
(1) Promoting rule <strong>of</strong> law,<br />
good governance and<br />
respect for human rights<br />
and democratic institutions,<br />
(2) Reducing poverty,<br />
targeting assistance to <strong>the</strong><br />
most vulnerable groups,<br />
especially in rural areas, (3)<br />
Enhancing stability and<br />
security through confidence<br />
building measures aimed at<br />
<strong>the</strong> prevention and<br />
settlement <strong>of</strong> internal<br />
conflicts and actions in<br />
favour <strong>of</strong> affected<br />
populations.<br />
Unemployment level 2.7% (2002) (women 1.69%) 17% (2001 est.) [1] (women<br />
11.80%)<br />
Overview on common macroeconomic tendencies<br />
Observer status since<br />
November 1993.<br />
EU relations with Ukraine<br />
are based on <strong>the</strong><br />
Partnership and Cooperation<br />
Agreement (PCA)<br />
which entered into force in<br />
1998 for an initial period <strong>of</strong><br />
ten years, and on <strong>the</strong> EU’s<br />
Common Strategy <strong>of</strong> 1999.<br />
Technical assistance has<br />
been provided since <strong>the</strong><br />
early 1990s in support <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> transition process<br />
towards democracy and<br />
market economy, through<br />
<strong>the</strong> TACIS programme.<br />
Ukraine has been<br />
considered a priority<br />
partner country within <strong>the</strong><br />
European Neighbourhood<br />
Policy (ENP). [5]<br />
USD 165.4 million (4,9% <strong>of</strong> GDP) USD 693.0 million (1,6% <strong>of</strong> GDP)<br />
3.7% (2003) [1] (women 2.53%)<br />
The transition from centrally planned to market-based economies was based on privatisation, liberalisation and a<br />
streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> financial and tax discipline <strong>of</strong> companies. These changes had serious implications for <strong>the</strong><br />
redistribution <strong>of</strong> resources and budgetary spending. Price increases and an increase in foreign debt put pressure<br />
on national budgets resulting in cuts in public expenditures - including in health, education and family related<br />
benefits. The transition process had significant social impacts including destabilising <strong>the</strong> labour market and<br />
creating a class <strong>of</strong> so-called “new poor”. In one decade (1988-1998) <strong>the</strong> poverty rate in Central and Eastern<br />
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The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union<br />
Europe (CEE) and <strong>the</strong> NIS region increased by 19% and now <strong>the</strong> percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population living below <strong>the</strong><br />
poverty line is 27% in Ukraine and 54% in Georgia [6] . The present economic conditions have forced many<br />
unemployed people to emigrate - most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se have been women. Over <strong>the</strong> last 13 years <strong>the</strong> Georgian<br />
population decreased by 20% and various estimates state that today between 3 to 7 millions Ukrainians are<br />
working in foreign countries. Ano<strong>the</strong>r significant trend is <strong>the</strong> shift from formal to informal work. According to a<br />
World Bank survey informal work in Belarus generates 48.1% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gross national income. The shadow economy,<br />
corruption and smuggling form critical obstacles to democratisation in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
Gender equality - Common characteristic in <strong>the</strong> region<br />
In spite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic and political differences, one common feature <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> countries in <strong>the</strong> region -<br />
supported by a wide range <strong>of</strong> research and data [7] - is <strong>the</strong> worsening position <strong>of</strong> women and <strong>the</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and political rights. The reasons for this deteriorating situation include:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Women shifting from <strong>the</strong> public sphere to <strong>the</strong> private sphere, to traditional gender roles within<br />
<strong>the</strong> family and <strong>the</strong> household.<br />
A revival <strong>of</strong> patriarchal values and prejudices against women have led to this shift. The changes in practices<br />
and attitudes are fur<strong>the</strong>r discussed below.<br />
The increased vulnerability <strong>of</strong> women to poverty.<br />
The adverse economic and social conditions in <strong>the</strong> countries have particularly affected women, who today<br />
constitute <strong>the</strong> largest number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor, powerless and disenfranchised. The region has experienced <strong>the</strong><br />
rising feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty and unemployment, as well as increased prostitution and trafficking in women<br />
and children within and across borders. Women are more vulnerable to poverty as <strong>the</strong>ir reproductive and<br />
family responsibilities increase (as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reduction in social services and cuts in social budgets)<br />
and as <strong>the</strong>y lack opportunities to participate in formal economic activities. The most vulnerable are single<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>rs, divorced women with children, rural women, elderly single women, disabled women, mo<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
having disabled children, and unemployed women. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> economic and social position <strong>of</strong> women<br />
has worsened as discrimination increases, as <strong>the</strong>y are excluded from decision-making, and because<br />
ownership <strong>of</strong> assets by women is very low. During <strong>the</strong> Soviet period Ukrainian women held very few partyleadership<br />
positions or managerial positions. <strong>On</strong>ce privatisation began, this meant that men inevitably<br />
ended up controlling more assets than women. Women in Ukraine own no more than 5-7% <strong>of</strong> privatised<br />
assets. The share <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market is declining. Women continue to be seen as secondary<br />
income earners partly because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir domestic and care roles. In 1994-2000 women made up 80% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
discharged workers in Ukraine [8]. The negative effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic structural adjustments pushed<br />
women out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formal labour market into <strong>the</strong> informal economy and into <strong>the</strong>ir own, mostly small,<br />
enterprises. In Belarus for example, more than 60% <strong>of</strong> shuttle traders and street vendors are women. In<br />
Belarus women can legally become entrepreneurs, as can men. However, this opportunity is rarely taken<br />
up. Women own only 5% <strong>of</strong> small and medium enterprises (SME); <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten have less start-up capital<br />
than men, and <strong>the</strong>y have limited access to finance and credit for business operations and expansion. It is<br />
even more difficult for women in rural areas to own <strong>the</strong>ir own business.<br />
Increased discrimination and horizontal and vertical segregation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> economic<br />
sphere.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong>ir relatively higher education (more than 57% <strong>of</strong> working Ukrainian women and 58.5% <strong>of</strong><br />
Belarusian women have higher education), women are still discriminated against in <strong>the</strong> labour market and<br />
face more difficulties than men in accessing stable and well paid jobs. In Ukraine, despite <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
equal pay for both sexes is guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> Constitution and <strong>the</strong> Labour Code, <strong>the</strong> average nominal<br />
salary <strong>of</strong> women is 17% less than <strong>the</strong> average salary <strong>of</strong> total labour force, and constitutes only 65% <strong>of</strong><br />
men’s salary. In Belarus <strong>the</strong> ratio <strong>of</strong> female to male monthly earnings is 80.9%. Georgian wages <strong>of</strong><br />
employed women in total are more than 1.5 times less than men, and <strong>the</strong> proportion remains <strong>the</strong> same for<br />
<strong>the</strong> average net income <strong>of</strong> self-employed women/men. The gender wage gap is a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
concentration <strong>of</strong> women working in low paid sectors, <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> women in top management positions, and<br />
discrimination through lower pay for equal value work. This demonstrates that high female participation<br />
rates are not sufficient to guarantee gender equality in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> a patriarchal society where caring<br />
activities remain primarily <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> women, and where women continue to be seen as secondary<br />
income earners.<br />
Under-representation in politics and decision making positions.<br />
Women are underrepresented and even excluded at all policy levels. In Belarus, although 62.8% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
employees in governmental bodies are women, only 10.4% hold management-level positions. The cabinet<br />
includes only 7.3% women, while in <strong>the</strong> legislature <strong>the</strong>re are 23.7% women. In Georgia, <strong>the</strong> situation is<br />
similar with women now holding only 22 out <strong>of</strong> 230 seats in Parliament. This is a very slow rise from <strong>the</strong> 14<br />
women that held seats in 1995. In Ukraine women represent 75% <strong>of</strong> civil servants but <strong>the</strong>re are very few<br />
women in senior positions. And when women do rise into management positions, <strong>the</strong>y tend to be at <strong>the</strong><br />
lower levels <strong>of</strong> management • 68% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> managers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lowest category are female, only 7% <strong>of</strong> womenmanagers<br />
can be found in <strong>the</strong> highest category.<br />
Reforms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social security scheme, cuts in social services, health, public services,<br />
privatisation <strong>of</strong> health institutions, childcare institutions.<br />
Ukraine has undertaken significant restructuring <strong>of</strong> its social security programs with resultant negative<br />
impacts on women. Following <strong>the</strong> requirements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structural adjustment programmes, welfare state<br />
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●<br />
institutions and provisions were adjusted to be ‘compatible with a market economy environment’. As a<br />
result, <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> public pre-school childcare institutions have been closed or sold and women are now<br />
facing difficulties combining work and mo<strong>the</strong>rhood. Private childcare is inaccessible for many families as it is<br />
unaffordable, state childcare allowance stays miserably low and as a consequence, women are forced to<br />
stay at home and take care <strong>of</strong> children. Since 1994 national expenditures on <strong>the</strong> public health sector in<br />
Ukraine have been cut at least four times, making medical and health services less accessible for many<br />
people, particularly for unemployed, poor, rural, and elderly women. The shift to a chargeable healthcare<br />
system has created overwhelming difficulties for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population; <strong>the</strong> tariffs for medical<br />
services <strong>of</strong>ten exceed <strong>the</strong> family budget; and access to free medical services is limited. As a result, <strong>the</strong><br />
morbidity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population has rapidly risen in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
Lack <strong>of</strong> legislation on gender equality and protection from discrimination, accompanied by a lack<br />
<strong>of</strong> effective mechanisms for monitoring and implementation.<br />
The countries within <strong>the</strong> region differ with regard to <strong>the</strong>ir formal acceptance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong><br />
Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and <strong>the</strong> (non)existence <strong>of</strong> National<br />
Action Plans (NAP) and machineries for <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> women. What <strong>the</strong>y do have in common,<br />
however, is a large gap between <strong>the</strong> declared de jure and <strong>the</strong> de facto gender equality. Ukraine is signatory<br />
to <strong>the</strong> CEDAW, but does not have a NAP based on <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA). While many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
provisions in <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian Constitution are designed to be favourable for women, <strong>the</strong>y are in fact<br />
discriminatory. Civil servants in <strong>the</strong> state employment centres and departments <strong>of</strong> family and youth lack an<br />
understanding <strong>of</strong> gender issues and <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> gender equality. In addition, <strong>the</strong>y lack <strong>the</strong> necessary<br />
legal provisions to support <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> discrimination against women. Belarus is not a signatory to a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> key international human rights conventions, but has recently signed <strong>the</strong> CEDAW. Gender<br />
segregation in <strong>the</strong> labour market is reinforced by <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> equal opportunity legislation. However,<br />
national mechanisms have been put in place to implement a policy for ensuring gender equality and <strong>the</strong><br />
elimination <strong>of</strong> discrimination against women, and a NAP has been drafted.<br />
Recommendations for policy change<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
To develop mechanisms to facilitate <strong>the</strong> sharing <strong>of</strong> best practices (within EU member countries and with<br />
countries and institutions outside <strong>the</strong> EU) to illustrate where gender equality has played a significant role in<br />
addressing poverty and social exclusion.<br />
To facilitate a common framework for <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> gender equality. This should include training,<br />
learning and creating long-term strategies based on core values, knowledge and skills.<br />
To ensure that EU-supported projects implemented in <strong>the</strong> region are based on gender equality and that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y take necessary measures to reduce gender disparities and promote equal opportunities.<br />
To assist national governments to develop employment and social policies based on <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Employment Strategy and <strong>the</strong> European Social Policy.<br />
To assist with projects focussing on development, not only on humanitarian aid.<br />
To facilitate <strong>the</strong> closer collaboration between (national and local) governments and non-governmental,<br />
grassroots and community-based organisations in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> national governments and institutions:<br />
● To adopt a Law on Equal Opportunities <strong>of</strong> Both Sexes; to integrate gender equality in all legislation; to<br />
adopt and/or develop National Action Plans for <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> women followed by effective<br />
implementation and monitoring measures, including affirmative actions.<br />
● To promote equal opportunities <strong>of</strong> women and men via <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> national gender machineries at<br />
national, regional and local levels.<br />
● To introduce and implement affirmative actions programmes and policies aimed at increasing <strong>the</strong><br />
participation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> national parliaments, <strong>the</strong> governments and <strong>the</strong> ministries, <strong>the</strong> judiciary, and<br />
local decision making bodies, as well as eliminating obstacles for <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> women in all spheres<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public life.<br />
● To make efforts to raise gender awareness <strong>of</strong> state <strong>of</strong>ficials and <strong>the</strong> judiciary through education and<br />
training, financially supported by <strong>the</strong> state; to improve and promote <strong>the</strong> court system as a mechanism <strong>of</strong><br />
protection from discrimination.<br />
● To make efforts to harmonise domestic legislation with EU legislation; to integrate <strong>the</strong> EU gender equality<br />
directives into domestic legislation and policies.<br />
● To conduct and financially support an analysis, in cooperation with NGOs and business representatives, <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> main constraints to economic development and gender equality; to initiate a public dialogue on key<br />
findings and develop a framework for state action over <strong>the</strong> next three years to be monitored by <strong>the</strong> EU<br />
institutions and national NGOs.<br />
● To fund women's economic development initiatives aimed at developing economic strategies and<br />
opportunities for women.<br />
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● To stop <strong>the</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r abolishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social welfare system and cuts in public spending in <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong><br />
education, health, child care, and o<strong>the</strong>r social services; to develop a social care system, including <strong>the</strong><br />
improvement <strong>of</strong> state pre-school childcare systems at <strong>the</strong> local level; to take efforts to stabilise <strong>the</strong><br />
economies by reviewing <strong>the</strong> budgetary allocations and improving <strong>the</strong> tax system, instead <strong>of</strong> cutting<br />
spending for social services.<br />
● To review, control and limit <strong>the</strong> liberalisation and privatisation <strong>of</strong> social services and public goods.<br />
● To change <strong>the</strong> taxation law to take into account <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> children in a family; and to provide statefunded<br />
financial compensation for working mo<strong>the</strong>rs for childcare services.<br />
This infosheet was produced with <strong>the</strong> financial assistance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission, DG Education and Culture.<br />
The views expressed herein are those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author(s) and can <strong>the</strong>refore in no way be taken to reflect <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
opinion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EC or <strong>of</strong> WIDE.<br />
Women in Development Europe (WIDE) ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
-----------------------------------------<br />
[1] The World Factbook: www.cia.gov.<br />
[2] WTO Statistics Database: www.wto.org<br />
[3] More information on EU-Belarus relations is available on <strong>the</strong> European Commission website:<br />
http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/belarus/intro/index.htm.<br />
[4] Country Strategy Paper National Indicative Programme, Belarus 2005-2006, Adopted by <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Commission on 28 May 2004:<br />
http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/belarus/csp/csp05_06.pdf.<br />
[5] For more information: http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/ukraine/intro/index.htm.<br />
[6] Country Strategy Paper 2002-2006, National Indicative Programme 2002-2003, Ukraine.<br />
[7] UNECE, Economic Survey for Europe 2003 no. 1, ‘Some aspects <strong>of</strong> labour market performance in Eastern<br />
Europe and CIS, Geneva, 2003; UNECE, Employability Policies in <strong>the</strong> Transition Countries: Issues, Good Practices,<br />
and Policy Options, Regional Symposium on Mainstreaming Gender into Economic Policies, 28-30 January 2004,<br />
Geneva; Dokmanovic, M. (ed.), Transition, Privatisation, and Women, WCDHR, Subotica, 2002.<br />
[8] <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Watch report, 2003: “Women’s Work: Discrimination Against Women in <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian Labour<br />
Force”<br />
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Short description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region<br />
The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Candidate Countries -<br />
By Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D.<br />
with <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> Plamenka Markova, Ph.D. and Genoveva Tisheva,<br />
Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria<br />
The European Union (EU) membership candidate countries are Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m<br />
are situated in South Eastern Europe (SEE) but <strong>the</strong>y are culturally, economically and socially very different. This<br />
paper does not examine Turkey as it is at a very different stage with respect to membership <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU. As a part<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> accession process <strong>the</strong>se countries will take on board a different set <strong>of</strong> values, commonly included in <strong>the</strong><br />
concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Social Model, with its emphasis on employment, equality, social protection and social<br />
dialogue.<br />
Bulgaria: Population: 7.8 million; Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita <strong>of</strong> USD 2.538. Bulgaria lags far<br />
behind EU countries, including <strong>the</strong> new member states, in per capita GDP with an average monthly income <strong>of</strong> 120<br />
Euro. The discrepancy between economic growth and living standards in Bulgaria is obvious. Bulgaria’s corruption<br />
index has risen from 2.9 in 1998 (compared to 4.6 for Poland; 5.0 for Hungary and 3.0 for Romania [1]) to 4.1.<br />
Since November 2002, when Bulgaria was invited to join <strong>the</strong> NATO, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has increased<br />
four times and is expected to be 2.5 billion Euro in 2004.<br />
Croatia: Population: 4.7 millions.<br />
Romania: Population: 22.41 million.<br />
Turkey: Population: 67.8 million.<br />
All four countries candidate countries are members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization (WTO).<br />
Overview on common macroeconomic tendencies<br />
Romania and Bulgaria began <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> transition to <strong>the</strong> market economy at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 1980s. Croatia’s<br />
process <strong>of</strong> transition was delayed by several years due to armed conflicts and <strong>the</strong> break up <strong>of</strong> former Yugoslavia.<br />
All three countries show a trend <strong>of</strong> high growth for this last period. The average growth <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> eight SEE<br />
countries is 5.1 % for 2003 and 4.5% for 2004 [2]- but <strong>the</strong>ir GDP is still much lower than in o<strong>the</strong>r EU member<br />
states. The real GDP per capita for 2002 for <strong>the</strong> all <strong>the</strong> eight SEE countries was USD 6.372,50 compared to USD<br />
26.047 for <strong>the</strong> fifteen old member states and USD 11.906,10 for <strong>the</strong> new member states.<br />
Bulgaria and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r candidate countries (excluding Turkey) have many common characteristics. This has<br />
allowed us to draw many conclusions and arguments for <strong>the</strong> region based on information from and <strong>the</strong> experience<br />
<strong>of</strong> Bulgaria.<br />
Bulgaria joined <strong>the</strong> WTO as <strong>of</strong> 1 December 1996 and has signed onto every multilateral trade agreement annexed<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Marrakech Agreement from <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> accession, without recourse to a transitional period. The country has<br />
also accepted as a single undertaking <strong>the</strong> three major agreements - <strong>the</strong> General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs<br />
(GATT), <strong>the</strong> General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and Trade-Related Aspects <strong>of</strong> Intellectual Property<br />
<strong>Rights</strong> (TRIPS). Prior to this, until 1991, Bulgaria belonged to <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong> Mutual Economic Assistance<br />
(COMECON) and practised state monopolisation <strong>of</strong> foreign trade. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and <strong>the</strong><br />
World Bank (WB), as in many o<strong>the</strong>r countries, promoted trade liberalisation as an essential element <strong>of</strong> Bulgaria’s<br />
structural reform and financial stabilisation package.<br />
Facing <strong>the</strong> challenge <strong>of</strong> deregulation and abandoning <strong>the</strong> socialist planning and centralised system, <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian<br />
government took too long to find a form <strong>of</strong> regulation that would stimulate competition and as a result enterprises<br />
have been exposed to <strong>the</strong> chaos <strong>of</strong> a hazardous post-communist market. Bulgaria’s difficulties have been<br />
compounded because it joined <strong>the</strong> WTO as a developed country, which meant that structural reforms had to be<br />
conducted in a framework <strong>of</strong> fully liberalised markets and exposure to strong international competition. Trade<br />
liberalisation can only correct trade imbalances and reduce foreign debt if <strong>the</strong> national economy is healthy and<br />
competitive. Instead, <strong>the</strong> unrealistic terms on which Bulgaria joined <strong>the</strong> WTO have jeopardised <strong>the</strong> country’s<br />
structural reforms and <strong>the</strong>y have had a negative impact on crucial sectors <strong>of</strong> economy, in particular industry.<br />
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Shortly before joining <strong>the</strong> WTO Bulgaria began <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> EU accession, which has also entailed structural<br />
reforms in order to comply with EU standards. The establishment <strong>of</strong> a free market economy is a core EU<br />
requirement for a country and its citizens to be able to operate within <strong>the</strong> liberal European market. The positive<br />
aspect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU accession for Bulgaria is that <strong>the</strong> process imposes high environmental and social, including<br />
gender, standards. The Bulgarian government has had to respond to <strong>the</strong> double challenge from <strong>the</strong> EU and <strong>the</strong><br />
WTO <strong>of</strong> carrying out structural reforms and raising social and environmental standards.<br />
The Bulgarian government is now involved in a complex dual process. In its pursuit <strong>of</strong> liberalisation as required by<br />
GATS, <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian government has had to provide extensive market access to foreign suppliers <strong>of</strong> services in<br />
sectors, such as business, research and development, information technology, transport and tourist services. But<br />
because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU accession, <strong>the</strong> government is bound to a large extent by <strong>the</strong> common trade policy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Union,<br />
and <strong>the</strong>refore has had to harmonise its position regarding <strong>the</strong> liberalisation <strong>of</strong> trade in services with that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
EU.<br />
EU accession, economic restructuring and liberalisation [3]and <strong>the</strong>ir impact on gender equality<br />
Structural reform, privatisation, attracting FDI and accession to <strong>the</strong> EU in 2007 are <strong>the</strong> main priorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Bulgarian government - but <strong>the</strong> government is not taking into consideration <strong>the</strong> negative effects <strong>of</strong> globalisation<br />
on social protection, especially among vulnerable groups (women, young people, pensioners). Armed conflicts in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkans and financial constraints related to structural adjustment programmes have negatively affected <strong>the</strong><br />
ability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> previous and <strong>the</strong> current governments <strong>of</strong> Bulgaria to promote social development through better<br />
safety nets.<br />
Unemployment is a main concern <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region [4]despite clear signs <strong>of</strong> improvement in Bulgaria and Romania.<br />
SEE countries have seen a deterioration in employment security and social protection. Employment growth and<br />
quality remain core issues to be addressed. Gender discrimination is ano<strong>the</strong>r serious issue - women still encounter<br />
greater difficulties than men in securing decent work with equal wages; in obtaining adequate social protection;<br />
and in being able to participate in social dialogue. Unemployment <strong>of</strong>ten affects women more acutely than men and<br />
gender segregation in employment is widespread, with women tending to be concentrated in low-paid occupations<br />
and sectors. The employment rate <strong>of</strong> women in Bulgaria (38.4 % compared to 46.8% <strong>of</strong> men in 2003) is still far<br />
from <strong>the</strong> ambitious goals set at <strong>the</strong> Lisbon Summit. From <strong>the</strong> first quarter <strong>of</strong> 2004 to September 2004<br />
unemployment rate fell from 13.3% to 11.74%. Despite that, <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State Employment<br />
Agency shows that from 1990 women’s unemployment is higher than men’s.<br />
Bulgaria does not receive funding from EU programmes such as PHARE [5]for gender equality issues and no<br />
accession funds have been allocated to gender issues [6]. At <strong>the</strong> same time Bulgaria’s domestic labour, social<br />
security and non-discrimination laws have been harmonized with <strong>the</strong> European Community law, including<br />
directives regulating equal opportunities for men and women and gender issues, such as non-discrimination based<br />
on gender, equal remuneration <strong>of</strong> men and women, elimination <strong>of</strong> sexual harassment at <strong>the</strong> work place as well as<br />
paid and unpaid parental leave for both parents or grand parents [7]. Formally <strong>the</strong> government is able to declare<br />
compliance with <strong>the</strong> EU standards <strong>of</strong> gender equality. However, NGOs and trade unions have revealed gross<br />
violations in all sectors, especially in relation to <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> equal remuneration especially as this relates to<br />
private small and medium size companies. Problems <strong>of</strong> enforcement and implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adopted new<br />
labour and anti-discrimination legislations are common for all <strong>the</strong> countries under review.<br />
The negative consequences <strong>of</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> formerly state-owned property and liberalisation <strong>of</strong> public services<br />
have led to <strong>the</strong> violation <strong>of</strong> labour and social security legislation by both Bulgarian and foreign investors. Such<br />
violations include low salaries, forced and unpaid overtime, non payment <strong>of</strong> social and health security instalments<br />
by <strong>the</strong> employer, etc.<br />
“Podkrepa” Labour Confederation estimates that around 65% <strong>of</strong> Bulgaria’s population live in moderate to serious<br />
poverty. The trade union states that <strong>the</strong> most vulnerable groups in <strong>the</strong> current economic situation are families<br />
with children, long-term unemployed, old people and <strong>the</strong> disabled. Muslims and <strong>the</strong> Roma also find it very difficult<br />
to meet even <strong>the</strong>ir basic needs for physical survival. And poverty is growing among women-headed households<br />
which comprise 21.4% <strong>of</strong> households in Bulgaria and <strong>the</strong>ir number continues to increase partly because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
higher life expectancy <strong>of</strong> women. Of women-headed households, 64.9% live in absolute poverty and <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
poorer than male-headed households. For women, balancing <strong>the</strong>ir roles as breadwinners and primary caretakers<br />
has become especially difficult. As state support for families shrinks, especially for single mo<strong>the</strong>rs, more<br />
responsibility is shifted to individuals, who, in turn, appear to rely more heavily on kinship systems and local<br />
support networks.<br />
The average monthly earnings for women as a share <strong>of</strong> male earnings in Bulgaria in <strong>the</strong> public sector is around<br />
69%. The government claims that women earn less because <strong>the</strong>y have different levels <strong>of</strong> education and<br />
qualifications and <strong>the</strong>y accrue shorter working records, <strong>of</strong>ten as a result <strong>of</strong> family responsibilities. All major<br />
amendments to <strong>the</strong> Labour Code in <strong>the</strong> past four years are reported to be in response to a need to increase labour<br />
market flexibility, but it is <strong>the</strong> women that have been most adversely affected.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> transition period differences in opportunities and income levels became more pronounced and had a<br />
negative effect on <strong>the</strong> social and economic status <strong>of</strong> women. Women traditionally have had very limited access to<br />
financial resources for independent economic activity and today <strong>the</strong>re are no targeted programmes or affirmative<br />
action policies to increase <strong>the</strong> access <strong>of</strong> women to credit or finance to try and narrow <strong>the</strong> gap.<br />
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Opportunities to acquire industrial or real estate property or to make any pr<strong>of</strong>its apart from salaries were<br />
restricted in socialist times. As a result <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> Bulgarian citizens lack <strong>the</strong> financial means to participate<br />
actively in <strong>the</strong> case-by-case cash privatisation. Lack <strong>of</strong> clear, consistent regulations and control over <strong>the</strong><br />
privatisation process has meant effectively that privatisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> existing state and municipally owned assets<br />
has occurred behind closed doors and in a very un-transparent manner.<br />
To sum up, trade liberalisation and related structural adjustment policies in Bulgaria have resulted in:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Substantial impoverishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population. Despite <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> specific gender disaggregated data, it is<br />
clear that women are more likely to be victims <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />
Substantial loss <strong>of</strong> social benefits for women during <strong>the</strong> transition period.<br />
A number <strong>of</strong> budget constraints that combined with fur<strong>the</strong>r liberalisation has resulted in a new social<br />
security system with built-in inequalities.<br />
Job insecurity, unemployment, systematic and in some cases gross violations <strong>of</strong> employment rights and<br />
gender discrimination, as well as a rise in female participation in <strong>the</strong> informal economy.<br />
The privatisation <strong>of</strong> basic services. Women are more adversely affected by <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> basic<br />
services as <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> main beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> services as health, social security, social assistance and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
social services.<br />
Gender equality legislative and mechanisms<br />
Well-functioning and transparent regulations and institutions have not been established in Bulgaria: <strong>the</strong><br />
ombudsperson for equal opportunities was not supported by <strong>the</strong> Parliament Act on equal opportunities; a<br />
commission against discrimination was not included under <strong>the</strong> Act on Protection against Discrimination (in force<br />
since 1 January 2004); and <strong>the</strong> envisioned consultative body on gender equality - <strong>the</strong> consultative council on<br />
equal opportunities - was not approved by <strong>the</strong> government.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> Employment Agency has started <strong>the</strong> project ‘Back to work’ for <strong>the</strong> period 2003-04 aimed at<br />
promoting real gender equality through interim affirmative measures for access to employment [8]. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
projects incorporating affirmative actions include <strong>the</strong> ‘New pr<strong>of</strong>essional qualification in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> information<br />
technologies and computer networks’ [9]and <strong>the</strong> ‘Promotion <strong>of</strong> independent economic activities <strong>of</strong> women in child<br />
care services’ [10] . These projects should be evaluated as a first step to articulate a unified strategy on gender<br />
equality in Bulgaria. During 2004, <strong>the</strong> first EU funded governmental project was implemented in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong><br />
gender mainstreaming. In addition, a special unit on equal opportunities was created in <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Labour and<br />
Social Policy.<br />
Romania and Croatia are fur<strong>the</strong>r ahead on gender equality in terms <strong>of</strong> legislation and institutional frameworks.<br />
Both countries have gender equality acts. Romania adopted a National Action Plan for equal opportunities in 2000<br />
and established a commission for equal opportunities within <strong>the</strong> Economic and Social Council. Croatia has a<br />
deputy ombudsperson on equal opportunities and a national <strong>of</strong>fice on equal opportunities. In addition a<br />
commission on gender equality was established in <strong>the</strong> government, which approved a National Policy for<br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> gender equality. Despite this institutional progress, <strong>the</strong> effectiveness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se bodies need to be<br />
improved and <strong>the</strong> level resources allocated to <strong>the</strong>m need to be increased.<br />
Conclusions<br />
The Bulgarian government would like us to believe that its sole priority is <strong>the</strong> harmonisation <strong>of</strong> domestic<br />
legislation on equal opportunities for men and women with EU standards. However, it ignores <strong>the</strong> obligation to<br />
take measures, including affirmative action interim measures, to guarantee <strong>the</strong> real equality <strong>of</strong> opportunities for<br />
men and women. Transposing <strong>the</strong> acquis communautaire in Bulgarian domestic legislation is not enough to<br />
declare that gender equality objectives have been reached in Bulgaria, and that <strong>the</strong> state has no fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
obligations to promote and protect gender equality through state policy and programmes initiated and funded by<br />
state agencies. The above mentioned projects are not enough to promote an integral strategy on equality and<br />
equal opportunities for women and men. In order to guarantee proper implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new standards,<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capacities <strong>of</strong> labour administration is needed, particularly a mechanism for labour<br />
inspection and a properly functioning and effective legal system.<br />
Recommendations for policy change<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
●<br />
The EU institutions should monitor closely <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new adopted standards on gender<br />
equality and exert pressure on <strong>the</strong> government in <strong>the</strong> region to adopt a consistent gender equality policy<br />
and gender mainstreaming approach.<br />
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To <strong>the</strong> national governments:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Institutional mechanisms for gender equality should be established. Where <strong>the</strong>y already exist, guarantees<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir effectiveness should be given and <strong>the</strong>y should be supported by appropriate and sufficient personal<br />
and financial resources.<br />
Additional budgetary resources should be allocated to monitor <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> liberalisation and EU accession<br />
on gender equality.<br />
This infosheet was produced with <strong>the</strong> financial assistance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission, DG Education and Culture.<br />
The views expressed herein are those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author(s) and can <strong>the</strong>refore in no way be taken to reflect <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
opinion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EC or <strong>of</strong> WIDE.<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
---------------------------------------------<br />
[1] The higher <strong>the</strong> index, <strong>the</strong> lower <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> corruption in <strong>the</strong> country. For example, <strong>the</strong> three top countries –<br />
that is, those with <strong>the</strong> lowest levels <strong>of</strong> corruption - are Finland – 9.7, New Zealand – 9.6 and Denmark -9.5.<br />
[2] For comparison <strong>the</strong> growth in <strong>the</strong> 15 EU countries for <strong>the</strong> same period is respectively. 0.8% and 2 %. Source:<br />
UNECE 2004.<br />
[3] For this part information is from: Genoveva Tisheva, Irina Moulechkova. “Structural Reform versus Social<br />
Development”, Social Watch, N 4/2000; Genoveva Tisheva, Plamenka Markova, Irina Moulechkova “European<br />
Union: Opportunity or Marginalisation”, Social Watch, N 5, 2001; “Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! or A case study on<br />
<strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> GATS in Bulgaria, A BGRF – WIDE publication, 2004.<br />
[4] For 2002 <strong>the</strong> unemployment rate for 7 SEE (without Turkey) is 17.2 %, compared to 7.7% for <strong>the</strong> old member<br />
states and 14.8 % for <strong>the</strong> new member states. Source: European Commission<br />
[5] The PHARE programme is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three pre-accession instruments financed by <strong>the</strong> EU to assist applicant<br />
countries <strong>of</strong> Central and Eastern Europe in <strong>the</strong>ir preparations for joining <strong>the</strong> EU.<br />
[6] Information received from <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Labour and Social Policy, Division for Equal Treatment <strong>of</strong> Men and<br />
Women in Labour Market.<br />
[7] For <strong>the</strong> first time parental leave for both parents has been introduced.<br />
[8] http://www.az.government.bg/elmnt1/el_16/Proekti/Project%201.htm<br />
[9] http://www.az.government.bg/elmnt1/el_16/ProjPCWom.htm.<br />
[10] http://www.az.government.bg/elmnt1/el_16/Proekti/Project_2.htm.<br />
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The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe:<br />
What Considerations for Gender Equality?<br />
- EU Central and Eastern European New Member States -<br />
By Anita Seibert and Kinga Lohmann, Karat Coalition, Poland.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> Jana Javornik,<br />
Institute for Macroeconomic Analyses and Development, Social Analyses and Development Department,<br />
Slovenia<br />
Short description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region<br />
Eight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ten new European Union (EU) member states that joined <strong>the</strong> European Union on 1 May 2004 are from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Central and Eastern European (CEE) states: <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland,<br />
Slovakia, and Slovenia. Basic economic indicators show some significant differences between <strong>the</strong> countries. The<br />
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita ranges from USD 7.809 (Latvia) to USD 17.762 (Slovenia). This is still is<br />
below <strong>the</strong> GDP level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘old’ EU member states. Before rising to <strong>the</strong> current level, GDP in all <strong>the</strong> countries in<br />
<strong>the</strong> region dropped significantly during <strong>the</strong> 1990s. In <strong>the</strong> early 1990s <strong>the</strong> inflation rates increased dramatically<br />
and came under control only in 2000. All CEE states are members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization (WTO).<br />
Macroeconomic overview<br />
The CEE countries share a common economic history <strong>of</strong> being centrally controlled until <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s -<br />
including wages, prices <strong>of</strong> goods and services, and real estate, followed by <strong>the</strong> subsidisation <strong>of</strong> a great range <strong>of</strong><br />
goods and services (and hence those goods were relatively affordable). At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s, <strong>the</strong> process<br />
<strong>of</strong> political, social and economic transition led to <strong>the</strong> privatisation <strong>of</strong> state assets and <strong>the</strong> integration into <strong>the</strong><br />
global capitalist market. The countries applied a variety <strong>of</strong> privatisation strategies from a gradualist approach<br />
(Slovenia, Hungary and Czech Republic) to shock <strong>the</strong>rapy (Poland). Price and wage liberalisation followed. The<br />
transition to <strong>the</strong> market economy has eliminated <strong>the</strong> shortage <strong>of</strong> goods and ‘alternative’ economies, led to <strong>the</strong><br />
disappearance <strong>of</strong> about 10-30% <strong>of</strong> jobs, and resulted in <strong>the</strong> erosion <strong>of</strong> services such as childcare and social<br />
protection related to mo<strong>the</strong>rhood. These countries are now characterised by mass unemployment, poverty, and<br />
economic inequality between <strong>the</strong> ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ in a region accustomed to relative equality.<br />
Foreign capital flowed into <strong>the</strong> region following privatisation. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a<br />
significant role in <strong>the</strong> economic development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries [1]. While FDI rates vary between each country in<br />
<strong>the</strong> region, in early 2000 <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic, Hungary and Estonia had <strong>the</strong> highest rates in <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> socio-economic changes was <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> a capitalist class. Unfortunately few<br />
women managed to join this class and <strong>of</strong> those that did most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m gained access to assets through family<br />
connections (as wives or daughters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘new’ capitalists) ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>n independently. For example in Hungary in<br />
2004 only 3 women were listed among <strong>the</strong> top 100 richest Hungarians. In Poland, women currently constitute<br />
more <strong>the</strong>n 1/3 <strong>of</strong> company owners, but <strong>the</strong>se companies are predominantly very small firms which do not<br />
generate significant economic and political power. Never<strong>the</strong>less this illustrates that women were able to take<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> changing economic situation, even if, economically, <strong>the</strong>y still lag behind men.<br />
Common characteristics regarding gender equality issues<br />
The EU enlargement process has had an impact on gender equality policy and implementation, but it has been<br />
difficult to assess <strong>the</strong> depth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effects until now. Gender (in)equality is a political issue and political choice.<br />
Accession to <strong>the</strong> EU has not led to significant changes in gender equality in <strong>the</strong> CEE countries because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
choices made by <strong>the</strong> governments. <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons for this is that in order to achieve gender equality, gender<br />
justice has to be incorporated into all policies (both at <strong>the</strong> EU and national levels). This document briefly describes<br />
how this has not been undertaken or achieved with special reference to labour market and social policy. Two case<br />
studies from Poland and Slovenia illustrate <strong>the</strong>se points.<br />
It is important to understand that <strong>the</strong> new EU CEE member states share a joint history <strong>of</strong> Soviet domination<br />
(except Slovenia, which was a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia). This has affected <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and political<br />
conditions - and <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in all <strong>the</strong>se countries. The EU needs to recognise <strong>the</strong> shared history and<br />
characteristics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CEE states as it addresses issues <strong>of</strong> gender. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> differences between <strong>the</strong><br />
eight CEE states should not be underestimated.<br />
A policy <strong>of</strong> gender equality in <strong>of</strong>ficial policy during <strong>the</strong> pre-transition period did not result in <strong>the</strong> practice or<br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> gender-friendly policies. While women had guaranteed access to employment, education and<br />
political participation in most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CEE states, <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> services such as childcare and social security did<br />
not fully compensate for <strong>the</strong> traditional division <strong>of</strong> labour. The already disadvantaged position <strong>of</strong> women was<br />
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exacerbated by <strong>the</strong> transition process. The deterioration was caused not only by <strong>the</strong> macroeconomic changes but<br />
also by streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>of</strong> patriarchal values into policy by various political formations in <strong>the</strong> eight countries. In<br />
Poland this is particularly worrying due to <strong>the</strong> political power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Catholic Church supporting conservative views<br />
and policies. For example, <strong>the</strong> Church plays a leading role in <strong>the</strong> reproductive rights arena, resulting in laws and<br />
policies preventing women from taking control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir fertility and sexuality.<br />
Many citizens <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CEE states see EU membership as an opportunity to counteract <strong>the</strong> negative impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
transition from being a centrally planned economy to becoming a market controlled economy. This is particularly<br />
<strong>the</strong> case in relation to gender issues, as <strong>the</strong> EU accession process required <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> new laws and<br />
policies focusing on and addressing gender issues. However, reaching certain levels <strong>of</strong> economic development was<br />
also one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> requirements <strong>of</strong> becoming an EU member and this was given priority over social issues. The post-<br />
1989 economic transition fused with macroeconomic adjustments associated with <strong>the</strong> EU accession process and<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> recent negative changes to <strong>the</strong> economic situation <strong>of</strong> women can be linked to <strong>the</strong> EU<br />
accession process itself.<br />
Case Study 1:<br />
Poland - EU policy and <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>of</strong> Polish women in <strong>the</strong> labour market<br />
In Poland, as in o<strong>the</strong>r EU CEE member states, <strong>the</strong> reforms associated with <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> a free market<br />
economy and to meet EU economic criteria had negative impacts on <strong>the</strong> socio-economic position <strong>of</strong> many women<br />
and led to a monumental increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gap between <strong>the</strong> wealthy and poor.<br />
The disadvantaged economic situation <strong>of</strong> women is largely related to <strong>the</strong>ir position in <strong>the</strong> labour market. It needs<br />
to be understood that <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market is not exclusively linked to <strong>the</strong> economic<br />
situation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country or employment policies alone, but to all policies including those focusing on social<br />
services, security and reproductive rights. Poland joined <strong>the</strong> EU with <strong>the</strong> highest unemployment rate <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> new<br />
member states. Despite historically having almost <strong>the</strong> same level <strong>of</strong> unemployment <strong>of</strong> women and men, <strong>the</strong><br />
situation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market is now much worse than that <strong>of</strong> men. The participation rate <strong>of</strong> women<br />
has dropped from 54% in 1992 to 48% in 2002. Women tend to be discriminated against due to <strong>the</strong>ir assumed<br />
reproductive responsibilities; <strong>the</strong>y have problems reconciling work and family responsibilities caused by a lack <strong>of</strong><br />
affordable care services; <strong>the</strong>y tend to remain unemployed for longer periods <strong>the</strong>n men; and when <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
employed <strong>the</strong>y are rarely economically independent due to <strong>the</strong> gender wage gap.<br />
Country Unemployment rate 1995 in % Unemployment rate 2003 in %<br />
Women Men Women Men<br />
Czech Republic 4.8 3.4 10.1 8.4<br />
Estonia 8.9 10.2 9.9 10.2<br />
Hungary 8.7 13.3 5.5 6.<br />
Latvia 18.0 19.7 10.6 10.1<br />
Lithuania 13.1 12.3<br />
Poland 14.4 12.1 20.0 18.6<br />
Slovakia 13.7 12.6 17.8 17.2<br />
Slovenia 7.1 6.1<br />
EU 15 average 11.7 8.9 9.0 7.4<br />
Table 1: Source Eurostat, World Bank<br />
EU membership required a number <strong>of</strong> legal and policy changes that has provided new opportunities for Polish<br />
women. For instance, <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> funds to target gender issues in a country where social expenditure is<br />
largely restricted to very limited financial support to <strong>the</strong> most disadvantaged groups, is an innovation. No<br />
immediate improvement, however, should be expected as <strong>the</strong> administration struggles to implement projects and<br />
is resistant to innovative methods <strong>of</strong> addressing <strong>the</strong>se issues.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> specific recommendations/requirements in EU policy focusing on social policy allows<br />
governments to cut budget expenditure on social provisions - this predominantly impacts <strong>the</strong> poorest women. An<br />
example <strong>of</strong> this was <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> child maintenance fund in 2004 and its replacement with a smaller, flat<br />
rate payment available to unmarried custodian parents which led to a skyrocketing <strong>of</strong> divorce among <strong>the</strong> poorest<br />
groups <strong>of</strong> society.<br />
The European Employment Strategy is now reflected in documents produced by <strong>the</strong> government and programmes<br />
focusing on (re)integration <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market are being implemented. These programmes are<br />
important not only for <strong>the</strong>ir impact on women but also because <strong>the</strong>y challenge <strong>the</strong> belief that equality already<br />
exists and that additional targeted policies are not necessary. <strong>On</strong>e example is Program Equal, which explicitly<br />
focuses on equal opportunities <strong>of</strong> women and reconciliation between family and pr<strong>of</strong>essional life. It is a pilot<br />
programme that will soon be implemented simultaneously in Poland and o<strong>the</strong>r EU countries.<br />
Generally, <strong>the</strong>re is not enough emphasis on effective social policy. The government focuses on economic policy<br />
but not in such a way that guarantees long term growth which will benefit society as a whole. It is also important<br />
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to note that social issues, including gender issues, are not addressed unless specifically required by <strong>the</strong> EU. An<br />
example <strong>of</strong> this is Poland’s response to <strong>the</strong> Lisbon Strategy. So far <strong>the</strong> Lisbon Strategy and its recommendations<br />
for childcare have been largely ignored, with debate around it focusing almost exclusively on economic growth.<br />
Still, <strong>the</strong> Lisbon Strategy is an important, if inadequate tool for NGOs focusing on gender justice.<br />
Case Study 2:<br />
Slovenia - Women in <strong>the</strong> labour markets and <strong>the</strong> European Employment Strategy<br />
In Slovenia labour market shifts and challenges have resulted in a declining labour force regardless <strong>of</strong> sex. An<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployment rate by sex over <strong>the</strong> whole transition period shows that <strong>the</strong> previously held<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> women did not last long. In 2000, women comprised 50.7% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed; in 2003 <strong>the</strong>ir share<br />
had risen to 52.8%. Fur<strong>the</strong>r trends will greatly depend on <strong>the</strong> future restructuring <strong>of</strong> employment activities. The<br />
gender pay gap in Slovenia (10.2 percentage points in 2002, SORS) is also significantly smaller than <strong>the</strong> EU 25<br />
average. At <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s various programmes <strong>of</strong> active labour policy were in place in Slovenia, but it was<br />
not until <strong>the</strong> late 1990s that actions targeted women.<br />
Before questions <strong>of</strong> gender equality came increasingly to <strong>the</strong> fore <strong>of</strong> attention <strong>of</strong> international organisations and<br />
associations, <strong>the</strong> prevailing and generally accepted perception <strong>of</strong> gender equality in Slovenia was that all had<br />
already been achieved in <strong>the</strong> former political system and that equality between women and men was fully<br />
established. For that reason, over <strong>the</strong> last 10 years, <strong>the</strong> most considerable improvements in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality were achieved in <strong>the</strong> legislative area. The main legal mechanisms <strong>of</strong> promoting equal opportunities are<br />
now provided in three acts: <strong>the</strong> Parental Care and Family Cash Benefits Act, <strong>the</strong> Equal Opportunities Act and <strong>the</strong><br />
Labour Act. These have not been (fully) implemented.<br />
The Development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Labour Market Strategy through <strong>the</strong> year 2006 states that <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality in <strong>the</strong> labour market is one <strong>of</strong> its long-term objectives. The National Action Plan for Employment is a<br />
fundamental programme document for <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> policies in <strong>the</strong> labour market. Yet, this does not<br />
indicate a real shift in <strong>the</strong> implementation and enforcement <strong>of</strong> gender equality as <strong>the</strong>re is no process <strong>of</strong> laying<br />
clear grounds and setting high standards <strong>of</strong> achieving gender equality in <strong>the</strong> labour market. The Ministry <strong>of</strong><br />
Labour, Family and Social Affairs has, however, in accordance with <strong>the</strong> European Employment Strategy, developed<br />
a system <strong>of</strong> labour market indicators which can now be monitored with regard to gender. This provides a means<br />
to monitor disparities between women and men in <strong>the</strong> labour market and plan future measures for guaranteeing<br />
equal opportunities for both genders. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EQUAL Community Initiative<br />
programme is intended to achieve objectives in this area. In 2004-2006 only <strong>the</strong>me 8 (Reducing <strong>the</strong> Gender Gap<br />
and Supporting Equality at Work) is planned to be carried out.<br />
<strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main challenges to promoting gender equality in <strong>the</strong> labour market is <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> both horizontal<br />
and vertical segregation as well as correlated pay gaps. Slovenia has not yet put gender mainstreaming as a tool<br />
or strategy into practice nor does it fully understand <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> gender mainstreaming. It ra<strong>the</strong>r argues for<br />
gender neutrality, which is too <strong>of</strong>ten understood as not taking gender dimension into consideration at all.<br />
Recommendations for policy change<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
EU strategies addressing <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market should be revised to respond more<br />
effectively to <strong>the</strong> situation in all eight new EU member states from <strong>the</strong> CEE region. This includes <strong>the</strong><br />
European Employment Strategy, <strong>the</strong> Lisbon Strategy and <strong>the</strong> Social Policy Agenda.<br />
Social concerns and social policies should be given greater emphasis within <strong>the</strong> EU policy context. The EU<br />
should ensure that social policy is given priority and is effectively monitored.<br />
Policies targeting <strong>the</strong> poorest <strong>of</strong> women, and responding to <strong>the</strong> realities and needs <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> new<br />
member states should be developed at <strong>the</strong> EU level.<br />
The principle <strong>of</strong> gender mainstreaming should serve as a standard tool in shaping and developing policies to<br />
include <strong>the</strong> gender perspective into <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> all policy development. For this to work gender<br />
mainstreaming needs to be understood and supported by <strong>the</strong> CEE countries.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> national governments:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Increasing women’s participation in <strong>the</strong> labour market is a necessary condition for achieving gender<br />
equality, but it is not a sufficient one. Gender equality in <strong>the</strong> labour market also requires major<br />
improvements in <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> jobs, <strong>the</strong>ir quality and <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong> work.<br />
National governments should not only focus on economic policy but also on social policy. The two policies<br />
have to be closely linked and should not contradict each o<strong>the</strong>r. Gender equality objectives should be<br />
integrated in all policies.<br />
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This infosheet was produced with <strong>the</strong> financial assistance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission, DG Education and Culture.<br />
The views expressed herein are those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author(s) and can <strong>the</strong>refore in no way be taken to reflect <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
opinion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EC or <strong>of</strong> WIDE.<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
--------------------------------<br />
[1] Except in Slovenia.<br />
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The enlarged European Union and its agenda for a ‘wider Europe’:<br />
What considerations for gender equality?<br />
By Mandy Macdonald<br />
Women in Development Europe (WIDE) Report<br />
<strong>On</strong> 1 May 2004 ten new countries joined <strong>the</strong> European Union (EU): Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary,<br />
Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. Four more countries - Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and<br />
Turkey are now sufficiently advanced in <strong>the</strong> negotiations for EU accession to be classed as candidate countries.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>r back in <strong>the</strong> queue are <strong>the</strong> countries now known as EU ‘new neighbours’ - those countries in <strong>the</strong> Western<br />
Balkans and <strong>the</strong> Former Soviet Union (FSU) which now border upon <strong>the</strong> ever-expanding EU and are being<br />
encouraged by it to adopt values and policies consonant with those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU - but without any guarantee <strong>of</strong><br />
accession in <strong>the</strong> short term.<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> shared values <strong>the</strong> EU wants its new and future members and its neighbours to foment are democracy,<br />
respect for human rights and <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> law. But do <strong>the</strong>se values include gender equality? The European<br />
Commission’s 2003 Communication, ‘Wider Europe - Neighbourhood: A new framework for relations with our<br />
Eastern and Sou<strong>the</strong>rn neighbours’ is silent on <strong>the</strong> subject. This hearing held by WIDE at <strong>the</strong> European Parliament<br />
(EP) explored <strong>the</strong> potential for mainstreaming gender equality in key areas <strong>of</strong> national policy in <strong>the</strong> new member<br />
states and o<strong>the</strong>r Eastern European countries, and <strong>the</strong> extent to which <strong>the</strong> EU can help in this respect. The hearing<br />
followed up WIDE’s consultation on gender equality in EU accession negotiations held in 2003 in Brussels, and<br />
aimed to carry <strong>the</strong> discussion forward to <strong>the</strong> formulation <strong>of</strong> recommendations to be taken back to <strong>the</strong> participants’<br />
national governments.<br />
Forty invited participants from 12 European countries met in <strong>the</strong> European Parliament building in Brussels. They<br />
included Members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Parliament (MEP) and <strong>the</strong>ir researchers, members <strong>of</strong> staff from two relevant<br />
European Commission Directorates (DG Enlargement and DG Employment), feminist researchers from a number<br />
<strong>of</strong> countries, and WIDE staff. The meeting was especially pleased to welcome two representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Provincial<br />
Secretariat for Labour, Employment and Gender Equality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Serbian province <strong>of</strong> Vojvodina, whose provincial<br />
parliament adopted a Declaration on Gender Equality in 2004.<br />
The hearing was facilitated by Bettina Musiolek <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Protestant Academy <strong>of</strong> Meissen, and <strong>the</strong> opening speech<br />
was given by Elisabeth Schroeder, Member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parliament (MEP), Green Group, who hosted <strong>the</strong> meeting. Two<br />
pairs <strong>of</strong> presentations were made, interspersed with work in small groups, so as to alternate information-sharing<br />
with discussion and practical strategising.<br />
Outcomes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hearing<br />
Two consistent <strong>the</strong>mes emerged in <strong>the</strong> four presentations and <strong>the</strong> discussions: <strong>the</strong> gap between policy and<br />
legislation and its implementation, and <strong>the</strong> need to intensify international networking. Concerns were expressed<br />
that <strong>the</strong> ever-expanding EU is more concerned with economic growth and <strong>the</strong> maintenance <strong>of</strong> ‘secure’ borders<br />
than with social and gender justice for all its citizens, even though <strong>the</strong>re is clear evidence from all <strong>the</strong> regions<br />
represented at this hearing that even <strong>the</strong> largely formal equality enjoyed by women under <strong>the</strong> socialist regimes<br />
has been swept away on a rising tide <strong>of</strong> feminised poverty and renewed patriarchy. Where <strong>the</strong>re is legislation to<br />
address gender equality, it is <strong>of</strong>ten not implemented or enforced, and participants were keen to dialogue with<br />
representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU on ways in which it could influence <strong>the</strong> governments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir countries in this respect.<br />
Civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are struggling to move <strong>the</strong> gender equality agenda<br />
forward, and <strong>the</strong>re have been some notable successes, but inadequate resources put a strong brake on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
efforts. In this context, international networking among NGOs and women’s movements is proving invaluable, and<br />
participants urged governments to cooperate in <strong>the</strong> same way both among <strong>the</strong>mselves and with civil society.<br />
These <strong>the</strong>mes formed <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> strategic discussions held in <strong>the</strong> four working groups and are reflected in<br />
<strong>the</strong> recommendations put toge<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong> groups and presented at <strong>the</strong> conclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hearing.<br />
Recommendations<br />
1) New EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
● EU strategies addressing <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> labour market should be revised to respond more<br />
effectively to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> new member states as well as regional, social and economic differences between<br />
women in old member states.<br />
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● The EU institutions should increase <strong>the</strong> capacity and role <strong>of</strong> civil society and facilitate its participation in<br />
existing EU-related bodies, by providing funds and expertise, simplifying <strong>the</strong> procedures for civil society<br />
participation, and making <strong>the</strong> existing mechanisms more visible.<br />
● The EU institutions should effectively monitor <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> gender-specific policies and<br />
recommendations, and should develop specific mechanisms to do this.<br />
To national governments:<br />
● Gender budgeting should be applied to EU funds received by national governments, and to national<br />
government budgets.<br />
● Policies to address <strong>the</strong> drop in activity rate for women in <strong>the</strong> new member states must be implemented.<br />
● The role <strong>of</strong> civil society in policy-making processes, including gender mainstreaming, should be<br />
streng<strong>the</strong>ned and institutionalised.<br />
To EU and national governments:<br />
● Ensure that national equality bodies play a meaningful role in monitoring gender-related issues, including<br />
gender mainstreaming.<br />
● Promote cooperation between decision-makers in old and new EU member states, so that <strong>the</strong> Central and<br />
Eastern Europe (CEE) new member states can benefit from best practice across a range <strong>of</strong> countries.<br />
● Policies and laws introduced, in particular those referring to gender equality, should be specific to country<br />
situations, and should not be merely based on a blueprint designed for <strong>the</strong> old EU states.<br />
2) EU candidate countries<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
● Monitor <strong>the</strong> gap between policy/legislation and implementation, and exert pressure on governments in <strong>the</strong><br />
region to adopt a consistent gender equality policy and gender mainstreaming approach.<br />
● Gender should be mainstreamed effectively through PHARE assistance, training, and publications.<br />
● Streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> demand that gender mainstreaming be taken into account by appropriate departments in<br />
<strong>the</strong> European Commission when designing and planning programmes and projects, using mechanisms such<br />
as gender markers (OECD) or gender evaluation guidelines.<br />
● There should be greater transparency in EU expenditure on gender-related matters.<br />
● Ensure that at least 40% <strong>of</strong> those participating in high-level and o<strong>the</strong>r meetings on accession between <strong>the</strong><br />
EC and <strong>the</strong> candidate countries are women and 40% are men.<br />
To national governments:<br />
● Be more proactive in dialogue with civil society.<br />
● Be more proactive in promoting gender-mainstreamed projects.<br />
● Establish institutional mechanisms for gender equality. Where <strong>the</strong>se already exist, guarantees/ indicators<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir effectiveness should be given and <strong>the</strong>y should be supported by appropriate and sufficient human<br />
and financial resources.<br />
● Additional budgetary resources should be allocated to monitor <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> economic liberalisation and EU<br />
accession on gender equality.<br />
● Consider <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> refusing <strong>of</strong>fers <strong>of</strong> funds which come accompanied by identifiable World Bank<br />
conditions.<br />
3) EU neighbouring countries in <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
● Promote an approach to development based on human and women’s rights ra<strong>the</strong>r than one focusing only<br />
on pr<strong>of</strong>it and economic growth, and develop an economic model which is open not only to productivity but<br />
to production <strong>of</strong> social value.<br />
● Make space in <strong>the</strong> European Structural Funds (ESF) for <strong>the</strong> neighbouring non-EU countries.<br />
● Promote <strong>the</strong> sharing <strong>of</strong> experiences among countries by greater networking in civil society; support such<br />
networking with adequate resources.<br />
● Educate/lobby policy-makers on development and implementation <strong>of</strong> gender equality legislation and<br />
instruments.<br />
To national governments:<br />
● Support women’s activities in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
● Integrate gender perspective and women’s needs and interests in <strong>the</strong> reforms <strong>of</strong> pension system, social<br />
security, etc.<br />
● Make a gender analysis <strong>of</strong> economic policies.<br />
● Make space for a gender-responsive social economy.<br />
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4) EU neighbouring countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union<br />
To <strong>the</strong> EU institutions:<br />
● Use <strong>the</strong>ir power and influence in Eastern Europe to promote and monitor human rights.<br />
● Support NGOs and civil society for public dialogue.<br />
● Support cooperation between CEE/NIS governments and new member state governments and civil sector<br />
(especially women’s NGOs).<br />
● Put pressure on national governments to ensure that border regimes do not discriminate against people<br />
living in border areas in terms <strong>of</strong> mobility <strong>of</strong> workers etc.<br />
● Facilitate and support <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> programmes/projects promoting equal opportunities in CEE/NIS<br />
countries. Projects should aim at long-term, sustainable development, including capacity building for local<br />
populations.<br />
● Revise <strong>the</strong> European Employment Strategy (EES) to take account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>of</strong> Eastern European<br />
Former Soviet Union countries.<br />
To national governments:<br />
● Observe human rights in general and women’s rights in particular.<br />
● Develop and execute legislation on gender equality and establish gender machineries at local, regional and<br />
national levels.<br />
● Raise <strong>the</strong> gender awareness <strong>of</strong> government <strong>of</strong>ficials through education and training, and resource this<br />
activity adequately.<br />
● End cuts in public spending on core services such as education, health, water; adopt a more gradual<br />
approach to economic reform.<br />
Full Report has been recently published and is available at: WIDE, rue de la Science 10, 1000 Brussels, Belgium<br />
phone: ++32-2-545.90.70 fax: ++32-2-512.73.42<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
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Engendering Macroeconomics<br />
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ENGENDERING MACROECONOMICS<br />
Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics<br />
By Diane Elson, PhD<br />
A feminist alternative would make social reproduction <strong>the</strong> dominant domain, with<br />
production and finance acting to serve it. The macroeconomic policy objective would be<br />
decent work for all, with an equal sharing <strong>of</strong> unpaid work between women and men,<br />
supported by public policy which recognises <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> this work. In analysing<br />
how to move to this alternative from where we are no, we argue that feminist<br />
macroeconomics will need to build on and extend heterodox macroeconomics, while<br />
challenging neoliberal macroeconomics.<br />
Introduction to Feminist Economics:<br />
Household, Market and State<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD<br />
Gender is a complex category using economic structure, symbols and identities to<br />
express culturally and socially constructed differences between men and women. Decision<br />
on who is to generate income outside family and how <strong>the</strong> family income is to be allocated<br />
are strongly gender structured and based on power relations. They greatly influence not<br />
only <strong>the</strong> relations within households and enterprises, but also market relations and <strong>the</strong><br />
state’s economic policy, and thus <strong>the</strong> total economic and social development <strong>of</strong> any<br />
national economy.<br />
Briefing Paper on <strong>the</strong> ‘Feminisation <strong>of</strong> Poverty’<br />
By BRIDGE<br />
The term <strong>the</strong> ‘feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty’ originates from US debates about single mo<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
and welfare, dating from <strong>the</strong> 1970s. Recently <strong>the</strong>re has been much discussion, in both<br />
academic and development policy circles, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> phenomena. However, <strong>the</strong>re is little<br />
clarity about what <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty means, or about whe<strong>the</strong>r such a trend can<br />
be empirically verified. The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty has been linked to firstly, a perceived<br />
increase in <strong>the</strong> proportion <strong>of</strong> female-headed households (FHHs) and secondly, <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong><br />
female participation in low return urban informal sector activities, particularly in <strong>the</strong><br />
context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s economic crises and adjustments in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin<br />
America.
Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics<br />
Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics<br />
Diane Elson, PhD, Pr<strong>of</strong>essor, University <strong>of</strong> Essex (UK) and Senior Scholar, Levy Economics Institute, Bard College,<br />
(USA)<br />
In this presentation I will discuss some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways in which mainstream macroeconomics has been extended by<br />
gender analysis; and some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways in which feminist economists, taking heterodox macroeconomics as a<br />
starting point, are seeking to challenge mainstream macroeconomics.<br />
I want to distinguish between extending <strong>the</strong> mainstream paradigm and challenging <strong>the</strong> mainstream paradigm. The<br />
paradigm can be extended by adding new features, filling in gaps, and replacing simple assumptions by more<br />
complex assumptions. I think that feminist economics can be more ambitious than that. We can and should seek<br />
to challenge <strong>the</strong> fundamental assumptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mainstream. And begin to develop alternative forms <strong>of</strong> analysis<br />
and policy.<br />
I will draw upon <strong>the</strong> macroeconomics I learned as a student in Oxford, at St Hilda’s college in <strong>the</strong> late sixties; a<br />
macroeconomics witch drew inspiration from Keynes, Kalecki, and Marx; and was grounded in an appreciation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> institutional context and <strong>of</strong> history. I would particularly like to salute <strong>the</strong> women who taught me<br />
macroeconomics at Oxford, especially Nita Watts, Fellow <strong>of</strong> St Hilda’s College. I will also draw upon <strong>the</strong> research<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Working Group on Gender and Macroeconomics, and informal international network <strong>of</strong> women<br />
and men, co-ordinated by Niluer Vagatay, Cren Grown, Rania Antonopolous, Sergy Floro and myself. The Group<br />
produced two special issues o World Development (November 1995 and July 2000) and has for <strong>the</strong> last two years<br />
organized a summer school on gender, macroeconomics, and international economics at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Utah.<br />
I will define <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> macroeconomics broadly, to consider analysis that looks at <strong>the</strong> economy as a whole, as<br />
distinct from microeconomics, which analyses <strong>the</strong> economic behaviour o individuals, households and enterprises;<br />
and meso economics, which analyses <strong>the</strong> operation <strong>of</strong> mediating institutions such as markets and state agencies.<br />
Feminist economics has, to date, produced more analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> operations <strong>of</strong> economies at <strong>the</strong> micro and meso<br />
level. The programme for <strong>the</strong> 2004 IAFFE conference contains many more sessions on micro and meso economics<br />
than on macroeconomics. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>re is a growing body <strong>of</strong> feminist research that has produced <strong>the</strong><br />
following critiques <strong>of</strong> mainstream macroeconomics:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
mainstream macroeconomics is gender blind It is based on an incomplete understanding <strong>of</strong> how economies<br />
work. This promotes <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> policies which disadvantage women, especially poor women;<br />
macroeconomics should recognise and incorporate <strong>the</strong> unpaid domestic work that is vital for social<br />
reproduction (<strong>the</strong> reproduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole society, including <strong>the</strong> day-to-day and intergenerational<br />
reproduction <strong>of</strong> labour power);<br />
macroeconomics should incorporate gender inequality variables.<br />
Feminist economists have done empirical and conceptual work to incorporate social reproduction and gender<br />
inequality variables in macroeconomic analysis. So also have some mainstream economists. I will discuss<br />
examples <strong>of</strong> each.<br />
Mainstream macroeconomics that incorporate gender analysis<br />
We learnt in a Conference presentation by Irene van Staveren that macroeconomists in <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands have<br />
incorporated <strong>the</strong> unpaid domestic work <strong>of</strong> caring for family members in <strong>the</strong> model that is <strong>of</strong>ficially used to analyse<br />
macroeconomic policy. They have modelled <strong>the</strong> supply and demand for this labour in much <strong>the</strong> same way as <strong>the</strong><br />
supply and demand <strong>of</strong> paid work, with one important exception. The performance <strong>of</strong> unpaid work is assumed to<br />
generate utility for <strong>the</strong> provider as well as for receiver; but <strong>the</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> paid work is assumed to generate<br />
utility only for <strong>the</strong> receiver. Irene challenged this on <strong>the</strong> grounds that both paid and unpaid work can generate<br />
both utility and disutility for <strong>the</strong> provider; and <strong>the</strong>re is no good reason to assume that unpaid work uniquely<br />
generates utility for <strong>the</strong> provider. Because women so <strong>of</strong>ten do unpaid care work out <strong>of</strong> love, does not mean that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y always love doing it!<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r area in which mainstream economists have engaged with gender is in <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> determinants<br />
and benefits <strong>of</strong> economic growth. World Bank economists David Dollar and Roberta Gatti have run cross-country<br />
and time series regressions and come to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that growth is food for gender equality and gender<br />
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equality is good for growth. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, all i sfo <strong>the</strong> best in <strong>the</strong> best o all possible worlds. But Dollar and Gatti<br />
examine only a restricted range <strong>of</strong> gender inequality variables, focusing on education and not on <strong>the</strong> labour<br />
market. This is in line with <strong>the</strong> major focus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank policy advice which argues that investing in <strong>the</strong><br />
education <strong>of</strong> girls promotes benefits for all. World Bank economists have also incorporated gender into <strong>the</strong> model<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> small dependent economy that underpins <strong>the</strong> design o structural adjustment models. Collier treats gender<br />
as a market imperfection that hinders <strong>the</strong> reallocation o female labour from <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> non-tradables to <strong>the</strong><br />
production <strong>of</strong> tradables in low-income sub-Saharan African economies. Gender is in this view a barrier to<br />
successful structural adjustment.<br />
Gender as a market imperfection also provides <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical framework for recent research by Black and<br />
Brainard at <strong>the</strong> US National Bureau for Economic Research on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> international trade on <strong>the</strong> gender<br />
wage gap in <strong>the</strong> USA. They find that import competition has reduced discrimination against women in <strong>the</strong> US<br />
labour market, a result given considerable prominence by Jagdish Bhagwati, Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Economics at Columbia<br />
University, in his recent book on <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> globalisation.<br />
Contrasting examples <strong>of</strong> feminist macroeconomics<br />
Feminist economics that challenges <strong>the</strong> mainstream dose not see gender as just ano<strong>the</strong>r market imperfection. It<br />
takes a more structuralist view <strong>of</strong> economies, as incorporating persistent asymmetries in power and knowledge.<br />
Stephanie Seguino finds no convulsive evidence to support <strong>the</strong> view that women do better in countries that grow<br />
faster. Moreover, using cross-country and time series regression analysis she finds evidence that gender<br />
inequalities in <strong>the</strong> labour market has facilitated economic growth in semi-industrialised countries. Underpinning<br />
this last result is a more structuralist model in which low female wages stimulate industrial investment, in a<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>its-led process <strong>of</strong> growth.<br />
Sandy Darity <strong>of</strong>fers a different understanding <strong>of</strong> gender in a low-income Sub-Saharan African economy. He<br />
models gender not as a market imperfection but as a relation <strong>of</strong> power which structures how <strong>the</strong> agricultural<br />
sector responds to structural adjustment. He brings to light <strong>the</strong> contradictory interrelation between gender and<br />
structural adjustment. If women have sufficient bargaining power to resist demands on <strong>the</strong>m to supply more<br />
labour to produce export crops controlled by <strong>the</strong>ir husbands, <strong>the</strong>re will be a weak supply response to structural<br />
adjustment policies. If <strong>the</strong>y do not have sufficient bargaining power and do re-allocate <strong>the</strong>ir labour from locally<br />
consumed food crops, which <strong>the</strong>y control, to export crops which <strong>the</strong>ir husbands control, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re is a more<br />
elastic supply response in tradable production, but food security is likely to suffer and <strong>the</strong> nutritional status <strong>of</strong><br />
women and children may deteriorate.<br />
A number <strong>of</strong> feminist economists have a very different take on gender wage gaps and globalisation. Ebru Kongar<br />
mounts a direct challenge to <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Black and Brainard. She acknowledges that <strong>the</strong> gender wage gap has<br />
narrowed in <strong>the</strong> USA in <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> increased import competition, but points to a very different explanation: not<br />
reduction <strong>of</strong> discrimination against women, but a process in which import competition has resulted in downward<br />
pressure on male wages, and downward pressure on female employment in tradables Kongar’s model does not<br />
assume that labour markets clear rapidly and that full employment is <strong>the</strong> norm.<br />
Gunseli Berik finds that gender wages gaps worsened in South Korea and Taiwan in <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong><br />
manufactured exports while improving slightly when <strong>the</strong>re was a contradiction <strong>of</strong> manufactured exports, due to a<br />
decline in male wages.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> real economy to <strong>the</strong> capitalist money economy<br />
A limitation <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis discussed so far, whe<strong>the</strong>r mainstream or feminist, is that it abstracts from <strong>the</strong><br />
specificities <strong>of</strong> capitalist monetary economies. It is grounded in ‘real economy’ models, in which finance is not<br />
specifically modelled. It is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>of</strong> limited help in responding to <strong>the</strong> challenge issued to me by a former<br />
finance minister <strong>of</strong> Chile, in <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 2002: “I can see how gender analysis can be useful to Ministers <strong>of</strong><br />
Education and Health, and even Ministers <strong>of</strong> Agriculture and Industry, but I do not see why it is relevant to<br />
Ministers <strong>of</strong> Finance. It would not have helped me when I was Minister <strong>of</strong> Finance”.<br />
To respond to that challenge, one needs to bring finance specifically into <strong>the</strong> analysis. Korkut Erturk, Nilufer<br />
Cagatay and I have been working toge<strong>the</strong>r on ways on doing that. We propose and analysis based on <strong>the</strong><br />
interrelation <strong>of</strong> three domains: finance, production and social reproduction. All three domains are considered to be<br />
‘bearers <strong>of</strong> gender’ in <strong>the</strong> sense that <strong>the</strong>y are structured through social relations which are gendered, implicitly, if<br />
not explicitly. We propose an understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> macro-economy in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interrelation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se domains.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Keynesian consensus (1950s and 1960s), production dominated, with social reproduction and<br />
finance at <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> production. This was founded upon heterodox macroeconomics. It was not assumed that<br />
economic agents would automatically respond to price signals emerging from markets in ways that produced<br />
growth and full employment. International trade and financial links were managed in <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> objectives<br />
<strong>of</strong> full employment and national development. Social reproduction was articulated to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r domains through<br />
systems <strong>of</strong> wage determination, social protection social insurance (for <strong>the</strong> formal sector); and systems <strong>of</strong><br />
patronage and clientilism (for <strong>the</strong> agricultural and informal sectors); all o which were based on <strong>the</strong> assumption<br />
what men were <strong>the</strong> breadwinners and women were dependent housewives who would carry on doing <strong>the</strong><br />
necessary unpaid work without any support from public policy. Feminist analysis re-emerged towards <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong><br />
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this period to challenge <strong>the</strong> articulations that placed women in a position <strong>of</strong> dependency. Ministers <strong>of</strong> Finance did<br />
not see <strong>the</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> this analysis because <strong>the</strong>y assumed that <strong>the</strong> unpaid work would be done regardless <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir policies, and <strong>the</strong>ir attention focused on <strong>the</strong> medium term dynamics <strong>of</strong> how to maintain <strong>the</strong> appropriate level<br />
<strong>of</strong> aggregate demand to ensure full utilization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capacity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paid economy.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> mid ‘70s this has been overturned and <strong>the</strong> Washington Consensus has emerged, putting finance in <strong>the</strong><br />
dominant position, with production at <strong>the</strong> service o finance and social reproduction at <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> both. The<br />
Washington Consensus assumes that economic agents will respond to price signals emerging from markets in<br />
ways that produce full employment and growth. Economic problems are assumed to set mainly from public<br />
policies which distort prices. Thus international trade and finance must be liberalized. it is recognised that markets<br />
may be imperfect and incomplete, so <strong>the</strong>re is some role for public policy to make markets perfect and complete.<br />
This has resulted in changes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> articulation <strong>of</strong> social reproduction and production, demonstrated in some detail<br />
for <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Australia in a Conference paper by Ray Broomhill and Rhonda Sharp. Social reproduction is<br />
increasingly articulated to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r domains through individuals participating in ‘flexible’ labour and credit<br />
markets. However, much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> male breadwinner mode <strong>of</strong> articulation persists for poor people. In better-<strong>of</strong><br />
households unpaid domestic work has been replaced by paid domestic work, <strong>of</strong>ten done by migrant women. But<br />
<strong>the</strong> system is still heavily reliant on <strong>the</strong> unpaid work <strong>of</strong> women in poor and average households; and it is still<br />
largely assumed that this work will be done regardless <strong>of</strong> public policy. Finance Ministers do not see <strong>the</strong> relevance<br />
<strong>of</strong> gender analysis because <strong>the</strong>y make this assumption; and because <strong>the</strong>y are too busy dealing with <strong>the</strong> very short<br />
run dynamics o <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong> finance, in which lage movements <strong>of</strong> currency can move in and out o a country<br />
overnight.<br />
A feminist alternative would make social reproduction <strong>the</strong> dominant domain, with production and finance acting to<br />
serve it. The macroeconomic policy objective would be decent work for all, with an equal sharing <strong>of</strong> unpaid work<br />
between women and men, supported by public policy which recognises <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> this work. In analysing<br />
how to move to this alternative from where we are no, we argue that feminist macroeconomics will need to build<br />
on and extend heterodox macroeconomics, while challenging neoliberal macroeconomics.<br />
Heterodox macroeconomics points to intrinsic limits to <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> money mechanism to co-ordinate capital<br />
accumulation that set from within <strong>the</strong> money mechanism itself, in <strong>the</strong> context o a necessarily uncertain world.<br />
Feminist heterodox macroeconomics shares <strong>the</strong> starting point that monetary contracts are necessarily incomplete<br />
and contradictory; that, to use Polanyi’s language, money is a fictitious commodity that ultimately rests on nonmarket<br />
relations for its value. But feminist heterodox macroeconomics also insists that <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong> social<br />
reproduction also constitutes an unsurpassable limit to <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> money mechanism to co-ordinate capital<br />
accumulation.<br />
The fact that social reproduction is not co-ordinated by markets and is not governed by <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it motive is not<br />
<strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> purely contingent problems <strong>of</strong> missing and imperfect markets that could be remedies by extending<br />
and improving markets. The absence o markets and <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it motive in this domain is an essential aspect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
functioning <strong>of</strong> a capitalist monetary economy. Such an economy is based on <strong>the</strong> large scale availability <strong>of</strong> free<br />
labour, both free from servitude and free from access to <strong>the</strong> means <strong>of</strong> production, except via <strong>the</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> labour<br />
power. Commercialisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> production and nurture <strong>of</strong> human beings does <strong>of</strong> course take place in capitalist<br />
economies (surrogate mo<strong>the</strong>rhood for cash, babies for adoption via sale, paid care services) but production <strong>of</strong><br />
people on <strong>the</strong> same basis as <strong>the</strong> commercial production <strong>of</strong> chicken, pigs and cows would call into question <strong>the</strong><br />
whole operation <strong>of</strong> a free labour market and <strong>the</strong> legitimating myths <strong>of</strong> capitalist monetary economies. Polyani<br />
went some way to identifying this problem when he referred to labour as a fictitious commodity. Contracts in a<br />
capitalist money economy are necessarily incomplete n<strong>of</strong> only because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> characteristics o <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong><br />
finance, but also because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> characteristics o <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong> social reproduction.<br />
Moreover <strong>the</strong> capitalist monetary economy adjust not only through “forced savings,” in which poor consumers are<br />
priced out <strong>of</strong> markets for consumption gods, but also through “forced unpaid labour” in which social norms lead<br />
women and girls to attempt to maintain family consumption by doing more unpaid work to produce non-market<br />
substitutes. There are limits, however, to <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> women and girls to do this. Beyond narrow limits,<br />
substitution is not possible, with <strong>the</strong> result that human capabilities and social networks deteriorate. This reduces<br />
<strong>the</strong> productive capacity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy. This is indeed a problem for Finance Ministers, but if <strong>the</strong> rules <strong>of</strong><br />
international trade and finance force <strong>the</strong>ir attention to be focused on <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> next 24 hours, <strong>the</strong>y will<br />
not have time to consider <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> next 24 years. The fast dynamics <strong>of</strong> hyper-liberalised finance tend<br />
to obscure <strong>the</strong> slower dynamics <strong>of</strong> social reproduction.<br />
This is changing in some parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, as major changes take place in <strong>the</strong> organisation <strong>of</strong> social reproduction<br />
through <strong>the</strong> ageing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population structure in <strong>the</strong> North and <strong>the</strong> ravages <strong>of</strong> HIV-Aids in many countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
South.<br />
Heterodox macroeconomics recognizes that economic growth and fluctuations are not independent, and that<br />
fluctuations in demand lower <strong>the</strong> overall productive capacity o <strong>the</strong> economy. They have not yet recognized that<br />
changes in <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong> social reproduction also lower <strong>the</strong> overall productive capacity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy. More<br />
work needs to be done to develop quantitative feminist heterodox analysis that would reveal <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se interactions. In <strong>the</strong> Conference session on feminism and post-keynesian economics, Haroon Akram-Lhodi<br />
made <strong>the</strong> interesting suggestion <strong>of</strong> doing this by building on <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Kalecki. Feminist macroeconomics can<br />
also build on <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Marx, who recognized that <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> capitalist monetary economies cannot be<br />
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reduced to insufficient aggregate demand, and stem from <strong>the</strong> dynamics <strong>of</strong> production that is governed by pr<strong>of</strong>it. A<br />
feminist macroeconomics can show that <strong>the</strong> dynamics <strong>of</strong> production that is NOT governed by pr<strong>of</strong>it (ie social<br />
reproduction) is also relevant.<br />
Feminist macroeconomic policy<br />
Feminist economists are beginning to work on alternative policies. For instance, valuable work has been published<br />
by Isa Bakker and Brigitte Young on <strong>the</strong> critique <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic policy rules (including balanced budget laws,<br />
asymmetric inflation targets for central banks, rules on debt to GDP ratios and budget deficit to GDP ratios).<br />
Caren Grown and Stephanie Seguino have produced a paper on a feminist-Kaleckian approach to policy. We must<br />
build on this work to show in what ways a feminist approach goes beyond <strong>the</strong> alternative polices proposed by<br />
heterodox macroeconomics. This, for me, is <strong>the</strong> appropriate task <strong>of</strong> extension and completion, while seeking to<br />
undermine <strong>the</strong> paradigm <strong>of</strong> mainstream macroeconomics.<br />
Note:<br />
This piece originally appeared in 'Feminist Economics Challenges<br />
Mainstream Economics' edited by Bina Agarwal, Special issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newsletter <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> International Association for Feminist Economics, Vol.14, No. 3, 2004<br />
International Association for Feminist Economics ©<br />
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Introduction to Feminist Economics: Household, Market and State<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D.<br />
Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia<br />
Summary: This paper addresses <strong>the</strong> feminist perspective in economy and <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> gender relations<br />
governing <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> resources at household, market and state levels. Gender is a complex category using<br />
economic structure, symbols and identities to express culturally and socially constructed differences between men<br />
and women. Decision on who is to generate income outside family and how <strong>the</strong> family income is to be allocated<br />
are strongly gender structured and based on power relations. They greatly influence not only <strong>the</strong> relations within<br />
households and enterprises, but also market relations and <strong>the</strong> state’s economic policy, and thus <strong>the</strong> total<br />
economic and social development <strong>of</strong> any national economy.<br />
Key words: gender methodology and indicators, household resource economy<br />
Feminist methodology and gender indicators – definition and methodology<br />
The entire economic science is about answering <strong>the</strong> key question: how limited resources are distributed, allocated<br />
and used by people in economy not only at global level but also at macro- (national) level, meso- (sectoral and<br />
local community level) and micro-levels (household, company, individual). Despite <strong>the</strong> pronounced absence <strong>of</strong><br />
people at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic <strong>the</strong>ory and measurement, economic science is built on assumptions <strong>of</strong><br />
rational individuals and natural reproduction, according to which women’s work is infinitely elastic, and <strong>the</strong> belief<br />
that all factors are relatively equally mobile.<br />
The analysis <strong>of</strong> economy in a feminist sense is based on understanding unequal power relations between men and<br />
women and <strong>the</strong> need to transform <strong>the</strong> current power relations towards gender equality. Feminist economics<br />
identifies gender inequalities within economy, defines gender objectives for economic policy and develops gender<br />
indicator necessary to observe how gender objectives are being achieved. Feminist economy redefines economy<br />
from <strong>the</strong> viewpoint <strong>of</strong> gender as an analytic category and its relation to o<strong>the</strong>r identity categories such as racial,<br />
class and gender orientation, comprising and demonstrating <strong>the</strong> governing hierarchies and privileges in economic<br />
and social systems.<br />
Gender affects economy, but economy also affects gender relations – such as different positions <strong>of</strong> men and<br />
women on labour market – labour market segregation makes it less efficient, and is based on <strong>the</strong> gender<br />
assumption <strong>of</strong> ‘appropriate’ jobs for women. Using gender as an analytic category, one considers inequalities that<br />
occur between men and women in <strong>the</strong> private and public spheres <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir action. Gender inequalities between men<br />
and women stem from <strong>the</strong>ir different social roles and unequal power relations (such as work invested in care).<br />
Feminist economics is a scientific and <strong>the</strong>oretic discipline approaching economic issues from a wider social and<br />
political standpoint. It enhances all existing <strong>the</strong>oretical approaches to economy (neo-classical, post-Keynesian,<br />
neo-institutional) with political, interdisciplinary, philosophical approach to economy, demonstrating that <strong>the</strong> lack<br />
<strong>of</strong> gender analysis is related to male interpretation <strong>of</strong> science as a whole.<br />
Feminist critique <strong>of</strong> methodological individualism and o<strong>the</strong>r key assumptions <strong>of</strong> economics is a challenge to market<br />
economic paradigm. The economic assumption <strong>of</strong> a rational and genderless economic agent implies an assumption<br />
<strong>of</strong> traditional gender roles, racial, class and national hierarchies and thus a privileged male agent. Feminist<br />
economics investigates <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong>oretic concepts <strong>of</strong> economics are gendered, and how gendered<br />
concepts and <strong>the</strong>ories help in <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> power relations and status.<br />
The feminist perspective (Barker, Drucilla, and Edith Kuiper, 2003, pp.1-18, Bina Agarwal, ed., 2004, pp. 1-2,<br />
Bina Agarwal, 2004, pp. 2-6, Dian Elson 2004, pp. 6-9) simultaneously <strong>of</strong>fers a <strong>the</strong>oretical and ethical position. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> ontological sense, feminist economics starts from <strong>the</strong> position that events and experiences ra<strong>the</strong>r than objects<br />
are <strong>the</strong> basic factors <strong>of</strong> reality in an imperfect and evolving world whose main determinants are time and changes.<br />
Objectivity does not exist, as each one <strong>of</strong> us comprises a component <strong>of</strong> reality with our own positions (Amartya<br />
Sen’s ‘positional objectivity’). Ethical attitudes (such as <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> discrimination and human rights,<br />
equality <strong>of</strong> people and nations) are, thus an integral part <strong>of</strong> economic analysis and evaluation. Outside statistical<br />
ma<strong>the</strong>matical and economist reasoning, <strong>the</strong>re is a multitude <strong>of</strong> explanations conceptualising economy as an<br />
integral part <strong>of</strong> cultural power relations and changes in line with ethic and democratic principles. In feminist<br />
economics, human welfare is <strong>the</strong> measure <strong>of</strong> success, and housework and care work are included in <strong>the</strong> economic<br />
analysis and evaluation <strong>of</strong> an economy’s performances. Accordingly, <strong>the</strong> key areas <strong>of</strong> feminist, but increasingly <strong>of</strong><br />
traditional economic analysis as well are: market, state and household.<br />
Feminist economics is focussed on a variety <strong>of</strong> approaches in economic analysis (problem-oriented approach):<br />
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1. Structuralist approach identifies and analyses gender as an economic phenomenon through structures,<br />
symbolism and identity;<br />
2. Empirical approach identifies measurable gender inequalities by ga<strong>the</strong>ring and analysing primary and<br />
secondary data;<br />
3. Political approach analyses possible policies aimed at improving economic positions <strong>of</strong> women and girls<br />
(such as <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> fiscal policy on women).<br />
Gender is expressed in economy and society (Sandra Harding) in three ways, through:<br />
1. Economic structures: segregated markets, discrimination in wages, labour division etc expressed in<br />
economic variables, institutions, policies and models;<br />
2. Symbols: femininity vs. masculinity, job characteristics, paid vs. unpaid work, ma<strong>the</strong>matical vs. verbal<br />
explanation;<br />
3. Identity expressed in preferences, rationality, beliefs and metaphors.<br />
Gender indicators in feminist economic analysis<br />
Gender sensitive indicators contribute to <strong>the</strong> visibility <strong>of</strong> women’s position and <strong>the</strong> dimensions <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
inequalities in economy and society. Gender indicators <strong>of</strong>fer a possibility <strong>of</strong> comparing various accomplishments <strong>of</strong><br />
various development actors over time and various relationships established between gender inequality and<br />
economic growth, economic and social development (Tables on GDI and GEM, <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2004:<br />
310 –330, Rekha Mehra and Sarah Gammage, 1999: 533- 550). Alternative gender indicators focus on measuring<br />
human dimensions <strong>of</strong> development in terms <strong>of</strong> evaluating choices and opportunities which women and men face,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir freedom and dignity, self-respect and respect for o<strong>the</strong>rs, and which greatly surpass <strong>the</strong>ir incomes – an<br />
example <strong>of</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty (Durbin Elizabeth, 1999: 104- 108, Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko, 1999: 99-104).<br />
The lack <strong>of</strong> indices <strong>of</strong> economic and social growth and gender inequalities, <strong>the</strong>ir insufficient disaggregation and<br />
gender sensibility is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> key manifestations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem i.e. situation in Serbia (Sanja Æopiæ, 2001: 11-<br />
37, Marija Lukiæ, 2002: 2- 8, Marija Lukiæ i Slaðana Jovanoviæ, 2002, Tatjana Ðuriæ Kuzmanovic, 2002: 49-<br />
65).<br />
Household economics – a feminist view <strong>of</strong> intra-household resource allocation<br />
Economics processes occur in two key spheres <strong>of</strong> human activity. The private sphere comprises production for<br />
domestic purposes, whereas <strong>the</strong> public sphere comprises production for exchange and accumulation.<br />
What is a household and why is it significant? Household is a social institution. It is in <strong>the</strong> household that specific<br />
relationship patterns between units as biological and social beings are established. These relationship patterns are<br />
based on various gender ideologies – socially constructed roles – whereby men and women are defined differently<br />
in relation to one ano<strong>the</strong>r. Gender is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> basis for <strong>the</strong>ir material and social inequality.<br />
Three forms <strong>of</strong> reproduction occur simultaneously in a household: biological, labour and social. Reproduction<br />
occurs within a household through: consumption <strong>of</strong> goods, childcare, clothing maintenance, providing<br />
accommodation, maintaining hygiene and cleanliness, and providing care for household members, and wider to<br />
persons outside <strong>the</strong> household.<br />
Household reproduction requires resource allocation. Women’s labour predominates in <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> providing<br />
<strong>the</strong>se biologically and socially required services. Resource allocation occurring within a household is a prerequisite<br />
for resource allocation occurring through <strong>the</strong> market.<br />
The unitary model <strong>of</strong> intra-household resource allocation<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> unitary model (Gary Becker), <strong>the</strong> intra-household allocation <strong>of</strong> work is based on comparative<br />
advantages <strong>of</strong> all household members based on which <strong>the</strong>ir work is allocated between <strong>the</strong> household and <strong>the</strong><br />
market. Maximising <strong>the</strong> household welfare is a result <strong>of</strong> intra-household gender division <strong>of</strong> labour based on <strong>the</strong><br />
decision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> male household member. Abandoning <strong>the</strong> assumption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> male ‘benevolent dictator’ who makes<br />
all <strong>the</strong> key decisions in <strong>the</strong> household, leads to <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong> intrahousehold conflicts and inequalities resolved<br />
through various co-operative and uncooperative models or negotiation models (World Bank, 2001: 147-180;<br />
Appendix <strong>of</strong> World Bank, 2001: 307-312).<br />
The feminist critique <strong>of</strong> unitary model<br />
Feminist critique <strong>of</strong> unitary models (Blau F, Ferber M and Winkler, A, 1998: 31-75) refers to <strong>the</strong> critique <strong>of</strong>: <strong>the</strong><br />
concept <strong>of</strong> household itself; <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> individual preferences, <strong>the</strong> logic <strong>of</strong> competition; <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
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homogenous work and identity; unitary production function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> household. Feminist economists approach<br />
household as a social institution, meaning that our preferences in <strong>the</strong> household are not formed independently,<br />
but ra<strong>the</strong>r as a result <strong>of</strong> numerous social factors, various lexicographical preferences, demonstration effects and<br />
income levels. Our choices are socially constructed and determined, and <strong>the</strong>refore our behaviour can surpass our<br />
individually formed preferences. The logic <strong>of</strong> competition and contest cannot be fully transferred onto <strong>the</strong><br />
household situation. Our decisions regarding supply and demand are inseparably interlocked, and cannot be<br />
separated <strong>the</strong>oretically or empirically.<br />
Men and women have different approach to intrahousehold resources, approach reflecting <strong>the</strong>ir asymmetrical<br />
gender identities, so that consequently <strong>the</strong> production opportunities that <strong>the</strong>y face are different. Households have<br />
a gender specific production function within which <strong>the</strong> production factors cannot be easily substituted by one<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r, both within and outside <strong>the</strong> household. Work can be differentiated on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> gender, age and status<br />
– gender relations are socially constructed and reflect <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> household and asymmetrical gender<br />
identities <strong>of</strong> household members. The assumption <strong>of</strong> intra-household resource allocation is problematic, because<br />
in many cases men and women do not share resources, but ra<strong>the</strong>r have different approaches to different<br />
resources and <strong>the</strong>reby different types <strong>of</strong> income, resulting in gender specific consumption patterns. The common<br />
utility function is <strong>of</strong>ten fictitious, being based on <strong>the</strong> assumption that some household members will altruistically<br />
submit <strong>the</strong>ir individual tastes and preferences to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> household<br />
Care economy<br />
Women are largely absent from economics, both as researchers and <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> economic research. The<br />
situation is <strong>the</strong> same in terms <strong>of</strong> economic evaluation <strong>of</strong> domestic, traditionally women’s work. Therefore <strong>the</strong> huge<br />
significance <strong>of</strong> feminist economic analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> quantitative and qualitative significance <strong>of</strong> unpaid work in<br />
economy.<br />
Care economy is <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> scarce resources (mostly work) contributing to <strong>the</strong> welfare <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs, within and<br />
outside household (Susan Himmelweit, 1999: 27- 38, Folbre Nancy, 1995: 73-92 Lourdes Beneria, 1999: 287 -<br />
309). Care work comprises specific activities such as child care, providing for o<strong>the</strong>rs’ needs without expected<br />
reciprocation and without remuneration. Similar are <strong>the</strong> concepts <strong>of</strong> family work and unpaid work. The most<br />
common motives <strong>of</strong> care providers are altruism, expectation <strong>of</strong> long-term reciprocation, or obligation and<br />
responsibility.<br />
Moral values cannot be bought or sold on <strong>the</strong> market. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> positive external effects <strong>of</strong> care are<br />
that while providing care we learn values such as trust, loyalty, responsibility and reputation that reduce<br />
transaction costs on <strong>the</strong> market as well (e.g. asymmetric information). In a negative sense, <strong>the</strong> values <strong>of</strong> care can<br />
be abused (when somebody wants to be educated but is expected to care for a family member).<br />
Dimensioning care is complex. Intuitively, however, it is possible to draw a boundary between care as unpaid<br />
work and leisure activity (<strong>the</strong> teacup story). Somewhere between making and drinking tea is a demarcation line:<br />
it is <strong>the</strong> context that makes a difference. The dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy <strong>of</strong> care are illustrated by <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
globally, out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total (paid and unpaid) hours worked, men take up 47% and women 53% (HDI, UNDP, 1995).<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r words, ¾ <strong>of</strong> total men’s hours worked is paid work, compared to 2/3 <strong>of</strong> women’s total hours worked that<br />
are paid. It is estimated that <strong>the</strong> financial value <strong>of</strong> unpaid work is 70% <strong>of</strong> global GNP (HDI, UNDP, 1995).<br />
Feminist redefinition <strong>of</strong> economics as a science dealing with <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> scarce resources, <strong>the</strong>refore, refers to<br />
three interlocked key economic domains: market (exchange relations), state (redistribution relations) and care<br />
economy (gift relations).<br />
Macro economy – <strong>the</strong> market and a State as engendered institutions<br />
The experiences <strong>of</strong> structural adaptation <strong>of</strong> global economy in <strong>the</strong> 1980’s, globalisation and transition processes,<br />
have confirmed <strong>the</strong> deterioration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in many aspects <strong>of</strong> human development. Such a<br />
situation has resulted in a growing interest <strong>of</strong> feminist economists in investigating <strong>the</strong> interdependence <strong>of</strong> macro<br />
economy, gender and development. The general conclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminist analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above mentioned<br />
processes was that <strong>the</strong> deterioration <strong>of</strong> women’s economic and social position is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir minor influence<br />
on <strong>the</strong> decisions shaping <strong>the</strong>ir lives, in relation to men.<br />
The neo-liberal approach to economic development and economic policy, based on methodological individualism,<br />
‘naturalness’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market and <strong>the</strong> rational economic actor, was pr<strong>of</strong>oundly shaken by events and trends<br />
occurring in <strong>the</strong> global economy (Asian economic crisis, liberalisation <strong>of</strong> global trade and <strong>the</strong> Washington<br />
Consensus). The issues <strong>of</strong> social policy (Joseph Stiglitz, 2002 : 23-52) thus reach <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> debate on<br />
desirable macroeconomic policy. With <strong>the</strong>ir analysis, feminist economists have disclosed <strong>the</strong> ways in which gender<br />
inequalities occur in domains such as trade, financial services, and international labour division.<br />
Feminist economists have exposed <strong>the</strong> popular myths (FENN Seminar Report, 2002: 35 - 62) occurring in <strong>the</strong><br />
context <strong>of</strong> globalisation:<br />
- That exploiting women is better than excluding <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong> development process;<br />
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- That women working in export oriented industries are in privileged position;<br />
- That globalisation and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> information and communication; technologies will facilitate<br />
access to information for women;<br />
- That privatising social services leads to <strong>the</strong> increase in <strong>the</strong>ir efficiency;<br />
- That macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market criteria.<br />
The effect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market relies on <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> social and institutional norms reflecting asymmetrical power<br />
relations based on <strong>the</strong> interdependence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> categories <strong>of</strong> gender, race and class. The market and a State are<br />
institutions comprised <strong>of</strong> formal rules, conventions and informal codes <strong>of</strong> conduct limiting human autonomy. These<br />
institutions have a gender dimension reflecting and influencing <strong>the</strong> institutional context.<br />
Markets are gendered (Lourdes Beneria, 2003: 63-90), as <strong>the</strong> purchases and sales on <strong>the</strong> market are bound by<br />
gender relations and <strong>the</strong> changing constructions <strong>of</strong> gender identities.<br />
Capital, land and goods are also gendered, because what happens in <strong>the</strong> family in terms <strong>of</strong> time and resource<br />
allocation influences how a household is included into <strong>the</strong> factor and commodity markets.<br />
The role <strong>of</strong> state is important in <strong>the</strong> development process, but state macroeconomic policy does not necessarily<br />
have to be a neo-liberal one. Moreover, neo-liberal policy is <strong>of</strong>ten inefficient in <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic<br />
goals. What is necessary today is a macroeconomic policy that is gender sensitive (Nilufer Cagatay, 2003: 22-41,<br />
Ingrid Palmer, 2003: 42-87). For example, <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> a balanced budget, or <strong>the</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> its deficit/sufficit<br />
does not be have to be achieved only by focussing on cost cuts. An alternative to it may be an increase in state<br />
revenue, or redistribution <strong>of</strong> state revenue within <strong>the</strong> budget itself. Namely, among <strong>the</strong> budget expenditures,<br />
items supported by strong political interests, such as defence budget, tend to decrease less than it is <strong>the</strong> case, for<br />
instance, with costs aimed at satisfying <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor and women.<br />
The experiences <strong>of</strong> globalisation and transition in Serbia<br />
The subordinate position <strong>of</strong> women is analysed in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> directed non-development and patriarchal society<br />
(Tatjana Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2002). <strong>On</strong>e defines directed non-development as a process occurring in Serbia in<br />
<strong>the</strong> nineties, i.e. a process <strong>of</strong> institutional, state discouragement <strong>of</strong> economic and social development in Serbia. In<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> state took measures to prevent transition (for example, <strong>the</strong> privatisation in <strong>the</strong> early nineties and<br />
subsequent revalorisation <strong>of</strong> already privatised capital, with a simultaneous rapid process <strong>of</strong> bottom-up conversion<br />
<strong>of</strong> socially-owned capital into private hands).<br />
The subordinate position <strong>of</strong> women dates back to <strong>the</strong> socialist era. In short, <strong>the</strong> socialist state proclaimed a<br />
humanisation <strong>of</strong> gender relations and gender equality. Accordingly, women were supposed to be at <strong>the</strong> same time<br />
participants in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> socialist economy as a whole equally with men, as well as educators and carers <strong>of</strong><br />
future generations. In reality, patriarchal gender regimes dominated women’s lives inside <strong>the</strong> household, and<br />
gender inequalities remained present both in <strong>the</strong> private and public spheres <strong>of</strong> women’s lives. Women were more<br />
commonly employed in poorly paid industries (such as textile) or services. Gender-based wage difference for <strong>the</strong><br />
same quality and quantity <strong>of</strong> work occurred both in apparent and latent forms: compared to men, women received<br />
15% lower salaries or when <strong>the</strong> salary was <strong>the</strong> same, <strong>the</strong>y were given jobs below <strong>the</strong>ir education levels.<br />
Such women’s position was added to by <strong>the</strong> austere nineties. Serbian Socialist government was refusing<br />
transition, while simultaneously dragging <strong>the</strong> country through dramatic economic and social changes and wars.<br />
These dramatic changes had <strong>the</strong>ir syn<strong>the</strong>tic expression in a sharp rise in poverty among <strong>the</strong> population, even<br />
higher that <strong>the</strong> social price <strong>of</strong> transition paid by o<strong>the</strong>r countries <strong>of</strong> Eastern and Central Europe. Women in Serbia<br />
experienced <strong>the</strong> painful consequences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government’s nationalist and sexist policies. Women were favoured<br />
as mo<strong>the</strong>rs and carers, but hindered in expressing <strong>the</strong>ir own total potentials. Patriarchal social relations and<br />
sexism were a basis on which women were represented as symbols <strong>of</strong> nationalist polity. It was a context which<br />
one terms state-supported gender discrimination against women. This context was rooted in <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> specific<br />
non-violent culture and decomposition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> society as a consequence <strong>of</strong> all above mentioned.<br />
Passing <strong>the</strong> Law on Employment and Law on Privatisation (2001) inaugurated <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transition <strong>of</strong><br />
our current economic system towards an economy with an integral marked comprised <strong>of</strong> factors (work and<br />
capital) and final products. Transitional changes and privatisation have lead to fur<strong>the</strong>r growth <strong>of</strong> unemployment<br />
among women, primarily as a result <strong>of</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> two opposed trends: fall in <strong>the</strong> demand for women’s work<br />
and rise in <strong>the</strong> supply <strong>of</strong> female labour.<br />
The arguments above speak in favour <strong>of</strong> a need to redefine state policy in terms <strong>of</strong> gender, i.e. to focus <strong>the</strong><br />
state’s attitude towards gender first towards <strong>the</strong> economic aspect <strong>of</strong> gendering so as to consider <strong>the</strong> costs and<br />
benefits contained in gender as a category. To promote gender equalities during <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> transition and<br />
privatisation <strong>of</strong> Serbian economy, <strong>the</strong> state must provide an adequate answer to at least <strong>the</strong>se key questions:<br />
- How much does it cost when a woman really earns as much as a man?<br />
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- How expensive is it not to take in consideration women’s leadership and total potential?<br />
The key question is how economic policy car be reformulated so as to benefit women, and whe<strong>the</strong>r economic<br />
policy can be reformulated at all, in view <strong>of</strong> women’s multiple roles and social construction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir lives.<br />
Significant gender sensitive questions to be posed in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> economic restructuring, which are usually<br />
neglected, refer to intrahousehold labour division, gender segregation <strong>of</strong> labour market and social gender costs<br />
(health, safety, violence). The analysis <strong>of</strong> gender relations should <strong>the</strong>refore include: <strong>the</strong> market (where, due to<br />
women’s labour invested in reproduction, a woman does not enter with <strong>the</strong> same resources and mobility as a<br />
man), and expert approach to <strong>the</strong> state policy and <strong>the</strong> budget.<br />
Literature:<br />
1. ----- ‘Myths and Working Group Discussions’ in: FENN Seminar Report, 2002, Gender Tools for <strong>the</strong><br />
Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on Globalisation, The Hague: Institute <strong>of</strong> Social Studies, 2002,<br />
pp. 35-62<br />
2. Amartja Sen, ‘Aktivnost žena i društvene promene’ u: Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ, 2002,<br />
str.227 - 242<br />
3. Amartja Sen, ‘Uvod: Razvoj kao sloboda’ u: Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ, 2002, str.19 – 28<br />
4. Appendix 4 <strong>of</strong> World Bank, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equalitz in <strong>Rights</strong>, Resources and<br />
Voice, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 307 –312<br />
5. Barker, Drucilla, and Edith Kuiper, ‘Introduction: Sketching <strong>the</strong> Contours <strong>of</strong> a Feminist Philosophy <strong>of</strong><br />
Economics’, in Drucilla Barker and Edith Kuiper, (eds.) Toward a Feminist Philosophy <strong>of</strong> Economics. London:<br />
Routledge, 2003, pp.1-18<br />
6. Bina Agarwal, ‘Challenging Mainstream Economics: Effectivenes, Relevance and Responsibility’, IAFFE<br />
Newsletter, 14(3), 2004, pp. 2-6<br />
7. Bina Agarwal, ed. ‘Feminist Economics as a Challenge to Mainstream Economics?’ IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3),<br />
2004, pp. 1-2<br />
8. Blau F, Ferber M and Winkler, A, ‘The family as an Economic Unit’, in The Economics <strong>of</strong> Women, Men and<br />
Work, 3 rd edition, Saddle River, New Jerse: Prentice Hall, 1998, pp. 31-75,<br />
9. Dian Elson, ‘Feminist economics Challenges Mainstream Macroeconomics’ IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3), 2004,<br />
pp. 6-9<br />
10. Durbin Elizabeth, ‘Towards a Gendered <strong>Human</strong> Poverty Measure’, Feminist Economics 5(2) 1999: 105 - 108<br />
11. Folbre, Nancy,’ Holding Hands at Midnight: <strong>the</strong> Paradox <strong>of</strong> Caring Labour’, Feminist Economics 1 (1), 1995,<br />
pp.73-92.<br />
12. Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko, ‘What Does Feminization <strong>of</strong> Poverty Mean? Isn’t Just Lack <strong>of</strong> Income’, Feminist<br />
Economics 5 (2), 1999, pp. 99-104.<br />
13. Harding, Sandra, ‘Can Feminist Though Make Economic more Objective?’ Feminist Economics 1 (1) 1995,<br />
pp.7-32<br />
14. Ingrid Palmer, 'Macro-economics and Gender: Options for <strong>the</strong>ir Integration into a State Agenda', in: Martha<br />
Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics. Making Gender Matter. Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in<br />
Developing Countries, London, New York: Zed Books, GTZ, 2003, pp. 42-87<br />
15. Isabella Bakker, The Strategic Silence. Gender and Economic Policy, London, Ottawa: Zed Books and The<br />
North-South Institute, 1988<br />
16. Joseph Stiglitz, ‘Broken Promises’ in: Globalization and Its Discontents, London: Allen Lane and Penguin<br />
Books, 2002, pp. 23- 52<br />
17. Lourdes Beneria, ‘Markets, Globalization and Gender’ in: Gender, Development and Globalization. Economisc<br />
as if All People Mattered, New York and London: Routledge, 2003, pp. 63 – 90<br />
18. Lourdes Beneria, 'The Enduring Debate over Unpaid Labour', International Labour review, 138 (3), 1999, pp.<br />
287 -309<br />
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19. Marija Lukiæ i Slaðana Jovanoviæ, Konkurentnost žena sa decom na tržištu rada, Beograd: Glas razlike, 2002<br />
20. Marija Lukiæ, ‘Ekonomski položaj žena 1990 – 2002’ u: Ekonomski ravnopravne, Beograd: Glas razlike, 2002,<br />
str. 2-8<br />
21. Marilyn Waring, If Women Counted. A new Feminist Economics, London: Macmillan, 1989<br />
22. Nilufer Cagatay, 'Engendering Macro-economics', in: Martha Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics. Making<br />
Gender Matter. Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in Developing Countries, London, New York: Zed<br />
Books, GTZ, 2003, pp. 22-41,<br />
23. Rekha Mehra i Sarah Gammage, ‘Trends, Countertrends, and Gaps in Women Employment’, World<br />
Development, 27(3) 1999: 533- 550<br />
24. Richard Swedberg, ‘Gary S. Becker’ in Economics and Sociology, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University<br />
Press, 1990, pp. 27-60<br />
25. Sanja Æopiæ, ‘Položaj i uloga žene u društvu’, u: Ljiljana Dobrosavljeviæ Grujiæ (ur.) Žene u Srbiji. Da li<br />
smo diskriminisane? Beograd: Sekcija žena UGS ‘Nezavisnost’ i ICFTU CEE Women’s Network, 2001, str. 11-37<br />
26. Susan Himmelweit, ‘Caring Labour’ in Annals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Academz <strong>of</strong> Political and Social Science, 561<br />
(0), 1999: 27- 38<br />
27. Tables on GDI and GEM. 2004, in <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 2004, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 217-<br />
237,<br />
28. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2001, Ekonomika Jugoslavije. Ekonomika razvoja i tranzicije, Novi Sad: Alef<br />
29. Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Rodnost i razvoj u Srbiji – od dirigovanog nerazvoja do tranzicije, dvojezièno<br />
(Gender and Development in Serbia – From Directed Non-development to Transition), Novi Sad: Buduænost i<br />
Ženske studije i istraživanja, 2002, str.49 – 65<br />
30. World Bank, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equality in <strong>Rights</strong>, Resources and Voice, Oxford:<br />
Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 147- 180<br />
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1. Introduction<br />
Briefing Paper on <strong>the</strong> ‘Feminisation <strong>of</strong> Poverty’<br />
By BRIDGE<br />
The term, <strong>the</strong> ‘feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty’ originates from US debates about single mo<strong>the</strong>rs and welfare, dating from<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1970s. Recently <strong>the</strong>re has been much discussion, in both academic and development policy circles, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
phenomena. However, <strong>the</strong>re is little clarity about what <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty means, or about whe<strong>the</strong>r such<br />
a trend can be empirically verified. The feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty has been linked to firstly, a perceived increase in<br />
<strong>the</strong> proportion <strong>of</strong> female-headed households (FHHs) and secondly, <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> female participation in low return<br />
urban informal sector activities, particularly in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s economic crises and adjustments in Sub-<br />
Saharan Africa and Latin America. It has been used to mean three distinct things:<br />
● That women have a higher incidence <strong>of</strong> poverty than men;<br />
● That <strong>the</strong>ir poverty is more severe than that <strong>of</strong> men;<br />
● That <strong>the</strong>re is a trend to greater poverty among women, particularly associated with rising rates <strong>of</strong> FHHs.<br />
2. Addressing poverty and gender inequality<br />
The household is a key site <strong>of</strong> gender discrimination and subordination and is thus an important focus for<br />
examining gender and poverty issues. However, aggregate national poverty estimates based on household<br />
surveys (whe<strong>the</strong>r on income or food availability type indicators) assume that household resources are equally<br />
shared. Little systematically gender-disaggregated data on income and o<strong>the</strong>r welfare measures is available and<br />
so an empirical assessment <strong>of</strong> poverty trends and incidences by gender is impossible.<br />
Consideration <strong>of</strong> poverty <strong>of</strong>ten neglects differentials between men and women in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir access to income,<br />
resources and services. Such differentials may occur within households between men and women, or between<br />
individuals (i.e. between single men and single women), or between households with women-headed households<br />
at a disadvantage to male-headed households. There are also gender-based differentials in vulnerability to illness<br />
and violence (Wratten, 1995).<br />
Any poverty-reducing programmes may not reach women directly, due to <strong>the</strong>ir lack <strong>of</strong> command over productive<br />
resources and control over output, as well as (particularly for poor women) lack <strong>of</strong> time. The costs <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
restructuring under structural adjustment are <strong>of</strong>ten disproportionately borne by women, through increased labour<br />
or reduced intake <strong>of</strong> food, with severe human development consequences for women <strong>the</strong>mselves and potentially<br />
for children, especially girls, who may be drawn into household or income earning labour. Moreover, existing<br />
safety-net programmes have tended to target men, explicitly or implicitly. Wider social security and welfare<br />
provisions have not taken account <strong>of</strong> changes in social relations (including gender relations) which are occurring<br />
as a result <strong>of</strong> economic restructuring, as well as political and social conflict (Masika et. al., 2000). Not all evidence<br />
reveals discrimination against women in <strong>the</strong> household; <strong>the</strong>re are some case studies that demonstrate<br />
disadvantages for men once <strong>the</strong> gendered division <strong>of</strong> labour is taken into account (Razavi, 1999).<br />
A substantial body <strong>of</strong> literature now exists to show that men and women experience poverty differently such that<br />
women's poverty status cannot be 'read <strong>of</strong>f' that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> household. What is less clear, is <strong>the</strong> relationship between<br />
household-level poverty and female well-being, i.e. does gender discrimination intensify or diminish with poverty?<br />
Evidence from South Asia shows that discrimination does not disappear and may even intensify as household<br />
income increases, but this may be region specific. Sub-Saharan Africa shows no clear evidence <strong>of</strong> gender bias in<br />
consumption, but women have very little leisure time compared to men and this may be fur<strong>the</strong>r curtailed as<br />
poverty increases. In general, as household-level poverty increases, <strong>the</strong>re may be a tendency for men to retain<br />
an increasing share <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir income in order to maintain personal consumption levels at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong><br />
contributions to <strong>the</strong> household. Women's limited claims on male income may diminish. In more extreme cases,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re may be a total breakdown in normative entitlements through marriage or o<strong>the</strong>r familial support, resulting in<br />
FHHs (Baden and Milward, 2000).<br />
Despite this lack <strong>of</strong> clarity, multilateral and bilateral development agencies have focused <strong>the</strong>ir gender polices on<br />
<strong>the</strong> presumed connection between gender inequality and an increase in <strong>the</strong> incidence <strong>of</strong> poverty. According to<br />
UNDP ‘Poverty has a woman’s face - <strong>of</strong> 1.3 billion people living in poverty, 70 percent are women’ (UNDP,<br />
1995:4). However, <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> systematic data that disaggregates expenditure or consumption by gender means<br />
that such broad statements are <strong>of</strong>ten based on questionable assumptions. There is a need for fur<strong>the</strong>r research to<br />
avoid making simplistic correlations, such as between increases in female-headed households and any<br />
‘feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty’.<br />
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3. Female-headed households (FHHs)<br />
In <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> good gender-disaggregated data, <strong>the</strong>re has been a tendency to rely on comparisons between<br />
male and female-headed households in order to examine gender and poverty questions. The limited data<br />
available seems to indicate a slightly upward trend in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> FHHs in eight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twelve Sub-Saharan<br />
countries surveyed by DHS [1] . In Latin America, DHS data also showed an increase in FHHs in five <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> six<br />
countries for which data was available. Data on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r regions is sparse and does not indicate a clear trend<br />
(United Nations, 2000). However, this does not necessarily signal an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women living in<br />
poverty. Moreover, this method <strong>of</strong> analysis does not address <strong>the</strong> questions <strong>of</strong> intra-household resource allocation<br />
and poverty, relevant to <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
There is now a considerable body <strong>of</strong> evidence on <strong>the</strong> relative income levels, household structures and work<br />
patterns <strong>of</strong> male versus FHHs. There is some evidence <strong>of</strong> a link between female headship and poverty, but <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship is by no means straightforward and <strong>the</strong>re are considerable methodological and conceptual difficulties<br />
surrounding studies <strong>of</strong> this issue. Female-headed households are a heterogeneous category and may include<br />
relatively well-<strong>of</strong>f women. There are now more sophisticated analyses <strong>of</strong> female headship which disaggregate this<br />
category into subgroups, such as those determined by lifecycle stage, marital strategies or labour deployment.<br />
Different subgroups are more likely to be vulnerable to poverty than o<strong>the</strong>rs. The characteristics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
subgroups vary considerably between contexts depending on a number <strong>of</strong> factors, including <strong>the</strong> extent <strong>of</strong> social<br />
support available and <strong>the</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> social legitimacy accorded to different types <strong>of</strong> FHHs (Baden and Milward,<br />
2000).<br />
Female headship may have positive aspects. FHHs are likely to be less constrained by patriarchal authority at <strong>the</strong><br />
domestic level and female heads may experience greater self-esteem, more personal freedom, more flexibility to<br />
take on paid work, enhanced control over finances and a reduction or absence <strong>of</strong> physical and/or emotional<br />
abuse. Female heads may be empowered in that <strong>the</strong>y are more able to fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>ir personal interests and <strong>the</strong><br />
well-being <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir dependants (Baden and Milward, 2000). Studies have shown that <strong>the</strong> expenditure patterns <strong>of</strong><br />
FHHs are more biased towards nutrition and education than those <strong>of</strong> male households (Chant, 1995).<br />
However, while FHHs may be better <strong>of</strong>f in some ways, <strong>the</strong>y may face greater difficulties than men in gaining<br />
access to labour markets, credit, housing and basic services, and <strong>the</strong>re are sometimes additional layers <strong>of</strong><br />
discrimination against female heads. Single parent households, most <strong>of</strong> which are FHHs also face <strong>the</strong> difficulties<br />
<strong>of</strong> one adult having to combine income earning with household management and child rearing. This generally<br />
means that <strong>the</strong> parent can only take on part-time, informal jobs with low earnings and few if any fringe benefits<br />
(ibid.). In terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> female headship on child welfare and education <strong>the</strong> evidence is conflicting<br />
(Buvinic and Gupta, 1994).<br />
There is a need for more subtle categorisation <strong>of</strong> female headship and a cross checking <strong>of</strong> large-scale survey data<br />
with qualitative studies, paying attention to <strong>the</strong> differences between female heads, in particular those related to<br />
life cycle issues, marital status and social support. More detailed and systematic data are required on work hours,<br />
income sources, expenditure patterns, assets and claims <strong>of</strong> different types <strong>of</strong> household, both male- and femaleheaded.<br />
The variation in incidence <strong>of</strong> female headship within as well as between countries requires more<br />
attention. It is also vital not to treat female headship as a proxy for gender discrimination in general (Baden and<br />
Milward, 2000).<br />
4. Labour force participation<br />
The rise <strong>of</strong> female participation in low return, urban, informal sector activities is also considered evidence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty. Due to household survival strategies during economic restructuring, <strong>the</strong>re is an increasing<br />
reliance on informal sector employment for both men and women. However, UN statistics show that <strong>the</strong> informal<br />
sector is a larger source <strong>of</strong> employment for women than for men (United Nations, 2000). The greater insecurity<br />
and lower earning capacity in <strong>the</strong> informal sector is <strong>the</strong>refore seen as ano<strong>the</strong>r reason for <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty. Moreover, because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concentration <strong>of</strong> women in casual labour <strong>of</strong> informal sector work, legislative<br />
measures have ei<strong>the</strong>r excluded or not been enforced in relation to most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic activities.<br />
Labour market approaches <strong>of</strong>fer an alternative framework for examining questions <strong>of</strong> gender and poverty, which<br />
avoid <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> aggregation at household level. However, <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r and why women’s<br />
participation in <strong>the</strong> informal sector labour force has risen and <strong>the</strong> relationship between this and poverty trends is<br />
not clear. The empirical evidence here is also relatively weak due to lack <strong>of</strong> time series data for many countries<br />
(Baden and Milward, 2000). Conventional labour market categories have tended to be gender-blind and generally<br />
focus on formal sector activities. They <strong>the</strong>refore have a limited value in identifying poor people. Measurement<br />
problems are exacerbated by <strong>the</strong> wide range <strong>of</strong> activities and diverse modes <strong>of</strong> operation that <strong>the</strong> informal sector<br />
incorporates.<br />
Although informal sector activity is <strong>of</strong>ten associated with poverty in general and specifically with female poverty,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is considerable heterogeneity here and men particularly can prosper in <strong>the</strong> informal sector. Where women<br />
earn income outside <strong>the</strong> home, <strong>the</strong>re is some evidence that gender biases in resource allocation within <strong>the</strong><br />
household may diminish (Baden and Milward, 2000). Since, in many developing countries, <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> women<br />
(and indeed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> overall labour force) work in <strong>the</strong> informal sector, it also does not provide a useful guide to<br />
poverty status (ibid.).<br />
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5. Changes in how poverty is understood<br />
A review <strong>of</strong> current approaches to understanding urban poverty points to <strong>the</strong> need <strong>of</strong> broadening <strong>the</strong> way poverty<br />
is understood and measured. Poverty is multidimentional, and hence limiting measures to income shortfalls and<br />
poverty lines masks <strong>the</strong> true extent <strong>of</strong> poverty, particularly for women and children. Standard income/<br />
expenditure data fails to capture <strong>the</strong> complexity <strong>of</strong> gender differences in poverty and a gender-differentiated<br />
assessment <strong>of</strong> well-being. It can <strong>the</strong>refore be helpful to examine broader indicators <strong>of</strong> well-being:<br />
● Health indicators, e.g. nutrition, life-expectancy, maternal mortality;<br />
● Access to resources e.g. employment participation and earnings, land ownership, and access to safe water<br />
and sanitation.<br />
These reflect <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> income/expenditure decisions ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> means whereby well-being is<br />
achieved (Kabeer, 1996). Gender disparities in development can be captured by using <strong>the</strong> Gender-related<br />
Development Index (GDI) and <strong>the</strong> Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) devised by UNDP (UNDP, 1995). These<br />
measures can be used to rank countries in order <strong>of</strong> achievements on gender equality, ra<strong>the</strong>r than just on human<br />
development, as with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> Development Index (HDI). The GDI attempts to capture achievement in <strong>the</strong><br />
same set <strong>of</strong> basic capabilities included in <strong>the</strong> HDI – life expectancy, educational attainment and income – but<br />
adjusts <strong>the</strong> HDI for gender inequality. The GEM measures gender inequality in key areas <strong>of</strong> economic and political<br />
participation and decision-making, such as seats held in parliament, and percentage <strong>of</strong> managerial positions held<br />
by women. The GEM thus differs from <strong>the</strong> GDI, which is an indicator <strong>of</strong> gender inequality in basic capabilities<br />
(UNDP 1995: 39; Wach and Reeves, 2000)<br />
Measures, such as GEM and GDI have added credence to <strong>the</strong> view that women are more vulnerable to poverty.<br />
‘The Gender-related Development Index value <strong>of</strong> every country is lower than its <strong>Human</strong> Development Index<br />
value’ (UNDP 1997:39). Cagatay (1998) also argues that if indicators <strong>of</strong> well-being associated with human<br />
poverty are used, such as literacy, women on average are unambiguously worse <strong>of</strong>f than men in almost all<br />
contexts. A case study from Bangladesh also cites evidence to support women’s disadvantage (Khaleda, 1998).<br />
However, as Shahra Razavi (1998) argues, <strong>the</strong>se measurements <strong>of</strong> well-being outcomes (health indicators and<br />
access to resources) are prone to be employed in making simplistic correlations with aspects <strong>of</strong> gender equality.<br />
This not only leads to questionable polices (see section on policy implications) but also may sideline o<strong>the</strong>r aspects<br />
<strong>of</strong> gender inequality such as mobility in public spheres and decision-making power, which have an ambiguous<br />
connection with poverty indicators. In addition, gender-sensitive well-being outcomes are extremely difficult to<br />
quantify and national poverty assessments still tend to rely on traditional measures such as household income and<br />
nutritional intake.<br />
Recent years have seen a fur<strong>the</strong>r broadening <strong>of</strong> debates around poverty, which has led to a more pluralistic<br />
approach to measuring or assessing poverty and deprivation. There is increasing emphasis on self-assessment <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty, leading to issues such as domestic violence and social support networks becoming part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
mainstream poverty debate. From a gender perspective, this opens up <strong>the</strong> possibility for highlighting <strong>the</strong> genderspecific<br />
dimensions <strong>of</strong> deprivation, through concepts <strong>of</strong> vulnerability, shocks, fluctuation, powerlessness and so on<br />
(Baden and Milward, 2000). However, participatory methods for assessing poverty (e.g. PRA, PLA) can obscure<br />
gender-specific interests unless careful contextual analysis is carried out (Cornwall, 2001). Gender-sensitive<br />
participatory methodologies need to be fur<strong>the</strong>r developed. Even where gender-sensitive participatory methods<br />
are employed, for example, by <strong>the</strong> World Bank in <strong>the</strong>ir Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPAs), results are too<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten sidelined or ignored when policy recommendations are made (Whitehead and Lockwood, 1999).<br />
6. Policy implications<br />
Concerns have been raised about gender issues becoming a subset <strong>of</strong> poverty concerns with attention being<br />
focused solely on poor women, ra<strong>the</strong>r than gender inequality. As Jackson (1994) points out, gender subordination<br />
does not arise out <strong>of</strong> poverty per se. Collapsing gender concerns into a poverty agenda narrows <strong>the</strong> scope for a<br />
gender analysis which can fully address how and why gender inequalities are reproduced, not just among <strong>the</strong><br />
‘poor,’ but in society as a whole. In <strong>the</strong> same way, conflating gender and poverty issues may not assist <strong>the</strong><br />
poverty alleviation efforts, in that it could lead to confusion in targeting since ‘not all women are poor and not all<br />
<strong>the</strong> poor are women’ (Kabeer, 1994).<br />
6.1 Women in development approach<br />
The ‘feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty’ idea can be problematic where it informs poverty-reduction approaches which target<br />
resources at women - in particular microcredit interventions - without attempting to change <strong>the</strong> underlying ‘rules<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> game’ (Goetz, 1995; Fraser, 1989 cited in Jackson, 1996). Where women are targeted with resources it is<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten assumed that benefits accrue directly to <strong>the</strong>m and also to <strong>the</strong>ir children, to a greater extent than resources<br />
targeted at men (Buvinic and Gupta, 1997). It has also been argued that where women gain access to external<br />
resources, perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir value to <strong>the</strong> household may change, increasing <strong>the</strong>ir bargaining power and leading<br />
to more equitable allocation <strong>of</strong> resources and decision-making power within <strong>the</strong> household (Sen, 1990). Beyond<br />
this, claims have been made for example, that credit programmes empower women economically, socially and<br />
politically, as well as in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> family (Hashemi et. al, 1996). Focusing on women in isolation from<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir social relationships does little to address <strong>the</strong> power imbalances rooted in <strong>the</strong>se social relations that lead to<br />
women’s greater vulnerability to poverty (Baden, 1999).<br />
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Poverty reduction approaches that focus on women’s and girls’ education are also <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> simplistic<br />
assumptions. The World Bank advocates <strong>the</strong> education <strong>of</strong> women and girls particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa<br />
because <strong>of</strong> its supposed benefits to household welfare, agriculture production and fertility reduction. Their focus<br />
on this ‘win-win’ situation does not reveal <strong>the</strong> causal dynamics <strong>of</strong> low levels <strong>of</strong> female education and how gender<br />
inequalities underlie educational outcomes (Razavi, 1999).<br />
6.2 Focusing on gender relations<br />
It is important to consider how power embedded in gender relations may, in some circumstances, mediate <strong>the</strong>se<br />
desired outcomes. It may be that benefits from targeting resources at women are siphoned <strong>of</strong>f by men (Goetz<br />
and Sen Gupta, 1996), or that men reduce <strong>the</strong>ir levels <strong>of</strong> contribution to household expenditure as women’s<br />
access to resources increases (Bruce, 1989). Even where women do gain greater access to resources, this maybe<br />
at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> increases in <strong>the</strong>ir burden <strong>of</strong> labour, leaving <strong>the</strong>m exhausted. Where <strong>the</strong>y have control over<br />
resources, <strong>the</strong>y may be unable to effectively mobilise <strong>the</strong>se resources to support sustainable livelihoods. Women<br />
may feel compelled to invest resources, including <strong>the</strong>ir labour, in ‘family’ businesses or in children, identifying<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own interests with those <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r household members and <strong>the</strong>reby leaving <strong>the</strong>mselves vulnerable in <strong>the</strong><br />
event <strong>of</strong> family breakdown (Baden, 1999).<br />
7. Conclusion<br />
Because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> consistent use <strong>of</strong> inappropriate and gender-blind statistics it is difficult to substantiate <strong>the</strong> claim<br />
that <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women living in poverty is rising. Although <strong>the</strong>re is evidence to support <strong>the</strong> trend <strong>of</strong> rising<br />
rates <strong>of</strong> FHHs it is important not to treat female headship as a proxy for gender discrimination in general.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, due to <strong>the</strong> heterogeneous nature and difficulties <strong>of</strong> measuring activities in <strong>the</strong> informal sector,<br />
caution also needs to be taken in using this as an indicator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />
There is evidence to demonstrate that because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> weaker and conditional basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir entitlements, women<br />
are generally more vulnerable to poverty and once poor, have less options in terms <strong>of</strong> escape. Gender<br />
discrimination in <strong>the</strong> household and <strong>the</strong> market can result in <strong>the</strong> unequal distribution <strong>of</strong> resources leading to<br />
women experiencing a greater severity <strong>of</strong> poverty than men.<br />
However, what makes men or women more vulnerable and <strong>the</strong> different ways <strong>the</strong>y are able to move out <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty have to be fur<strong>the</strong>r explored to avoid simplistic policy recommendations that may fail to address <strong>the</strong><br />
underlying causes <strong>of</strong> gender inequality. Although a substantial amount <strong>of</strong> work has been conducted on gendered<br />
experiences <strong>of</strong> poverty, <strong>the</strong>re is still a need for more attention to gender-disaggregated data collection, detailed<br />
context specific research, and comparative empirical research. Also important is <strong>the</strong> exploration <strong>of</strong> how and<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r gender-sensitive policy changes take effect in implementation.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Baden, S., 1999, ‘Gender, Governance and <strong>the</strong> ‘feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty’’, second version, BRIDGE (unpublished<br />
report)<br />
Baden, S. and Milward, K., 1995, ‘Gender and poverty,’ BRIDGE Report No 30, Brighton: Institute <strong>of</strong> Development<br />
Studies<br />
Baden, S. and Milward, K., 2000, ‘Gender inequality and poverty: trends, linkages, analysis and policy<br />
implications’, BRIDGE (unpublished report)<br />
Bruce, J., 1989, ‘Homes divided’, World Development, Vol 17 No 7<br />
Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R., 1994, ‘Targeting poor women-headed households and women maintained families in<br />
developing countries: views on a policy dilemma’, ICRW/The Population Council, Family Structure, Female<br />
Headship and Poverty Projects, February<br />
Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R., 1997, ‘Female headed households and female-maintained families: are <strong>the</strong>y worth<br />
targeting to reduce poverty in developing countries’, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol 45 No 2<br />
Cagatay, N., 1998, ‘Gender and poverty’, UNDP Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division, Working<br />
Paper Series No 5<br />
Chant, S., 1995, 'Gender aspects <strong>of</strong> urban economic growth and development', paper prepared for <strong>the</strong> UNU/<br />
WIDER Conference on <strong>Human</strong> Settlements in <strong>the</strong> Changing Global Political and Economic Processes, Helinski<br />
Cornwall, A., 2001, ‘Making a Difference? Gender and participatory development’, IDS Discussion Paper 378,<br />
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Brighton: Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
Goetz, A.M., 1995, ‘Institutionalising women’s interests and gender-sensitive accountability in development’,<br />
editorial in ‘Getting institutions right for women in Development’, IDS Bulletin, Vol 26 No3<br />
Goetz, A.M. and Sen Gupta, R., 1996, 'Who takes <strong>the</strong> credit? Gender power and control over loan use in rural<br />
credit programs in Bangladesh', World Development, Vol 24 No 1<br />
Hashemi, S.S., Sidney, R. and Riley, A.., 1996, 'Rural credit programs and women's empowerment in<br />
Bangladesh', World Development, Vol 24 No 4<br />
Jackson, C., 1994, ‘Rescuing gender from <strong>the</strong> poverty trap’, paper presented at <strong>the</strong> conference: Gender and<br />
Development: Looking forward to Beijing, at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> East Anglia, 9-10 September<br />
Jackson, C., 1996, ‘Rescuing gender from <strong>the</strong> poverty trap’, World Development, Vol 23 No 4<br />
Jazairy, I. and Alamgir, M., 1992, The State <strong>of</strong> World Rural Poverty: An Inquiry into its Causes and Consequences,<br />
Rome: International Fund for Agricultural Development<br />
Kabeer, N., 1994, ‘Not all women are poor, not all <strong>the</strong> poor are women: conceptual, methodological and empirical<br />
issues in <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> gender and poverty’, mimeo<br />
Kabeer, N., 1996, ‘Agency, well being and inequality’, IDS Bulletin, Vol 27 No 1, Brighton: IDS<br />
Khaleda, S., 1998, ‘Feminization <strong>of</strong> poverty: Bangladesh in perspective’, Bangladesh Journal <strong>of</strong> Political Economy,<br />
Vol 14 No 2: 117-30<br />
Masika, R., de Haan, A., and Baden, S., 2000, ‘Urbanisation and urban poverty: a gender analysis’, BRIDGE<br />
(unpublished report)<br />
Razavi, S., 1999, ‘Gendered poverty and well-being: introduction’, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 3: 409-33<br />
Sen, A., 1990, ’Gender and cooperative conflicts’ in I.Tinker (ed), Persistent Inequalities, Oxford: Clarendon<br />
United Nations, 2000, The World’s Women 2000: Trends and Statistics, New York: United Nations<br />
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UNDP, 1997, <strong>Human</strong> Development Report 1997, Oxford: Oxford University Press<br />
UNDP, 1998, Overcoming <strong>Human</strong> Poverty: UNDP <strong>Human</strong> Poverty Report, New York: UNDP<br />
Wach, H. and Reeves, H., 2000, ‘Gender and development: facts and figures’, BRIDGE Reprt 56, Brighton:<br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
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Assessments’, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 3: 525-55<br />
April 2001<br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies ©<br />
ISBN 1 85864 386 4<br />
Source:<br />
BRIDGE (development - gender)<br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Sussex<br />
Brighton BN1 9RE, UK<br />
Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261<br />
Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202<br />
Email: bridge@ids.ac.uk<br />
Website: http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge /<br />
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[1] The Statistics Division <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Secretariat from Demographic Health Surveys (DHS), country<br />
reports<br />
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Gender Budgeting<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_rob.htm16-12-2005 12:37:24<br />
GENDER BUDGETING<br />
A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives Throughout Europe<br />
By Elisabeth Klatzer. Ph.D.<br />
Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European countries, initially inspired<br />
by <strong>the</strong> work in Australia, South Africa and <strong>the</strong> UK. In recent years a diversification <strong>of</strong><br />
strategies, methodologies and practices adopting to country-specific circumstances can<br />
be observed throughout Europe. In several countries <strong>the</strong>re is work on its way to<br />
implement Gender Budgeting into <strong>the</strong> regular tasks <strong>of</strong> public administration.<br />
Gender Budgeting and Initiatives in Serbia<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D.<br />
A major problem <strong>of</strong> standard budgeting processes is that <strong>the</strong>y are based on prevailing<br />
economic opinion that assumes <strong>the</strong> rational behaviour <strong>of</strong> individuals who are exclusively<br />
market-oriented and led by <strong>the</strong>ir own best interests, without considering gender, class,<br />
age, or ethnicity. Such individuals live beyond specific historical, geographic, and social<br />
contexts. It is also assumed that <strong>the</strong> decisions made by such individuals are not affected<br />
by ruling power relations. Differences between men and women remain unrecognised due<br />
to <strong>the</strong> assumption that economic policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable<br />
and “gender neutral” accordingly.
Doc<br />
Gender Budgeting and Initiatives in Serbia<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D.<br />
Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia<br />
Summary: The text presents key objectives and gender effects <strong>of</strong> governmental economic policy and its main<br />
instrument – <strong>the</strong> budget. It points out <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender-sensitive approach to <strong>the</strong> budget from <strong>the</strong><br />
point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> objectives <strong>of</strong> economic efficiency and gender equality that are integrated into all stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
political process: analysis, formation, and evaluation.<br />
Key words: budget tools, gender budget initiatives, gender equality<br />
What Is a Gender Budget, and Why Is Gender Budgeting Important?<br />
A budget is a key political decision <strong>of</strong> government for it presents <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> funds allocation in accordance with<br />
set objectives. A political objective that goes beyond <strong>the</strong> financial resources necessary for its realisation remains<br />
only a futile dream or demagogy. Governmental economic policy usually means activities planned by a state<br />
through which <strong>the</strong> state directs economic growth and economic and social development. Each state defines<br />
particular objectives and uses relevant instruments to realise <strong>the</strong>se objectives. For example, usual economic<br />
policy objectives are: growing <strong>the</strong> economy at a desirable rate, reducing <strong>the</strong> unemployment rate, achieving price<br />
stability, and a harmonised balance <strong>of</strong> payment (deficit decrease). Usual economic policy instruments are:<br />
monetary policy, fiscal policy and foreign trade policy. The objectives and instruments <strong>of</strong> economic policy are <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
mutually in conflict, i.e. <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> one economic policy objective usually results in <strong>the</strong> disturbance <strong>of</strong> or<br />
<strong>the</strong> failure to realise one or more o<strong>the</strong>r objectives. This is a well-known problem in economic <strong>the</strong>ory solved by<br />
prioritising.<br />
A budget is <strong>the</strong> key point where information is outlined on <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> governmental funds available for a<br />
period <strong>of</strong> time and on <strong>the</strong> sources and allocated uses <strong>of</strong> those funds (Andy Norton and Diane Elson, 2002: 5-14;<br />
Katarina Ott, 2000: Katarina Ott, 2003). In <strong>the</strong> narrowest sense, a budget indicates: total government<br />
expenditures (for spending and investment), income (mostly from taxation), and income distribution to sectors<br />
(education, health, transportation, agriculture, finance, defence, etc.). Usual budgetary functions are: resource<br />
allocation, income and wealth distribution, and economic stabilisation.<br />
To a great extent, feminist economics has shown that <strong>the</strong> gender neutrality <strong>of</strong> economic policies, <strong>the</strong>ir objectives,<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir instruments is an illusion (Diane Elson, 1994: 33 – 45; Nilufer Cagatay, 2003: 22-41; Ingrid Palmer,<br />
2003: 42-87). The engendering <strong>of</strong> economic policy covers a tw<strong>of</strong>old analytical process. First, gender<br />
macroeconomic analysis studies <strong>the</strong> impact on men and women <strong>of</strong> emphasising paid activities and neglecting<br />
reproduction in macroeconomic policy. Secondly, macroeconomic decisions and constrains have a significant<br />
retroactive effect on gender-based social, economic, and political differences that should be analysed.<br />
The issue <strong>of</strong> direct versus indirect taxation presents a good example <strong>of</strong> how <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> fiscal policy differ by<br />
gender. As for taxes, in principle <strong>the</strong>re are no differences according to gender; however, some gender effects may<br />
be seen if observed as direct (income) taxes versus indirect (consumption) taxes. For example, indirect taxation is<br />
recognised as <strong>the</strong> one that has significant impact on women due to <strong>the</strong>ir general and prevailing role as household<br />
budget managers, while direct income tax is considered to have a greater impact on men because <strong>the</strong>y have<br />
greater access to significant employment and higher income accordingly. Although <strong>the</strong>re are few studies on this<br />
topic, it has been observed that indirect tax payment affects women more than men. When goods and services<br />
get more expensive, due to <strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> tax on particular goods and services, women <strong>the</strong>n have two<br />
possibilities. <strong>On</strong>e possibility is to try to increase <strong>the</strong>ir paid working hours. The o<strong>the</strong>r possibility is to try to invest<br />
more <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir unpaid labour into <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se goods. Thus, in both cases, <strong>the</strong>y increase <strong>the</strong>ir efforts.<br />
Consumption taxes put a disproportionately higher burden on social groups with lower earnings because, relative<br />
to o<strong>the</strong>r groups, <strong>the</strong>y spend a larger proportion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir money on consumption (Isabella Bakker, 1994: 2-29).<br />
Usual shortcomings <strong>of</strong> budgets are <strong>the</strong>ir gender neutral economic framework, <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> socio-economic and<br />
gender-sensitive statistics, non-transparency, and <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> public participation (Transparency and Participation<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Budget Process, 2002). A major problem <strong>of</strong> standard budgeting processes is that <strong>the</strong>y are based on<br />
prevailing economic opinion that assumes <strong>the</strong> rational behaviour <strong>of</strong> individuals who are exclusively marketoriented<br />
and led by <strong>the</strong>ir own best interests, without considering gender, class, age, or ethnicity. Such individuals<br />
live beyond specific historical, geographic, and social contexts. It is also assumed that <strong>the</strong> decisions made by such<br />
individuals are not affected by ruling power relations. Differences between men and women remain unrecognised<br />
due to <strong>the</strong> assumption that economic policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable and “gender<br />
neutral” accordingly.<br />
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Gender budgeting is not, by itself, ei<strong>the</strong>r pro or contra government’s role in <strong>the</strong> economy (plan versus market),<br />
and it does not mean <strong>the</strong> making <strong>of</strong> separate budgets for men versus for women. Budget gender analysis shows a<br />
financial relationship between economic development <strong>of</strong> a nation’s economy (economic growth, poverty reduction,<br />
investment, and savings) and gender equality (women’s poverty and access to resources). Therefore, gender<br />
budgeting relates to <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> disaggregating expenses and income to show <strong>the</strong>ir various impacts upon<br />
women and men, thus indicating points where a state’s collection and distribution <strong>of</strong> resources is unfair. In o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
words, this means that gender analysis <strong>of</strong> all forms <strong>of</strong> public consumption and <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> causes and<br />
effects born by women compared to men may improve economic policy efficiency. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, gender<br />
budgeting is just one strategy focused toward gender equality, and it should be a constituent part <strong>of</strong> a wider<br />
strategy directed toward breaking unequal power relationships in societies.<br />
The Objectives <strong>of</strong> Gender Budget Analysis<br />
The key questions <strong>of</strong> gender-sensitive budget analysis are: Do resources reach those who need <strong>the</strong>m and for<br />
whom <strong>the</strong>y are intended? Do government economic policies and instruments decrease or increase gender<br />
inequalities? Including gender analysis in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> national budgeting means taking <strong>the</strong> following steps<br />
(Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, 2003; Isaac Shapiro, 2001; Debbie Budlender, 2002: 82- 87):<br />
1. Estimate <strong>the</strong> gender-awareness <strong>of</strong> policy – to what extent do different ministries pay explicit or implicit<br />
attention to gender considerations by analysing to what extent <strong>the</strong>ir policies and available resources impact <strong>the</strong><br />
decrease or increase <strong>of</strong> gender inequalities. (For example, in privatisation in Serbia: To what extent may women<br />
count on <strong>the</strong> resources generated through selling state-owned companies? May women get credit to buy <strong>the</strong><br />
property from <strong>the</strong> state … and so on?)<br />
2. Conduct gender-disaggregated assessment <strong>of</strong> public services beneficiaries and <strong>of</strong> budget prioritisation by<br />
studying <strong>the</strong> attitudes <strong>of</strong> existing or potential beneficiaries (through interviews, group discussions, public polls,<br />
etc.), assessing <strong>the</strong> extent to which governmental policies and programmes reflect <strong>the</strong> beneficiaries’ priorities and<br />
needs. (For example, consider <strong>the</strong> methods in which <strong>the</strong> decrease <strong>of</strong> military expenses may be directed to<br />
programmes that will empower women, like employment programmes and training, campaigns against violence<br />
against women, assistance to <strong>the</strong> elderly, etc.)<br />
3. Conduct gender-disaggregated analysis <strong>of</strong> public expenses using statistical data on households, <strong>the</strong> nature<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> benefit provided by <strong>the</strong> public sector, and <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> benefits by gender. Is public spending <strong>of</strong> equal<br />
use to men and to women? This analysis measures <strong>the</strong> budgeted resource distribution to women, girls, men, and<br />
boys by recalculating <strong>the</strong> total volume <strong>of</strong> costs belonging to each group. To do this, first, annual expenses are<br />
calculated for particular types <strong>of</strong> services. Then, <strong>the</strong> expense totals are divided by <strong>the</strong> annual quantity <strong>of</strong> each<br />
service provided (hospital beds, places in school). Finally, <strong>the</strong> extent to which <strong>the</strong>se units have been used by<br />
women versus men is analysed. Conduct gender-disaggregated analysis <strong>of</strong> public income regarding <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong><br />
direct and indirect forms <strong>of</strong> taxation paid by various categories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population (i.e. households) including<br />
governments at various levels. To evaluate how tax policy impacts men and women, <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> direct taxes<br />
(on income) and <strong>of</strong> indirect taxes (on consumption) must be observed. The objective <strong>of</strong> gender budgeting in this<br />
case is gender-disaggregated analysis <strong>of</strong> taxes. For example, <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> tax paid by an individual or household<br />
is observed, as well as whe<strong>the</strong>r tax exemptions are distributed in different manner for women than for men<br />
4. Conduct gender-disaggregated budget analysis from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> time, identifying <strong>the</strong> ratio between<br />
<strong>the</strong> national budget and <strong>the</strong> way time is spent in households. This provides for including time spent on unpaid<br />
labour in <strong>the</strong> analysis. Gender budget analysis studies <strong>the</strong> ratio between unpaid men’s and women’s labour and<br />
men and women’s contributions to care economy. Such analysis assesses <strong>the</strong> degree to which <strong>the</strong> budget depends<br />
on <strong>the</strong> care economy and women’s unpaid labour (such as care for <strong>the</strong> elderly, cooking, cleaning, ironing). This is<br />
analysis disaggregates <strong>the</strong> gender impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> budget on <strong>the</strong> ways in which time is used. A decrease in public<br />
spending mostly results in increases in <strong>the</strong> time women spend in <strong>the</strong> care economy to compensate for lost public<br />
services.<br />
5. Formulate a gender-aware, mid-term economic policy framework as <strong>the</strong> approach that includes <strong>the</strong> gender<br />
perspective in macroeconomic models. This assumes <strong>the</strong> measuring <strong>of</strong> various gender impacts <strong>of</strong> both national<br />
economic activities and those <strong>of</strong> each individual, including gender-sensitive indicators. Mechanisms to initiate and<br />
intensify dialogue between various government ministries and <strong>the</strong> civil sector (stakeholders) are necessary also.<br />
This objective, through <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminist gender perspective in mid-term policy, aims to change genderblind<br />
opinions assumed by prevailing economic models. Long-term budgeting facilitates <strong>the</strong> activity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ministry<br />
<strong>of</strong> Finance and provides for more effective gender mainstreaming <strong>of</strong> such policies into <strong>the</strong> future.<br />
6. Formulate a gender-responsible budget statement. This is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> objectives <strong>of</strong> gender budgeting<br />
initiatives. Such a statement takes into account a series <strong>of</strong> factors, such as <strong>the</strong> gender balance <strong>of</strong> employment in<br />
governmental institutions, <strong>the</strong> share <strong>of</strong> public spending on services used mainly by women, and gender-sensitive<br />
indicators <strong>of</strong> development.<br />
Gender Budgeting Initiatives (GBI)<br />
Gender budgeting initiatives are gender aware analyses <strong>of</strong> governmental budgets that recognise various<br />
contributions <strong>of</strong> men and women in production and goods and services distribution (Karen Judd, 2002: 13-86).<br />
Gender budget analyses consider whe<strong>the</strong>r budgets covers various interests, needs, rights, and obligations <strong>of</strong><br />
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women and men, girls and boys, both in <strong>the</strong> paid economy and in <strong>the</strong> care economy. Gender budget initiatives<br />
answer <strong>the</strong> following questions:<br />
- Are budgets and tax systems actually gender neutral as it seems at first sight?<br />
- How may gender become a constituent part <strong>of</strong> governmental policy?<br />
- How may women and non-governmental organisations be involved fur<strong>the</strong>r in budget proposal preparation,<br />
and in collection and analysis <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic data disaggregated by sex?<br />
Gender budget analyses have shown that governmental budgets are <strong>the</strong> instruments transferring and reproducing<br />
gender relations, but <strong>the</strong>y can become important instruments in transforming gender inequalities (Maeve Taylor,<br />
2003: 65- 84; Karen Judd, 2002: 163 – 181; Hazel Reeves and Heike Wach, 1999; Hazel Reeves and Charlie<br />
Sever, 2003; Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001: 17-21; Simel Esim, 2000).<br />
GBI Experiences <strong>of</strong> Various Countries<br />
During past dozen years, <strong>the</strong> interest in gender budgeting has been increased in <strong>the</strong> world (Debbie Budlender and<br />
Julius Mukunda, 2001: 1-31; Karen Judd 2002: 99- 162; Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanoviæ et al, 2005). Today, over<br />
fifty countries have some form <strong>of</strong> a gender-sensitive budget. Initiatives for gender-sensitive budgets have<br />
originated from civil societies, parliaments, or governments <strong>the</strong>mselves. The majority <strong>of</strong> gender budgeting<br />
initiatives are not only aimed at identifying governmental tasks or promoting <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong> focusing more money toward<br />
women, but also aim to discontinue various impacts <strong>of</strong> governmental taxation and economic policy on women and<br />
men, girls and boys. Therefore, <strong>the</strong>y may significantly contribute to <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> social, economic, and<br />
cultural rights <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole population and to <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> good government.<br />
The earliest GBIs were inspired by women’s budgeting initiatives accepted by <strong>the</strong> Australian Government in <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s. Fur<strong>the</strong>r initiatives have followed <strong>the</strong> experiences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South African gender budget and <strong>the</strong> Philippines’<br />
gender development budget.<br />
Australia is <strong>the</strong> first country that introduced a women’s budget in 1985. It assessed <strong>the</strong> extent to which women<br />
had or did not have benefits from <strong>the</strong> budget, considering <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> all ministries. The governmental service<br />
for women’s positions had a key role in coordinating activities among <strong>the</strong> Ministries <strong>of</strong> Finance, Economic Planning,<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>rs regarding how to facilitate dialogue with <strong>the</strong> civil sector. From 1985 to 1990, Australia introduced<br />
gender-sensitive budget analysis as a comprehensive view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> budget from a women’s standpoint. During one<br />
budget year, each ministry had <strong>the</strong> task to analyse its expenses. Feminists from <strong>the</strong> government strongly affirmed<br />
<strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> budget aimed at women, although to <strong>the</strong> detriment <strong>of</strong> broader women’s activism.<br />
Many GBIs throughout <strong>the</strong> world were initiated through <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong> three key categories used by <strong>the</strong><br />
Australian women’s budget. GBI required (Balmori, Helena H<strong>of</strong>bauer, 2003) first, specification <strong>of</strong> women’s costs<br />
(resources to be allocated to <strong>the</strong> programmes specifically related to women); second, provision for equal<br />
employment opportunities by providing assets to support affirmative actions (promoting an equal number <strong>of</strong><br />
employed men and women, as well as equal presentation <strong>of</strong> men and women in managerial positions and equal<br />
salaries); and, third, coverage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> remaining expenses not covered in <strong>the</strong> previous two categories in such a<br />
way that government as a key “player” will advocate <strong>the</strong> engendering <strong>of</strong> its own policy.<br />
In Tanzania, a gender budget was first adopted in 1993. The non-governmental organisation Tanzania Gender<br />
Networking Programme (TGNP) focused its activity on <strong>the</strong> stimulation <strong>of</strong> gender equality at all social levels. During<br />
1997, with twenty o<strong>the</strong>r non-governmental organisations, a GBI was started focused on macroeconomic policies<br />
and planning with specific emphases on <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> budgeting and on <strong>the</strong> budget’s impact on various<br />
population categories. Within this process, studies at <strong>the</strong> macro level were managed by four ministries: <strong>the</strong><br />
Planning Committee and <strong>the</strong> Ministries <strong>of</strong> Finance, <strong>of</strong> Education, and <strong>of</strong> Health. Also, selected research at <strong>the</strong> local<br />
level was done by a team <strong>of</strong> representatives from <strong>the</strong> governmental and non-governmental sectors, avoiding <strong>the</strong><br />
threat <strong>of</strong> being co-opted by <strong>the</strong> government.<br />
In Mexico, non-governmental organisations researched governmental programmes in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> birth rates in<br />
1999. Afterwards, <strong>the</strong> non-governmental organisation Gender Equality organised workshops on budgets that dealt<br />
with <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor, and <strong>the</strong> non-governmental organisations Fundar Centre for Analysis and Research<br />
implemented budget research. After that, <strong>the</strong> Project Plan for Providing Support to Women and Local Budget<br />
Understanding was made.<br />
In South Africa, <strong>the</strong> assembly committee for finance and two non-governmental organisations established <strong>the</strong><br />
Initiative for Women’s Budget in 1988. Many researchers were involved in <strong>the</strong>ir activities, but economists were<br />
represented in <strong>the</strong> lowest number. They started <strong>the</strong>ir activities by analysing national budget items, public sector<br />
employment, and taxation. In <strong>the</strong> following years <strong>the</strong>y prepared studies, reports, and research results, and<br />
influenced o<strong>the</strong>r groups to consider <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> budgets on o<strong>the</strong>r population groups, above all children and<br />
people with disabilities.<br />
In 1995 in Brazil, <strong>the</strong> local government <strong>of</strong> Refice introduced a system <strong>of</strong> public consultations regarding budget.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> earliest stages <strong>of</strong> this process, attention had not been paid to gender inequalities until 2001 when Women's<br />
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Coordination Group was established, with <strong>the</strong> task to coordinate governmental gender policies. This group started<br />
various initiatives to increase women's involvement in participative budgets. <strong>On</strong>e such initiative referred to <strong>the</strong><br />
creation <strong>of</strong> recreational facilities to be used by children while <strong>the</strong>ir mo<strong>the</strong>rs were at meetings where a budget was<br />
discussed. Ano<strong>the</strong>r initiative was related to <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> “women's meetings” with <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong><br />
governmental <strong>of</strong>ficials, women's movement representatives, and o<strong>the</strong>r activists who searched for ways to increase<br />
women's participation in budgeting processes. In 2002 such meetings were transformed into <strong>the</strong> Women's<br />
Thematic Forum that defined <strong>the</strong> priorities to be applied by <strong>the</strong> General Council <strong>of</strong> Participative budgets within <strong>the</strong><br />
budgeting process.<br />
In Uganda, women politicians, who were involved in <strong>the</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposal <strong>of</strong> a new constitution,<br />
established <strong>the</strong> non-pr<strong>of</strong>it organisation, Forum <strong>of</strong> Women for Democracy (FOWODE), comprised <strong>of</strong> men and<br />
women gender activists. This Forum was active in promoting gender equality with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> including gender in<br />
all government policies and programmes at all decision-making levels. Thus, this Forum, in cooperation with<br />
coalition <strong>of</strong> specific interest groups in Parliament (with representatives including women, <strong>the</strong> young, employees,<br />
and people with disabilities) did gender-aware budget analysis and organised two conferences on this topic<br />
(Maeve Taylor, 2003: 76).<br />
The majority <strong>of</strong> GBIs have developed <strong>the</strong>ir own methodologies, adjusting GBI objectives and approaches to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own experiences. In Scotland, for example, GBI is closely connected to <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> transferring political power<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Scottish Government. In Rwanda, it is related to <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> post-conflict reconstruction and social<br />
decentralisation; while in Peru, it is mostly located at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> local communities (Helena H<strong>of</strong>bauer Balmori,<br />
2003). Many such initiatives are controlled by governments and sometimes include significant participation <strong>of</strong><br />
donors. In any case, it is not sufficient to let governments make decisions regarding <strong>the</strong> gender budgeting process<br />
on <strong>the</strong>ir own. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> approach advocated in South Africa is significant, which has connected both civil<br />
society and MPs from <strong>the</strong> very beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender budgeting process. The Mexican initiative has represented<br />
a wide coalition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil sector <strong>of</strong> Mexican society, and as such it has been presented to Parliament.<br />
The Application and Benefits <strong>of</strong> Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>re is no pattern that would guarantee success in <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong> gender budget initiatives, certain<br />
strategies may streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> gender budgeting process. It seems that central elements <strong>of</strong> gender budgeting<br />
initiatives are to be driven in parallel through <strong>the</strong> research process and public advocation. As for governmental<br />
and civil sector initiatives, it is important that <strong>the</strong>y are based on good knowledge <strong>of</strong> processes, characteristics,<br />
and effects created by <strong>the</strong> budget. Although no country is able to claim that it has had a fully operational gender<br />
budget so far, women's training to impact Public finance is an important element <strong>of</strong> streng<strong>the</strong>ning gender<br />
budgeting. Benefits resulting from gender-sensitive budget analysis flow to governments, women, and citizens.<br />
Governmental benefits from gender budget analysis include <strong>the</strong> improvement <strong>of</strong> policy efficiency, democratic<br />
progress, responsibility, and public strength, as well as ending corruption and all types <strong>of</strong> discrimination against<br />
women. Benefits <strong>of</strong> gender-sensitive budget analysis for women and o<strong>the</strong>r citizens include <strong>the</strong> intensification <strong>of</strong><br />
civil initiative, <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> gender-sensitive data as a basis for fighting corruption and discrimination,<br />
consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor, and responsibility intensification.<br />
Besides growing enthusiasm among donors, governments, and civil society, <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> gender budget<br />
initiatives have been made at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> analysis, while <strong>the</strong> key objective <strong>of</strong> GBI is to integrate gender into <strong>the</strong><br />
criteria for <strong>the</strong> planning, formulation, and application <strong>of</strong> budgets. The key challenge for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> GBIs is to<br />
move from gender budget analysis to gender sensitive budget formulation (Helena H<strong>of</strong>bauer Balmori, 2003:2-3).<br />
<strong>On</strong> this route, it is important to:<br />
- Estimate GBI impact: <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> previous GBIs, <strong>the</strong> difference <strong>of</strong> GBI types in relation to<br />
comprehensive objectives <strong>of</strong> empowerment, equality, and involvement (engagement, empowerment and equity);<br />
- Identify and document specific methodology resulting from <strong>the</strong> analytical framework; <strong>the</strong>n, test, and focus<br />
it on <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> gender as <strong>the</strong> criterion in budgeting;<br />
- Learn various GBI activity stages, and simultaneously build <strong>the</strong> capacities <strong>of</strong> GBI advocates at all levels<br />
and in all sectors <strong>of</strong> society;<br />
- Study new approaches, allies, and new objectives, such as participative budget initiatives and gender<br />
approaches to gender and budgets based on rights; and<br />
- Develop gender-sensitive, participative research techniques that integrate <strong>the</strong> needs identified at <strong>the</strong> core<br />
<strong>of</strong> society when formulating a budget, thus intensifying possibilities for broader participation in budgeting.<br />
What is necessary to realise GBIs is to interpret <strong>the</strong>m as complementary strategies to <strong>the</strong> strategies <strong>of</strong> decreasing<br />
poverty and developing <strong>the</strong> national economy. To be efficient, gender budgeting means partnership among<br />
women's organisations, researchers, media, and those creating government policies.<br />
Steps in Defining GBI for Serbia: How Would We Like to See Our Budget?<br />
In 2002 in Serbia, <strong>the</strong> Group for <strong>the</strong> Promotion <strong>of</strong> Women's Political <strong>Rights</strong>, Voice <strong>of</strong> Diversity, in co-operation with<br />
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Institute G17, and <strong>the</strong> Centre for Alternative Study, researched <strong>the</strong> competitiveness <strong>of</strong> women with children in <strong>the</strong><br />
labour market. In <strong>the</strong> same year, a group <strong>of</strong> non-governmental organisations (Association for Women's Initiative,<br />
Group for <strong>the</strong> Promotion <strong>of</strong> Women's Political <strong>Rights</strong>, Acting Women, Vojvodjanka, Paz, and Star Network <strong>of</strong> World<br />
Learning) made a campaign for economic equality and empowerment <strong>of</strong> women from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong><br />
economic and social inequality <strong>of</strong> women in today's Serbia, and <strong>the</strong>y made comments on existing and announced<br />
laws. In early 2003, <strong>the</strong> United Nations Development Programme’s Belgrade Office organised a one-day workshop<br />
for civil society members in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> gender equality and specifically in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> national budgeting in<br />
accordance with gender equality. The first step in designing a gender sensitive budget is to define <strong>the</strong> key<br />
problems in Serbia, <strong>the</strong>ir causes, and <strong>the</strong>ir effects (Law on Budget, 2002, 2004). This is <strong>the</strong> stage <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
strategy identification that would be adopted by Parliament. Afterwards, proposals should be stated for good,<br />
stimulating legal, economic, and political measures, programmes, and activities through additional laws. Budget<br />
management should be targeted, but without excessive administration. The existing budget in Serbia is nontransparent.<br />
Therefore, mid-term objectives for <strong>the</strong> Serbian budget are for it to be made according to<br />
programmes that will commonly cover definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situations to be solved by programmes, including<br />
objectives, activities, resources, and indicators <strong>of</strong> gender concerns.<br />
Literature:<br />
1. Andy Norton and Diane Elson, 2002, ‘Key Issues in Understanding Budget Processes’ in: What is Behind <strong>the</strong><br />
Budget? Politics, <strong>Rights</strong>, and Accountability in <strong>the</strong> Budget Process. London: ODI, pp. 5-14<br />
2. Budlender, D., Sharp, R. and Allen, K., 1998, How to Do a Gender-Sensitive Budget Analysis:<br />
Contemporary Research and Practice, Canberra: Australian Agency for International Development and<br />
London: Commonwealth Secretariat<br />
http://www.<strong>the</strong>commonwealth.org/gender/publications/gms_pdf/AusAIDTr.pdf<br />
3. Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, 2003, Engendering Budgets, A Practitioners Guide to Understanding and<br />
Implementing Gender-Responsive Budgets, London: Commonwealth Secretariat.<br />
4. Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001, Country Experiences in: Gender Responsive Budgeting in East<br />
Africa, Kampala: Forum for Women in Democracy, pp. 21-31.<br />
5. Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001, Gender and Macro-Economics in: Gender Responsive<br />
Budgeting in East Africa, Kampala: Forum for Women in Democracy, pp. 17-21.<br />
6. Debbie Budlender, 2002 ‘Gender Budgets: What’s in It for NGOs?’ in: Caroline Sweetman ed. Gender and<br />
Development and Poverty, Oxfam, Oxford, pp. 82- 87.<br />
7. Debbie Budlender, Diane Elson, Guy Hewitt and Tanni Mukhopadhyay (eds.) 2002, Gender Budgets Make<br />
Cents, Understanding Gender Responsive Budgets, London: Commonwealth Secretariat, http://www.<br />
<strong>the</strong>commonwealth.org/gender/ , http://www.gender-budgets.org<br />
8. Debbie Budlender, Elson Diane, Guy Hewitt and Mukhopadhyay, T. (eds.), 2002, Gender Budgets Make<br />
More Cents, Country Studies and Good Practice, London: Commonwealth Secretariat, http://www.<br />
<strong>the</strong>commonwealth.org/pdf/gender/GBMC%201%20Understanding%20GB.pf , http://www.<br />
internationalbudget.org/resources/library/GBMMC.pdf<br />
9. Diane Elson, Gender Budget Initiative, 1999, Background Papers, London: Commonwealth Secretariat<br />
http://www.<strong>the</strong>commonwealth.org/gender/<br />
10. Elizabeth Villagomez, 2003, Gender Responsive Budgets: Issues, Good Practices and Policy Options, paper<br />
prepared for <strong>the</strong> Regional Symposium on Gender Mainstreaming in <strong>the</strong> ECE Region<br />
11. Hazel Reeves and Charlie Sever, 2003, Gender and Budget. Supporting Resources Collection, BRIDGE,<br />
London: Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
12. Hazel Reeves and Haike Wach, 1999, Women’s and Gender Budgets: An Annotated Resource List, BRIDGE.<br />
Development – Gender, Bibliography No. 9, http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge<br />
13. Hazel Reeves, 2003, Information Support for Gender Budget Analysis, Pan Islands Gender Budgets<br />
Conference<br />
14. Helena H<strong>of</strong>bauer Balmori, 2003, ‘Gender and Budget. Overview Report, BRIDGE. Development – gender,<br />
London: Institute for Social Studies, http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge<br />
http://www.internationalbudget.org/openbudgets/Fullreport.pdf<br />
http://www.internationalbudget.org/openbudgets/index.htm<br />
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http://www.internationalbudget.org/<strong>the</strong>mes/BudTrans/transp.htm<br />
http://www.odi.org.uk/pppg/publications/books/budget.pdf<br />
15. Isaac Shapiro, ed., 2001, A Guide to Budget Work for NGOs, Washington: Center on Budget and Policy<br />
Priorities, The International Budget Project.<br />
16. Karen Judd (ed.), 2002, Gender Budget Initiatives: Strategies, Concepts and Experiences, New York:<br />
UNIFEM<br />
17. Katarina Ott (ed.), 2000, Proraèunski vodiè za graðane verzija (Citizen's Guide to <strong>the</strong> Budget), Zagreb:<br />
Institut za javne financije, http://www.ijf.hr<br />
18. Katarina Ott (ed.), 2003, Proraèunski vodiè za graðane, ažurirana verzija (Citizen's Guide to <strong>the</strong> Budget,<br />
newer edition) Zagreb: Institut za javne financije, http://www.ijf.hr/proracunski/index.html<br />
19. Katarina Ott and Anto Bajo, 2001, Local Government Budgeting in Croatia, Zagreb: Institute <strong>of</strong> Public<br />
Finance.<br />
20. Law on <strong>the</strong> Budget <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia for <strong>the</strong> Year 2002, internal material.<br />
21. Maeve Taylor, 2003, ‘Module 3: Gender Budgeting’, in: Looking at <strong>the</strong> Economy through Women’s Eyes. A<br />
Facilitator’s Guide for Economic Literacy, Dublin: Banulacht, pp. 65- 84.<br />
22. Opening Budgets to Public Understanding and Debate: Results from 36 Countries, 2002, Washington: The<br />
International Budget Project,<br />
23. Simel Esim, 2000,‘Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives for Latin American and <strong>the</strong> Caribbean: A Toll for<br />
Improving Accountability and Achieving Effective Policy Implementation,’ paper prepared for Conference on<br />
Women <strong>of</strong> Latin America and Caribbean – Beijing +5, Lima, 8-10 February, http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/<br />
organizations/healthnet/gender/docs/esim.html<br />
24. Simel Esim, 2000,‘Impact <strong>of</strong> Government Budgets on Poverty and Gender Equality’, paper written for <strong>the</strong><br />
Inter-Agency Workshop on Improving <strong>the</strong> Effectiveness <strong>of</strong> Integrating Gender into Government Budgets,<br />
Commonwealth Secretariat, Marlborough House, London, 26–27 April<br />
http://www.siyanda.org/docs/future_direction.doc<br />
25. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ and Mirjana Dokmanoviæ, 2004, The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider<br />
Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? EU Neighbouring Countries: <strong>the</strong> Western Balkans,<br />
Brussels: WIDE Infosheet, http://www.wide-network.org<br />
26. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, Mirjana Dokmanoviæ and Genoveva Tisheva, 2005, Gender Budgeting<br />
Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria - Experiences and Challenges, paper prepared for <strong>the</strong> IAFFE-Europe<br />
Conference Central and Eastern Europe: A Feminist Economic Dialogue on Transition and EU-Enlargement,<br />
Budapest, 21-22 January<br />
27. Transparency, and Participation, in <strong>the</strong> Budget Process,2002, Washington: The International Budget<br />
Project,<br />
28. Workshop on Gender Sensitisation and Gender Budgeting for Civil Society Organizations, Background<br />
papers, March 2003, Beograd: UNDP.<br />
29. Zakon o budžetu Republike Srbije za 2005 godinu (Law on <strong>the</strong> Budget <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Serbia for <strong>the</strong> Year<br />
2005), Beograd: Službeni glasnik Republike Srbije, pp. 1- 60.<br />
Useful Internet Addresses:<br />
International Budget Project - http://www.internationalbudget.org<br />
http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2004/pdf/hdr04_HDI.pdf<br />
Gender Responsive Budget Initiatives - http://www.gender-budgets.org<br />
http://www.gender-budgets.org/en/ev-66829-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html<br />
UNIFEM, 2002, Gender Budget Initiatives: strategies, concepts and experiences - UNIFEM_GBI_2002.pdf<br />
BRIDGE, 2003, Gender and Budgets, BRIDGE Cutting Edge Pack, Brighton: Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies -<br />
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http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge/reports_gend_CEP.html<br />
International conference: Taking Civil Society Budget Transparency and Participation Work Forward.<br />
Transparency and Participation in <strong>the</strong> Budget Process<br />
http://www.internationalbudget.org/<strong>the</strong>mes/BudTrans/transp.htm<br />
http://www.internationalbudget.org/openbudgets/Fullreport.pdf<br />
Elson, D., 2000, ‘Accountability for <strong>the</strong> Progress <strong>of</strong> Women: Women Demanding Action’ in D. Elson, Progress <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> World's Women: UNIFEM Biennial Report, New York: United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) -<br />
http://www.bellanet.org/grbi/docs/progr-ww5.pdf?OutsideInServer=no<br />
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Alternatives<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_alt.htm16-12-2005 12:37:40<br />
ALTERNATIVES<br />
Women’s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network<br />
By Les Penelopes<br />
Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers <strong>of</strong> isolation by giving women more<br />
consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir know how, empowering <strong>the</strong>m by <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> not being alone<br />
and by multiplying <strong>the</strong>ir potential through mutual network. To respond to this social<br />
demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know how, new<br />
methods to interpret this invisible qualification.<br />
How Can Globalisation be Changed to Benefit All People?<br />
By Janice Duddy<br />
AWID<br />
A look at <strong>the</strong> newly released ILO report written by <strong>the</strong> World Commission on <strong>the</strong> Social<br />
Dimension <strong>of</strong> Globalization entitled "A Fair Globalization: Creating Opportunities for all".<br />
The way women's movements have been challenging <strong>the</strong> current state <strong>of</strong> globalization<br />
will also be explored.
Women’s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network By Les Penelopes, France<br />
Women’s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network<br />
By Les Penelopes, France<br />
Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers <strong>of</strong> isolation by giving women more consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir know<br />
how, empowering <strong>the</strong>m by <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> not being alone and by multiplying <strong>the</strong>ir potential through mutual<br />
network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know<br />
how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification.<br />
Women creating alternatives to liberal economy may become visible... In fact, this project's objective is to<br />
enhance women's visibility in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> solidarity-based economy all over <strong>the</strong> world in order to be able to<br />
valorize <strong>the</strong>ir work and to appreciate <strong>the</strong> non financial but social richness <strong>of</strong> solutions <strong>the</strong>y propose. Its aim is to<br />
obtain a mutualism <strong>of</strong> communication means and know how in <strong>the</strong> intention <strong>of</strong> creating an exchange network<br />
among <strong>the</strong> actresses.<br />
Les Pénélopes believe it is mostly women who conceive economic alternatives being however systematically<br />
invisible, <strong>the</strong>ir work and efforts being ignored and underestimated. Women are usually absorbed by <strong>the</strong>ir daily<br />
tough work, and do not have <strong>the</strong> time or energy to wonder about <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> communicating <strong>the</strong>ir activities<br />
or to look for a better management. Getting linked to o<strong>the</strong>rs with whom <strong>the</strong>y share <strong>the</strong> same challenges,<br />
difficulties and achievements can seem to <strong>the</strong>m as helpful as inaccessible. Women need to be aware <strong>of</strong> similar<br />
resistances, especially when <strong>the</strong> concerns are identical. They <strong>of</strong>ten feel as excluded and lonely as hundred <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
women trying to conquer <strong>the</strong> same challenge !<br />
Acquiring know how through experience exchanges<br />
Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers <strong>of</strong> isolation by giving women more consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir know<br />
how, empowering <strong>the</strong>m by <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> not being alone and by multiplying <strong>the</strong>ir potential through mutual<br />
network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know<br />
how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification. It is only <strong>the</strong> confrontation <strong>of</strong> experiences that can<br />
permit us to identify and appreciate this qualification in an adequate way, resulting in a new method to read and<br />
measure this know how and to disse- minate it.<br />
Which actresses are involved ?<br />
Groups involved come from different regions such as Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, Cameroun, Equateur, Mali,<br />
Mexico, Chile, Ecuador, Southafrica, Haiti, Democratic Republic <strong>of</strong> Congo, Senegal, Yugoslavia, Quebec, Paraguay,<br />
India and France ; in each region several structures have been already identified with more than 30 initiatiaves<br />
conducted by women. Their aim is to create income, or to help <strong>the</strong>ir members for insertion into <strong>the</strong> job market.<br />
Thus, we can find with a wide variety <strong>of</strong> activities such as reading and writing learning, knitting, sewing,<br />
embroidery, photography, catering service, ironing, decoration, radio programmes, music and singing, social<br />
work, neighbourhood mediation, cooking teaching, <strong>the</strong>atre, painting, poetry, dyeing, pottery, cinema festivals,<br />
expositions and sales, children's daycare, cattle breeding in fur farming, fruit and vegetable transformation,<br />
Production <strong>of</strong> peanut pastry , dressmaking, recycling, woodworking, home repair courses, printing.<br />
The challenge is set<br />
This project fixes a calendar to determine common development objectives, factors <strong>of</strong> success, difficulties<br />
encountered. The intention is to get ga<strong>the</strong>red soo for a working meeting. For more information and to join us:<br />
info@penelopes.org<br />
Les Penelopes ©<br />
http://www.penelopes.org/Anglais/xarticle.php3?id_article=837<br />
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How Can Globalisation be Changed to Benefit All People?<br />
By Janice Duddy<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID)<br />
The World Commission on <strong>the</strong> Social Dimension <strong>of</strong> Globalization, established by <strong>the</strong> International Labour<br />
Organization (ILO) in February 2002, released a new report on February 24, 2004 entitled "A Fair Globalization:<br />
Creating Opportunities for all". The main premise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> report is that current state <strong>of</strong> globalization MUST change.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> Co-Chairs <strong>of</strong> this Commission, President Tarja Halonen <strong>of</strong> Finland and President Benjamin William Mkapa <strong>of</strong><br />
Tanzania, write, "We believe <strong>the</strong> dominant perspective on globalization must shift more from a narrow<br />
preoccupation with markets to a broader preoccupation with people. Globalization must be brought from <strong>the</strong> high<br />
pedestal <strong>of</strong> corporate board rooms and cabinet meetings to meet <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> communities in which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y live" (vii).<br />
The Commission sends a "critical but positive message". This report acknowledges <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> globalization.<br />
They state, "We recognize that globalization has opened <strong>the</strong> door to many benefits. It has promoted open<br />
societies and open economies and encouraged a freer exchange <strong>of</strong> good, ideas and knowledge. In many parts <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> world, innovation, creativity and entrepreneurship have flourished" (3).<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> Commission argues that <strong>the</strong>se benefits have come at a large cost to <strong>the</strong> world and its people. The<br />
Commission writes, "<strong>the</strong>re is growing concern about <strong>the</strong> direction globalization is currently taking. Its advantages<br />
are too distant for too many, while its risks are all too real. Its volatility threatens both rich and poor. Immense<br />
riches are being generated. But fundamental problems <strong>of</strong> poverty, exclusion and inequality persist. Corruption is<br />
widespread. Open societies are threatened by global terrorism, and <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong> open markets is increasingly in<br />
question. Global governance is in crisis. We are at a critical juncture, and we need to urgently rethink our current<br />
policies and institutions" (3).<br />
The press release for this report explained that, "Juan Somavia, Director-General <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ILO, who originally<br />
proposed <strong>the</strong> Commission, said this was <strong>the</strong> first time <strong>the</strong>re had been a systematic attempt to deal with <strong>the</strong> social<br />
dimension <strong>of</strong> globalization. He added that <strong>the</strong> Commission was convened by <strong>the</strong> ILO to search for common ground<br />
and make proposals on issues which are today <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> "parallel monologues" and a "dialogue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deaf".<br />
"This Commission provides a clear-eyed, common sense message <strong>of</strong> hope. Making globalization fair and inclusive<br />
is difficult but do-able, and is an urgent worldwide priority", he said". (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/<br />
inf/pr/2004/7.htm )<br />
The press release continues, "Mr. Somavia said <strong>the</strong> 26 Commission members - including a Nobel Economics<br />
laureate, politicians, parliamentarians, social and economic experts and representatives <strong>of</strong> business and<br />
multinational corporations, organized labour, academia and civil society - were "broadly representative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
diverse and contending actors and issues that characterize globalization today and had accepted <strong>the</strong> challenge to<br />
analyze its effects and provide a series <strong>of</strong> proposals for righting its imbalances". Their report "<strong>of</strong>fers no miraculous<br />
or simple solutions, for <strong>the</strong>re are none. But is an attempt to help break <strong>the</strong> current impasse by focusing on <strong>the</strong><br />
concerns and aspirations <strong>of</strong> people and on <strong>the</strong> ways to better harness <strong>the</strong> potential <strong>of</strong> globalization itself". ( http://<br />
www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/inf/pr/2004/7.htm )<br />
In order to change <strong>the</strong> current state <strong>of</strong> globalization to become more fair and inclusive <strong>the</strong> Commission has called<br />
for a specific set <strong>of</strong> conditions. They state:<br />
"We seek a process <strong>of</strong> globalization with a strong social dimension based on universally shared values, and<br />
respect for human rights and individual dignity; one that is fair, inclusive, democratically governed and provides<br />
opportunities and tangible benefits for allcountries and people.<br />
To this end we call for:<br />
● A focus on people.<br />
The cornerstone <strong>of</strong> a fairer globalization lies in meeting <strong>the</strong> demands <strong>of</strong> all people for: respect for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
rights, cultural identity and autonomy; decent work; and <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local communities <strong>the</strong>y<br />
live in. Gender equality is essential.<br />
● A democratic and effective State.<br />
The State must have <strong>the</strong> capability to manage integration into <strong>the</strong> global economy, and provide social and<br />
economic opportunity and security.<br />
● Sustainable development.<br />
The quest for a fair globalization must be underpinned by <strong>the</strong> interdependent and mutually reinforcing<br />
pillars <strong>of</strong> economic development, social development and environmental protection at <strong>the</strong> local, national,<br />
regional and global levels. This requires sound institutions to promote opportunity and enterprise in a wellfunctioning<br />
market economy.<br />
● Fair rules.<br />
The rules <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global economy must <strong>of</strong>fer equitable opportunity and access for all countries and recognize<br />
<strong>the</strong> diversity in national capacities and developmental needs.<br />
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● Globalization with solidarity.<br />
There is a shared responsibility to assist countries and people excluded from or disadvantaged by<br />
globalization. Globalization must help to overcome inequality both within and between countries and<br />
contribute to <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />
● Greater accountability to people.<br />
Public and private actors at all levels with power to influence <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> globalization must be<br />
democratically accountable for <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>the</strong>y pursue and <strong>the</strong> actions <strong>the</strong>y take. They must deliver on<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir commitments and use <strong>the</strong>ir power with respect for o<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
● Deeper partnerships.<br />
Many actors are engaged in <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> global social and economic goals – international<br />
organizations, governments and parliaments, business, labour, civil society and many o<strong>the</strong>rs. Dialogue and<br />
partnership among <strong>the</strong>m is an essential democratic instrument to create a better world.<br />
● An effective United Nations.<br />
A stronger and more efficient multilateral system is <strong>the</strong> key instrument to create a democratic, legitimate<br />
and coherent framework for globalization".<br />
(http://www.ilo.org/public/english/wcsdg/docs/synope.pdf)<br />
This report makes reference to <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> gender equality in any global system. In <strong>the</strong> section titled<br />
"Globalization and its Impact" <strong>the</strong> report explains that, "in some countries globalization has resulted in serious<br />
gender imbalances" (47). It also makes a call for multilateral organizations to develop research programs that<br />
would examine <strong>the</strong> gender implications <strong>of</strong> this impact (138). The members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission realize that it is<br />
essential to remain cognizant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way that globalization impacts <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women and make an effort to<br />
ensure that this is included in <strong>the</strong>ir work.<br />
This report runs parallel to work that women's organizations have been doing on Globalization over <strong>the</strong> last few<br />
years. For instance in an article, "Women in <strong>the</strong> Global Economy: Issues Roles and Advocacy", written by Nadia<br />
Johnson, WEDO’s Economic and Social Justice Program Associate that was included in WEDO's publication Women<br />
Challenging Globalization published in 2002, she writes,<br />
"Women have recognized for decades that gender-sensitive policies and <strong>the</strong>ir implementation are critical not only<br />
to women, but to any plan for poverty eradication. Advocates have insisted that a sounder economic discourse,<br />
benefiting all people, would bring toge<strong>the</strong>r: a plurality <strong>of</strong> development<br />
strategies; a political emphasis on accountability and transparency; a focus on local, national, and international<br />
arenas; <strong>the</strong> recognition that economics is about <strong>the</strong> interrelationship between private enterprise, <strong>the</strong> public sector<br />
and <strong>the</strong> care economy; <strong>the</strong> need to demystify economics so it is accessible to all; and <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
gendered nature <strong>of</strong> financial institutions and <strong>the</strong> macroeconomic policies <strong>the</strong>y implement". ( http://www.wedo.org/<br />
ffd/ffdreport.pdf: 28 )<br />
AWID has also recognized <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> changing globalization. The Globalize This! campaign that was<br />
launched at <strong>the</strong> last AWID Forum in Guadalajara, Mexico challenges,<br />
"Envision a world without poverty, without violence, without discrimination; a world where everyone's needs are<br />
met and <strong>the</strong>ir human rights are protected; a world where women's rights are both a means and an end <strong>of</strong><br />
development.<br />
Envision it - now GLOBALIZE IT!" (http://www.awid.org/campaign/globalizethis.html)<br />
The campaign explains, "The road to real equality is long and bumpy, requiring major changes in attitudes, laws,<br />
policies, economic systems, social and political structures, and core values. Currently, <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong><br />
globalization represent <strong>the</strong> most significant challenge on <strong>the</strong> road to gender equality. We are poised, <strong>the</strong>refore, to<br />
use our collective creativity and energies to bring our vision <strong>of</strong> equality to life by "re-inventing globalization".<br />
( http://www.awid.org/campaign/globalizethis.html)<br />
The campaign <strong>the</strong>n lays out eight demands that provide <strong>the</strong> starting point for a revolutionary international<br />
campaign that will work to “globalize” women's rights in development. This is a working document and is always<br />
seeking input from members. (To read more about <strong>the</strong> campaign visit:<br />
(http://www.awid.org/campaign/globalizethis.html).<br />
Nadia Johnson reminds us, as participants in <strong>the</strong> women's movement, <strong>of</strong> our role in challenging <strong>the</strong> current<br />
pattern <strong>of</strong> globalization, she writes, "Women must stay engaged in <strong>the</strong> United Nations to safeguard our gains and<br />
civil society’s scope and effectiveness to foster more meaningful participation. With <strong>the</strong>ir rich experiences and<br />
comprehensive strategies drawn from a deep understanding <strong>of</strong> sustainability, equality and human rights, women<br />
have a unique role to play in creating a development paradigm that is not compromised by market<br />
omnipotence" (33).<br />
Through <strong>the</strong> tireless and committed work <strong>of</strong> women's organizations and civil society organizations from around <strong>the</strong><br />
world and now with a commitment from The World Commission on <strong>the</strong> Social Dimension <strong>of</strong> Globalization and <strong>the</strong><br />
ILO it appears that <strong>the</strong> time for change is upon us. Globalization MUST be inclusive, fair, and ensure human rights<br />
and now <strong>the</strong> Commission has laid out a strategy for change that is obtainable.<br />
To conclude <strong>the</strong> Co-Chairs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission say, "This is an ambitious but realizable common sense vision. The<br />
choice is clear. We can correct <strong>the</strong> global governance deficit in <strong>the</strong> world today, ensure accountability and adopt<br />
coherent policies that forge a path for globalization that is fair and just, both within and between countries; or we<br />
can prevaricate and risk a slide into fur<strong>the</strong>r spirals <strong>of</strong> insecurity, political turbulence, conflicts and wars".<br />
To read this document please visit <strong>the</strong> ILO web site at: ( www.ilo.org/public/english/wcsdg/index.htm) .<br />
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Source:<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development ©<br />
http://www.awid.org<br />
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About Globalisation<br />
http://www.globalizacija.com/english/e_glo.htm16-12-2005 12:37:59<br />
ABOUT GLOBALISATION<br />
The Economic Aspects <strong>of</strong> Globalization<br />
by Dejan Petrovic<br />
The globalization <strong>of</strong> economic flows may be <strong>the</strong> most manifest nowadays, and it is <strong>the</strong><br />
first thing one thinks <strong>of</strong> when globalization itself is discussed. Limiting <strong>the</strong> once sovereign<br />
role <strong>of</strong> nation-state, expanding <strong>the</strong> market across <strong>the</strong> planet without a visible chance <strong>of</strong><br />
anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in ever fewer countries is combined with <strong>the</strong><br />
growing disproportion between <strong>the</strong> rich and <strong>the</strong> poor within <strong>the</strong>se countries. What<br />
seemed probable over <strong>the</strong> few decades after World War II – <strong>the</strong> prominent role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> socalled<br />
nation state, care for <strong>the</strong> less able, less healthy and elderly population, free<br />
schooling and healthcare – seem to be vanishing into historic oblivion.<br />
Economic Terms Demystified<br />
By AWID<br />
Myth: Economics is pure science.<br />
Reality: Economics is <strong>of</strong>ten represented as technical and scientific, based on ‘truths’ from<br />
ma<strong>the</strong>matics or statistics. However, economic policy is pr<strong>of</strong>oundly political and represents<br />
a certain set <strong>of</strong> subjective assumptions about power and <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> resources.<br />
Globalisation: a Feminist Economic Perspective<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D.<br />
Eighties saw radical changes in women’s lives worldwide, whe<strong>the</strong>r in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
inclusion into or exclusion from global economy. The issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> globalisation<br />
on women implies perceiving <strong>the</strong> most direct relationships between gender and<br />
globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all pitfalls noted in<br />
<strong>the</strong> debates on globalisation, and reproducing <strong>the</strong> existent dichotomies and stereotypes.<br />
Gender analysis, as an integral part <strong>of</strong> analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to<br />
its better comprehension as a multidimensional process.<br />
Globalisation - Definitions<br />
Globalisation broadly refers to <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> global linkages and encompasses several<br />
large processes; definitions differ in what <strong>the</strong>y emphasize. Globalisation is historically<br />
complex; definitions vary in <strong>the</strong> particular driving force <strong>the</strong>y identify. The meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
term is itself a topic in global discussion; it may refer to "real" processes, to ideas that<br />
justify <strong>the</strong>m, or to a way <strong>of</strong> thinking about <strong>the</strong>m. The term is not neutral; definitions<br />
express different assessments <strong>of</strong> global change. Among critics <strong>of</strong> capitalism and global<br />
inequality, globalisation now has an especially pejorative ring.
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Economic Terms Demystified<br />
By Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID)<br />
Economic Growth: an increase in <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> money flowing through a country’s economy. Promoting<br />
economic growth is <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> much economic policy because it is <strong>of</strong>ten incorrectly assumed that economic<br />
growth is good for everyone.<br />
Efficiency: <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> goods and services such that no person can be made better <strong>of</strong>f without making<br />
someone else worse <strong>of</strong>f (or such that those who are made worse <strong>of</strong>f can be compensated by those who are made<br />
better <strong>of</strong>f). Efficiency is usually a goal <strong>of</strong> economic policies. An efficient allocation, however, does not necessarily<br />
require an equal or fair distribution <strong>of</strong> goods or services.<br />
Fiscal Policy: policy relating to government revenue, particularly taxation and spending.<br />
Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC): countries that have accumulated a large amount <strong>of</strong> debt during <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s and as a result qualify for <strong>the</strong> HIPC debt reduction initiative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank and International Monetary<br />
Fund.<br />
Macroeconomics: refers to economic issues that concern <strong>the</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy <strong>of</strong> a whole country,<br />
including <strong>the</strong> overall output and income <strong>of</strong> a country, unemployment, trade, interest rates, investment, and<br />
government budgets (as opposed to microeconomics which looks at <strong>the</strong> economic activity <strong>of</strong> individuals or small<br />
groups).<br />
Monetary Policy: <strong>the</strong> government policy that controls <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> currency available in an economy.<br />
Neoliberalism: an economic <strong>the</strong>ory which opposes state intervention in <strong>the</strong> economy and believes in <strong>the</strong> free<br />
operation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market.<br />
Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): comprehensive action plans for combating national poverty.<br />
These are required by <strong>the</strong> World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order for a country to access<br />
development loans and aid.<br />
Privatization: occurs when services that were owned by <strong>the</strong> government are sold to private companies. When<br />
privatized, services such as health care, education and social services are provided by companies who aim to<br />
make a pr<strong>of</strong>it. A belief in <strong>the</strong> inherent superiority <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it-oriented production has lead to a drastic increase in<br />
privatization in recent years.<br />
Structural Adjustment: processes <strong>of</strong> reform imposed mostly on poor countries requiring that <strong>the</strong>y export more<br />
products, privatize services, increase taxation, devalue <strong>the</strong>ir currency, and reduce <strong>the</strong> government’s role in <strong>the</strong><br />
economy in order to stabilize <strong>the</strong>ir economies. In <strong>the</strong> 1980s, structural adjustment policies (SAPs) were imposed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> World Bank and International Monetary Fund in over seventy developing countries.<br />
Trade Liberalization: <strong>the</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> restrictions (including tariffs, quotas and regulatory standards) on <strong>the</strong><br />
trade <strong>of</strong> goods and services across borders.<br />
Myth: Economics is pure science.<br />
Myths and Realities about Economic Policy<br />
Reality: Economics is <strong>of</strong>ten represented as technical and scientific, based on ‘truths’ from ma<strong>the</strong>matics or<br />
statistics. However, economic policy is pr<strong>of</strong>oundly political and represents a certain set <strong>of</strong> subjective assumptions<br />
about power and <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> resources.<br />
Myth: Economics is gender-neutral.<br />
Reality: Traditional economic analysis can have devastating impacts on women because it does not take into<br />
consideration <strong>the</strong> gendered nature <strong>of</strong> our societies and <strong>the</strong> resulting gender differentiated impacts <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
policies. Women’s assumed status as secondary wage earners in <strong>the</strong> paid labour force results in women<br />
experiencing more poverty than men, for example. The privatization <strong>of</strong> public services increases women’s unpaid<br />
work as <strong>the</strong>y take over where <strong>the</strong> public sector leaves <strong>of</strong>f in terms <strong>of</strong> nursing <strong>the</strong> sick, educating children and<br />
caring for <strong>the</strong> elderly and those in need <strong>of</strong> assistance. And as companies cut costs by laying <strong>of</strong>f employees,<br />
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reducing salaries and using home-based workers, women are <strong>the</strong> most affected. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
economic crises are more severe for women. Applying a gender analysis to economics reveals biases that exclude<br />
women and allows for <strong>the</strong> redress <strong>of</strong> economic inequalities that face women.<br />
Myth: Gender equality advocates do not have <strong>the</strong> expertise to engage with macroeconomic policy.<br />
Reality: Gender equality advocates come from all walks <strong>of</strong> life and are all affected by economic policies in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
day-today lives. They are <strong>the</strong>refore capable <strong>of</strong> critiquing economic policies and <strong>of</strong> suggesting policy directions that<br />
would empower women.<br />
Excerpt from:<br />
Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> and Economic Change<br />
”Ten Principles to Challenge Neoliberal Globalization”,<br />
Facts and Issues No. 6, December 2003<br />
Association for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID) ©<br />
http://www.awid.org<br />
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Globalisation: a Feminist Economic Perspective [1]<br />
By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D.<br />
Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia<br />
Eighties saw radical changes in women’s lives worldwide, whe<strong>the</strong>r in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir inclusion into or exclusion from<br />
global economy. The issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> globalisation on women implies perceiving <strong>the</strong> most direct<br />
relationships between gender and globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all<br />
pitfalls noted in <strong>the</strong> debates on globalisation, and reproducing <strong>the</strong> existent dichotomies and stereotypes.<br />
Gender analysis, as an integral part <strong>of</strong> analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to its better comprehension<br />
as a multidimensional process. Namely, conventional interpretations <strong>of</strong> globalisations are too narrow,<br />
“economical”, focusing primarily on changes occurring on <strong>the</strong> market and state levels, and <strong>the</strong>ir mutual<br />
relationships. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, little attention is paid to <strong>the</strong> global and local reconstruction <strong>of</strong> social, cultural, racial<br />
ethnic, gender, national and family identities, roles and relations. The first stage <strong>of</strong> gender analysis, <strong>the</strong>refore, is<br />
<strong>the</strong> re-conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> global space from gender perspective. It fur<strong>the</strong>r generates <strong>the</strong> re-conceptualisation <strong>of</strong><br />
national space, state, economy, household and civil society.<br />
Such articulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global restructuring process will demonstrate old and new forms <strong>of</strong> including or excluding<br />
partners from <strong>the</strong> globalisation process and <strong>the</strong> features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> existing inequalities. Finally, such analysis will<br />
show what response and which forms <strong>of</strong> resistance current globalisation brings about. Such response includes<br />
various activities and strategies <strong>of</strong> women’s groups, peace movements, green movements, which sometimes<br />
acquire a dimension <strong>of</strong> exclusive, and even forceful resistance to globalisation. Such violent response is <strong>the</strong> most<br />
frequently articulated through ethnic conflicts, nationalism and religious fundamentalism. Gender analysis should<br />
also provide a feminist perspective in considering such resistance to globalisation (Marchand H. Marianne and<br />
Runzan Sisson Anne, 2001).<br />
Having disregarded <strong>the</strong> less significant debate on whe<strong>the</strong>r globalisation actually exists or not, <strong>the</strong> fist question<br />
related to globalisation concerns its meaning and its linearity as a process. Modernisation oriented <strong>the</strong>oreticians<br />
see globalisation mostly a continued global homogenisation after <strong>the</strong> Western model (Fukuyama, Naisbitt,<br />
Kothari). O<strong>the</strong>r authors, however, describe globalisation more as a globalised production <strong>of</strong> diversity (Appadurai,<br />
1996). Whe<strong>the</strong>r globalisation will be regarded as homogenisation or heterogenisation largely depends on <strong>the</strong><br />
perspective used in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis.<br />
Many analyses, including those used in development studies, are characterised by a macroeconomic perspective<br />
that regards globalisation as a complex, but unidimensional process. The unidimensionality <strong>of</strong> this process is<br />
largely determined by neo-liberal logic based on <strong>the</strong> modernisation thought pattern, even if <strong>the</strong>oreticians who go<br />
beyond neo-liberal logic seldom abandon <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> globalisation as a linear process. This means that<br />
globalisation is placed in a global context, but this context is not problematised. Thus, one does not ask <strong>the</strong><br />
question <strong>of</strong> from whose perspective it is a global process, and for whom it is. The <strong>the</strong>oretic perspective <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
and development is mostly reactive when analysing macro-political and economic issues (Peason, Ruth and<br />
Jackson, Cecile, 1998).<br />
Traditional interpretation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> features and effects <strong>of</strong> globalisation on various countries<br />
Traditionally, globalisation is defined as a process <strong>of</strong> growing economic interdependence <strong>of</strong> countries not only in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> increasing volume and increasingly diversified form <strong>of</strong> production, but also in terms <strong>of</strong> international<br />
transactions in goods, services and capitals and accelerated and extensive diffusion <strong>of</strong> technology,<br />
communications and finance.<br />
The beneficial effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> process, <strong>the</strong> neo-liberally defined globalisation, on economic and social welfare are<br />
basically similar to <strong>the</strong> positive effects <strong>of</strong> specialisation and market expansion through trade, stressed even by <strong>the</strong><br />
early economists. Globalisation encourages greater international labour division and more efficient savings<br />
allocation, increasing <strong>the</strong>reby <strong>the</strong> productivity and standards <strong>of</strong> living <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> classical individual. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
hand, facilitated access to foreign products enables consumers to choose between a wider range <strong>of</strong> ever-higher<br />
quality goods and services at lower prices. Enterprises face increasing competition. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> increasingly<br />
open access to numerous financial instruments on various markets enables <strong>the</strong> country to mobilise savings at a<br />
higher rate.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> traditionally defined globalisation process, <strong>the</strong> basic sources <strong>of</strong> economic growth and structural changes<br />
within <strong>the</strong> national economy itself are international trade and competition as well as <strong>the</strong> technological process.<br />
Each market economy is a dynamic system featuring a continued process <strong>of</strong> structural changes. Economic<br />
progress in market economy is largely a result <strong>of</strong> successful adaptation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic system to structural<br />
changes. With <strong>the</strong> assumption <strong>of</strong> stimulating fur<strong>the</strong>r adequate and continued changes among various sectors <strong>of</strong><br />
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<strong>the</strong> economic system, employment structure and income allocation, in <strong>the</strong> opinion <strong>of</strong> traditional economists,<br />
society as a whole is likely to benefit from <strong>the</strong> described process <strong>of</strong> economic development. The distribution <strong>of</strong><br />
benefits will not be equal across all <strong>the</strong> segments <strong>of</strong> society. Some social groups benefit above average, some<br />
partially, and some suffer.<br />
Globalisation process, understood as a process <strong>of</strong> growing integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market <strong>of</strong> goods, services and<br />
capitals, could also be regarded as a continuation <strong>of</strong> trends present in <strong>the</strong> global economy as far as a century back<br />
(except for <strong>the</strong> periods <strong>of</strong> World Wars I and II). However, until <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> World War I, although artificial barriers<br />
between countries were rare, <strong>the</strong> traffic in goods and capitals was carried out mostly between modern-day<br />
developed industries countries. Ever since mid eighties, globalisation process has been significantly accelerated.<br />
Nowadays, almost all countries worldwide participate in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> globalisation. New technological<br />
possibilities have drastically lowered transport and telecommunication costs and facilitated <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong><br />
integrating national economies into <strong>the</strong> global market. International trade, direct investment flows and technology<br />
transfers have become increasingly close and intertwined, and global economy is increasingly <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong><br />
economic decision-making.<br />
Rapid and strong integration <strong>of</strong> national economies into global economy through trade, finance and technology,<br />
information networks and transcultural co-operation have stimulated <strong>the</strong> prosperity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world as a whole.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> globalisation are not allocated automatically or evenly across countries. Evidence points<br />
to a growing polarisation both between developed and developing countries, and within <strong>the</strong>se groups <strong>of</strong> countries.<br />
Some developed countries, such as France, Germany and Italy, are dealing with <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> unemployment,<br />
whereas Japan is facing instability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> financial market. Unlike <strong>the</strong>se countries, <strong>the</strong> United States, <strong>the</strong> United<br />
Kingdom, Australia, Denmark, Ireland, New Zealand and <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands have recorded favourable economic<br />
performances.<br />
Some developing countries, such as Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan, are in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong><br />
transition into economically more advanced group even in terms <strong>of</strong> development. However, many countries at <strong>the</strong><br />
bottom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> range, measured in per capita national income, are facing difficult conditions and problems:<br />
inadequate human resources, poor raw material basis and political instability, civil wars and regional conflicts.<br />
Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se countries also suffer from high levels <strong>of</strong> public expenditure, foreign debt, macroeconomic instability<br />
and poor government. Although some developing countries are managing to induce economic growth with<br />
macroeconomic and structural reforms, <strong>the</strong> low level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir per capita income will require years and years <strong>of</strong><br />
maintaining high rates <strong>of</strong> economic growth to narrow <strong>the</strong> gap between <strong>the</strong>mselves and developed countries.<br />
As for transition economies, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> key elements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir transition is <strong>the</strong>ir reintegration into global economy.<br />
Before turning to socialism and centralised, i.e. planned management <strong>of</strong> economy, <strong>the</strong>se countries used to have<br />
per capita income equal to one half or two thirds <strong>of</strong> income achieved in <strong>the</strong> most developed countries <strong>of</strong> Western<br />
Europe, only to be left far behind <strong>the</strong>m after several decades <strong>of</strong> experiment. The process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir reintegration,<br />
through trade, financial flows and o<strong>the</strong>r elements, implies a time required to remove <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> thus<br />
created dislocations, disproportions and isolations. What seems to be <strong>the</strong> key question is how much has been<br />
achieved in this process over <strong>the</strong> past years <strong>of</strong> transformation. Progress has been achieved in liberalising trade<br />
and financial arrangements, although <strong>the</strong>re are significant differences in <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> trade liberalisation between<br />
countries. Most countries have almost fully removed restrictions on current transactions and taken steps towards<br />
liberalising financial flows. The reintegration <strong>of</strong> transition economies into world economy is in progress, and <strong>the</strong><br />
success in this process varies from one country to ano<strong>the</strong>r. The countries that have gone <strong>the</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>st in this<br />
process, in terms <strong>of</strong> general process in reform policy, are also <strong>the</strong> most advanced in <strong>the</strong> reintegration process as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong>ir economic characteristics. However, even <strong>the</strong> most advanced countries in this respect have achieved<br />
better results in trade, compared to financial flows. According to <strong>the</strong> evidence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank, <strong>the</strong> most<br />
advanced transition countries in <strong>the</strong> 1991-1996 period were <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia, Poland,<br />
Slovakia, Croatia, Latvia, Slovenia and Lithuania (World Economic Outlook, 1997: 94).<br />
The contribution <strong>of</strong> feminist economists to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>the</strong>ory and practice in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong><br />
globalisation<br />
Feminist economics does not only refer to women’s issues or gender; it also represents a unique paradigm <strong>of</strong><br />
understanding economics. Feminist economists include race, gender and power relations, as well as conditions<br />
necessary for sustainable development as <strong>the</strong> central components <strong>of</strong> economics. <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong><br />
feminist economic perspective is that, for example, <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> feminist economic analysis is on interrelated<br />
human activities, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> isolated individual ones.<br />
There are, <strong>of</strong> course, differences both outside and inside feminist economic discourse as to whe<strong>the</strong>r feminist<br />
economics is really a separate paradigm, or is it a specific interest perspective. These are, however, exactly <strong>the</strong><br />
discussions conducted regarding <strong>the</strong> new paradigm, which is being developed. It is quite certain that an implicit<br />
consensus is being created around <strong>the</strong> following key methodological principles:<br />
1. Household work and care work comprise key elements <strong>of</strong> any economic system and <strong>the</strong>y should <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
be included in economic analysis.<br />
2. <strong>Human</strong> welfare should be <strong>the</strong> central measure <strong>of</strong> economic performance.<br />
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3. Ethical opinions are a valid part <strong>of</strong> economic analysis.<br />
The above methodological principles deepen and widen <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> economic research ra<strong>the</strong>r than advocating a<br />
narrow interest approach. The use <strong>of</strong> feminist economic approach to development policy in practice means<br />
focussing on areas such as:<br />
● Equality and elimination <strong>of</strong> discrimination based on race, gender, age and socio-economic characteristics;<br />
● Exercise <strong>of</strong> human rights;<br />
● Elimination <strong>of</strong> inequalities in national and international negotiation; and<br />
● Understanding human actions, especially women’s feminist action, as a significant part <strong>of</strong> development<br />
process.<br />
In this sense, women’s feminist action can be regarded as female action, aimed at increasing and widening gender<br />
equality and women’s ability to act as subjects in <strong>the</strong>ir own interest and <strong>the</strong> interest <strong>of</strong> society. Feminist economy<br />
is necessary in order to reveal <strong>the</strong> gender basis <strong>of</strong> policy and international trade, as well as real flows <strong>of</strong> resources<br />
and economic relations, and to propose an alternative on <strong>the</strong> levels <strong>of</strong> economic policy, structures and processes.<br />
Doctrine <strong>of</strong> low labour cost as <strong>the</strong> key to <strong>the</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> successful development<br />
The orthodox neo-liberal argument states that it is better for women to be exploited than excluded from <strong>the</strong> public<br />
sphere. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, unfavourable conditions under which <strong>the</strong>y work are better than no job at all. Such<br />
attitudes are detrimental, as <strong>the</strong>y give implicit legitimacy to exploitation and unacceptable working conditions.<br />
The successful development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asian Tigers between 1960s and 1980s attained through a pattern <strong>of</strong> export<br />
oriented industrialisation is <strong>of</strong>ten taken as a confirmation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> belief that low labour cost is <strong>the</strong> key to successful<br />
development patterns. Owing to low women’s wages, export-oriented industry was gaining two key advantages:<br />
● Low production costs and<br />
● Higher competitiveness and <strong>the</strong> influx <strong>of</strong> foreign finance for <strong>the</strong> purchase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latest technologies.<br />
However, to make it more ironic, <strong>the</strong>se technological improvements <strong>the</strong>n lead to changes in <strong>the</strong> demand from<br />
female-intensive male-intensive work in some export industries, due to higher average skill levels <strong>of</strong> male work.<br />
Standard neo-liberal view promises that in time <strong>the</strong> negative impact will be reduced, as <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> market<br />
brings benefits in terms <strong>of</strong> wage growth etc.<br />
The example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asian Tigers has inspired many developing countries to focus on export-oriented growth as a<br />
successful development pattern based on cheap labour. However, <strong>the</strong> miracle achieved by <strong>the</strong> Asian Tigers in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> development is oversimplified and reduced to <strong>the</strong>ir ability to rely on cheap labour. What is completely<br />
overlooked is <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y benefited from American investment during <strong>the</strong> Cold War period, which was not<br />
<strong>the</strong> case in o<strong>the</strong>r countries. Also, <strong>the</strong> American government significantly intervened in <strong>the</strong>ir economies through<br />
protectionist measures as well as direct policy and privileges that were not granted elsewhere.<br />
However, even if cheap labour did contribute to export growth as shown by <strong>the</strong> example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asian Tigers, it is a<br />
strategy which is unfair and which should not be supported as it actually leads to:<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
●<br />
Discrimination based on arbitrary features such as ethnicity, age and gender. This strategy takes advantage<br />
<strong>of</strong> gender discrimination in wages and <strong>of</strong>fers highly limited opportunities to female workers.<br />
Workers are not adequately remunerated for <strong>the</strong> work <strong>the</strong>y do.<br />
Workers are not free to choose <strong>the</strong>ir employment conditions, as <strong>the</strong>ir poverty gives <strong>the</strong>m no freedom <strong>of</strong><br />
choice.<br />
Gender inequalities are increased.<br />
Women remain concentrated at <strong>the</strong> bottom <strong>of</strong> corporate hierarchy, on low-wage and low-skill jobs, are <strong>the</strong><br />
first to lose jobs in times <strong>of</strong> crises and <strong>the</strong> last to be re-employed.<br />
Men typically take up technical, supervision and monitoring jobs, and are first to be trained for automated<br />
work. This, <strong>of</strong> course, means that as jobs become mechanised, <strong>the</strong>y are given to men.<br />
There are a lot <strong>of</strong> examples <strong>of</strong> sexual harassment, frequent overtime work and insufficient work safety.<br />
There are a lot <strong>of</strong> examples <strong>of</strong> women having highly limited control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own wages in favour <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
husbands. As elsewhere, <strong>the</strong> extra income contributed by <strong>the</strong> wife is <strong>of</strong>ten used for <strong>the</strong> improvement <strong>of</strong><br />
perspectives <strong>of</strong> sons ra<strong>the</strong>r than daughters.<br />
Gender stereotypes are streng<strong>the</strong>ned ra<strong>the</strong>r than broken.<br />
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Generally speaking, a country’s orientation to cheap female labour can easily bring a country to a low<br />
development pattern with few comparative advantages, low investment levels and <strong>the</strong>reby low economic growth.<br />
Of course, nobody can deny that <strong>the</strong>re are women who benefit from <strong>the</strong> jobs <strong>the</strong>y do in export oriented industry.<br />
There are cases when a woman’s position in <strong>the</strong> household is improved as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> increase in her wage,<br />
that women’s autonomy is increased in personal issues such as choosing a husband or refusing a marriage. For a<br />
woman, being employed also means having higher self-esteem and wider social opportunities and choices in life.<br />
For instance, even <strong>the</strong> possibility to travel alone represent and improvement in <strong>the</strong> status. Despite gender<br />
inequalities and poverty, a job can at least <strong>of</strong>fer a hope <strong>of</strong> refuge from poverty.<br />
However, even when it is true that women have a possibility to make <strong>the</strong> best out <strong>of</strong> bad, should we accept <strong>the</strong><br />
bad? Or should we acknowledge that <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>the</strong> women are in does not provide <strong>the</strong>m with real freedom <strong>of</strong><br />
choice, and try to do something to change <strong>the</strong> context in which women make decision? It is quite certain that it is<br />
not women who choose to be exploited or accept bad working conditions. If <strong>the</strong>y had a better alternative, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
choice would be different. A typical macroeconomic environment in which women make decisions includes<br />
structural adaptation programmes, debt liabilities, labour market deregulation and <strong>the</strong> recommendations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
International Monetary Fund. These recommendations always include advice to reduce wages and lower employee<br />
protection. Thus, for example, Bulgaria was advised in 2001 to maintain wage discipline, i.e. not to raise wages<br />
despite <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>ir average wage USD 125 was <strong>the</strong> lowest industrial wage in Europe.<br />
The inconsistent policy <strong>of</strong> international financial institutions has lead to <strong>the</strong> deterioration <strong>of</strong> women’s position as a<br />
result <strong>of</strong> implementing <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> structural adaptation on <strong>the</strong> one hand, and at <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>of</strong>fering women<br />
opportunities through, for instance, a credit program. At <strong>the</strong> same time, reducing public expenditure meant<br />
transferring higher responsibility to women, who disproportionately provide unpaid care work on which social<br />
reproduction rested.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> pressure to reduce public expenditure on education causes reduction <strong>of</strong> literacy rate among female<br />
population, when parents are forced to make a choice between investing in <strong>the</strong> education <strong>of</strong> male and female<br />
children. This is also illustrated by <strong>the</strong> fact that women comprise 70% <strong>of</strong> 1.3 billion people living in poverty. Twothirds<br />
<strong>of</strong> 900 million illiterate people are women. Limited access to education for women limits women’s<br />
employment opportunities.<br />
Limited access to credit fur<strong>the</strong>r reduces <strong>the</strong>ir employment opportunities. With <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> state welfare, <strong>the</strong> choice<br />
between accepting and not accepting a job is <strong>the</strong> choice between a bad job and starvation. With <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> law<br />
culture, women accept bad conditions without question. With <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> public childcare service, women can opt<br />
for housework although it is poorly paid. With <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> credit, women cannot opt for anything else but working<br />
for o<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
Moreover, <strong>the</strong>re are a few popular myths related to gender inequalities that need to be exposed.<br />
1. It is a myth that economies traditionally developed on cheap labour and that it is <strong>the</strong> price to be paid<br />
for <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> national economy. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, that exploitation is better than exclusion <strong>of</strong> women<br />
from <strong>the</strong> development process. The most globalised countries have a lower growth <strong>of</strong> GDP and lower poverty<br />
reduction rate than those that are less globalised. This means that, as women comprise more than half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
poor, cheap women’s labour is not beneficial to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country.<br />
2. The same goes for <strong>the</strong> position that women working in export oriented industry are in a privileged<br />
position due to <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y earn above-average wages. However, <strong>the</strong>se jobs rely on foreign investment<br />
and are <strong>the</strong>refore insecure, unprotected by legislation and insensitive to women’s health and working conditions.<br />
The very fact that <strong>the</strong>se jobs are better is relative – better paid compared to whom? It could ra<strong>the</strong>r be said that<br />
average incomes differ over countries, but also that <strong>the</strong>y are mostly insufficient to cover <strong>the</strong> basic needs <strong>of</strong> female<br />
workers.<br />
3. It is also a myth that globalisation and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> information and communication<br />
technologies will improve people’s access to information and facilitate international connections. Indeed,<br />
nowadays women worldwide use email and Internet to access information, work, learn, promote contacts and<br />
friendship, network, lobby, etc. Women also use information technologies to fight against globalisation and<br />
promote alternatives to dominant neo-liberal economic policy promoted by institutions such as <strong>the</strong> World Bank,<br />
<strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund and <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organisation. Using information technologies, <strong>the</strong>y surpass<br />
all boundaries, including <strong>the</strong> conventional ones, separating national states. They also cross boundaries that are<br />
not so visible and are concerned with age, ethnicity, race, caste, religion, town and country, sexuality, class,<br />
marital status and language. However, <strong>the</strong> possibilities <strong>of</strong> using <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong>fered by information technologies<br />
are highly limited by <strong>the</strong> above divisions <strong>the</strong>mselves. Generally speaking, women have fewer possibilities to use<br />
information technologies compared to men, owing to usual gendered reasons: money, time, education<br />
opportunities, lower literacy. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>se factors also contribute to <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> inequality among women<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
4. It is a myth that privatisation will lead to increased efficiency <strong>of</strong> social services and enhance <strong>the</strong><br />
response <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sector to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor. Namely, neo-classical <strong>the</strong>ory implies that privatisation will<br />
benefit consumers because ultimate competition, provided that <strong>the</strong>re are no barriers to <strong>the</strong> market mechanisms<br />
(such as, for example, <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> goods) pushes prices downward. <strong>On</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rare such sectors where<br />
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privatisation is carried out on a par with sufficient competition levels, without hindrances to market processes and<br />
with enhanced access for female workforce and lower retail prices, is <strong>the</strong> telecommunications sector. However,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se conditions do not apply to many o<strong>the</strong>r sectors, especially <strong>the</strong> social services sector. Privatisation <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
means turning from public to private monopoly with increased prices, loss <strong>of</strong> employment and low quality <strong>of</strong><br />
services.<br />
5. Finally, it is a myth that macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market-based criteria. The role<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state is very important in <strong>the</strong> development process. Namely, macroeconomic policy does not necessarily<br />
have to be a neo-liberal one. Moreover, neo-liberal policy is <strong>of</strong>ten inefficient in <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic<br />
goals. In such cases, women’s safety network and <strong>the</strong>ir actions are <strong>of</strong> no help. What is needed is gendered<br />
macroeconomic policy. For example, <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> a balanced budget needn’t be achieved only by focussing on cost<br />
cuts. Alternative to this can be increased state revenue, or redistribution <strong>of</strong> revenue within <strong>the</strong> budget. Namely,<br />
those budget expenditure items that are supported by strong political interest, such as defence budget, tend to be<br />
reduced less than, for example, expenditures aimed at meeting <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor and women.<br />
Even more significant is <strong>the</strong> domination <strong>of</strong> neo-classical idea <strong>of</strong> choice between equality and efficiency. And<br />
although even some neo-classical economists acknowledge <strong>the</strong> positive correlation between equality and<br />
efficiency, this paradigm still has significant analytical inconsistencies. It is <strong>the</strong>refore necessary for macroeconomic<br />
variables such as <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> GNP, export, productivity and o<strong>the</strong>rs to be brought into connection not only with<br />
<strong>the</strong> activities related to <strong>the</strong> market, but also to those related to equal access to resources, human development,<br />
reduction <strong>of</strong> existential insecurity. It is only possible if one accepts that <strong>the</strong>re is a correlation between equality and<br />
efficiency.<br />
Can <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> globalisation be changed?<br />
Exploitation does not have to be <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> economic growth and development. It is <strong>the</strong> government that makes<br />
choices in <strong>the</strong> patterns <strong>of</strong> organising economy and redistributing social wealth. Also, international organisations<br />
make choices as to how <strong>the</strong>y will implement development programmes and formulate a set <strong>of</strong> conditions under<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y will be giving loans. Finally, civil sector also plays a significant role in this process. Numerous studies<br />
have demonstrated <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> strong correlation between an increase <strong>of</strong> literacy rate among women and<br />
economic growth. Investing in <strong>the</strong> education <strong>of</strong> women, <strong>the</strong>refore, raises <strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> economic growth <strong>of</strong> an<br />
economy as a whole, so that it is an argument in favour <strong>of</strong> both <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> equality and <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
growth.<br />
International financial institutions must reconsider <strong>the</strong>ir policy and <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> such policy on women, as well as<br />
all those most marginalised groups, ra<strong>the</strong>r than merely supporting education and training for women, increasing<br />
and facilitating <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> access to loans. The problem <strong>of</strong> such policy does not lie in loans. The problem <strong>of</strong><br />
such policy does not lie in its goals regarding <strong>the</strong> reduction in budget deficit, higher growth rate etc., but in policy<br />
measures taken in order to realised <strong>the</strong>se and o<strong>the</strong>r goals, which may deteriorate income allocation and poverty<br />
levels.<br />
For example, reduction in state expenditure <strong>of</strong>ten results in budget cuts in all sectors where strong political<br />
resistance is absent. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> costs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> elite and <strong>the</strong> army are protected, both in terms <strong>of</strong> wider<br />
and more efficient budget support, and in terms <strong>of</strong> higher marginal tax rate. Tax reform can, for example, be<br />
more easily implemented when it is formulated originally in <strong>the</strong> country itself, and <strong>the</strong>n supported by international<br />
financial institutions. Transfer <strong>of</strong> tax relevance from value added tax to income tax and from real estate tax to a<br />
progressive taxation system will mean a relatively higher taxation <strong>of</strong> men than women, as men’s income is<br />
relatively higher than women’s. Currency devaluation also disfavours women, as imported consumer goods<br />
become more expensive, which has impact on women in <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> household supplies buyers.<br />
Multilateral institutions such as World Trade Organisation and North American Free Trade Agreement, which are<br />
also responsible for <strong>the</strong> environment in which women are acting, must also reconsider <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir policies<br />
on women. Trade policy must be evaluated as successful in terms <strong>of</strong> social justice, not only in terms <strong>of</strong> economics.<br />
Although all <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world have agreed to a set <strong>of</strong> political measures <strong>of</strong> promoting gender equality<br />
adopted at <strong>the</strong> Peking conference in 1995, and many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m have taken serious measures in implementing <strong>the</strong><br />
goals <strong>of</strong> gender equality, trade policy <strong>of</strong>ten remains gender blind. Trade agreements should <strong>the</strong>refore be<br />
completed with total social impact, impact on <strong>the</strong> environment including <strong>the</strong> differentiated impacts on men and<br />
women. The WIDE (Women in Development Europe) have <strong>the</strong>refore proposed indicators for monitoring trade<br />
agreements from gender perspective in terms <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r increased trade levels and trade patterns assist in<br />
reducing gender gap or not. A tool proposed for this purpose is calculating trade elasticities <strong>of</strong> gender inequality<br />
over time. These elasticities should be focussed not only on gender inequality <strong>of</strong> export wages, but also in relation<br />
to employment and gender levels in <strong>the</strong> domestic economic sector affected by customs duty reductions. Moreover,<br />
<strong>the</strong> trade elasticity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gender inequality must also consider <strong>the</strong> gender impact <strong>of</strong> trade such as women’s health<br />
condition or childcare. Finally, it must be insisted that women’s labour rights cannot be separated from <strong>the</strong>ir rights<br />
as equal citizens. Very little can be achieved if <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> job discrimination is not supported by<br />
encouraging <strong>the</strong> right to education, and also if <strong>the</strong> demands for equal wage for equal quality <strong>of</strong> work is not<br />
supported by women’s right to control <strong>the</strong>ir wages.<br />
…<br />
In answering <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> what contribution feminists can make to development in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> globalisation,<br />
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it is useful to regard <strong>the</strong> concepts <strong>of</strong> gender and globalisation multidimensionally. Significant critique which <strong>the</strong>n<br />
emerges is <strong>the</strong> critique <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> perspective, that <strong>of</strong> white, western-oriented middle class woman. This perspective is<br />
also present in <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ories within women’s studies, empowering thus <strong>the</strong> feminists to perceive <strong>the</strong>mselves as<br />
belonging to a homogenous category. However, gender is also a differentiated category influenced by ethnicity,<br />
class, or religious denomination. Of course, as important as it is to understand that race, class, gender and age<br />
differences are significant elements <strong>of</strong> deconstruction and realistic understanding <strong>of</strong> globalisation, it is equally<br />
important not to fall into opposite extremes. It is also dangerous to conclude that <strong>the</strong>re is nothing else but <strong>the</strong><br />
difference.<br />
Generalisations are also necessary for political and economic debate. For example, <strong>the</strong>re is a widespread opinion<br />
that globalisation leads to feminisation <strong>of</strong> poverty and that poverty is most present in women-headed households.<br />
It should also be considered that such households are not homogenous in terms <strong>of</strong> marital status, age and class<br />
position, race, and legal status. Thus developed image <strong>of</strong> women-headed households is greatly diversified. Also,<br />
<strong>the</strong> direct correlation between women-headed households and poverty is oversimplified. Households are not poor<br />
by definition, that is, poverty in economic sense does not necessarily mean socio-cultural and psychological<br />
poverty. Finally, situation in a household may be changeable over time. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> debate on globalisation and<br />
gender can avoid many pitfalls if it understands <strong>the</strong> multidimensionality <strong>of</strong> gender.<br />
Translated from Serbian: Women’s Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Subotica, Serbia<br />
Literature:<br />
1. Appadurai Arjun, 1999, “Disjuncture and Difference in <strong>the</strong> Global Cultural Economy” in Fea<strong>the</strong>rstone Mike<br />
ed., Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity, London: Sage<br />
2. Appadurai Arjun, 1996, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions <strong>of</strong> Globalization, Minneapolis, University <strong>of</strong><br />
Minnesota Press<br />
3. Baden, Sally, 1996, “Gender Issue in financial liberalization and financial sector reform”, Bridge Report No.<br />
39, Brighton: Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studies<br />
4. Davids Tine and van Driel Francien, Globalization and Gender: Beyond Dichotomies in Shuurman J. Frans,<br />
Globalization and Development Studies, Challenges for <strong>the</strong> 21 st century, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi:<br />
SAGE Publications<br />
5. Goetz Ann Marie and Sen Gupta Rita, 1994, “Who takes <strong>the</strong> Credit? Gender, Power and Control over Loan<br />
Use in Rural Credit Programmes in Banglades”, IDS Working Paper No. 8, Brighton: Institute <strong>of</strong> Development<br />
Studies<br />
6. FENN Seminar Report, 2002, Gender Tools for <strong>the</strong> Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on<br />
Globalisation, The Hague: Institute <strong>of</strong> Social Studies<br />
7. Marchand H.Marianne and Runzan Sisson Anne, 2001, “Feminist sightings <strong>of</strong> global restructuring:<br />
Conceptualizations and Reconceptualizations” in Shuurman J. Frans, Globalization and Development Studies,<br />
Challenges for <strong>the</strong> 21 st century, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications<br />
8. Pearson, Ruth and Jackson, Cecile, 1998, «Interrogating Development: Feminism, Gender and Policu,<br />
Introduction” in Jackson, Cecile and Pearson Ruth eds. Feminist Visions <strong>of</strong> Development: Gender Analysis and<br />
Development, London: Routledge<br />
9. Ross Frankson, Joan, 2002, Women Challengin Globalization, Gender Perspective on <strong>the</strong> United Nations<br />
International Conference on Financing for Development, Monterrey: WEDO<br />
10. World Economic Outlook, 1997, Washington DC: International Monetary Fund<br />
[1] The paper presented at <strong>the</strong> International Conference “Myths and Reality: Feminist Perspectives on<br />
Globalisation”, organised by <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Graz, Austria, and Feminist ATTAC Austria, on 11-14 September,<br />
2003<br />
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Globalisation – Definitions<br />
Globalisation broadly refers to <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> global linkages and encompasses several large processes;<br />
definitions differ in what <strong>the</strong>y emphasize. Globalisation is historically complex; definitions vary in <strong>the</strong> particular<br />
driving force <strong>the</strong>y identify. The meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term is itself a topic in global discussion; it may refer to "real"<br />
processes, to ideas that justify <strong>the</strong>m, or to a way <strong>of</strong> thinking about <strong>the</strong>m. The term is not neutral; definitions<br />
express different assessments <strong>of</strong> global change. Among critics <strong>of</strong> capitalism and global inequality, globalisation<br />
now has an especially pejorative ring.<br />
The following definitions represent currently influential views [1] :<br />
● "[T]he inexorable integration <strong>of</strong> markets, nation-states, and technologies to a degree never witnessed<br />
before-in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation-states to reach around <strong>the</strong> world<br />
far<strong>the</strong>r, faster, deeper and cheaper than ever before . . . . <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> free-market capitalism to virtually<br />
every country in <strong>the</strong> world " (T.L. Friedman, The Lexus and <strong>the</strong> Olive Tree, 1999, p. 7-8).<br />
● "The compression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world and <strong>the</strong> intensification <strong>of</strong> consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world as a whole . . .<br />
concrete global interdependence and consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global whole in <strong>the</strong> twentieth century" (R.<br />
Robertson, Globalisation, 1992, p. 8).<br />
● "A social process in which <strong>the</strong> constraints <strong>of</strong> geography on social and cultural arrangements recede and in<br />
which people become increasingly aware that <strong>the</strong>y are receding" (M. Waters, Globalisation, 1995, p. 3).<br />
● "The historical transformation constituted by <strong>the</strong> sum <strong>of</strong> particular forms and instances <strong>of</strong> . . . . [m]aking or<br />
being made global (i) by <strong>the</strong> active dissemination <strong>of</strong> practices, values, technology and o<strong>the</strong>r human<br />
products throughout <strong>the</strong> globe (ii) when global practices and so on exercise an increasing influence over<br />
people's lives (iii) when <strong>the</strong> globe serves as a focus for, or a premise in shaping, human activities" (M.<br />
Albrow, The Global Age, 1996, p. 88).<br />
● "Integration on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> a project pursuing "market rule on a global scale" (P. McMichael, Development<br />
and Social Change, 2000, p. xxiii, 149).<br />
● "As experienced from below, <strong>the</strong> dominant form <strong>of</strong> globalisation means a historical transformation: in <strong>the</strong><br />
economy, <strong>of</strong> livelihoods and modes <strong>of</strong> existence; in politics, a loss in <strong>the</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> control exercised<br />
locally . . . and in culture, a devaluation <strong>of</strong> a collectivity's achievements . . . Globalisation is emerging as a<br />
political response to <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> market power . . . [It] is a domain <strong>of</strong> knowledge." (J.H. Mittelman,<br />
The Globalisation Syndrome, 2000, p. 6).<br />
● "…a widening, deepening and speeding up <strong>of</strong> interconnectedness in all aspects <strong>of</strong> contemporary social life<br />
from <strong>the</strong> cultural to <strong>the</strong> criminal, <strong>the</strong> financial to <strong>the</strong> spiritual’ (Held and McGrew (1999), Global<br />
Transformations, p. 2).<br />
● "... development <strong>of</strong> global financial markets, growth <strong>of</strong> transnational corporations and <strong>the</strong>ir growing<br />
dominance over national economies." (G. Soros, 2002, <strong>On</strong> Globalisation, p.13)<br />
● “The intensification <strong>of</strong> worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local<br />
happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa” (Giddens 1990: 21)<br />
● “The integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world economy” (Gilpin R., 2001, Global Political Economy, p. 364)<br />
● “De-territorialization – or … <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> supraterritorial relations between people” (A. J. Scholte, 2000,<br />
Globalisation – a critical introduction, p. 46)<br />
● “an ensemble <strong>of</strong> developments that make <strong>the</strong> world a single place, changing <strong>the</strong> meaning and importance<br />
<strong>of</strong> distance and national identity in world affairs” (J. A. Scholte, “Globalisation and Collective Identities”, in<br />
Identities in International Relations, edited by J. Krause and Neil Renwick, p. 44)<br />
● “Time-space compression” (Harvey 1999)<br />
● “A historical process involving a fundamental shift or transformation in <strong>the</strong> spatial scale <strong>of</strong> human social<br />
organization that links distant communities, and expands <strong>the</strong> reach <strong>of</strong> power relations across regions and<br />
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continents” (J. Baylis, S. Smith, The Globalisation <strong>of</strong> World Politics, 2005: 24)<br />
● “…it is nothing but ‘recolonisation’ in a new garb.” (J. Neeraj, 2001, Globalisation or Recolonisation, Pune,<br />
p. 6-7)<br />
● “…integration <strong>of</strong> national economies leading to <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> a borderless global or planetary economy… an<br />
interwoven net <strong>of</strong> factories, fields and forests, banks, governments, labouring and farming populations,<br />
cities and transport spread over <strong>the</strong> surface <strong>of</strong> earth.” (Avinash J., 2000, Background to Globalisation,<br />
Center for Education and Documentation, Bombay, p. 3)<br />
Bibliography<br />
Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society, London: Sage.<br />
Beck, U. 1999. What is Globalization?, Cambridge: Polity Press.<br />
Beck, U. 2001. 'Living your life in a runaway world: individualization, globalization and politics', in W. Hutton and<br />
A. Giddens. (eds.) <strong>On</strong> The Edge. Living with global capitalism, London: Vintage.<br />
Castells, M. 1996. The Rise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Networked Society, Oxford: Blackwell.<br />
Castells, M. 2001. 'Information technology and global capitalism' in W. Hutton and A. Giddens. (eds.) <strong>On</strong> The<br />
Edge. Living with global capitalism, London: Vintage.<br />
Chossudovsky, M. 1997. The Globalization <strong>of</strong> Poverty. Impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> IMF and World Bank reforms, London: Zed<br />
Books.<br />
Gee, J. P., Hull, L. and Lankshear, C. 1996. The New Work Order. Behind <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new capitalism, St.<br />
Leonards, Aus.: Allen and Unwin.<br />
Held D. and McGrew (eds). 2003. The Global Transformation Reader, Cambridge: Polity Press.<br />
Held, D. et al. 1999. Global Transformations, Cambridge: Polity Press.<br />
International Monetary Fund. 2000. Globalization: threat or opportunity, International Monetary Fund, corrected<br />
January 2002.<br />
Klein, N. (2000) No Logo, London: Flamingo.<br />
Robertson, R. 2003. The Three Waves <strong>of</strong> Globalization – A History <strong>of</strong> Developing Global Consciousness, London:<br />
Zed Press.<br />
Scholte, J. A. (2000) Globalization. A critical introduction, London: Macmillan.<br />
Stiglitz, J. 2003. Globalization and Its Discontents, London: Penguin.<br />
Waters, M. 1995. Globalization. London: Routledge.<br />
World Bank Research (2002) 'Globalization, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy', The World<br />
Bank Group, ( http://econ.worldbank.org/prr/subpage.php?sp=2477 )<br />
World Bank. (1999) World Development Report 1998/99: Knowledge for Development. Washington: World Bank.<br />
[1999, 9 August]. ( http://www.worldbank.org/wdr/wdr98/contents.htm ).<br />
[1]<br />
http://www.sociology.emory.edu/globalisation/glossary.html http://www.sociology.emory.edu/globalisation/<br />
issues01.html<br />
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DOCUMENTS<br />
<strong>Statement</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>Caucus</strong><br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Sixth Ministerial Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization<br />
December 10, 2005<br />
In a matter <strong>of</strong> days, government delegates will be ga<strong>the</strong>ring in Hong Kong for <strong>the</strong> latest<br />
landmark event in <strong>the</strong> ongoing process <strong>of</strong> economic globalization--<strong>the</strong> Sixth Ministerial<br />
Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization (WTO). We, members <strong>of</strong> civil society from<br />
developed and developing countries, concerned about <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> this process on <strong>the</strong><br />
realization <strong>of</strong> human rights and fundamental freedoms <strong>of</strong> people all over <strong>the</strong> world, take<br />
<strong>the</strong> opportunity <strong>of</strong> International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Day to remind our governments that<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir human rights obligations cannot be abandoned at <strong>the</strong> WTO door.<br />
Whose Development is it Anyway?<br />
A Gender Perspective on <strong>the</strong> EU’s Position in <strong>the</strong> WTO Negotiations<br />
WIDE statement, November 2005<br />
WIDE is deeply concerned about <strong>the</strong> European Commission’s insistence on pushing for<br />
<strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> trade rules that threaten <strong>the</strong> livelihoods <strong>of</strong> poor women and men in<br />
<strong>the</strong> South and that perpetuate gender inequality, unfair gender relations as well as<br />
structural inequalities between women and men and within and between countries and<br />
regions. The EU is aggressively pursuing new markets, while <strong>of</strong>fering little in return to<br />
developing countries.<br />
Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Equal Participation <strong>of</strong> Women in <strong>the</strong><br />
Information Society<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> participants in <strong>the</strong> Forum on Gender and ICTs for <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong><br />
Information Society 2005, representing 36 countries assembled in Seoul from 24 – 25<br />
June 2005, with affiliations in academia and NGOs as well as government, international<br />
agency, and industry, Reaffirming <strong>the</strong> principles outlined in <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women, Noting<br />
paragraph 12 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration <strong>of</strong> Principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information<br />
Society …<br />
WIDE <strong>Statement</strong> to <strong>the</strong> 49th Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission on <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
New York, 28 February to 11 March 2005<br />
The 10 year review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) at <strong>the</strong> 49th Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Commission on <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Women (CSW) is a critical opportunity to reaffirm <strong>the</strong> global<br />
women’s agenda for women’s human rights, gender equality and empowerment for<br />
women. The member states <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN must use this opportunity to reaffirm <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
unequivocal commitment to <strong>the</strong> accelerated implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> entire Beijing<br />
Declaration and Platform for Action and <strong>the</strong> Outcomes Document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 23rd UN General<br />
Assembly Special Session (Beijing+5).<br />
UNCTAD XI – Adding Soul To "The Spirit Of Sao Paulo"<br />
Amendments to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial UNCTAD XI - The Spirit <strong>of</strong> São Paulo Declaration<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI<br />
17 June 2004<br />
STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI<br />
June 15th 2004<br />
WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> Network Women in Development Europe, <strong>the</strong> Gender and Development Network,<br />
international Sou<strong>the</strong>rn partners, Central and Eastern European partners, individual<br />
members and feminists present, meeting here in London on <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> WIDE’s 20th<br />
anniversary
Documents<br />
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Resolution 1325 (2000)<br />
Adopted by <strong>the</strong> Security Council at its 4213th meeting,<br />
<strong>On</strong> 31 October 2000<br />
Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005<br />
A new Era may Open itself in Europe<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> participants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Conference in Paris <strong>of</strong> 24th and 25th June 2005, put<br />
forward for debate in all <strong>the</strong> associative, trade union and political networks in Europe, <strong>the</strong><br />
propositions contained in <strong>the</strong> following declaration:<br />
The European Feminist Initiative Acts in Priority for a NO to The Constitution<br />
and for a YES To Ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe<br />
M E M O R A N D U M<br />
The European Union might become <strong>the</strong> bearer <strong>of</strong> a true peace project, <strong>of</strong> a constructive<br />
alternative to <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> precarity, unemployment, poverty and an alternative to <strong>the</strong><br />
policy <strong>of</strong> militarization and war which generate violence and insecurity. Violence restricts<br />
<strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> possibilities, non-violence broadens it. Neoliberalism and common security<br />
policy, in close relationship with NATO and without reference to UN bring economic and<br />
defence choices which will act as reciprocal commitments between countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
European union. If <strong>the</strong> new constitution becomes adopted, it will confirm <strong>the</strong> dominating<br />
male and neo-liberal power and will carved it “in marble” for several decades.<br />
Montréal Principles on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The Montréal Principles were adopted at a meeting <strong>of</strong> experts held December 7 – 10,<br />
2002 in Montréal, Canada. These principles are <strong>of</strong>fered to guide <strong>the</strong> interpretation and<br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guarantees <strong>of</strong> non-discrimination and equal exercise and<br />
enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights, found, inter alia, in Articles 3 and 2(2)<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, so that women<br />
can enjoy <strong>the</strong>se rights fully and equally.<br />
Political Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Forum on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women in<br />
Trade Agreements<br />
9 September 2003,<br />
Cancun/Mexico
Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Equal Participation <strong>of</strong> Women in <strong>the</strong> Information Society<br />
Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Equal Participation <strong>of</strong> Women in <strong>the</strong> Information Society<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> participants in <strong>the</strong> Forum on Gender and ICTs for <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information Society 2005,<br />
representing 36 countries assembled in Seoul from 24 – 25 June 2005, with affiliations in academia and NGOs as<br />
well as government, international agency, and industry,<br />
Reaffirming <strong>the</strong> principles outlined in <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action and <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong><br />
Discrimination Against Women,<br />
Noting paragraph 12 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Declaration <strong>of</strong> Principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information Society (WSIS),<br />
adopted in Geneva in December 2003, viz: “We affirm that development <strong>of</strong> ICTs provide enormous opportunities<br />
for women, who should be an integral part <strong>of</strong>, and key actors, in <strong>the</strong> Information Society. We are committed to<br />
ensuring that <strong>the</strong> Information Society enables women's empowerment and <strong>the</strong>ir full participation on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong><br />
equality in all spheres <strong>of</strong> society and in all decision-making processes. To this end, we should mainstream a<br />
gender equality perspective and use ICTs as a tool to that end:”<br />
Noting that <strong>the</strong> WSIS Plan <strong>of</strong> Action refers to <strong>the</strong> special needs <strong>of</strong> women in relation to capacity building; enabling<br />
environment; ICT applications; cultural diversity and identity; media; and follow-up and evaluation,<br />
Noting that <strong>the</strong> second phase <strong>of</strong> WSIS focuses on monitoring and implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> progress <strong>of</strong> feasible<br />
actions laid out in <strong>the</strong> Geneva Plan and a concrete set <strong>of</strong> deliverables that must be achieved by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>the</strong><br />
Summit meets again in Tunis in November 2005,<br />
Noting that, this will involve:<br />
- developing a core set <strong>of</strong> benchmarks or indicators that can be used to evaluate ICT for Development initiatives<br />
- surveying and presenting ‘best practices’ and ‘lessons learned’ from ICT projects and initiatives<br />
- presenting recommendations from <strong>the</strong> working groups on Financing Mechanisms and Internet Governance<br />
Noting that <strong>the</strong> current debate on financing in <strong>the</strong> WSIS process puts disproportionate emphasis on private<br />
investment to achieve ICT for Development goals,<br />
Recognizing that since <strong>the</strong> first phase <strong>of</strong> WSIS, governments, international bodies, academia, and civil society<br />
organizations have implemented actions as follow-up to <strong>the</strong> WSIS Action Plan,<br />
Recognizing that <strong>the</strong> most critical aspects in <strong>the</strong> follow up <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> WSIS Plan <strong>of</strong> Action are:<br />
• Developing sex-disaggregated statistics and gender indicators<br />
• Integrating a gender perspective in national ICT policies and strategies<br />
• Ensuring ICT training and capacity building for women<br />
• Promoting <strong>the</strong> economic empowerment <strong>of</strong> women<br />
• Ensuring that women benefit from financing <strong>of</strong> ICT for Development<br />
• Facilitating gender equality in Internet and ICT governance<br />
Noting <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> cyber pornography, trafficking, exploitation, violence against women and sexism on <strong>the</strong><br />
Internet, and recognizing that <strong>the</strong> Information Society provides both threats and opportunities,<br />
1. Recommend, based on <strong>the</strong>se priorities, <strong>the</strong> following to all stakeholders;<br />
2. Emphasize <strong>the</strong> gender component in ICT financing discussions, including principles <strong>of</strong> gender budgeting, with<br />
linkages made between investment in physical and social infrastructure development;<br />
3. Ensure that financing ICT for Development projects accounts specifically for women's development priorities<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir information and communication rights;<br />
4. Take into account <strong>the</strong> particular needs <strong>of</strong> indigenous, elderly, rural and marginalized women everywhere,<br />
including those in developing countries and <strong>the</strong> least developed countries, and earmark a fair percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Digital Solidarity Fund for projects aimed at bridging <strong>the</strong> gender digital divide;<br />
5. Ensure women’s participation in <strong>the</strong> establishment, administration and monitoring <strong>of</strong> any fund that supports <strong>the</strong><br />
use <strong>of</strong> ICTs for development;<br />
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Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Equal Participation <strong>of</strong> Women in <strong>the</strong> Information Society<br />
6. Establish national level multi-stakeholder level Internet governance mechanisms, independent <strong>of</strong> political and<br />
market interests, to adopt agendas commensurate with a development-oriented Internet Governance, create<br />
gender working groups, and provide a platform for ICT policy and Internet governance capacity building;<br />
7. Create opportunities for <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> women in international and intergovernmental organizations<br />
involved in Internet governance;<br />
8. Ensure access to meaningful participation and equal representation <strong>of</strong> all people, communities and groups,<br />
including women, in <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> any new global mechanism to address Internet governance. Appropriate<br />
relationships should be established with UN bodies connected with development, with culture and education, and<br />
with <strong>the</strong> special needs and interests <strong>of</strong> women;<br />
9. Support <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> sex-disaggregated data on access and use <strong>of</strong> ICTs at <strong>the</strong> regional and international<br />
levels;<br />
10. Emphasize <strong>the</strong> need for women’s increased presence at all levels <strong>of</strong> decision-making and in <strong>the</strong><br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> policies, both in NGOs and in government bodies responsible for information and<br />
communication. This includes <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> appropriate training, and monitoring <strong>of</strong> impact, for female public<br />
servants;<br />
11. Mobilize resources to fund capacity building programmes at national, regional and global levels, to address ICT<br />
policy and Internet governance issues, taking into account <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> women, excluded communities, especially<br />
those from developing countries. In implementing such capacity building programmes, <strong>the</strong> e-readiness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
community should be adequately assessed;<br />
12. Create opportunities for employment for women in <strong>the</strong> ICT sector, especially in areas <strong>of</strong> management,<br />
decision-making, and hardware and s<strong>of</strong>tware design and production;<br />
13. Invest in and support ICT infrastructure and services to promote women’s participation and empowerment.<br />
Special attention should be given to community-driven information and communication initiatives, using both ICTs<br />
and <strong>the</strong> long established media, including its ownership;<br />
14. Encourage <strong>the</strong> widespread use <strong>of</strong> open-access s<strong>of</strong>tware.<br />
15. Ensure that content created or funded by government, government contractors conducting essential public<br />
functions, or intergovernmental organizations becomes part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public domain. This is <strong>of</strong> particular importance<br />
with respect to technical and scientific information.<br />
16. Recognize <strong>the</strong> special role <strong>of</strong> libraries as centres for community access to knowledge. Libraries and archives<br />
should be considered in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> national ICT policies and supported by public (government and donor)<br />
funds.<br />
17. Support women’s ministries and agencies, gender focal points, and gender advocates to participate effectively<br />
in regulatory policy-making and in all national and international ICT policy processes in a coordinated way;<br />
18. Train relevant government <strong>of</strong>ficers in gender analysis <strong>of</strong> ICT policies and support women’s ministries and<br />
agencies, gender focal points, and gender advocates in <strong>the</strong> work <strong>the</strong>y are doing.<br />
25 June 2005<br />
World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information Society<br />
WSIS Gender <strong>Caucus</strong> - http://www.genderwsis.org/<br />
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WIDE <strong>Statement</strong> to <strong>the</strong> 49th Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission on <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
WIDE <strong>Statement</strong> to <strong>the</strong> 49th Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission on <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
New York, 28 February to 11 March 2005<br />
The 10 year review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) at <strong>the</strong> 49th Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission on <strong>the</strong> Status<br />
<strong>of</strong> Women (CSW) is a critical opportunity to reaffirm <strong>the</strong> global women’s agenda for women’s human rights,<br />
gender equality and empowerment for women. The member states <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN must use this opportunity to reaffirm<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir unequivocal commitment to <strong>the</strong> accelerated implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> entire Beijing Declaration and Platform for<br />
Action and <strong>the</strong> Outcomes Document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 23rd UN General Assembly Special Session (Beijing+5), and to ensure<br />
that <strong>the</strong> appropriate resources are made available for <strong>the</strong> continued implementation <strong>of</strong> BPfA and <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong><br />
gender equality and women’s human rights as enshrined in <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong><br />
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).<br />
GLOBALISATION AND THE BPfA<br />
The BPfA was drafted and adopted by governments, but thousands <strong>of</strong> women activists worldwide have contributed<br />
to all <strong>the</strong> phases <strong>of</strong> developing, drafting, monitoring and implementing <strong>the</strong> Platform forAction. WIDE, working in<br />
collaboration with o<strong>the</strong>r women’s movements around <strong>the</strong> world, has helped to shape <strong>the</strong> BPfA and its<br />
implementation. We have a particular concern about <strong>the</strong> many ways in which neo-liberalism, including <strong>the</strong><br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> a ‘free’ trade regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation has led to deep inequalities. It<br />
has led to <strong>the</strong> feminisation <strong>of</strong> employment, intensified exploitation <strong>of</strong> women's unpaid work in <strong>the</strong> caring economy<br />
and has undermined <strong>the</strong> livelihood strategies <strong>of</strong> poor rural and urban women, including migrant women, disabled<br />
and displaced women in all areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
The increasing impact <strong>of</strong> such policies on <strong>the</strong> lives and livelihoods <strong>of</strong> women is compounded in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
South by <strong>the</strong> structural inequalities between North and South. If policies are assumed to be gender neutral, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
can reproduce or even worsen inequality. WIDE, in alliance with o<strong>the</strong>r women’s groups working on trade, macro<br />
economic, gender and globalisation, calls on Governments to recognise that gender aware macro economic policy,<br />
including <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong> a gender analysis <strong>of</strong> trade and its impact on women globally are essential if economic<br />
development partnerships are to be made real and effective. WIDE asks for far greater economic coherence<br />
among states, non-state actors and multilateral institutions in relation to development cooperation and financial,<br />
monetary and trade policies, so that <strong>the</strong> systemic inequities and power imbalances within <strong>the</strong> global economic<br />
system are addressed.<br />
Structural, economic and institutional inequalities are exacerbated by <strong>the</strong> increase in conservative forces in Europe<br />
and all areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, with <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> religious fundamentalisms as well as a diversion <strong>of</strong> resources away from<br />
<strong>the</strong> fight against poverty to <strong>the</strong> ‘war on terror’. This has led to increased poverty combined with a backlash<br />
against women’s rights and a weakening <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gains won in <strong>the</strong> 1990s UN conferences.<br />
BEIJING+10 AND THE MILLENNIUM SUMMIT<br />
The 49th CSW is a strategic moment to push for <strong>the</strong> BPfA to be more visibly linked to <strong>the</strong> current UN Agenda<br />
based on <strong>the</strong> 2000 Millennium Declaration and <strong>the</strong> Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which are due for<br />
review in September 2005. WIDE expresses serious concern that <strong>the</strong> MDG process now dominating <strong>the</strong> UN<br />
System is undermining <strong>the</strong> BPfA. Unlike <strong>the</strong> BPfA which takes into account deep inequalities within and across<br />
countries, <strong>the</strong> MDGs ignore <strong>the</strong> structural nature <strong>of</strong> poverty as well as <strong>the</strong> structural nature <strong>of</strong> gender inequality.<br />
There is a central contradiction within <strong>the</strong> MDG process that asks governments to invest in ‘pro-poor policies’<br />
while at <strong>the</strong> same time employing neo-liberal economic policies that only serve to increase <strong>the</strong> impoverishment <strong>of</strong><br />
marginalized women and men. WIDE <strong>the</strong>refore calls for a far more democratic and gender aware MDG process,<br />
one that is accountable to <strong>the</strong> global women’s movement, and which makes gender equality, women’s human<br />
rights and women’s empowerment central to <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> MDGs. It is critical that Governments ensure<br />
that <strong>the</strong> MDGs draw on <strong>the</strong> Beijing PfA as integral to all MDG goals.<br />
GROWING INEQUALITIES WITHIN EUROPE<br />
As an organisation <strong>of</strong> women living in Europe, WIDE is particularly concerned with <strong>the</strong> growing inequalities<br />
associated with neo-liberal globalisation and exploitation connected with a rise in both legal and illegal forms <strong>of</strong><br />
migration, with <strong>the</strong> latter, in particular, associated with highly insecure and exploitative forms <strong>of</strong> work. WIDE<br />
expresses concern about <strong>the</strong> human rights <strong>of</strong> all migrants, and particularly <strong>the</strong> specific abuses <strong>of</strong> human rights to<br />
which women migrants are vulnerable in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-formal economy in Europe, <strong>the</strong><br />
increase in illegal migration, trafficking <strong>of</strong> women and children and <strong>the</strong> growing fragmentation <strong>of</strong> 'old' and 'new'<br />
Europe. The European Union enlargement in 2004 caused new and largely artificial political dividing lines across<br />
<strong>the</strong> continent, between those within <strong>the</strong> EU and those outside. WIDE believes that it is critical to build a common<br />
agenda for gender equality among women in <strong>the</strong> whole European region in order to prevent a new East- West<br />
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WIDE <strong>Statement</strong> to <strong>the</strong> 49th Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Commission on <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
divide.<br />
BEIJING+10 AND CAIRO+10<br />
From a holistic human rights approach to development built by <strong>the</strong> UN conferences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s, WIDE considers<br />
women’s economic rights intrinsically linked to <strong>the</strong>ir sexual and reproductive rights. WIDE <strong>the</strong>refore joins o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
women’s movements and health activists in expressing strong concern that sexual and reproductive health and<br />
rights for all women (as agreed to in <strong>the</strong> International Conference on Population and Development, Cairo 1994) is<br />
reinstated in <strong>the</strong> MDG agenda, including building women’s capacity to act in response to <strong>the</strong> increasing numbers<br />
<strong>of</strong> poor women living with HIV/AIDS. WIDE welcomes <strong>the</strong> recommendations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Millennium Project Task Force<br />
Three and Four and calls on European Governments in particular to take a strong stand on this issue.<br />
It is an increasingly challenging climate for women, particularly those from socially excluded groups, transition<br />
countries and conflict-affected areas. WIDE calls on women’s rights groups across <strong>the</strong> world to protect <strong>the</strong> gains<br />
made by Beijing and calls on Governments, particularly European governments, to reaffirm those gains, not only<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 10 year review process, but also in <strong>the</strong> future, through appropriate resources to put <strong>the</strong> BPfA into action.<br />
WIDE will be working throughout <strong>the</strong> CSW to mobilize political will and resources more effectively for <strong>the</strong> global<br />
women’s agenda in <strong>of</strong>ficial delegations, at side events, interactive panels, caucuses and through <strong>the</strong> Global Week<br />
<strong>of</strong> Action for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> from March 1-8 which WIDE promotes and endorses.<br />
WIDE CALLS FOR:<br />
• The unequivocal reaffirmation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> entire Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and <strong>the</strong> Outcomes<br />
Document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 23rd UNGASS (Beijing+5), with <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> new resources and <strong>the</strong> commitment to <strong>the</strong> full<br />
implementation and relevance <strong>of</strong> BPfA in itself and as a precondition for achieving <strong>the</strong> MDGs<br />
• The continued analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> critical linkages between trade, development, poverty and gender as essential to<br />
address <strong>the</strong> systemic inequities and power imbalances within <strong>the</strong> global economic system<br />
• The integration <strong>of</strong> sexual and reproductive health and rights into <strong>the</strong> MDG agenda.<br />
Source:<br />
Women in Development Europe ©<br />
http://www.wide-network.org/<br />
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Amendments to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial UNCTAD XI<br />
UNCTAD XI - Adding Soul To "The Spirit Of Sao Paulo"<br />
Amendments to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial UNCTAD XI - The Spirit <strong>of</strong> São Paulo Declaration<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI<br />
17 June 2004<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> member States <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, ga<strong>the</strong>red at São Paulo,<br />
Brazil, between 13 and 18 June 2004, for <strong>the</strong> eleventh session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Conference, agree on <strong>the</strong> following<br />
Declaration:<br />
1. UNCTAD was created in 1964 as an expression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> belief that a cooperative effort <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international<br />
community was required to integrate developing countries successfully into <strong>the</strong> world economy. Since <strong>the</strong>n,<br />
UNCTAD has made a substantial contribution to <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> developing countries to participate more fully and to<br />
adapt to changes in <strong>the</strong> world economy through <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> instruments, agreements and<br />
programmes - to stabilize commodity prices, for example - aimed at achieving this objective. UNCTAD has also<br />
provided an invaluable forum for advancing <strong>the</strong> relationship between trade and development, both from a national<br />
and an international perspective, across <strong>the</strong> three pillars <strong>of</strong> its mandate. Reinforcing <strong>the</strong> traditional UNCTAD<br />
mandate is more crucial than ever.<br />
2. The UN Conferences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990s, (and outcomes such as <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action), <strong>the</strong> Convention on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women, o<strong>the</strong>r international Conventions, <strong>the</strong> Millennium Declaration, <strong>the</strong><br />
Monterrey Consensus, <strong>the</strong> Programme <strong>of</strong> Action for <strong>the</strong> LDCs, <strong>the</strong> Almaty Programme <strong>of</strong> Action, <strong>the</strong> Barbados<br />
Programme <strong>of</strong> Action, <strong>the</strong> Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and <strong>the</strong> Plan <strong>of</strong> Implementation<br />
agreed at <strong>the</strong> World Summit on Sustainable Development and <strong>the</strong> Declaration <strong>of</strong> Principles and <strong>the</strong> Plane <strong>of</strong> Action<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information Society, as well as initiatives for UN reform, streng<strong>the</strong>n multilateralism<br />
and establish a roadmap to guide international actions in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> mobilising resources for development and<br />
<strong>of</strong> providing an international environment supportive <strong>of</strong> development, although <strong>the</strong>se have been criticised by some<br />
who see <strong>the</strong>m as insufficient. We are committed to joining all our efforts and in creasing <strong>the</strong> resources from <strong>the</strong><br />
developed countries in <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> goals established in those texts in <strong>the</strong> agreed timeframes. The<br />
United Nations system should actively pursue agreed development goals between now and 2015, as identified in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Millennium Declaration, and a reinvigorated UNCTAD has an important role to play in efforts towards <strong>the</strong><br />
accomplishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se common objectives.<br />
3. In spite <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> efforts at <strong>the</strong> national and international level to promote growth, development and<br />
intensifying equity at both <strong>the</strong>se levels remain <strong>the</strong> central issues in <strong>the</strong> global agenda. The contrasts between<br />
developed and developing countries and within both kinds <strong>of</strong> societies that marked <strong>the</strong> world in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s<br />
have intensified. While globalisation has posed important challenges and opened up new opportunities for many<br />
countries, its consequences have been highly unequal between countries and within countries. Some have reaped<br />
<strong>the</strong> benefits from trade, investment and technology flows and seem to be winning <strong>the</strong> struggle for development<br />
and for poverty alleviation: sometimes by following independent policies.<br />
4. Most developing countries, however, especially African countries and LDCs, have remained neglected and<br />
sometimes have suffered as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> globalisation process. They still face major challenges for <strong>the</strong><br />
realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic potential and <strong>the</strong> incorporation <strong>of</strong> large masses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unemployed, informal male<br />
and female workers and <strong>the</strong> working poor into <strong>the</strong> productive sectors. There is a need to rethink <strong>the</strong> linkage<br />
between international trade and poverty elimination. There is a need to address <strong>the</strong> instability in world commodity<br />
prices.<br />
5. For all countries, it is important that, at <strong>the</strong> international level, efforts will be deployed and policies<br />
implemented in order to facilitate reforms and to remove external constraints to put <strong>the</strong> developing world on a<br />
firm and sustainable development path. We can rightly say that, 40 years after <strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD, <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship between trade and development, which is <strong>the</strong> cornerstone <strong>of</strong> its mandate, has become even more<br />
important to analyse critically and to act on.<br />
6. We are committed to <strong>the</strong> struggle for <strong>the</strong> eradication <strong>of</strong> poverty and hunger. Policy instruments and measures,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> Global Fund Against Hunger, at <strong>the</strong> national and international levels, should be adopted, in particular<br />
by practising policies in <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> trade, investment and finance (including through new financial initiatives), to<br />
encourage <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> opportunities for <strong>the</strong> poor women and men <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world to have access to decent, stable<br />
jobs and adequate negotiated wages. This is <strong>the</strong> sustainable road to democracy, reforms, stability and growth.<br />
The Millennium Development Goals are an important but insufficient milestone. Special attention should be paid to<br />
<strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action in order that gender power relations are rearranged, so that<br />
women are empowered to participate equally with men in sustainable development.<br />
7. The plight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> least developed countries should receive <strong>the</strong> utmost attention from <strong>the</strong> international<br />
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Amendments to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial UNCTAD XI<br />
community. We are committed to generating and better utilizing additional international resources, market access<br />
and development assistance for <strong>the</strong> LDCs in order to enable <strong>the</strong>m to establish, in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> effective<br />
domestically-owned national policies, a solid political, social and economic base for <strong>the</strong>ir development processes.<br />
8. Multilateral trade negotiations, under <strong>the</strong> Doha Work Programme, should be conducted with a view to<br />
addressing developmental concerns <strong>of</strong> countries, with a special focus on LDCs, in a manner that fully reflects <strong>the</strong><br />
level <strong>of</strong> ambition agreed to at Doha. The Doha Work Programme should place development at <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
multilateral trade negotiations and <strong>the</strong>n should reinforce <strong>the</strong> mandate <strong>of</strong> UNCTAD. UNCTAD can play a useful role<br />
in safeguarding <strong>the</strong> development dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Doha Work Programme and contributing to assessing and<br />
evaluating <strong>the</strong> balances and outcomes <strong>of</strong> negotiations and promoting mechanisms, including regulatory measures,<br />
to establish more balanced and equitable trade relations. We also positively consider <strong>the</strong> facilitation <strong>of</strong> accession<br />
<strong>of</strong> developing countries, especially LDC´s, to <strong>the</strong> WTO. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender<br />
mainstreaming and engendering <strong>the</strong>ir national and regional economic and trade policies to ensure gender equity<br />
and women's empowerment.<br />
9. We recognise that improved coherence between national and international policies and practices and between<br />
<strong>the</strong> international monetary, financial and trading systems and <strong>the</strong> Norms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN system is fundamental for<br />
democratic and participatory sound global economic governance. We are committed to reforming in a<br />
comprehensive manner <strong>the</strong> existing inadequacies and insufficiencies <strong>of</strong> those systems in order to enhance <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
capacities to better respond to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> development, especially in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> LDCs. The institutional<br />
dimension in terms <strong>of</strong> improved global governance is central here. We should also continue working on <strong>the</strong><br />
creation <strong>of</strong> positive and development-centred synergies amongst trade, finance and investment and on how to link<br />
<strong>the</strong>se efforts to development and eliminating inequities at <strong>the</strong> national and international levels. As recommended<br />
by <strong>the</strong> World Commission on <strong>the</strong> Social Dimensions <strong>of</strong> Globalisation, an inter-agency Globalisation Forum should<br />
be established. UNCTAD should play a key role in this Forum. In particular, attention should be devoted to<br />
improving international non-speculative capital flows for development, through <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> automatic,<br />
assured and predictable sources <strong>of</strong> development finance, as well as dealing with <strong>the</strong> volatility <strong>of</strong> international<br />
capital markets. Measures to ensure long-term debt eradication <strong>of</strong> developing countries and countries in transition<br />
should be implemented. As a first step in this direction, we commit to unconditional cancellation <strong>of</strong> LDC debt.<br />
10. We should also focus on future challenge and opportunities. In addition to national resources, capital<br />
accumulation and availability <strong>of</strong> labour, new factors such as information, innovation, creativity and diversity<br />
constitute <strong>the</strong> dynamic forces <strong>of</strong> today's world economy. We are committed to bridging <strong>the</strong> digital divide and<br />
ensuring harmonious, fair, equitable and sustainable development for all women and men and to building an<br />
inclusive information society, which will require genuine equal partnership and cooperation among Governments<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r stakeholders, i.e. <strong>the</strong> private sector, civil society and international organisations, in which rights and<br />
responsibilities <strong>of</strong> all parties are reciprocal.<br />
11. A more positive integration <strong>of</strong> developing countries and those developing countries with economies in<br />
transition into <strong>the</strong> international economy and <strong>the</strong> multilateral trading system depends also on <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong><br />
internal policies to move up <strong>the</strong> ladder towards sectors that incorporate innovation and that expand more<br />
dynamically. To achieve <strong>the</strong>se results, countries must have <strong>the</strong> policy space to pursue diverse policy options in<br />
order to arrive at <strong>the</strong> best possible balance between different approaches in <strong>the</strong>ir national development strategies.<br />
12. The process <strong>of</strong> sustainable development requires increased and equitable participation <strong>of</strong> all social and political<br />
forces in <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> consensus for <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> effective national policies, which, in turn, requires<br />
democratic policies and institutions. We acknowledge <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> all stakeholders, i.e. governments, <strong>the</strong><br />
private sector, civil society and international organisations and <strong>the</strong> contribution all can make, in every country, to<br />
good governance. While development is <strong>the</strong> primary responsibility <strong>of</strong> each country, domestic efforts should be<br />
facilitated and complemented by an enabling international environment. Development policies should take<br />
cognisance <strong>of</strong> market forces in <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> growth, through trade, investment and innovation. They should<br />
also acknowledge <strong>the</strong> central role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State in conferring political and economic stability, developing <strong>the</strong><br />
required regulatory frameworks, channelling <strong>the</strong> resources for infrastructure and social projects, promoting social<br />
inclusion and reducing inequalities. We are committed to supporting national efforts dedicated to institution<br />
building in developing countries and countries in transition.<br />
13. Although still limited to a small number <strong>of</strong> countries, <strong>the</strong>re are encouraging signs that a significant source <strong>of</strong><br />
global growth is being generated in <strong>the</strong> South. This new development could contribute to creating to a new<br />
geography <strong>of</strong> world trade. We underscore <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> initiatives to facilitate <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> new dynamic<br />
centres <strong>of</strong> growth in <strong>the</strong> South through additional steps for <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se emerging economies with<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r developing ones. This can be achieved, inter alia, by means <strong>of</strong> amore comprehensive Global System <strong>of</strong><br />
Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which should also address <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> LDCs and<br />
economies in transition.<br />
14. Given <strong>the</strong> growing importance <strong>of</strong> regional and interregional initiatives, we encourage UNCTAD to fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
develop capabilities designed to assist countries to participate effectively in <strong>the</strong>se initiatives, while ensuring<br />
functional and coherent linkages with <strong>the</strong> multilateral system.<br />
15. The decisions we have adopted at this UNCTAD XI, in addition to <strong>the</strong> Bangkok Plan <strong>of</strong> Action form a solid basis<br />
and are essential instruments in our continued commitment to support UNCTAD in fulfilling and streng<strong>the</strong>ning its<br />
mandate as <strong>the</strong> focal point internationally for <strong>the</strong> integrated treatment <strong>of</strong> trade and development, on <strong>the</strong> road to<br />
its Twelfth Session in 2008.<br />
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STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI<br />
STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI<br />
June 15th 2004<br />
The UN has recognised that gender equality is both a core value for sustainable development and a prerequisite<br />
for poverty elimination. With <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> all forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action, <strong>the</strong> UN has developed an internationally accepted analytical framework and action<br />
plan for gender equality. We welcome <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD-led Task Force on Gender and Trade set up by<br />
<strong>the</strong> UN Inter-Agency Working Group in February 2003 and <strong>the</strong> UNCTAD XI initiative to highlight gender and trade<br />
as a cross-cutting issue.<br />
As a UN body, UNCTAD has both <strong>the</strong> responsibility and <strong>the</strong> competence to take a leadership role in ensuring that<br />
gender concerns are incorporated in a meaningful way in macro-economic policy. Trade policies impact on gender<br />
relations and human development by rearranging relations <strong>of</strong> power and access to resources between women and<br />
men. If trade policies are assumed to be gender neutral, <strong>the</strong>y may reproduce or even worsen current forms <strong>of</strong><br />
inequality and discrimination against women in all countries.<br />
We also welcome <strong>the</strong> statement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Union that 'UNCTAD should mainstream gender equality in its<br />
work. UNCTAD's support to developing countries should enable <strong>the</strong>ir economic and trade policies to empower<br />
women as both actors in, and beneficiaries <strong>of</strong>, economic growth.' Gender mainstreaming must be understood in<br />
<strong>the</strong> agreed terms <strong>of</strong> CEDAW and <strong>the</strong> BPFA as being strategy towards transformation <strong>of</strong> gender relations and<br />
gender stereotypes, and <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
The impact <strong>of</strong> trade policy on <strong>the</strong> lives and livelihoods <strong>of</strong> women is compounded in countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South by <strong>the</strong><br />
structural inequalities between North and South. The international economic order through UNCTAD, <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
must proactively promote <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> those women who are most vulnerable to <strong>the</strong> negative impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
international trade agreements. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and<br />
engendering <strong>the</strong>ir national and regional trade and o<strong>the</strong>r economic policies to ensure gender equity and women's<br />
empowerment.<br />
UNCTAD must take a leadership role by<br />
Promoting <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> UN gender equality and women's empowerment agreements within trade<br />
agreements.<br />
Devoting increased emphasis in its work to <strong>the</strong> social implications <strong>of</strong> trade and o<strong>the</strong>r economic policies, including<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir gender impact.<br />
Developing systems <strong>of</strong> gender and trade indicators and gender impact assessment mechanisms in both<br />
monitoring trade agreements and in ex ante assessment to forestall negative impacts <strong>of</strong> trade agreements on<br />
vulnerable women and men.<br />
Including in its independent research and analysis <strong>the</strong> evaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> trade on women. Such<br />
research should focus not only on criticising <strong>the</strong> current neo-liberal framework, but on developing alternatives,<br />
drawing, for example, on <strong>the</strong> established body <strong>of</strong> feminist economics, and on <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> existing local level<br />
alternatives.<br />
Focusing its gender analysis not only on improving <strong>the</strong> condition <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong>ir current roles (e.g. better<br />
access to credit and micro-finance etc) and seeing <strong>the</strong>m as potential actors in economic growth, but should draw<br />
on <strong>the</strong> transformative analysis <strong>of</strong> CEDAW to ensure that women are not confined in discriminatory positions by<br />
gender stereotyping.<br />
UNCTAD must ensure that every country has <strong>the</strong> competence and freedom to design development measures<br />
aimed at achieving gender equality and social justice. Donor countries should ensure that appropriate resources<br />
are directed to UNCTAD's work on gender equality.<br />
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WIDE (Network Women In Development Europe)<br />
Banúlacht - Women in Ireland for Development, WIDE Ireland<br />
CONDGE (Coordinadora de ONGs), WIDE Spain<br />
KULU - Women in Development, Denmark, WIDE Denmark<br />
Danish 92 Group<br />
ICDA (International Coalition <strong>of</strong> Development Action)<br />
Cafra (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action)
STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI<br />
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EWL (European Women's Lobby)<br />
IGTN-E - International Gender and Trade Network (Europe)<br />
Trade Matters Ireland
Resolution 1325 (2000)Adopted by <strong>the</strong> Security Council at its 4213th meeting,<strong>On</strong> 31 October 2000<br />
The Security Council,<br />
Resolution 1325 (2000)<br />
Adopted by <strong>the</strong> Security Council at its 4213th meeting,<br />
<strong>On</strong> 31 October 2000<br />
Recalling its resolutions 1261 (1999) <strong>of</strong> 25 August 1999, 1265 (1999) <strong>of</strong> 17 September 1999, 1296 (2000) <strong>of</strong> 19<br />
April 2000 and 1314 (2000) <strong>of</strong> 11 August 2000, as well as relevant statements <strong>of</strong> its President, and recalling also<br />
<strong>the</strong> statement <strong>of</strong> its President to <strong>the</strong> press on <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Day for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> and<br />
International Peace (International Women’s Day) <strong>of</strong> 8 March 2000 (SC/6816),<br />
Recalling also <strong>the</strong> commitments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (A/52/231) as well as those<br />
contained in <strong>the</strong> outcome document <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twenty-third Special Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations General Assembly<br />
entitled “Women 2000: Gender Equality, Development and Peace for <strong>the</strong> Twenty-First Century” (A/S-23/10/<br />
Rev.1), in particular those concerning women and armed conflict,<br />
Bearing in mind <strong>the</strong> purposes and principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Charter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations and <strong>the</strong> primary responsibility <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Security Council under <strong>the</strong> Charter for <strong>the</strong> maintenance <strong>of</strong> international peace and security,<br />
Expressing concern that civilians, particularly women and children, account for <strong>the</strong> vast majority <strong>of</strong> those<br />
adversely affected by armed conflict, including as refugees and internally displaced persons, and increasingly are<br />
targeted by combatants and armed elements, and recognizing <strong>the</strong> consequent impact this has on durable peace<br />
and reconciliation,<br />
Reaffirming <strong>the</strong> important role <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> prevention and resolution <strong>of</strong> conflicts and in peace-building, and<br />
stressing <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for <strong>the</strong> maintenance and<br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> peace and security, and <strong>the</strong> need to increase <strong>the</strong>ir role in decision-making with regard to conflict<br />
prevention and resolution,<br />
Reaffirming also <strong>the</strong> need to implement fully international humanitarian and human rights law that protects <strong>the</strong><br />
rights <strong>of</strong> women and girls during and after conflicts,<br />
Emphasizing <strong>the</strong> need for all parties to ensure that mine clearance and mine awareness programmes take into<br />
account <strong>the</strong> special needs <strong>of</strong> women and girls, Recognizing <strong>the</strong> urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective<br />
into peacekeeping operations, and in this regard noting <strong>the</strong> Windhoek Declaration and <strong>the</strong> Namibia Plan <strong>of</strong> Action<br />
on Mainstreaming a Gender Perspective in Multidimensional Peace Support Operations (S/2000/693),<br />
Recognizing also <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> recommendation contained in <strong>the</strong> statement <strong>of</strong> its President to <strong>the</strong> press <strong>of</strong><br />
8 March 2000 for specialized training for all peacekeeping personnel on <strong>the</strong> protection, special needs and human<br />
rights <strong>of</strong> women and children in conflict situations,<br />
Recognizing that an understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> armed conflict on women and girls, effective institutional<br />
arrangements to guarantee <strong>the</strong>ir protection and full participation in <strong>the</strong> peace process can significantly contribute<br />
to <strong>the</strong> maintenance and promotion <strong>of</strong> international peace and security,<br />
Noting <strong>the</strong> need to consolidate data on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> armed conflict on women and girls,<br />
1. Urges Member States to ensure increased representation <strong>of</strong> women at all decision-making levels in national,<br />
regional and international institutions and mechanisms for <strong>the</strong> prevention, management, and resolution <strong>of</strong><br />
conflict;<br />
2. Encourages <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to implement his strategic plan <strong>of</strong> action (A/49/587) calling for an increase<br />
in <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> women at decisionmaking levels in conflict resolution and peace processes;<br />
3. Urges <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to appoint more women as special representatives and envoys to pursue good<br />
<strong>of</strong>fices on his behalf, and in this regard<br />
calls on Member States to provide candidates to <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General, for inclusion in a regularly updated<br />
centralized roster;<br />
4. Fur<strong>the</strong>r urges <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to seek to expand <strong>the</strong> role and contribution <strong>of</strong> women in United Nations<br />
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Resolution 1325 (2000)Adopted by <strong>the</strong> Security Council at its 4213th meeting,<strong>On</strong> 31 October 2000<br />
field-based operations, and especially among military observers, civilian police, human rights and humanitarian<br />
personnel;<br />
5. Expresses its willingness to incorporate a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations, and urges <strong>the</strong><br />
Secretary-General to ensure that, where appropriate, field operations include a gender component;<br />
6. Requests <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to provide to Member States training guidelines and materials on <strong>the</strong><br />
protection, rights and <strong>the</strong> particular needs <strong>of</strong> women, as well as on <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> involving women in all<br />
peacekeeping and peacebuilding measures, invites Member States to incorporate <strong>the</strong>se elements as well as HIV/<br />
AIDS awareness training into <strong>the</strong>ir national training programmes for military and civilian police personnel in<br />
preparation for deployment, and fur<strong>the</strong>r requests <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to ensure that civilian personnel <strong>of</strong><br />
peacekeeping operations receive similar training;<br />
7. Urges Member States to increase <strong>the</strong>ir voluntary financial, technical and logistical support for gender-sensitive<br />
training efforts, including those undertaken by relevant funds and programmes, inter alia, <strong>the</strong> United Nations Fund<br />
for Women and United Nations Children’s Fund, and by <strong>the</strong> Office <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations High Commissioner for<br />
Refugees and o<strong>the</strong>r relevant bodies;<br />
8. Calls on all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a gender<br />
perspective, including, inter alia:<br />
(a) The special needs <strong>of</strong> women and girls during repatriation and resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration<br />
and post-conflict reconstruction;<br />
(b) Measures that support local women’s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution, and<br />
that involve women in all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implementation mechanisms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peace agreements;<br />
(c) Measures that ensure <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> and respect for human rights <strong>of</strong> women and girls, particularly as <strong>the</strong>y<br />
relate to <strong>the</strong> constitution, <strong>the</strong> electoral system, <strong>the</strong> police and <strong>the</strong> judiciary;<br />
9. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to <strong>the</strong> rights and protection<br />
<strong>of</strong> women and girls, especially as civilians, in particular <strong>the</strong> obligations applicable to <strong>the</strong>m under <strong>the</strong> Geneva<br />
Conventions <strong>of</strong> 1949 and <strong>the</strong> Additional Protocols <strong>the</strong>reto <strong>of</strong> 1977, <strong>the</strong> Refugee Convention <strong>of</strong> 1951 and <strong>the</strong><br />
Protocol <strong>the</strong>reto <strong>of</strong> 1967, <strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women <strong>of</strong> 1979<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Optional Protocol <strong>the</strong>reto <strong>of</strong> 1999 and <strong>the</strong> United Nations Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child <strong>of</strong> 1989<br />
and <strong>the</strong> two Optional Protocols <strong>the</strong>reto <strong>of</strong> 25 May 2000, and to bear in mind <strong>the</strong> relevant provisions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rome<br />
Statute <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Criminal Court;<br />
10. Calls on all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based<br />
violence, particularly rape and o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> sexual abuse, and all o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> violence in situations <strong>of</strong> armed<br />
conflict;<br />
11. Emphasizes <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> all States to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible for<br />
genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes including those relating to sexual and o<strong>the</strong>r violence against<br />
women and girls, and in this regard stresses <strong>the</strong> need to exclude <strong>the</strong>se crimes, where feasible from amnesty<br />
provisions;<br />
12. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect <strong>the</strong> civilian and humanitarian character <strong>of</strong> refugee camps<br />
and settlements, and to take into account <strong>the</strong> particular needs <strong>of</strong> women and girls, including in <strong>the</strong>ir design, and<br />
recalls its resolutions 1208 (1998) <strong>of</strong> 19 November 1998 and 1296 (2000) <strong>of</strong> 19 April 2000;<br />
13. Encourages all those involved in <strong>the</strong> planning for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration to consider<br />
<strong>the</strong> different needs <strong>of</strong> female and male ex-combatants and to take into account <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir dependants;<br />
14. Reaffirms its readiness, whenever measures are adopted under Article 41 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Charter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations,<br />
to give consideration to <strong>the</strong>ir potential impact on <strong>the</strong> civilian population, bearing in mind <strong>the</strong> special needs <strong>of</strong><br />
women and girls, in order to consider appropriate humanitarian exemptions;<br />
15. Expresses its willingness to ensure that Security Council missions take into account gender considerations and<br />
<strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> women, including through consultation with local and international women’s groups;<br />
16. Invites <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General to carry out a study on <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> armed conflict on women and girls, <strong>the</strong><br />
role <strong>of</strong> women in peace-building and <strong>the</strong> gender dimensions <strong>of</strong> peace processes and conflict resolution, and fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
invites him to submit a report to <strong>the</strong> Security Council on <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> this study and to make this available to all<br />
Member States <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations;<br />
17. Requests <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General, where appropriate, to include in his reporting to <strong>the</strong> Security Council<br />
progress on gender mainstreaming throughout peacekeeping missions and all o<strong>the</strong>r aspects relating to women<br />
and girls;<br />
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Resolution 1325 (2000)Adopted by <strong>the</strong> Security Council at its 4213th meeting,<strong>On</strong> 31 October 2000<br />
18. Decides to remain actively seized <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matter.<br />
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WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto<br />
WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> Network Women in Development Europe, <strong>the</strong> Gender and Development Network, international Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
partners, Central and Eastern European partners, individual members and feminists present, meeting here in<br />
London on <strong>the</strong> <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> WIDE’s 20th anniversary<br />
Recognise…<br />
• The global scale <strong>of</strong> poverty, inequality and unsustainable levels <strong>of</strong> environmental damage<br />
• That women and girls experience poverty differently to men and boys and amongst <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
• That neo-liberalism is creating deep divisions between and within <strong>the</strong> North and South<br />
• That <strong>the</strong> new security agenda is dominating global politics<br />
• That human security has been pushed aside by <strong>the</strong> new narrow focus on military, security, and <strong>the</strong> war on terror<br />
• That <strong>the</strong>re is a backlash against women’s human rights<br />
• That until <strong>the</strong> imbalance <strong>of</strong> power between women and men, girls and boys, poor and rich, and between diverse<br />
cultures is addressed; we will not achieve women’s human rights, economic and social justice nor a sustainable<br />
culture <strong>of</strong> peace.<br />
Note with concern…<br />
• That <strong>the</strong> critical inter-linkages between poverty, inequality and insecurity are not being made<br />
• That macro-economic trends are undermining women’s autonomy including sexual and reproductive health and<br />
rights<br />
• That <strong>the</strong> global trade regime has reinforced <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ound inequality between <strong>the</strong> North and <strong>the</strong> South, regionally<br />
and locally<br />
• That market-led and private-sector models <strong>of</strong> development are failing citizens<br />
• That fundamentalisms <strong>of</strong> ethnic, religious and moral right wing groups are dismantling women’s livelihoods,<br />
economic security and control over <strong>the</strong>ir lives and bodies<br />
• That US unilateralism is undermining and threatening global democracy.<br />
Call on world leaders, North and South…<br />
• To recognise and acknowledge <strong>the</strong> complex inter-linkages between poverty, inequality and insecurity and its<br />
disproportionate negative impact on women and girls<br />
• To meet <strong>the</strong>ir international obligations under <strong>the</strong> Cairo Programme <strong>of</strong> Action, <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women, to close <strong>the</strong> gap between policy and practice<br />
• To ensure that foreign policy is not guided solely by economic self-interest <strong>of</strong> nations<br />
• To recognise <strong>the</strong> critical role <strong>of</strong> civil society and social movements in determining good governance<br />
• To be accountable to all citizens.<br />
Demand that…<br />
• Women participate in all levels <strong>of</strong> political, economic, cultural and social decision making.<br />
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WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto<br />
Call on women’s movements globally…<br />
• To link North and South for a global feminist agenda<br />
• To engage with o<strong>the</strong>r social justice movements<br />
• To be more proactive in shaping our priorities and agenda<br />
• To engage young women and recognise <strong>the</strong>ir legitimacy, rights and issues<br />
• To revitalise <strong>the</strong> feminist movement.<br />
Call on o<strong>the</strong>r social movements…<br />
• To engage with <strong>the</strong> feminist agenda<br />
• To ensure that women’s and girls’ rights and livelihoods are integrated into <strong>the</strong>ir economic and social justice<br />
agendas.<br />
Signed in London on <strong>the</strong> 25 June 2005<br />
1. Network Women in Development Europe<br />
2. UK Gender and Development Network<br />
3. <strong>On</strong>e World Action<br />
4. WOMANKIND Worldwide<br />
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Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005<br />
Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005<br />
A new Era may Open itself in Europe<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> participants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Conference in Paris <strong>of</strong> 24th and 25th June 2005, put forward for debate in all<br />
<strong>the</strong> associative, trade union and political networks in Europe, <strong>the</strong> propositions contained in <strong>the</strong> following<br />
declaration:<br />
The victory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “No” in France is that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> No <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Left, pro-European, globalisation critical and directed<br />
against neoliberalism and war. Prolonged by <strong>the</strong> Dutch “No” and <strong>the</strong> growing mobilisations (to be streng<strong>the</strong>ned) <strong>of</strong><br />
public opinion in numerous countries for <strong>the</strong> rejection <strong>of</strong> this text, it constitutes a major political event for Europe<br />
in its entirety. We should seize on this first success against neoliberal Europe and prolong it. This experience<br />
reveals to us that a ga<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people and <strong>of</strong> citizens can result in anti-neoliberal majorities.<br />
We want to overcome <strong>the</strong> crisis <strong>of</strong> this European construction, which has <strong>the</strong> market as its idol and secret<br />
negotiations as its liturgy in order to found a social, democratic, peaceful, feminist, ecological Europe grounded in<br />
<strong>the</strong> solidarity among its people.<br />
Toge<strong>the</strong>r we want to engage a large citizen's movement on <strong>the</strong> European scale in order to develop, from<br />
<strong>the</strong> local level up to <strong>the</strong> European scale, and in solidarity with all <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, political and social<br />
dynamics in favour <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe. It is a matter <strong>of</strong> resisting and winning face to <strong>the</strong> neoliberal<br />
policies<br />
● Of constructing a large and determined mobilisation on <strong>the</strong> immediate political objectives (withdrawal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
directives on liberalisation in course, especially <strong>the</strong> Bolkestein directive and that on labour time, which<br />
should be replaced by a new directive, which really limits work time and permits to improve working<br />
conditions).<br />
● Of demanding that <strong>the</strong> people may be allowed to decide on <strong>the</strong>ir future and that <strong>the</strong>ir choices be respected.<br />
In this sense, we propose a campaign that could, for instance, be based on a petition in all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries<br />
and that would demand a fundamental change in <strong>the</strong> European politics. This reorientation should notably<br />
have as its objective: a better distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth; <strong>the</strong> fight against unemployment; precarity; poverty<br />
and social exclusion; <strong>the</strong> defence <strong>of</strong> our environment; <strong>the</strong> questioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dominating role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
European Central Bank and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Stability Pact; <strong>the</strong> defence and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> public services; <strong>the</strong><br />
action for a real equality between women and men; <strong>the</strong> respect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> immigrants; a European<br />
action in favour <strong>of</strong> nutritional sovereignty as fundamental right <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people.<br />
In order to debate and construct alternatives to <strong>the</strong> neoliberal policies in Europe, we would like to<br />
begin a European campaign open to all <strong>the</strong> forces opposed to neoliberalism that should wish so. It<br />
should permit:<br />
● To favour <strong>the</strong> irruption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people on <strong>the</strong> European scene as <strong>the</strong> only possible way out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> crisis;<br />
● To contribute to <strong>the</strong> expression <strong>of</strong> people's and citizens' demands for ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe;<br />
● To create a public European space based on <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> pluralism, <strong>of</strong> tolerance, <strong>of</strong> laicity (separation <strong>of</strong><br />
church and state), in a spirit <strong>of</strong> assembly and <strong>of</strong> unity that will permit <strong>the</strong> ga<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>of</strong> many forces;<br />
● To articulate our alternative propositions;<br />
● To reinforce our cooperation with <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe in order to help ameliorate <strong>the</strong> material and<br />
political conditions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir participation in <strong>the</strong> fight for a democratic and social Europe, with view to<br />
consecrating <strong>the</strong> budgetary means necessary and to fill <strong>the</strong> gap that still exists between <strong>the</strong> two parts <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> continent;<br />
● To construct a Europe refusing discriminations, racisms, patriarchical domination;<br />
● To refuse <strong>the</strong> logic <strong>of</strong> war and <strong>of</strong> militarisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Union, to construct a Europe that acts for<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r world.<br />
Construct a social, democratic, peaceful, feminist, ecological and solidarity-based Europe<br />
Everywhere <strong>the</strong>re should engage itself a large political debate for constructing ano<strong>the</strong>r, a social, democratic and<br />
ecological Europe. In this sense, we appeal to all <strong>the</strong> political, trade union, associative, network and movement<br />
activists, women and men, to <strong>the</strong> citizens, women and men, to conduct everywhere initiatives, ga<strong>the</strong>rings and<br />
assemblies allowing to work out proposals.<br />
This vast movement could usher in a Manifesto or a Charter <strong>of</strong> Social, Democratic and Environmental <strong>Rights</strong> that<br />
could outline <strong>the</strong> Europe that we want; It would unfold itself in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Social Forum; in<br />
particular on <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European preparatory assembly (EPA) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ESF in Istanbul (September 23 to 25)<br />
and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international ga<strong>the</strong>ring organised by <strong>the</strong> Italian networks in Rome (November 12 and 13); The ESF <strong>of</strong><br />
A<strong>the</strong>ns in April 2006 will permit to keep track <strong>of</strong> this work <strong>of</strong> preparation and to give it a new push forward;<br />
Proposals for mobilisation have been formulated on <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> our meeting: for a day <strong>of</strong> European-wide<br />
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Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005<br />
demonstrations against <strong>the</strong> Bolkestein directive in connection with <strong>the</strong> international demonstration against <strong>the</strong><br />
WTO in Geneva on October 15; for a day <strong>of</strong> Europe-wide demonstrations on <strong>occasion</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> summit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> heads<br />
<strong>of</strong> state on December 15; for a day <strong>of</strong> local mobilisations for ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe with assemblies, reunions, local<br />
social forums on March 4th, 2004; for an alternative summit Europe- Latin America on May 13 in Austria.<br />
The unifying French collective will bring <strong>the</strong>se proposals to life and will prepare a reunion that will take place in <strong>the</strong><br />
framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Preparatory Assembly in Istanbul and which will allow us to summarise <strong>the</strong> work we<br />
have done along <strong>the</strong>se tracks.<br />
We put this appeal at <strong>the</strong> disposal <strong>of</strong> all those, women and men, who would like to be a part, at <strong>the</strong><br />
European level, <strong>of</strong> such a process <strong>of</strong> construction.<br />
Paris, 25th June, 2005<br />
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YES To Ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe M E M O R A N D U M<br />
The European Feminist Initiative Acts in Priority for a NO to The Constitution and for a YES To Ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Europe<br />
M E M O R A N D U M<br />
The European Union might become <strong>the</strong> bearer <strong>of</strong> a true peace project, <strong>of</strong> a constructive alternative to <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong><br />
precarity, unemployment, poverty and an alternative to <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> militarization and war which generate<br />
violence and insecurity. Violence restricts <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> possibilities, non-violence broadens it.<br />
Neoliberalism and common security policy, in close relationship with NATO and without reference to UN bring<br />
economic and defence choices, which will act as reciprocal commitments between countries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European<br />
union. There are here two ingredients <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> patriarchal power. If <strong>the</strong> new constitution becomes adopted, it will<br />
confirm <strong>the</strong> dominating male and neo-liberal power and will carved it “in marble” for several decades. We desire<br />
that on <strong>the</strong> first line <strong>of</strong> a new treaty between European countries be written Women rights, thus <strong>of</strong> half <strong>the</strong><br />
population, in <strong>the</strong> same way as human rights and that <strong>the</strong>re appears a reference to Convention for <strong>the</strong> Elimination<br />
<strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as a compulsory measure between countries <strong>of</strong> Europe.<br />
Indisputably, we dare defying <strong>the</strong> patriarchal order.<br />
THE EUROPEAN FEMINIST INITIATIVE FEMINISTE (IFE-EFI) ACTS IN PRIORITY FOR A NO TO THE<br />
CONSTITUTION AND FOR A YES TO ANOTHER EUROPE<br />
After <strong>the</strong> YES <strong>of</strong> Lithuania, Hungary, Slovenia and Greece through <strong>the</strong> vote <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir respective Parliaments, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> YES <strong>of</strong> Spain through a referendum past February, 8 countries-France, Holland, Luxembourg, Poland,<br />
Denmark, Portugal, Ireland and England- will held referendums in between May 2005 and 2006. In Sweden and<br />
Czech Republic, <strong>the</strong>re is a tendency for <strong>the</strong> decision being taken by <strong>the</strong>ir respective parliaments but <strong>the</strong> struggles<br />
are not ended to impose a referendum consultation. A NO in France will be decisive for <strong>the</strong> whole Constitution<br />
procedure. The odds are great for <strong>the</strong> NO to block a text where even human rights are dependent upon<br />
economical and military objectives!<br />
IFE-EFI calls <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GUE/NGL for organizing meetings, conferences and debates in <strong>the</strong><br />
capitals <strong>of</strong> countries where it is still possible to act for a Democratic opening to <strong>the</strong> NO to <strong>the</strong><br />
Constitution and for ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe. A moratorium is necessary for new discussions and elaboration<br />
<strong>of</strong> a new treaty. In this process, feminist organizations and movements must be permanent consultant<br />
organizations in <strong>the</strong> same way as unions and humanitarian organizations.<br />
WOMEN RIGTHS REGRESS IN EUROPE<br />
● Reproduction rights are forbidden in several countries <strong>of</strong> EU and are globally in <strong>the</strong> balance.<br />
● Women are <strong>the</strong> most threatened on <strong>the</strong> labour market by precarity, flexibility and increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working<br />
time.<br />
● Women are submitted to <strong>the</strong> male violence in <strong>the</strong> public sphere and <strong>the</strong> family sphere.<br />
● Migrant women suffer a double discrimination : as women and as immigrants.<br />
● Laicity is threatened in several countries through <strong>the</strong> role devoted to churches and religious communities.<br />
● The freedom <strong>of</strong> sexual orientation is challenged.<br />
● Women bodies are exploited and <strong>of</strong>fered as goods.<br />
IFE-EFI calls <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GUE/NGL for <strong>the</strong> organization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>matic regional conferences in<br />
order to contribute to <strong>the</strong> fact that women rights should at last be considered as full rights and that<br />
<strong>the</strong> woman is at last considered as equal to <strong>the</strong> man.<br />
FOR ANOTHER EUROPE<br />
In order to build ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe, we want:<br />
● Parity and equality between men and women<br />
● Inversion <strong>of</strong> economical priorities, which must be based upon <strong>the</strong> reproductive sphere: health, education,<br />
parental protection, elder people, etc.<br />
● The choice <strong>of</strong> Resolution 1325 <strong>of</strong> UN as <strong>the</strong> base for any negotiation <strong>of</strong> peace and prevention <strong>of</strong> conflicts.<br />
● Modern public services<br />
● Banning <strong>of</strong> sexual exploitation and merchandisation <strong>of</strong> bodies, assistance, protection, rehabilitation <strong>of</strong><br />
women suffering violence, terrorism and war inside and outside Europe.<br />
● New negotiations must start between European countries with compulsory consultation <strong>of</strong> social<br />
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YES To Ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe M E M O R A N D U M<br />
movements-among which feminist organizations.<br />
IFE-EFI calls <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GUE/NGL for <strong>the</strong> editing <strong>of</strong> a quaterly report for contact, information<br />
and awareness about evoked topics.<br />
IFE will endeavour to find supports among European Institutions.<br />
Today, we live <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> Europe surrounded by <strong>the</strong> silence and invisibility <strong>of</strong> women. For <strong>the</strong> first time in<br />
50 years, people can debate about <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong> Europe but in 15 countries among 25, <strong>the</strong>ir speech is seized. And<br />
yet women speak! The 1000 signatories from 132 organisations and from 30 countries who signed <strong>the</strong> call <strong>of</strong> IFE<br />
propose a feminist analysis critical about <strong>the</strong> European construction. It is a unique fact that can become th echo <strong>of</strong><br />
voices <strong>of</strong> half <strong>the</strong> European population, in order to develop a democratic process in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> all <strong>Human</strong> rights.<br />
The feminist analysis which ga<strong>the</strong>r us among IFE for ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe is a lever for action against <strong>the</strong> patriarchal<br />
order. By deciphering its links with neo-liberalism, our analysis will make it visible and vulnerable. The European<br />
Feminist Initiative, by contributing to <strong>the</strong> democratic process, also contributes to make possible <strong>the</strong> change in <strong>the</strong><br />
European construction.<br />
● We know that 81% <strong>of</strong> women hold precarious jobs. The major part <strong>of</strong> people struck by poverty are women.<br />
● We know that incomes, salaries and pensions are unfairly shared between men and women. Women are in<br />
charge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major par <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-remunerate home work.<br />
● We know that women are greatly underrepresented in political executive power, union and economic life.<br />
● Whatever differences between countries <strong>of</strong> EU, we can, with our common feminist analysis, create an action<br />
and transformation force through a large solidarity movement.<br />
Several countries are now watching France. French feminist organizations openly express <strong>the</strong>mselves in favour <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> NO to <strong>the</strong> European constitution. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> day before <strong>the</strong> referendum, in Marseille on May 28, la Marche<br />
Mondiale des Femmes has ga<strong>the</strong>red women from all over Europe in order to express our requirement <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
world and ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe.<br />
We need all democratic forces to build egalitarian Europe.<br />
European Feminist Initiative INITIATIVE FEMINISTE EUROPÉENNE<br />
BRUSSELS May 4, 2005<br />
EFI – IFE for Ano<strong>the</strong>r Europe<br />
Paris May, 25 2005.<br />
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Montréal Principles on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Montréal Principles on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
The Montréal Principles were adopted at a meeting <strong>of</strong> experts held December 7 – 10, 2002 in Montréal, Canada.<br />
These principles are <strong>of</strong>fered to guide <strong>the</strong> interpretation and implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guarantees <strong>of</strong> nondiscrimination<br />
and equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights, found, inter alia, in<br />
Articles 3 and 2(2) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, so that women can<br />
enjoy <strong>the</strong>se rights fully and equally.<br />
The participants at <strong>the</strong> Montreal meeting were: Sneh Aurora, Fareda Banda, Reem Bahdi, Stephanie Bernstein,<br />
Gwen Brodsky, Ariane Brunet, Christine Chinkin, Mary Shanthi Dairiam, Shelagh Day, Leilani Farha, Ruth Goba,<br />
Soledad Garcia Muñoz, Sara Hossain, Lucie Lamarche, Marianne Møllmann, Dianne Otto, Karrisha Pillay, Inés<br />
Romero, and Alison Symington. They unanimously agreed on <strong>the</strong> following principles.<br />
A. INTRODUCTION<br />
Sex or gender inequality is a problem experienced primarily by women. The systems and assumptions which<br />
cause women’s inequality in <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic social and cultural rights are <strong>of</strong>ten invisible because <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are deeply embedded in social relations, both public and private, within all States. Acknowledging this systemic<br />
and entrenched discrimination is an essential step in implementing guarantees <strong>of</strong> non-discrimination and equality.<br />
The terms “gender” and “sex” should both be understood as referring to <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> economic, social, cultural,<br />
historical, political and biological constructions <strong>of</strong> norms <strong>of</strong> behaviour that are considered appropriate for women<br />
and men. Implicit in such an understanding <strong>of</strong> “gender” or “sex” relations is that male and female norms have<br />
been constructed so as to privilege men and disadvantage women. “Gender” and “sex” discrimination can be used<br />
interchangeably, and both “gender inequality” and “sex inequality” are used to refer to <strong>the</strong> disadvantaged position<br />
<strong>of</strong> women. In order to reflect this understanding <strong>of</strong> women’s disadvantage, <strong>the</strong> Montréal Principles use <strong>the</strong> terms<br />
“discrimination against women” and “women’s equality” wherever possible.<br />
Economic, social and cultural rights have a particular significance for women because as a group, women are<br />
disproportionately affected by poverty, and by social and cultural marginalization. Women’s poverty is a central<br />
manifestation, and a direct result <strong>of</strong> women’s lesser social, economic and political power. In turn, women’s<br />
poverty reinforces <strong>the</strong>ir subordination, and constrains <strong>the</strong>ir enjoyment <strong>of</strong> every o<strong>the</strong>r right.<br />
The UN Charter mandates universal respect for, and observance <strong>of</strong> all human rights, including <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> women<br />
to equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic social and cultural rights. [1] All regional and global<br />
instruments which set out economic social and cultural rights contain guarantees <strong>of</strong> non-discrimination and <strong>of</strong><br />
equal enjoyment for women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights. [2] An expression <strong>of</strong> this global consensus is found in Articles 3 and 2<br />
(2) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> political context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early 21 st century, it is particularly important to underline this long-standing<br />
international consensus regarding human rights primacy. The lack <strong>of</strong> priority accorded to securing universal<br />
enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights hurts women disproportionately.<br />
Women’s particular vulnerability to social and economic deprivation is deepened fur<strong>the</strong>r in conflict and postconflict<br />
situations and when economic sanctions are imposed. The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural<br />
<strong>Rights</strong> has stated that economic, social and cultural rights must be taken into account when imposing sanctions,<br />
and State Parties to <strong>the</strong> Covenant should take account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> suffering that such sanctions are likely to inflict on<br />
certain sectors, such as women. As <strong>the</strong> UN Security Council has recognized, peace and women’s equality are<br />
inextricably linked. [3]<br />
The inequality in <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women that is deeply embedded in history, tradition and culture [4] affects women’s<br />
access to and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights. To ensure women’s enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y must be implemented in a way that takes into account <strong>the</strong> context in which women live. For example, <strong>the</strong><br />
traditional assignment to women and girls <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> primary care-giver for children, older persons and <strong>the</strong> sick<br />
restricts women’s freedom <strong>of</strong> movement and consequently <strong>the</strong>ir access to paid employment and education. The<br />
economic and social devaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work, paid and unpaid, that women traditionally do from a very young age,<br />
contributes fur<strong>the</strong>r to fixing women in a position <strong>of</strong> economic and social inequality. These factors diminish<br />
women’s earning capacity and <strong>the</strong>ir economic autonomy, and contribute to <strong>the</strong> high rates <strong>of</strong> poverty among<br />
women worldwide. Traditional, historical, religious or cultural attitudes are also used to justify and perpetuate<br />
discrimination against women in <strong>the</strong> delivery <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights, including health services and<br />
education, by public and private agencies.<br />
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Inequality in women’s enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights contributes to <strong>the</strong>ir economic<br />
dependence, denial <strong>of</strong> personal autonomy and lack <strong>of</strong> empowerment. These in turn limit still fur<strong>the</strong>r women’s<br />
ability to participate in public life, including fora for economic, social, political and legal policy and decisionmaking.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> Committee on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women has noted: “‘Policies developed<br />
and decisions made by men alone reflect only part <strong>of</strong> human experience and potential.’” [5] Such policies and<br />
decisions are less likely to take account <strong>of</strong> gendered consequences, and <strong>the</strong> economic and social factors that affect<br />
women’s lives.<br />
Economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights are particularly indivisible and interconnected in<br />
<strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women: inequality in economic, social and cultural rights undermines women’s ability to enjoy <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
civil and political rights, which <strong>the</strong>n limits <strong>the</strong>ir capacity to influence decision and policy-making in public life.<br />
Since “‘[a]ll human rights are universal, indivisible and interdependent and interrelated’” [6] equality in civil and<br />
political rights [7] is undermined unless equality in <strong>the</strong> exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural<br />
rights is secured.<br />
It is especially important that women’s entitlement to equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights is<br />
acknowledged and re-emphasized in <strong>the</strong> current climate <strong>of</strong> neo-liberalism and economic globalization. Policies <strong>of</strong><br />
privatization, economic austerity and structural adjustment have negative impacts for women. [8] For example,<br />
women are <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>the</strong> hardest hit by economic transition, financial crises and rising unemployment. In part, this is<br />
because women are relied upon to provide services that are cut such as caring for children, older persons and <strong>the</strong><br />
sick, because women are <strong>of</strong>ten in insecure, part-time employment, <strong>the</strong>y are commonly <strong>the</strong> first to lose <strong>the</strong>ir jobs.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, poverty can lead to a decrease in food intake among women and girls; girls are <strong>the</strong> first to drop out<br />
<strong>of</strong> schools; greater numbers <strong>of</strong> women are forced to migrate; and women are vulnerable to trafficking, violence<br />
and ill health. Economic and political insecurity provoke private and public backlash against women’s rights that<br />
may be expressed through violence and articulated in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> defending cultures and traditions.<br />
To fully implement <strong>the</strong> rights set out in Articles 3 and 2(2) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic Social and<br />
Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, and similar guarantees in o<strong>the</strong>r human rights instruments, requires an understanding that focuses<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> subordination, stereotyping and structural disadvantage that women experience. It requires more than<br />
just formal legal recognition <strong>of</strong> equality between <strong>the</strong> sexes. It requires commitment by all responsible parties to<br />
take all necessary steps to address <strong>the</strong> actual material and social disadvantage <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
B. DEFINITION OF WOMEN'S ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS<br />
1. Women’s economic, social and cultural rights include, but are not limited to, <strong>the</strong> right to:<br />
An adequate standard <strong>of</strong> living including:<br />
§ food and freedom from hunger;<br />
§ water;<br />
§ clothing;<br />
§ housing and freedom from forced eviction;<br />
§ continuous improvement <strong>of</strong> living conditions;<br />
See for example: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> (ICESCR) article 11(1) and (2);<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) article 14(2)(h); Universal<br />
Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (UDHR) article 25; Universal Declaration on Eradication <strong>of</strong> Hunger and Malnutrition<br />
(UDEHM) article 1; Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Right to Development (DRD) article 8(1); Committee on Economic, Social<br />
and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, General Comment 15 ("The right to water"); Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention<br />
on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> (San Salvador Protocol) article 12; Rome Declaration on Food Security;<br />
Istanbul Declaration and Program <strong>of</strong> Action on <strong>Human</strong> Settlements. [9]<br />
The highest attainable standard <strong>of</strong> mental and physical health throughout a woman’s life cycle, including<br />
reproductive and sexual health and freedom;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 10(2) and 12; International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong> (ICCPR) article<br />
6(4) and 18(4); Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women (DEDAW) article 9(e); CEDAW<br />
articles 10(h), 11(2)(a) and 12; UDHR article 25; Declaration on Population and Development para. 7; Beiing<br />
Declaration and Program <strong>of</strong> Action paras. 89, 94 and 96; Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child (CRC) articles 24, 3<br />
(2); American Convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (ACHR) article 4(5); San Salvador Protocol article 10; Inter-American<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection, Punishment and Eradication <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women (ICPPEVAW) article 4(b);<br />
American Declaration on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Duties <strong>of</strong> Man (ADRDM) article xi; Declaration on Social Progress and<br />
Development (DSPD) article 11(b); DRD article 8(1); Maternity Protection Convention (MPC) article 3; African<br />
Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong> (African Charter) article 16; Committee on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong><br />
Discrimination Against Women, General Comment 24. [10]<br />
Equal inheritance and ownership <strong>of</strong> land and property;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 11(1); CEDAW articles 13(b), 14(20(e) and (g), 15(2) and 16(h); DEDAW article<br />
6(1)(a); DRD article 8(1); International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination<br />
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(CERD) articles 5(d)(v) and 5(d)(vi); UDHR article 17; ACHR article 21; African Charter, article 14; Beijing<br />
Declaration and Program <strong>of</strong> Action, para. 61(b), 62, and 63. [11]<br />
Social security, social protection, social insurance and social services, including special assistance before, during<br />
and after childbirth;<br />
See for example: ICESCR articles 9 and 10(2); CERD article 5(e)(iv); DEDAW article 10(1)(c); CEDAW articles 11<br />
(1)(e), 11(2)(a), and 14(2)(c); MPC articles 4 and 6; UDHR article 22, 23(1) and 25(1); San Salvador Protocol<br />
articles 9(2) and 15 (3)(a); ADRDM article xvi; ICCPEVAW, article 8; CRC article 28. [12]<br />
Training and education;<br />
See for example: ICESCR articles 6 and 13; CEDAW articles 10 and 14(2)(d); DEDAW article 9; UDEHM article 4;<br />
CERD article 5(e)(v); UDHR article 26; ACHR article 17(1); ICPPEVAW article 6(b); San Salvador Protocol article 13<br />
(1)(2) and (3); CRC article 28; Convention Against Discrimination in Education article 1; ADRDM article xii; Bejing<br />
Declaration and Program <strong>of</strong> Action para. 69. [13]<br />
Freely chosen work as well as just and favourable conditions <strong>of</strong> work including fair wages, equal remuneration and<br />
protection from sexual harassment and sex discrimination at work;<br />
See for example: ICESCR articles 6 (1), 6(2) and 7; CEDAW articles 11(1)c), (f); CERD article 5(e); ICCPR article 8<br />
(3)(a); DEDAW article 10(1)(a); Abolition <strong>of</strong> Forced Labour Convention (AFLC) article 1; DSPD article 6; UDHR<br />
articles 4 and 23; Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Violence against Women (DEVAW) article 3; ACHR article 6(2);<br />
African Charter articles 5 and 15; ADRDM, article xiv; San Salvador Protocol articles 6 and 7; Convention for <strong>the</strong><br />
Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Fundamental Freedoms (CPHRFF) article 4(2); MPC article 8; Equal Remuneration<br />
Convention (ERC) article 1; Convention on Employment Policy articles 1 (1) and (2); ILO Declaration on<br />
Fundamental Principles and <strong>Rights</strong> at Work; ICPPEVAW, article 2(b). [14]<br />
Form and join trade unions;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 8; ICCPR article 22; CERD article 5(e)(ii); DSPD article 10; San Salvador Protocol<br />
article 8; ILO Convention on Freedom <strong>of</strong> Association and Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Right to Organize. [15]<br />
Protection from economic exploitation;<br />
See for example: ICESCR articles 8 and 10 (3); ICCPR article 8; Supplementary Convention on <strong>the</strong> Abolition <strong>of</strong><br />
Slavery, <strong>the</strong> Slave Trade and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery article 1(b); CRC article 32; ILO<br />
Convention on Worst Forms <strong>of</strong> Child Labour; UDHR article 4; ACHR article 6. [16]<br />
Protection from coerced and uninformed marriage;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 10(1); CEDAW article 16(1)(b); DEDAW article 6(2)(a); ICCPR article 23(3);<br />
Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration <strong>of</strong> Marriage (Marriage<br />
Convention) article 1; CERD article 5(d)(iv); UDHR article 16(2); ACHR article 17(3). [17]<br />
A clean and healthy environment;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 12(2)(b); African Charter article 24. [18]<br />
Participate in cultural life;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 15(1)(a); CRC article 29(1)(c); CEDAW article 13(c); ICCPR article 27; DEVAW<br />
article 3; CERD article 5(e)(vi); UDHR article 27; ACHR article 26; African Charter articles 17(2) and 22(1);<br />
ICPPEVAW article 5; San Salvador Protocol articles 14(1)(a) and (b). [19]<br />
Claim and enjoy <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> patents and intellectual property;<br />
See for example: ICESCR article 15(1)(c); San Salvador Protocol article 14(c). [20]<br />
Nationality; and to bestow nationality on children;<br />
See for example: CEDAW article 9; DEDAW Article 5; Convention on <strong>the</strong> Nationality <strong>of</strong> Married Women (CNMW)<br />
article 1; Convention Relating to <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Refugees (CSR) article 2; UDHR article 15; ACHR article 20; CERD<br />
article 5(d)(iii). [21]<br />
Freedom from trafficking and exploitation; recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human rights <strong>of</strong> trafficked persons;<br />
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See for example: CEDAW article 6; DEDAW article 8; DEVAW article 2(b); CRC articles 34 and 35; ICPPEVAW<br />
article 2(b); Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children,<br />
Supplementing <strong>the</strong> United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. [22]<br />
2. Indivisibility and Interdependence <strong>of</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights are indivisible, interdependent and interconnected.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> real lives <strong>of</strong> women, it is difficult to separate <strong>the</strong>se rights. For example, a woman’s right to life is<br />
threatened as much by <strong>the</strong> deprivation <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights as by <strong>the</strong> deprivation <strong>of</strong> civil and<br />
political rights.<br />
3. No Justification for Restriction<br />
Nothing in <strong>the</strong> wording or substance <strong>of</strong> any international or regional human rights document, policy, practice or<br />
custom can be used to justify restricting women’s equal enjoyment and exercise <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural<br />
rights.<br />
4. Non-Retrogression<br />
International law entitles women to claim <strong>the</strong> highest level <strong>of</strong> available protection for <strong>the</strong>ir rights that is afforded<br />
by international human rights instruments or national law, policy or custom.<br />
5. Women’s Sex and Gender Inequality<br />
C. Principles <strong>of</strong> Equality and Non-discrimination<br />
Unequal power relations between women and men must be acknowledged and changed, and <strong>the</strong> entrenched<br />
disadvantage caused by this power imbalance must be addressed, if women are to achieve <strong>the</strong> equal exercise and<br />
equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
6. Non-Discrimination and Equality<br />
Legal guarantees <strong>of</strong> non-discrimination based on sex and legal guarantees <strong>of</strong> equality for women, though<br />
expressed differently, are articulations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same obligation. This obligation is not confined to negative<br />
restraints on States and third parties because negative restraints, alone, do not successfully eliminate<br />
discrimination against women. Both <strong>the</strong> right to non-discrimination and <strong>the</strong> right to equality mandate measures<br />
that prevent harmful conduct and positive steps to address <strong>the</strong> long-standing disadvantage <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
7. Definition <strong>of</strong> Sex Discrimination<br />
Sex or gender discrimination occurs when intentionally or unintentionally, a law, program or policy, or an act or a<br />
failure to act, has <strong>the</strong> effect or purpose <strong>of</strong> impairing or nullifying <strong>the</strong> recognition, exercise or enjoyment by women<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
8. Forms <strong>of</strong> Sex Discrimination<br />
Sex or gender discrimination is experienced as discrimination because <strong>of</strong> being a woman. It can also be<br />
experienced as discrimination on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> marital status, for example, as discrimination against wives, cohabitees,<br />
unmarried women, divorced women or widows, or on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> family status, family responsibility,<br />
pregnancy, reproductive capacity, or sexuality. Sexual harassment <strong>of</strong> women and violence against women must<br />
also be understood as forms <strong>of</strong> sex discrimination.<br />
9. Substantive Equality<br />
Economic, social and cultural rights must be interpreted and implemented in a manner that ensures to women<br />
substantively equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir rights. Substantively equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> rights cannot be<br />
achieved through <strong>the</strong> mere passage <strong>of</strong> laws or promulgation <strong>of</strong> policies that are gender-neutral on <strong>the</strong>ir face.<br />
Gender neutral laws and policies can perpetuate sex inequality because <strong>the</strong>y do not take into account <strong>the</strong><br />
economic and social disadvantage <strong>of</strong> women; <strong>the</strong>y may <strong>the</strong>refore simply maintain <strong>the</strong> status quo. De jure equality<br />
does not, by itself, provide de facto equality. De facto, or substantive equality, requires that rights be interpreted,<br />
and that policies and programs - through which rights are implemented - be designed in ways that take women’s<br />
socially constructed disadvantage into account, that secure for women <strong>the</strong> equal benefit, in real terms, <strong>of</strong> laws<br />
and measures, and that provide equality for women in <strong>the</strong>ir material conditions. The adequacy <strong>of</strong> conduct<br />
undertaken to implement rights must always be assessed against <strong>the</strong> background <strong>of</strong> women’s actual conditions<br />
and evaluated in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> policies, laws and practices on those conditions.<br />
10. Intersectionality<br />
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Many women encounter distinct forms <strong>of</strong> discrimination due to <strong>the</strong> intersection <strong>of</strong> sex with such factors as: race,<br />
language, ethnicity, culture, religion, disability, or socio-economic class. Indigenous women, migrant women,<br />
displaced women, and non-national or refugee women experience distinct forms <strong>of</strong> discrimination because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
intersection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir sex and race, or <strong>the</strong>ir sex and citizenship status. Women may also confront particular forms <strong>of</strong><br />
discrimination due to <strong>the</strong>ir age or occupation; family status, as single mo<strong>the</strong>rs or widows; health status, such as<br />
living with HIV/AIDS; sexuality, such as being lesbian; or because <strong>the</strong>y are engaged in prostitution. Intersecting<br />
discrimination can determine <strong>the</strong> form or nature that discrimination takes, <strong>the</strong> circumstances in which it occurs,<br />
<strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> discrimination, and <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> appropriate remedies. To ensure that all women<br />
enjoy <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights, specific measures are needed to address <strong>the</strong> ways<br />
in which women are differently affected in <strong>the</strong>ir enjoyment <strong>of</strong> a right as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intersection <strong>of</strong><br />
discrimination based on sex with discrimination based on o<strong>the</strong>r characteristics.<br />
11. Autonomy<br />
Women are entitled to exercise and enjoy <strong>the</strong>ir economic social and cultural rights as autonomous persons. They<br />
cannot enjoy <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights equally if <strong>the</strong>y are treated as inferior to men or as adjuncts<br />
<strong>of</strong>, or dependents <strong>of</strong> men, whe<strong>the</strong>r those men are family members or o<strong>the</strong>rs. In turn, economic, social and<br />
cultural rights must be interpreted and applied in ways that recognize women’s right to full legal personhood and<br />
autonomy.<br />
D. IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN'S EQUALl ENJOYMENT OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS<br />
12. Impediments<br />
Structural impediments to women’s equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic social and cultural rights include,<br />
but are not limited to: (i) social norms, customs and traditions that legitimize women’s inequality; (ii) failure to<br />
take account <strong>of</strong> women’s disadvantage or <strong>the</strong>ir distinct experiences when designing laws or measures to<br />
implement economic, social and cultural rights; (iii) restrictions on access to legal or administrative bodies where<br />
remedies for rights violations may be sought; (iv) women’s under-representation in decision-making processes;<br />
(v) women’s unequal status in <strong>the</strong>ir families; (vi) <strong>the</strong> failure to recognize women’s unremunerated work, and to<br />
encourage <strong>the</strong> fairer distribution between women and men <strong>of</strong> family and community-supporting labour; (vii) <strong>the</strong><br />
neglect <strong>of</strong> women’s economic, social and cultural rights in conflict and post-conflict situations; and (viii) <strong>the</strong><br />
gender-differentiated effects <strong>of</strong> economic globalization. These impediments must be addressed and eliminated to<br />
ensure that measures adopted to implement economic, social and cultural rights will benefit women equally.<br />
E. LEGAL OBLIGATIONS<br />
13. Justiciability and Allocation <strong>of</strong> Resources<br />
Women’s rights to non-discrimination and equality are enforceable by judicial bodies and administrative tribunals<br />
in all circumstances, including when <strong>the</strong>y raise issues <strong>of</strong> government allocation <strong>of</strong> resources for <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong><br />
economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
14. Immediate Obligation<br />
The right to non-discrimination and to <strong>the</strong> equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights<br />
imposes an immediate obligation on States. This obligation is not subject to progressive realization. The obligation<br />
is also an immediate one for inter-governmental bodies and quasi-State actors or o<strong>the</strong>r groups exercising control<br />
over territory or resources.<br />
15. Respect, Protect, Fulfill and Promote<br />
Women’s right to non-discrimination and equality imposes four specific obligations on States: <strong>the</strong> obligations to<br />
respect, protect, fulfill and promote women’s exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
These four obligations are indivisible and interdependent and must be implemented by States simultaneously and<br />
immediately.<br />
16. Range <strong>of</strong> Conduct<br />
The obligations to respect, protect, fulfill and promote women’s economic, social and cultural rights require a<br />
range <strong>of</strong> conduct from States. States are obliged to both refrain from acting harmfully and to take positive steps<br />
to advance women’s equality. States are required to repeal laws and policies that discriminate ei<strong>the</strong>r directly or<br />
indirectly. They are also required to guarantee women’s rights to non-discrimination and to <strong>the</strong> equal exercise and<br />
enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights in appropriate domestic laws, such as national constitutions and<br />
human rights legislation, and in <strong>the</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> customary and personal laws. States are obliged to regulate<br />
<strong>the</strong> conduct <strong>of</strong> third parties, such as employers, landlords, and service providers. States are also obliged to design<br />
and implement policies and programmes to give long-term and full effect to women’s economic, social and cultural<br />
rights. These may include <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> temporary special measures to accelerate women’s equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong><br />
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<strong>the</strong>ir rights, gender audits, and gender-specific allocation <strong>of</strong> resources.<br />
17. <strong>Rights</strong>-claiming mechanisms<br />
States must ensure that women’s rights to non-discrimination and to <strong>the</strong> equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong><br />
economic, social and cultural rights can be effectively interpreted and applied by judicial and quasi-judicial bodies<br />
that are independent from government. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, States must ensure that <strong>the</strong> right to be free from discrimination<br />
and <strong>the</strong> right to equality are interpreted substantively, ra<strong>the</strong>r than formally, by judicial and quasi-judicial bodies,<br />
so as to foster <strong>the</strong> equal enjoyment by women <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights. States, when appearing as<br />
parties or intervenors before judicial or quasi-judicial bodies must advocate for <strong>the</strong> interpretation and application<br />
<strong>of</strong> rights that will ensure women’s substantive enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
18. Maximum Available Resources<br />
States must use <strong>the</strong> maximum available resources to respect, protect, fulfill and promote economic, social and<br />
cultural rights. The maximum available resources must be distributed in a manner that provides substantively<br />
equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights by women.<br />
19. Trade, Trade Agreements and International Financial Institutions<br />
States have a non-derogable obligation to guarantee women’s equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and<br />
cultural rights in <strong>the</strong>ir actions and decision-making in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> trade, trade agreements, and agreements<br />
with, or participation in, international and regional financial institutions.<br />
20. Due Diligence<br />
All States when participating in international financial institutions, trade agreements, or aid and development<br />
programs shall apply a due diligence test to assess, foresee and prevent any adverse consequences <strong>of</strong> trade<br />
agreements, structural adjustment programs, development and humanitarian assistance, and o<strong>the</strong>r economic and<br />
social policies on women’s economic, social and cultural rights. Where harm is caused by such agreements or<br />
programs, <strong>the</strong> responsible States and institutions shall implement compensatory measures. This applies at<br />
national, regional and international levels, in public and private spheres <strong>of</strong> life.<br />
21. Provision for Basic Needs<br />
In <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> scarcity, States shall make sure that <strong>the</strong> basic needs <strong>of</strong> women are satisfied, especially in regard<br />
to health care, access to potable water, sanitation services, housing, education, energy and social protection. This<br />
obligation prevails as well in times <strong>of</strong> conflict and post-conflict. States and o<strong>the</strong>r inter-governmental bodies must<br />
ensure that services are provided in a manner that does not discriminate against women, and that ensures<br />
women’s equality.<br />
22. Privatization and Regulation <strong>of</strong> Third Parties<br />
Where services are partially or wholly privatized, at a minimum States are required to adopt an effective<br />
regulatory system to monitor <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> such services and service providers must work in cooperation with<br />
<strong>the</strong> State to ensure <strong>the</strong> substantively equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> services by women in fulfilment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> State’s<br />
international legal obligations.<br />
23. Regulation <strong>of</strong> Transnational Corporations and Third Parties<br />
States have an obligation to require transnational corporations and o<strong>the</strong>r commercial entities, when <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
providing services or programs related to <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights, to ensure that<br />
women benefit equally. States also have an obligation to prevent transnational corporations and o<strong>the</strong>r commercial<br />
entities from violating women’s economic, social and cultural rights on <strong>the</strong>ir territory. When such rights are<br />
violated, States have a duty to provide women with effective remedies.<br />
24. Recognition <strong>of</strong> Unremunerated Work<br />
States must adopt specific measures to recognize <strong>the</strong> economic and social contribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> women who carry<br />
out unremunerated activities. States must also ensure that women or particular groups <strong>of</strong> women do not carry out<br />
a disproportionately large part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unremunerated and devalued workload <strong>of</strong> families and communities,<br />
including domestic labour and <strong>the</strong> care <strong>of</strong> children, sick, and older persons.<br />
25. Participation<br />
States and inter-governmental bodies must ensure that women can and do participate fully in <strong>the</strong> formulation,<br />
development, implementation and monitoring <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural programs and policies. They must<br />
also ensure <strong>the</strong> full participation <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> formulation, development, implementation and monitoring <strong>of</strong><br />
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specific strategies, plans and policies that aim to eliminate <strong>the</strong>ir gender specific disadvantages. This may require<br />
States and intergovernmental bodies to ensure women’s participation in decision-making where non-State actors<br />
provide programs or services that are related to <strong>the</strong> enjoyment <strong>of</strong> economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
26. Commission and Omission<br />
F. Violations<br />
Violations <strong>of</strong> women’s economic, social and cultural rights can occur through acts <strong>of</strong> commission or omission by<br />
States and o<strong>the</strong>r actors who are insufficiently regulated by <strong>the</strong> State, or not regulated by <strong>the</strong> State.<br />
27. Failure to Correct<br />
Where <strong>the</strong> economic, social and cultural rights <strong>of</strong> women, or particular groups <strong>of</strong> women, have been violated,<br />
States are obliged to adopt concrete measures designed to ensure <strong>the</strong> immediate enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se rights by<br />
<strong>the</strong> affected women.<br />
28. Undermining <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Undermining women’s enjoyment or exercise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights constitutes a violation. A<br />
State undermines <strong>the</strong>se rights by: adopting overly restrictive interpretations <strong>of</strong> rights-conferring provisions;<br />
taking <strong>the</strong> position that economic, social and cultural rights are not justiciable; restricting access by women, and<br />
organizations which represent <strong>the</strong>m, to judicial and quasi-judicial bodies; implementing women’s equal enjoyment<br />
progressively ra<strong>the</strong>r than immediately; and, failing to maintain adequately funded and effective enforcement<br />
institutions.<br />
29. Retrogressive Measures<br />
The adoption <strong>of</strong> retrogressive measures that fur<strong>the</strong>r reduce women’s access to or enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic,<br />
social or cultural rights constitutes a violation.<br />
30. Unwillingness to Use Resources<br />
A State which is unwilling to use <strong>the</strong> maximum <strong>of</strong> its available resources for <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> economic, social and<br />
cultural rights violates women’s economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
31. Judicial and Quasi-Judicial Mechanisms<br />
G. MECHANISMS AND REMEDIES<br />
States must establish and maintain effective mechanisms for fully claiming and enforcing women’s economic,<br />
social and cultural rights, including independent courts and tribunals, administrative authorities and national<br />
human rights and women’s commissions. Judges and o<strong>the</strong>r adjudicators must be provided with adequate training<br />
regarding women’s rights to equality and to <strong>the</strong> equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
States must also ratify relevant international and regional treaties that allow international remedies and<br />
communication procedures without reservations that have <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> undermining women’s equal exercise and<br />
enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
32. Policy Mechanisms<br />
States are required to ensure that <strong>the</strong>re is a national system <strong>of</strong> institutions and mechanisms, including national<br />
human rights institutions, commissions, and ombuds <strong>of</strong>fices, which will support <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> strategies,<br />
plans and policies specifically designed to guarantee women’s equal exercise and enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic,<br />
social and cultural rights. This system must guarantee <strong>the</strong> effective inclusion <strong>of</strong> women’s perspectives in <strong>the</strong><br />
design and application <strong>of</strong> public policies in economic, social and cultural areas.<br />
33. Resources for Mechanisms<br />
States must provide sufficient financial and physical resources to <strong>the</strong> institutions and mechanisms that have <strong>the</strong><br />
responsibility to implement and enforce women’s economic, social and cultural rights in order to ensure <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
effectiveness and accessibility.<br />
34. Access<br />
States must remove any obstacles that prevent women or certain groups <strong>of</strong> women from accessing institutions<br />
and mechanisms which enforce and implement women’s economic social and cultural rights and provide women<br />
with information regarding how to access <strong>the</strong>m. States must also adopt measures, such as legal aid, to facilitate<br />
women’s access to institutions and mechanisms that can implement and enforce women’s economic, social and<br />
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cultural rights.<br />
35. Standards, Data and Review<br />
States must continuously review and revise <strong>the</strong> implementation and enforcement <strong>of</strong> women’s economic, social and<br />
cultural rights by developing gender-sensitive standards, methodologies, criteria, targets and indicators, as well as<br />
tools for gender disaggregation <strong>of</strong> statistical data and for budgetary analysis to specifically assess women’s<br />
substantively equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economic, social and cultural rights.<br />
36. Remedies<br />
In <strong>the</strong> event <strong>of</strong> an infringement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to non-discrimination or <strong>the</strong> right to equal enjoyment <strong>of</strong> women’s<br />
economic social and cultural rights, States are required to provide one or more <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> following non-exhaustive list<br />
<strong>of</strong> remedies: compensation, reparation, restitution, rehabilitation, guarantees <strong>of</strong> non-repetition, declarations,<br />
public apologies, educational programmes, prevention programmes, revised policies, benchmarks and<br />
implementation programmes, and o<strong>the</strong>r effective and appropriate remedies. The State has a related obligation to<br />
ensure that <strong>the</strong> appropriate remedy is both ordered and effectively implemented.<br />
[1] UN Charter Articles 55, 56, and 103.<br />
****<br />
[2] International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, Articles 2(2) and 3; American Convention on<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Article 1(1); Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Area <strong>of</strong><br />
Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, Article 3; European Convention for <strong>the</strong> Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and<br />
Fundamental Freedoms (read in conjunction with its Protocols), Article 14; African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’<br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, Article 2; Cairo Declaration on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> in Islam, Article 1.<br />
[3] Security Council Resolution 1325, 2000.<br />
[4] As identified by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Committee at para. 5 in its General Comment 28: Equality <strong>of</strong> rights between<br />
men and women (article 3). 29/03/2000. CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.10.<br />
[5] CEDAW General Recommendation 23: Political and Public Life. 13/01/97. Contained in document A/52/38. See<br />
para. 13.<br />
[6] United Nations General Assembly, Vienna Declaration and Programme <strong>of</strong> Action, I. 12/07/93. A/CONF.157/23<br />
at para 5.<br />
[7] As reiterated in HRC General Comment 28, supra note 4.<br />
[8] Report <strong>of</strong> Independent Expert, Fantu Cheru, ‘Effects <strong>of</strong> Structural Adjustment Programmes on Full Enjoyment<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, UN Doc. E/CN.4/1999/50, 24 February 1999.<br />
[9] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.S.<br />
1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All<br />
Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M.<br />
33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III),<br />
UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Universal Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Eradication <strong>of</strong><br />
Hunger and Malnutrition, adopted by <strong>the</strong> World Food Conference, endorsed by GA Res. 3348 (XXIX) 1974, 29th<br />
Sess., UN Doc. E/CONF. 65/20 (1974) 1 [UDEHM]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Right to Development, GA Res. 41/128,<br />
annex, 41 UN GAOR, 41st Sess., Supp. No. 53, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986) 186 [DRD]. United Nations Committee on<br />
Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, General Comment 15, E/C.12/2002/11, 26 November 2002. Additional<br />
Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M.<br />
156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Rome Declaration on World Food Security,<br />
Food and Agriculture Organization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations, Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Food Summit, Rome, 13-17<br />
November 1996, Part <strong>On</strong>e (WFS 96/REP) (Rome, 1997), appendix. Istanbul Declaration and Program <strong>of</strong> Action on<br />
<strong>Human</strong> Settlements, adopted by United Nations Conference on <strong>Human</strong> Settlements, 4 June 1996.<br />
[10] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Covenant on Civil and<br />
Political <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S. 1976 No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23<br />
March 1976) [ICCPR]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN<br />
GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women,<br />
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18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981)<br />
[CEDAW]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc.<br />
A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Cairo Declaration on Population and Development, adopted at <strong>the</strong> International<br />
Conference <strong>of</strong> Parliamentarians on Population and Development, Cairo, 4 September 1994. Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fourth<br />
World Conference on Women: Platform for Action, A/Conf.177/20, 17 October 1995 [hereinafter Platform for<br />
Action]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M. 1456 (entered into<br />
force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. American convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143,<br />
O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on<br />
Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November<br />
1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Inter-American Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection, Punishment and Eradication <strong>of</strong><br />
Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M. 1534 (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. American<br />
Declaration on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Duties <strong>of</strong> Man, adopted at <strong>the</strong> Ninth Annual International Conference <strong>of</strong> American<br />
States, Bogota, 1948. Declaration on Social Progress and Development, GA Res. 2542 (XXIV), 24 UN GAOR 24th<br />
Sess., Supp. No. 30, UN Doc. A/7630 (1969) 49 [DSPD]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Right to Development, GA Res.<br />
41/128, annex, 41 UN GAOR, 41st Sess., Supp. No. 53, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986) 186 [DRD]. Maternity Protection<br />
Convention, 2000, 15 June 2000, I.L.O. No. 183, 40 I.L.M. 2 (entered into force 7 February 2002) [MPC]. African<br />
Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong>, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force<br />
21 October 1986) [African Charter]. Committee on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women, General<br />
Comment 24, 2 February 1999.<br />
[11] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All<br />
Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M.<br />
33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against<br />
Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Right to Development,<br />
GA Res. 41/128, annex, 41 UN GAOR, 41st Sess., Supp. No. 53, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986) 186 [DRD].<br />
International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S.<br />
195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res.<br />
217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR].<br />
African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong>, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered<br />
into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fourth World Conference on Women: Platform for<br />
Action, A/Conf.177/20, 17 October 1995 [hereinafter Platform for Action].<br />
[12] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Convention on <strong>the</strong><br />
Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into<br />
force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263<br />
(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination<br />
against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3<br />
September 1981) [CEDAW]. Maternity Protection Convention, 2000, 15 June 2000, I.L.O. No. 183, 40 I.L.M. 2<br />
(entered into force 7 February 2002) [MPC]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR,<br />
3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on<br />
Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November<br />
1999) (San Salvador Protocol). American Declaration on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Duties <strong>of</strong> Man, adopted at <strong>the</strong> Ninth<br />
Annual International Conference <strong>of</strong> American States, Bogota, 1948. Inter-American Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection,<br />
Punishment and Eradication <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M. 1534 (entered into force 5 March<br />
1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M. 1456<br />
(entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC].<br />
[13] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All<br />
Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M.<br />
33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against<br />
Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Universal Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Eradication <strong>of</strong><br />
Hunger and Malnutrition, adopted by <strong>the</strong> World Food Conference, endorsed by GA Res. 3348 (XXIX) 1974, 29th<br />
Sess., UN Doc. E/CONF. 65/20 (1974) 1 [UDEHM]. International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong><br />
Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD].<br />
Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810<br />
(1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S.<br />
No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. Inter-American Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection, Punishment and<br />
Eradication <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M. 1534 (entered into force 5 March 1995)<br />
[ICPPEVAW]. Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S.<br />
No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Convention on <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M. 1456 (entered into force 2 September 1990)<br />
[CRC]. Convention Against Discrimination in Education, 429 U.N.T.S. 93, B.T.S. 44 (1962) (entered into force 22<br />
May 1962). American Declaration on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Duties <strong>of</strong> Man, adopted at <strong>the</strong> Ninth Annual International<br />
Conference <strong>of</strong> American States, Bogota, 1948. Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fourth World Conference on Women: Platform for<br />
Action, A/Conf.177/20, 17 October 1995 [hereinafter Platform for Action].<br />
[14] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All<br />
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Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M.<br />
33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong><br />
Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD].<br />
International Covenant on Civil and Political <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S. 1976 No. 47,<br />
6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against<br />
Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Abolition <strong>of</strong> Forced Labour Convention (ILO<br />
No. 105), 25 June 1957, 320 U.N.T.S. 291, Can. T.S. 1960 No. 21 (entered into force 17 January 1959) [AFLC].<br />
Declaration on Social Progress and Development, GA Res. 2542 (XXIV), 24 UN GAOR 24th Sess., Supp. No. 30,<br />
UN Doc. A/7630 (1969) 49 [DSPD]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d<br />
Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Violence Against<br />
Women, GA Res. 48/104, UN GAOR, 48th Sess., Supp. No. 49, UN Doc. A/48/49 (1993) 217 [DEVAW]. American<br />
convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18<br />
July 1978) [ACHR]. African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong>, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58<br />
(1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. American Declaration on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> and Duties <strong>of</strong><br />
Man, adopted at <strong>the</strong> Ninth Annual International Conference <strong>of</strong> American States, Bogota, 1948. Additional Protocol<br />
to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156<br />
(entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Convention for <strong>the</strong> Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
and Fundamental Freedoms, 4 November 1950, 213 U.N.T.S. 222, E.T.S. No. 5 (entered into force 3 September<br />
1953) [CPHRFF]. Maternity Protection Convention, 2000, 15 June 2000, I.L.O. No. 183, 40 I.L.M. 2 (entered into<br />
force 7 February 2002) [MPC]. Equal Remuneration Convention, 29 June 1951, 165 U.N.T.S. 303, ILO No. 100<br />
(entered into force 23 May 1953) [ERC]. Convention on Employment Policy, ILO No. 122 (adopted 9 July 1964).<br />
ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and <strong>Rights</strong> at Work, (1998) 37 I.L.M. 1233 (signed 19 June 1998).<br />
Inter-American Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection, Punishment and Eradication <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, 9 June<br />
1994, 33 I.L.M. 1534 (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW].<br />
[15] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Covenant on Civil and<br />
Political <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S. 1976 No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23<br />
March 1976) [ICCPR]. International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, 7 March<br />
1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Declaration on Social Progress<br />
and Development, GA Res. 2542 (XXIV), 24 UN GAOR 24th Sess., Supp. No. 30, UN Doc. A/7630 (1969) 49<br />
[DSPD]. Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No.<br />
69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). ILO Convention on<br />
Freedom <strong>of</strong> Association and Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Right to Organize, 68 U.N.T.S. 17, ILO No. 87 (adopted 9 July<br />
1948).<br />
[16] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Covenant on Civil and<br />
Political <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S. 1976 No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23<br />
March 1976) [ICCPR]. Supplementary Convention on <strong>the</strong> Abolition <strong>of</strong> Slavery, <strong>the</strong> Slave Trade and Institutions and<br />
Practices Similar to Slavery, 226 U.N.T.S. 3, C.T.S. 1963/7 (entered into force 30 April 1957). Convention on <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M. 1456 (entered into force 2 September 1990)<br />
[CRC]. ILO Convention on Worst Forms <strong>of</strong> Child Labour, ILO No. 182 (adopted 19 November 2000). Universal<br />
Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71<br />
[UDHR]. American convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36<br />
(entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR].<br />
[17] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All<br />
Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M.<br />
33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against<br />
Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. International Covenant on Civil and Political<br />
<strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S. 1976 No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March<br />
1976) [ICCPR]. Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration <strong>of</strong> Marriages, 7<br />
November 1962, 521 U.N.T.S. 231, (entered into force 9 December 1964) [Marriage Convention]. International<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M.<br />
352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN<br />
GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22<br />
November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR].<br />
[18] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and<br />
Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong>, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986)<br />
[African Charter].<br />
[19] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child,<br />
20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M. 1456 (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. Convention on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S.<br />
1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. International Covenant on Civil and<br />
Political <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S. 1976 No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23<br />
March 1976) [ICCPR]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, GA Res. 48/104, UN GAOR, 48th<br />
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Sess., Supp. No. 49, UN Doc. A/48/49 (1993) 217 [DEVAW]. International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All<br />
Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January<br />
1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN<br />
Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.<br />
A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. African Charter on <strong>Human</strong> and Peoples’ <strong>Rights</strong>, 27<br />
June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. Inter-<br />
American Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection, Punishment and Eradication <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33<br />
I.L.M. 1534 (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American Convention on<br />
Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November<br />
1999) (San Salvador Protocol).<br />
[20] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.<br />
S. 1976 No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Additional Protocol to <strong>the</strong> American<br />
Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong>, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force<br />
16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol).<br />
[21] Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.<br />
S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong><br />
Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW].<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> Nationality <strong>of</strong> Married Women, 20 February 1957, 309 U.N.T.S. 65, Can. T.S. 1960 No. 2<br />
(entered into force 11 August 1958) [CNMW]. Convention Relating to <strong>the</strong> Status <strong>of</strong> Refugees, 28 July 1951, 189 U.<br />
N.T.S. 137, 158 B.S.P. 499 (entered into force April 22, 1954) [CSR]. Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, GA<br />
Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978)<br />
[ACHR]. International Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.<br />
T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD].<br />
[22] Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.<br />
S. 13, Can. T.S. 1982 No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on <strong>the</strong><br />
Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW].<br />
Declaration on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, GA Res. 48/104, UN GAOR, 48th Sess., Supp. No. 49,<br />
UN Doc. A/48/49 (1993) 217 [DEVAW]. Convention on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S.<br />
3, 28 I.L.M. 1456 (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. Inter-American Convention on <strong>the</strong> Protection,<br />
Punishment and Eradication <strong>of</strong> Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M. 1534 (entered into force 5 March<br />
1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and<br />
Children, Supplementing <strong>the</strong> United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, (2001) 40 I.L.M.<br />
335 (not yet in force).<br />
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Political Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Forum on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women in Trade Agreements<br />
We, <strong>the</strong> women attendees from Belgium, Bulgaria, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Unites States <strong>of</strong> America,<br />
Philippines, Jamaica, Mexico, Peru, Uganda, Turkey, Venezuela, Mongolia, Thailand, Palestine, Korea, Canada,<br />
Guyana, France, Cuba, Austria, Argentina, Italy, India, Switzerland, Germany, Costa Rica, Guatemal, Bolivia,<br />
Holland, and El Salvador<br />
DECLARE<br />
1. That <strong>the</strong> fifth ministerial <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organization held in Cancun is celebrated within a global context<br />
marked by an atmosphere <strong>of</strong> war, militarization and unilateralism in several regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
2. That <strong>the</strong> big economic powers and <strong>the</strong> multinational corporations have unfolded new strategies to condition and<br />
pressure <strong>the</strong> developing countries through regional and bilateral agreements that deepen <strong>the</strong> inequities and<br />
disadvantages that impact negatively on <strong>the</strong> communities, indigenous peoples, and especially women.<br />
3. That <strong>the</strong> WTO negotiations and <strong>the</strong> free trade agreements violate women's human, economic, social, and<br />
cultural rights consigned in <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, and in multiple international agreements.<br />
4. That <strong>the</strong> least favored populations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world are legally unprotected because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unequal status acquired<br />
in <strong>the</strong> aforementioned commercial agreements. While for <strong>the</strong> deveoping courntries, <strong>the</strong>se agreements gain<br />
constitutional characters, <strong>the</strong> same is not true for <strong>the</strong> big economic powers, and once <strong>the</strong> agreements are signed<br />
it is very hard to cancel <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
5. That <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mse hat are discussed int he fifth ministerial conference impact negatively and drastically on<br />
women's quality <strong>of</strong> life in <strong>the</strong> planet.<br />
Agriculture is an activity and a fundamental form <strong>of</strong> life for <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> countries, since it constitutes <strong>the</strong><br />
means for subsistence <strong>of</strong> billions <strong>of</strong> persons and families. It is also <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> sovereignty and security <strong>of</strong><br />
nourishment, and is related with <strong>the</strong> know-how and enrichment brought by and protected for thousands <strong>of</strong> years<br />
by women.<br />
The privatization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public services transfers <strong>the</strong> social costs <strong>of</strong> social reproduction to women. Healthcare,<br />
water, and o<strong>the</strong>r services are a public responsibility <strong>of</strong> governments, and thus cannot be converted into simple<br />
merchandises by <strong>the</strong> WTO agreements.<br />
The agreements on intellectual properties related to trade, usurp <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> communities to <strong>the</strong>ir natural<br />
resources and <strong>the</strong> traditional knowledge <strong>of</strong> indigenous women; <strong>the</strong> agreemetns favor <strong>the</strong> privatization <strong>of</strong> genetic<br />
resources and biodiversity, inhibit scientific and technological development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> developing countries, and give<br />
supremacy to <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong> transnational companies.<br />
6. That <strong>the</strong> so-called "new <strong>the</strong>mes" such as investment, competition, government acquisitions, and facilitation <strong>of</strong><br />
trade are not to be opened to negotiations because <strong>the</strong>y will induce <strong>the</strong> impoverishment <strong>of</strong> developing countries<br />
and contribute to <strong>the</strong> genderation <strong>of</strong> more obstacles to gender inequities that are to be overcome.<br />
7. That women will promote an alternative agenda to globalization that centers on human, economic, social and<br />
cultural rights <strong>of</strong> women, in which:<br />
● Sovereignty and security <strong>of</strong> nourishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nations are assured, women's preponderant reole in<br />
agricultural production is recognized, and that <strong>the</strong> gender relations are transformed to allo full exercise <strong>of</strong><br />
citizenship to women.<br />
● The establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> preeminence <strong>of</strong> international agreements and treaties related to human,<br />
environmental, labor, sexual, and reproductive rights above any rules or trade agreement.<br />
● Promotion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> instrumentation <strong>of</strong> instances and mechanisms that note forms <strong>of</strong> democratic governance<br />
among nations in which developing countries can rescue <strong>the</strong>ir reights to sovereignty. These mechanisms<br />
will have to guarantee equitable forms <strong>of</strong> women's participation. The International Forum on Women's<br />
<strong>Rights</strong> within Trade Agreements calls upon <strong>the</strong> governments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries to not sign any agreements<br />
that attempt on women's quality <strong>of</strong> life.<br />
We convoke <strong>the</strong> Forum for an Alternative Front to <strong>the</strong> WTO to join in this declaration and adopt <strong>the</strong> demands <strong>of</strong><br />
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Doc<br />
women in this declaration that constitute 70% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world's poor.<br />
9 September 2003,<br />
Cancun/Mexico<br />
Source:<br />
http://www.eurosur.org/wide/Globalisation/Cancun_Decl.htm<br />
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About globalizacija.com<br />
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About GLOBALIZACIJA.COM<br />
Globalisation is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contemporary issues that have become more frequent topics <strong>of</strong><br />
lively debates in recent years. We can read about globalisation in various contexts and<br />
forms, from newspaper articles to scholarly research. Although <strong>the</strong>re is no universal<br />
agreement on its definition and components, <strong>the</strong> word globalisation is being used more<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten, by politicians, researchers, academics, economists, lawyers, environmentalists,<br />
sociologists, and o<strong>the</strong>r experts, as well as human rights activists, anti-globalists and alterglobalists.<br />
The lack <strong>of</strong> an internationally accepted definition <strong>of</strong> globalisation incites<br />
controversies about <strong>the</strong> concept. There are also quite different views on whe<strong>the</strong>r or not<br />
globalisation is a novel phenomenon.<br />
Despite differences <strong>of</strong> opinion about globalisation, <strong>the</strong>re is no doubt that global<br />
macroeconomic tendencies have direct and/or indirect influence on <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> every one<br />
<strong>of</strong> us; that global development <strong>of</strong> technology and information is increasingly visible<br />
around us; and that decisions <strong>of</strong> policy makers in <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund, <strong>the</strong><br />
World Bank and <strong>the</strong> World Trade Organisation indirectly influence <strong>the</strong> possibilities from<br />
which we can make choices and decisions.<br />
However, what are <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> globalisation from <strong>the</strong> human rights perspective? Do all<br />
people have equal access to <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> contemporary development? Do all individuals<br />
have equal access to resources, employment, education, health care, food and water? Do<br />
a Cambodian peasant, a female Philippino labourer and a yuppie from New York City gain<br />
equal benefits from open markets with free flow <strong>of</strong> capital and goods across borders? Do<br />
high levels <strong>of</strong> foreign direct investment (FDI) bring development and economic well-being<br />
to <strong>the</strong> receiving countries? How does FDI impact <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labour force? Do<br />
foreign investments have <strong>the</strong> same influence on employment possibilities for women and<br />
for men? Do <strong>the</strong>y contribute to improvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> common well-being? Will privatisation<br />
<strong>of</strong> water, hospitals and schools contribute to better quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se services? Who will<br />
benefit, and who will lose? Do economic and technological development help decrease <strong>the</strong><br />
number <strong>of</strong> homeless, hungry, unhealthy and powerless people? Despite enormous, fast<br />
technological development, why are <strong>the</strong>re still millions <strong>of</strong> poor people? What is widening<br />
<strong>the</strong> gap between those who have and those who have not? Why is <strong>the</strong> gender perspective<br />
important in linking poverty with human rights?<br />
What is GATS; what is TRIPS; why is it important to know what lies behind <strong>the</strong>se<br />
abbreviations? What will citizens get from <strong>the</strong>ir country’s membership in <strong>the</strong> World Trade<br />
Organisation? Will <strong>the</strong>y lose or win? What are roles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Monetary Fund<br />
and World Bank in <strong>the</strong> Globalisation Story? What is neoliberalism? How is it connected<br />
with regional security and militarism? What does <strong>the</strong> Bolkeinstain Initiative mean to us?<br />
What are <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> neoliberal macroeconomic policy and practices on human<br />
rights and well-being? Is development based on private capital and pr<strong>of</strong>it <strong>the</strong> only<br />
possible path to economic development and human well-being? Are <strong>the</strong>re alternatives to<br />
neoliberalism; and, if so, what are <strong>the</strong>y? Is it possible to develop novel indicators <strong>of</strong><br />
economic development? What is <strong>the</strong> ‘care economy’, and how is it connected to a national<br />
economy? How is unpaid women’s work in <strong>the</strong>ir homes linked to economic development?<br />
What is ‘gender budgeting,’ and how can it contribute to promotion and implementation<br />
<strong>of</strong> women’s rights? Why have women’s rights become indispensable to researching<br />
various aspects <strong>of</strong> globalisation?<br />
These are some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> questions that will be highlights <strong>of</strong> articles and research present in<br />
this web site, written by eminent experts in fields such as economics, law, human rights,<br />
women’s rights, sociology, and political sciences. The aim <strong>of</strong> this online publication, as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> printed version that will be published twice a year in Serbian and English, is to<br />
<strong>of</strong>fer public access to <strong>the</strong> knowledge and research <strong>of</strong> experts from relevant institutes and<br />
<strong>of</strong> members <strong>of</strong> international networks with whom we have collaborated over <strong>the</strong> years.<br />
The web site will be updated twice monthly.
About globalizacija.com<br />
In contrast to <strong>the</strong> richness <strong>of</strong> expert articles and publications on <strong>the</strong>se issues that<br />
characterises <strong>the</strong> English-speaking parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, in Sou<strong>the</strong>astern Europe such work<br />
is rare and insufficiently presented to <strong>the</strong> public. <strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> transition from<br />
<strong>the</strong> socialistic economies to market economies has already marked both <strong>the</strong> economy and<br />
<strong>the</strong> population in all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries in this region. Willing to accept globalisation or not,<br />
being for or against it, is <strong>of</strong> no consequence – globalisation ‘happens’ to us and around<br />
us.<br />
Awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complex social processes in progress, as well as <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir effects on a<br />
National Economy, State, Society, Family and Individual, is <strong>the</strong> prerequisite for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
comprehension. Interdisciplinary studies <strong>of</strong> development and research on globalisation<br />
are well developed in many countries. Thus, for us, living in <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>astern<br />
Europe, it is useful to be introduced to and informed about existing expert analyses <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se phenomena, <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>the</strong>oretical aspects and analyses <strong>of</strong> practices and experiences <strong>of</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r countries. To perceive, to question and to comprehend are <strong>the</strong> first steps toward<br />
achieving positive social changes. This inquiry into policies and practices will help us to<br />
recognise what happens (to us), whe<strong>the</strong>r we are on a good path, and how to move<br />
forward if we long for a better, more equitable, more humane world. There are always<br />
alternatives, and <strong>the</strong> choice ours.<br />
The best way to predict future is to create it.<br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic,<br />
Editor-in-Chief<br />
Bela Orcic,<br />
Webmaster & Design<br />
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About Us<br />
Women's Centre for Democracy and <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> is a nongovernmental, notfor-pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
organisation based in Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro, and founded<br />
in 2000. Its mission is to develop democratic society, rule <strong>of</strong> law and respect for<br />
human rights through education, advocacy and research.<br />
Our goals are:<br />
● Development <strong>of</strong> democratic society based on human rights, gender equity and<br />
social justice;<br />
● Elimination <strong>of</strong> discrimination <strong>of</strong> all kinds;<br />
● Advancement <strong>of</strong> development and globalisation models and actions based on a<br />
human rights approach that facilitates equitable distribution <strong>of</strong> resources;<br />
● Improvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic and social positions <strong>of</strong> women and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
marginalized groups in society and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir inclusion in politics and economic<br />
decision making at all levels; and<br />
● Transformation <strong>of</strong> human rights and women’s rights issues into political issues.<br />
We achieve our goals by:<br />
● Promoting public consciousness <strong>of</strong> human rights, gender equity and democratic<br />
values through education, and advocacy campaign;<br />
● Researching topics related to our goals;<br />
● Organising round tables, seminars and conferences;<br />
● Organising free legal counselling services for women in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> labour,<br />
employment and privatisation;<br />
● Writing and printing publications; and<br />
● Collaborating with NGOs, trade unions, women’s organisations, coalitions,<br />
networks and research institutions at local, national and international levels.<br />
Our activities include:<br />
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● Advocacy for implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action, Convention on<br />
Elimination <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and o<strong>the</strong>r international<br />
human rights treaties and conventions;<br />
● Advocacy for developing national mechanisms for <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> women;<br />
● Advocacy for greater and more visible participation <strong>of</strong> women in decision-making,<br />
public policy and conflict resolutions;<br />
● Advocacy and research on implementing gender budgets as a strategy to achieve<br />
gender equality;<br />
● Research on <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in societies in transition to market economies<br />
and in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> economic globalisation;<br />
● <strong>Human</strong> rights education for youth using <strong>the</strong> gender perspective;<br />
● Creation and printing <strong>of</strong> publications on human rights, women’s rights and<br />
contemporary aspects <strong>of</strong> globalisation;<br />
● Participation in related international conferences and events, such as <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Social Forum and <strong>the</strong> World Social Forum;<br />
● Organisational activities for international meetings and events, such as <strong>the</strong> Hearing<br />
on Gender Equality in <strong>the</strong> ‘Wider’ Europe in <strong>the</strong> European Parliament in 2004; and<br />
● Organisation <strong>of</strong> international events, such as <strong>the</strong> First International Conference on<br />
Transition, Privatisation and Women held in 2002.<br />
The organisation has regular contacts with many NGOs and international and regional<br />
networks, including WIDE (Network Women in Development Europe) based in Brussels,<br />
Belgium; Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace, based in Cambridge, Massachusetts,<br />
USA; AWID (Association <strong>of</strong> Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development) based in Toronto, Canada;<br />
Les Penelopes based in Paris; and NEWW (Network East-West Women-Polska) based in<br />
Gdansk, Poland. The organisation is a member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CEE/NIS Gender Budgeting Working
About Us<br />
Group formed at <strong>the</strong> NEWW Conference, 2004, in Poland.<br />
Publications:<br />
● “Rodna ravnopravnost i Javna Politika” (“Gender Equality and Public Policy) (2002).<br />
● “New World Order: Uticaj globalizacije na ekonomska i socijalna prava žena” (“New<br />
World Order: Impact <strong>of</strong> Globalisation on Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Women”)<br />
(2002).<br />
● “Transition, Privatisation, and Women”, (2002) – a compilation <strong>of</strong> papers<br />
presented at <strong>the</strong> international conference: “The Impact <strong>of</strong> Privatisation and<br />
Structural Adjustment in <strong>the</strong> Transition Countries on <strong>the</strong> Economic and Social<br />
Position <strong>of</strong> Women”, Subotica, Serbia, February, 2002.<br />
President and Project Coordinator:<br />
Mirjana Dokmanovic<br />
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Mrs. Dokmanovic is a consultant on human rights and gender issues, international<br />
lawyer, researcher and journalist. She has published articles and coordinated numerous<br />
projects at international, national and local level in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> community development,<br />
human rights, women’s rights, and globalisation.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> her recent activities are human rights and women’s rights in <strong>the</strong> context<br />
<strong>of</strong> privatisation and globalisation. She participated <strong>the</strong> Beijing +5 events, and was invited<br />
as a speaker to <strong>the</strong> World Social Forum (2004), <strong>the</strong> European Social Forum (2003), and<br />
many o<strong>the</strong>r international conferences and events on human rights, women’s rights,<br />
globalisation and human security in USA, Austria, <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands, Belgium, Czech<br />
Republic, Poland, Mexico, Germany and o<strong>the</strong>r countries.<br />
Affiliations: Women Waging Peace, Women in Development Europe (WIDE), Association<br />
for Women’s <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID), Network East-West Women (NEWW),<br />
Yugoslav International Law Association, Scientific Association Technology and Society.
Partners<br />
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PARTNERS<br />
Association for Women's <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID)<br />
http://www.awid.org/<br />
Association for Women's <strong>Rights</strong> in Development (AWID) is an international membership<br />
organization connecting, informing, and mobilizing people and organizations committed<br />
to achieving gender equality, sustainable development, and women's human rights.<br />
AWID's web site is divided into four major <strong>the</strong>mes: Feminist Organizational Development,<br />
Gender Equality and New Technologies, Women's <strong>Rights</strong> and Economic Change, and<br />
Young Women and Leadership. Within each <strong>the</strong>me, <strong>the</strong>re are innovative advocacy,<br />
research, or development initiatives and analyses <strong>of</strong> new <strong>the</strong>ories in <strong>the</strong> field, as well as<br />
book and article reviews and members' comments on provocative and fundamental<br />
issues. In addition, <strong>the</strong>re are practical tools, such as resources and manuals, advocacy<br />
opportunities, and recent news items on local actions and successes.<br />
Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation<br />
http://www.bgrf.org<br />
Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF) is an NGO <strong>of</strong> public utility that promotes<br />
social equality and women’s human rights in Bulgaria through research, education and<br />
advocacy programs. The BGRF is based in S<strong>of</strong>ia. Its team consists <strong>of</strong> lawyers, academics,<br />
experts in advocacy, education, monitoring violations <strong>of</strong> human rights, lobbying for<br />
legislative changes, preparing publications, networking. The BGRF has branches in<br />
Plovdiv, Haskovo, Gorna Oryahovitza.<br />
BRIDGE (development - gender)<br />
http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge<br />
BRIDGE (development-gender) is an information resource on mainstreaming gender in<br />
development. The site produces a newsletter, articles, research papers on gender and<br />
development, and guides in gender mainstreaming.<br />
FemCities<br />
http://www.femcities.at/<br />
FemCities is a service-oriented platform with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> connecting women and providing<br />
information, support and mutual advice. The in-depth information pool is open to a broad<br />
public, regardless <strong>of</strong> gender or pr<strong>of</strong>ession. FemCities address everyone who is interested<br />
and/or involved in gender and feminist topics in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> politics, economy, culture,<br />
<strong>the</strong> arts, social affairs, technology, science, health, law, media, etc.<br />
Karat Coalition<br />
http://www.karat.org/<br />
KARAT is a regional coalition <strong>of</strong> organizations and individuals that works to ensure gender<br />
equality in <strong>the</strong> CEE/CIS countries, monitors <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> international<br />
agreements and lobbies for <strong>the</strong> needs and concerns <strong>of</strong> women in <strong>the</strong> region at all levels<br />
<strong>of</strong> decision-making fora.<br />
Les Penelopes<br />
http://www.penelopes.org<br />
Les Pénélopes <strong>of</strong> today weave <strong>the</strong> web aimed at promoting, editing and diffusing<br />
information using all types <strong>of</strong> media, from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> women and to favour all<br />
activity ensuring <strong>the</strong> exchange, <strong>the</strong> handling, <strong>the</strong> updating, <strong>the</strong> centralization, and <strong>the</strong><br />
diffusion <strong>of</strong> this information in favour <strong>of</strong> all women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Network <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> East-West Women-Polska (NEWW-Polska)<br />
http://www.neww.org.pl/<br />
The NEWW links women across national and regional boundaries to share resources,<br />
knowledge, and skills. Its mission is to empower women and girls throughout <strong>the</strong> East<br />
(Central and Eastern Europe, and Newly Independent States and <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation)<br />
and <strong>the</strong> West by dialogue, networking, campaigns, and educational and informational<br />
exchanges. The international Secretariat <strong>of</strong> NEWW is run by NEWW-Polska in Gdansk.<br />
Network Women in Development (WIDE)<br />
http://www.wide-network.org<br />
Network Women in Development (WIDE) articulates principles <strong>of</strong> gender equality and
Partners<br />
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justice in <strong>the</strong> development processes through various its analytical papers, reports, and<br />
advocacy activities. WIDE monitors and influences international economic and<br />
development policy and practice from a feminist perspective. WIDE’s work is grounded on<br />
women’s rights as <strong>the</strong> basis for <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> a more just and democratic world<br />
order. The WIDE site features readings on women's economic rights, liberalisation and<br />
globalisation, <strong>the</strong> European Union, and relevant United Nations documents and events. It<br />
also includes information on <strong>the</strong> WIDE organizational structure, training courses,<br />
newsletter, publications and resources in Spanish.<br />
Women’s Information Technology Transfer (WITT)<br />
http://www.witt-project.net/<br />
Women’s Information Technology Transfer (WITT) is a portal site to link women’s<br />
organizations and feminist advocates for <strong>the</strong> Internet in Eastern and Central Europe.<br />
www.witt-project.net is a website, providing strategic ICT information to all, and<br />
supporting, in a collective way, Central and Eastern European women in developing <strong>the</strong><br />
web as an instrument in <strong>the</strong>ir social activism. WITT is committed to bringing women’s<br />
actions, activities and struggles into <strong>the</strong> spotlight, promoting <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> free s<strong>of</strong>tware as<br />
a way to highlight women’s voices.<br />
Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace<br />
http://www.womenwagingpeace.net<br />
The Network advocates for <strong>the</strong> full participation <strong>of</strong> all stakeholders, especially women, in<br />
peace processes. Creating sustainable peace is achieved best by a diverse, citizen-driven<br />
approach. Of <strong>the</strong> many sectors <strong>of</strong> society currently excluded from peace processes, none<br />
is larger – or more critical to success – than women. Since 1999, <strong>the</strong> Waging has<br />
connected more than 400 women experts with over 3.000 policy shapers to collaborate<br />
on fresh, workable solutions to long-standing conflicts across <strong>the</strong> globe. Waging’s Policy<br />
Commission is researching and documenting women’s activities in conflict prevention,<br />
negotiations, and post-conflict reconstruction in some 15 conflicts; <strong>the</strong>se studies provide<br />
models to encourage policymakers to include women and gender perspectives in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
program designs and budgets.<br />
We appreciate support from:<br />
<strong>Human</strong>ist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos)<br />
http://www.hivos.nl<br />
The <strong>Human</strong>ist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos) is a Dutch nongovernmental<br />
organisation that aims to contribute towards a free, just and sustainable<br />
world. It is committed to <strong>the</strong> poor and marginalized - and to <strong>the</strong> organisations that<br />
promote Hivos’s priority issues in countries in <strong>the</strong> South and in South-East Europe.<br />
Sustainable improvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir situation is <strong>the</strong> ultimate benchmark for Hivos's work.<br />
An important cornerstone here is streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women in society.<br />
Mama Cash Fund for Women<br />
http://www.mamacash.nl<br />
Mama Cash, <strong>the</strong> world’s first independent funding organization for women, strives for a<br />
peaceful and just world where women are free to make <strong>the</strong>ir own choices and to develop<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir myriad talents and skills. It is for <strong>the</strong>se reasons that Mama Cash supports women's<br />
groups that blaze <strong>the</strong> trail with self-initiated projects. The fact that Mama Cash supports<br />
groundbreaking projects initiated by new and local women’s groups sets Mama Cash<br />
apart from o<strong>the</strong>r grant making organizations.
Links<br />
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LINKS<br />
United Nations<br />
Gender Equality & <strong>the</strong> Millennium Development Goals<br />
http://www.mdgender.net<br />
The UN Interagency Network on Women and Gender Equality, <strong>the</strong> OECD/DAC Network on<br />
Gender Equality and <strong>the</strong> Multilateral Development Bank Working Group on Gender are<br />
pleased to announce <strong>the</strong> launch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> MDGenderNet website - an online resource on<br />
gender equality and <strong>the</strong> Millennium Development Goals.<br />
United Nations System <strong>of</strong> Organizations<br />
http://www.unsystem.org<br />
The United Nations System <strong>of</strong> Organizations is <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial portal to websites <strong>of</strong> UN<br />
organizations. It also gives direct links to projects and initiatives and various joint<br />
programs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN system.<br />
The United Nations<br />
http://www.un.org<br />
The United Nations home page provides access to news, texts <strong>of</strong> documents, online<br />
databases, and links to UN <strong>of</strong>fices and agencies. The <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> section provides <strong>the</strong><br />
text <strong>of</strong> documents and treaties and reports on <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> human rights around <strong>the</strong><br />
world.<br />
UN Division for <strong>the</strong> Advancement <strong>of</strong> Women<br />
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw<br />
The UN Division for <strong>the</strong> Advancement <strong>of</strong> Women is tasked to promote women’s equality<br />
and human rights. It features news and information about women-focused programs and<br />
meetings within <strong>the</strong> UN.<br />
The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Page<br />
http://www.un.org/rights<br />
The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Page provides quick links to <strong>the</strong> websites <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United<br />
Nations High Commissioner for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>; <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong><br />
<strong>Rights</strong>; <strong>the</strong> World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and<br />
Related Intolerance; <strong>the</strong> International Criminal Court for <strong>the</strong> Former Yugoslavia; human<br />
rights treaties; human rights documents; and, a background information on <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> United Nations in relation to <strong>the</strong> promotion and protection <strong>of</strong> human rights.<br />
UNESCO Division <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Democracy, Peace & Tolerance<br />
http://www.unesco.org<br />
The website <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Division <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, Democracy, Peace & Tolerance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) provides<br />
information on United Nations activities in <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> human rights, democracy, peace,<br />
and tolerance. Among <strong>the</strong> features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site are definitions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se areas, documents,<br />
databases, education opportunities, relevant sites, and publications.<br />
United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)<br />
http://www.unifem.undp.org<br />
The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) is <strong>the</strong> women's fund at <strong>the</strong><br />
United Nations. It provides financial and technical assistance to innovative programs and<br />
strategies that promote women's human rights, political participation, and economic<br />
security. Within <strong>the</strong> United Nations system, UNIFEM promotes gender equality and links<br />
women's issues and concerns to national, regional, and global agendas by fostering<br />
collaboration and providing technical expertise on gender mainstreaming and women's<br />
empowerment strategies.<br />
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)<br />
http://www.undp.org<br />
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is <strong>the</strong> UNs' global development<br />
network. It advocates for change and connects countries to knowledge, experience, and<br />
resources to help people build a better life. The UNDP's network links and coordinates<br />
global and national efforts to reach its goals. It aims to help countries build and share
Links<br />
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solutions to <strong>the</strong> challenges <strong>of</strong> democratic governance, poverty reduction, crisis prevention<br />
and recovery, energy and environment, information and communications technology, and<br />
HIV/AIDS. It helps developing countries attract and use aid effectively. It also promotes<br />
<strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> human rights and <strong>the</strong> empowerment <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
United Nations <strong>Human</strong> Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat)<br />
http://www.unchs.org<br />
The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) aims to promote<br />
sustainable urbanization through policy formulation, institutional reform, capacitybuilding,<br />
technical cooperation, and advocacy; and, monitor and improve <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong><br />
human settlements worldwide.<br />
United Nations High Commissioner for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (UNHCHR)<br />
http://www.unhchr.ch<br />
The Office <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations High Commissioner for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (UNHCHR), is <strong>the</strong><br />
UN lead agency for <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> human rights. The UNHCHR site provides general<br />
information about <strong>the</strong> agency and its programs and activities, databases on treaty bodies<br />
and charter-based bodies, reports and press releases on <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> sessions and<br />
meetings, and announcements about agency events.<br />
United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE)<br />
http://www.unece.org/oes/gender<br />
The website <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNECE contains gender section introducing activities aim at<br />
mainstreaming gender into data collection and statistics, economic research and analysis<br />
(including population studies) and economic policies. Special attention is given to Eastern<br />
and South-Eastern Europe, Central Asia and <strong>the</strong> Caucasus, where in many respects<br />
women's position has deteriorated during <strong>the</strong> transition process. The site <strong>of</strong>fers Gender<br />
Statistics Data Base and assessments <strong>of</strong> gender statistic in selected countries; Gender<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> selected economic trends in <strong>the</strong> 'Economic Survey for Europe'; Exchange <strong>of</strong><br />
good practice on gender aspects <strong>of</strong> economic policies, and support <strong>of</strong> women’s<br />
entrepreneurship. It also introduces documents, publications, news and events, and links<br />
to UN-DAW, Regional Commissions, partner organisations and NGOs.<br />
United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Organizational Structure<br />
http://www.unhchr.ch/hrostr.htm<br />
The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Organizational Structure site provides a chart intended<br />
to describe <strong>the</strong> functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations system in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> human rights. It<br />
places emphasis on those bodies and programs with major human rights responsibilities,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> General Assembly, Security Council, Secretariat, and Treaty-monitoring<br />
bodies.<br />
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)<br />
http://www.unhcr.org<br />
The website <strong>of</strong> United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) features <strong>the</strong><br />
activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> agency. It is also a portal <strong>of</strong> information on <strong>the</strong> plight <strong>of</strong> refugees and<br />
internally displaced people worldwide and various campaigns to help <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
United Nations International Research and Training Institute for <strong>the</strong><br />
Advancement <strong>of</strong> Women (INSTRAW)<br />
http://www.un-instraw.org<br />
The United Nations International Research and Training Institute for <strong>the</strong> Advancement <strong>of</strong><br />
Women (INSTRAW) is committed to promoting gender equality and women's<br />
advancement worldwide through research, training, and <strong>the</strong> collection and dissemination<br />
<strong>of</strong> information. Its operational methodology, <strong>the</strong> Gender Awareness Information and<br />
Networking System (GAINS), is an internet-based international research and training<br />
environment driven by a worldwide decentralized network. The INSTRAW site <strong>of</strong>fers an<br />
online library that houses over 1,000 gender-related resources from around <strong>the</strong> world,<br />
including bibiliographies, summaries <strong>of</strong> and links to online documents, contact<br />
information <strong>of</strong> gender research and training organizations, websites that focus on gender<br />
issues, and discussion forums and newsletters. The site also features new publications,<br />
news and announcements, and information about <strong>the</strong> INSTRAW network and training<br />
activities.<br />
United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD)<br />
http://www.unrisd.org<br />
The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) aims to carry<br />
out multidisciplinary research on <strong>the</strong> social dimensions <strong>of</strong> contemporary problems<br />
affecting development. The web site <strong>of</strong>fers information on a variety <strong>of</strong> topics, including<br />
gender, HIV/AIDS, human rights, and sustainable development.
Links<br />
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United Nations Integrated Regional Information News Network (IRIN)<br />
http://www.irinnews.org<br />
The website <strong>of</strong> United Nations Integrated Regional Information News Network (IRIN)<br />
contains news and features that aim to provide an accurate picture <strong>of</strong> issues and events<br />
relevant to people’s human rights and welfare in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia.<br />
United Nations News Wire (UNWire)<br />
http://www.unwire.org<br />
The United Nations News Wire produces daily news about <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United<br />
Nations and mainstream and alternative media news on issues relevant to <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> United Nations.<br />
International Court <strong>of</strong> Justice<br />
http://www.icj-cij.org<br />
The International Court <strong>of</strong> Justice is <strong>the</strong> principal judicial organ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations. Its<br />
seat is at <strong>the</strong> Peace Palace in The Hague (Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands). The Court has a dual role: to<br />
settle in accordance with international law <strong>the</strong> legal disputes submitted to it by States;<br />
and, to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized<br />
international organs and agencies.<br />
International Labor Organization<br />
http://www.ilo.org<br />
The International Labor Organization (ILO) is a UN specialized agency that promotes<br />
social justice and protection <strong>of</strong> human and labor rights. The website provides information<br />
about <strong>the</strong> agency’s programs and activities, meetings and events related to labor, and<br />
links to o<strong>the</strong>r ILO sites and UN agencies.<br />
International Telecommunication Union (ITU)<br />
http://www.itu.int/home<br />
The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) is an international organization within<br />
<strong>the</strong> UN system, formed by governments and private sector groups to coordinate global<br />
telecom networks and services. Access this site to know more about <strong>the</strong> history and work<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ITU, including one <strong>of</strong> its major projects, <strong>the</strong> World Summit on <strong>the</strong> Information<br />
Society.<br />
Setting <strong>the</strong> Record Straight: Facts about <strong>the</strong> United Nations<br />
http://www.un.org/News/facts<br />
Visit this site to find out about <strong>the</strong> following topics: <strong>the</strong> International Criminal Court, <strong>the</strong><br />
UN and business, protecting <strong>the</strong> environment, global climate change, UN conferences,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> UN Conference on <strong>the</strong> Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons.<br />
Women's <strong>Rights</strong> are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
http://www.unhchr.ch/women<br />
Set up by <strong>the</strong> United Nations High Commissioner for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Women's <strong>Rights</strong><br />
are <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> website gives readers a menu <strong>of</strong> basic information on <strong>the</strong> "women's<br />
rights as human rights" framework, as well as <strong>the</strong> latest news, conferences, documents,<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r information arising from <strong>the</strong> UN's work to promote and protect women's rights.<br />
Women and Gender Equality<br />
http://www.unesco.org/women/index_en.htm<br />
Visit this site to find out more about <strong>the</strong> Women and Gender Equality unit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United<br />
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The site <strong>of</strong>fers <strong>the</strong><br />
latest news about UNESCO’s programs for women, as well as informative readings on<br />
women and gender.<br />
WomenWatch<br />
http://www.un.org/womenwatch<br />
WomenWatch is a gateway to <strong>the</strong> information and resources on <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> gender<br />
equality throughout <strong>the</strong> United Nations system, including <strong>the</strong> United Nations Secretariat,<br />
regional commissions, funds, programs, and specialized agencies. Created in March 1997,<br />
WomenWatch provides Internet space for global gender equality issues and supports <strong>the</strong><br />
implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beijing Platform for Action. The web site also provides information<br />
on <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> women-related UN meetings and conferences. It also informs about<br />
efforts to incorporate gender perspectives into <strong>the</strong> follow-up to global conferences, such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> International Conference on Financing for Development, <strong>the</strong> World Summit on<br />
Aging, <strong>the</strong> Children's Summit, and <strong>the</strong> World Summit on Sustainable Development.
Links<br />
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World Health Organization (WHO) - Gender and Women's Health Department<br />
http://www.who.int/frh-whd/index.html<br />
The World Health Organization (WHO) -- Gender and Women's Health Department web<br />
site provides information on health issues related to women. The topics it usually covers<br />
are female genital mutilation, violence against women, and women and HIV/AIDs.<br />
International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Instruments<br />
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/intlinst.htm<br />
Lodged within <strong>the</strong> website <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations High Commissioner for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>,<br />
<strong>the</strong> International <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Instruments page <strong>of</strong>fers <strong>the</strong> complete list <strong>of</strong> international<br />
declarations, resolutions, statutes, treaties and conventions pertaining to various<br />
concerns under human rights.<br />
United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Organizational Structure<br />
http://www.unhchr.ch/hrostr.htm<br />
The United Nations <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Organizational Structure website provides a chart that<br />
describes <strong>the</strong> functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations system in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> human rights. It<br />
places emphasis on those bodies and programs with major human rights responsibilities,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> General Assembly, Security Council, Secretariat, and Treaty-monitoring<br />
bodies.<br />
Links to UN Conference Sites<br />
Recent world conferences have produced powerful plans <strong>of</strong> action that have in common<br />
<strong>the</strong> protection and betterment <strong>of</strong> all human futures, North and South, specifically<br />
addressing <strong>the</strong> protection <strong>of</strong> women's human rights and generally promoting human<br />
rights principles. Taken toge<strong>the</strong>r, existing international norms and standards and <strong>the</strong><br />
proclamations resulting from <strong>the</strong>se world conferences provide <strong>the</strong> basis for<br />
comprehensive actions against threats to human dignity and security.<br />
UN Conference for Environment and Development(Rio de Janeiro, 1992)<br />
http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/rio.html<br />
World Conference on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> (Vienna, 1993)<br />
http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/vienna.html<br />
International Conference on Population and Development (Cairo, 1994)<br />
http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/cairo.html<br />
World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen, 1995)<br />
http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/copenhagen.html<br />
Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995)<br />
http://www.pdhre.org/conferences/beijing.html<br />
Second World Conference on <strong>Human</strong> Settlements (Istanbul, 1996)<br />
http://www.undp.org/un/habitat/index.htlm<br />
50th anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universal Declaration <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong>".<br />
http://www.unhchr.ch/htm/50 th /50anniv.htm<br />
Research on Globalization<br />
Development Alternatives for Women in <strong>the</strong> New Era (DAWN)<br />
http://www.dawn.org.fj<br />
The network <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Development Alternatives for Women in <strong>the</strong> New Era (DAWN extends<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> regions <strong>of</strong> Africa, Asia, Latin America, <strong>the</strong> Caribbean and <strong>the</strong> Pacific. Its<br />
advocacy work covers <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Political Economy <strong>of</strong> Globalization; Political<br />
Restructuring and Social Transformation; and Sexual and Reproductive Health and<br />
<strong>Rights</strong>. DAWN's site regularly posts analytical papers on covered <strong>the</strong>mes and reports on<br />
relevant world events written from a Sou<strong>the</strong>rn feminist perspective.<br />
Grassroots Women<br />
http://www3.telus.net/grassrootswomen<br />
Grassroots Women is a Canada-based organization that aims to address <strong>the</strong> systemic<br />
political and economic marginalization <strong>of</strong> working class women caused by imperialism.<br />
Since 1995, a diverse group <strong>of</strong> women have joined Grassroots Women discussions,<br />
events, marches, and conferences on issues such as health, immigration, childcare, and<br />
globalization. The website contains organizational and campaign news and information.
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World Socialist Website<br />
http://www.wsws.org/index.shtml<br />
The World Socialist Website is an online publication that provides news and analytical<br />
articles on global concerns such as globalization, anti-war movements, and workers'<br />
rights.<br />
Socialist Worker <strong>On</strong>line<br />
http://www.socialistworker.org<br />
Socialist Worker <strong>On</strong>line is <strong>the</strong> newspaper <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Socialist Organization. The<br />
publication features news, announcements on events, and analytical articles on trade and<br />
globalization, anti-war movements, workers' rights, racism and numerous o<strong>the</strong>r topics<br />
under social, economic and political justice issues.<br />
Social Watch<br />
http://www.socwatch.org.uy<br />
A website produced by an international coalition <strong>of</strong> citizens dedicated to monitoring <strong>the</strong><br />
world's governments' activities related to <strong>the</strong> eradication <strong>of</strong> poverty and attainment <strong>of</strong><br />
gender equity. The site <strong>of</strong>fers a very informative collection <strong>of</strong> country reports, web<br />
resources, in-depth reports, news and events, and outcomes and analyses <strong>of</strong> relevant<br />
conferences.<br />
World Bank Research on Globalization<br />
http://econ.worldbank.org<br />
Collection <strong>of</strong> topic papers and reports<br />
Global Policy Forum<br />
http://www.imf.org/external/np/<br />
Useful set <strong>of</strong> resources and links that explore <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> globalization.<br />
General Gender Resources<br />
Collection <strong>of</strong> News on Gender<br />
http://www.oneworld.net<br />
<strong>On</strong>eWorld is an international network <strong>of</strong> cooperative centers that aims to be an online<br />
media gateway that effectively informs a global audience about human rights and<br />
sustainable development. You can view an archive <strong>of</strong> news articles on gender and<br />
women's rights from <strong>the</strong> news section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site.<br />
GenderStats<br />
http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats/home.asp<br />
GenderStats is a database <strong>of</strong> gender statistics, <strong>the</strong> website is currently a work in<br />
progress, but it is already an excellent resource for statistics that are available by country<br />
on gender pr<strong>of</strong>ile summaries, basic demographic data, population dynamics, labor force<br />
structure, education, and health. Also available are international comparisons on gender<br />
differences, gender and education, and reproductive health from World Development<br />
Indicators (WDI 2000).<br />
Siyanda<br />
http://www.siyanda.org<br />
Siyanda is an on-line database <strong>of</strong> selected gender and development materials from<br />
around <strong>the</strong> world. It is also an interactive space for practitioners, policymakers and<br />
academics to share ideas, experiences and resources for mainstreaming gender in<br />
development.<br />
International Gender Studies Resources<br />
http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/GlobalGender/index.html<br />
The International Gender Studies Resources aims to facilitate <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> Women's<br />
and Gender Studies into International and Area Studies philosophy and curricula. General<br />
and specific bibliographies and filmographies on issues pertaining to women and gender<br />
in Africa, Asia, Latin America, <strong>the</strong> Middle East and Arab World, and among minority<br />
cultures in North America and Europe are provided. The site also includes links to related<br />
resources on <strong>the</strong> Internet.<br />
International Information Center and Archives for <strong>the</strong> Women’s Movement<br />
(IIAV)<br />
http://www.iiav.nl/eng<br />
The International Information Center and Archives for <strong>the</strong> Women’s Movement (IIAV) is a<br />
source, intermediary and <strong>the</strong> supplier <strong>of</strong> information and documentation for all those who
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occupy <strong>the</strong>mselves with <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> women. The site provides comprehensive<br />
information on books, periodicals, data, addresses, archives, visual materials, current or<br />
historical, national or international. Its computer database facilities and Women's<br />
Thesaurus allow researchers to enter and receive answers on special queries. Most<br />
collections listed in <strong>the</strong> site are available at <strong>the</strong> IIAV facility in Amsterdam, The<br />
Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands.<br />
Development-Gender (BRIDGE)<br />
http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge<br />
Development-Gender (BRIDGE) is an information resource on mainstreaming gender in<br />
development. The site produces a newsletter, articles, research papers on gender and<br />
development, and guides in gender mainstreaming.<br />
International Association <strong>of</strong> Feminists Economists (IAFFE)<br />
http://www.iaffe.org<br />
The International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE) is a non-pr<strong>of</strong>it organization<br />
that seeks to advance feminist inquiry <strong>of</strong> economic issues and to educate economists and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs on feminist points <strong>of</strong> view on economic issues. In 1997 IAFFE gained NGO in<br />
special consultative status with <strong>the</strong> Economic and Social Council <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations.<br />
European and North American WomenAction (ENAWA)<br />
http://www.enawa.org<br />
The European and North American WomenAction (ENAWA) is a network <strong>of</strong> media,<br />
information and communication technology (ICT), information, and advocacy<br />
organizations. It is a web-based community <strong>of</strong> feminist organizations committed to<br />
developing networks that contribute to <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women in Europe and<br />
North America and to <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> women worldwide who are affected by<br />
politics and developments in <strong>the</strong>se regions.<br />
Economic, Social & Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Center for Economic and Social <strong>Rights</strong> (CESR)<br />
http://www.cesr.org<br />
CESR pushes for social justice through its various advocacies on people's economic and<br />
social rights. It is a co-initiator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women's Economic Equality Project (WEEP), along<br />
with <strong>the</strong> National Association <strong>of</strong> Women and <strong>the</strong> Law, which is based in Canada.<br />
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong><br />
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_cescr.htm<br />
This site presents <strong>the</strong> full copy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Covenant on Economic, Social and<br />
Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> that was entered into force on January 3, 1976.<br />
The International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural <strong>Rights</strong> (ESCR-Net)<br />
http://www.escr-net.org<br />
ESCR-Net is an emerging coalition <strong>of</strong> organizations and activists from around <strong>the</strong> world<br />
dedicated to advancing economic, social, and cultural rights. This web site contains four<br />
interactive, searchable databases (or directories) <strong>of</strong> organizations and individuals, project<br />
and activities, regional and domestic case law, and events.<br />
Communication Initiative<br />
http://www.comminit.com/index.html<br />
The Communication Initiative is a partnership <strong>of</strong> development organisations seeking to<br />
support advances in <strong>the</strong> effectiveness and scale <strong>of</strong> communication interventions for<br />
positive international development. Its activities include an extensive web site,<br />
e-publications, and specific projects in support <strong>of</strong> development communication.<br />
Equality & Non Discrimination<br />
Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women<br />
(CEDAW)<br />
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/cedaw.htm<br />
This site provides <strong>the</strong> full text <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international human rights instrument for women,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Convention on <strong>the</strong> Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Discrimination Against Women<br />
(CEDAW).<br />
Bringing Equality Home: Implementing <strong>the</strong> CEDAW<br />
http://www.unifem.undp.org/cedaw/indexen.htm
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Shanthi Dairiam, director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International Women's <strong>Rights</strong> Action Watch (IWRAW)<br />
Asia Pacific, writes a booklet <strong>of</strong> case studies exploring <strong>the</strong> ways and extent to which <strong>the</strong><br />
CEDAW has been implemented in various countries.<br />
Equality Now<br />
http://www.equalitynow.org<br />
International human rights organization Equality Now commits itself to protecting <strong>the</strong><br />
civil, political, economic and social rights <strong>of</strong> girls and women around <strong>the</strong> world. It uses<br />
traditional and new forms <strong>of</strong> communication, organizes media events, conducts research,<br />
and mounts campaigns to condemn abuses against women, and promote awareness on<br />
women's rights and influence political leaders and policy-makers. Its Women Action<br />
Network, which is composed <strong>of</strong> women's rights groups and advocates from around <strong>the</strong><br />
world, serves as <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> information ga<strong>the</strong>ring and dissemination <strong>of</strong> international<br />
appeals and protests.<br />
Gender Equality<br />
http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/equ_opp/index_en.htm<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> website <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Unit for Equal Opportunities for women and men <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Directorate General for Employment and Social Affairs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission. The<br />
website contains information <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Commission's activities in relation to <strong>the</strong><br />
integration <strong>of</strong> a gender perspective in European Community policies, compilation <strong>of</strong> news<br />
and documents arranged according to <strong>the</strong>mes, news on follow-up activities to Beijing+5,<br />
and links to o<strong>the</strong>r government and non government websites with a gender focus.<br />
Women and Gender Equality<br />
http://www.unesco.org/women/index_en.htm<br />
The website <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women and Gender Equality unit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations Educational,<br />
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). It <strong>of</strong>fers <strong>the</strong> latest news about UNESCO's<br />
programs for women, as well as informative readings on women and gender.<br />
International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN)<br />
http://www.genderandtrade.net<br />
The IGTN is an international network <strong>of</strong> gender advocates actively working to promote<br />
equitable, social, and sustainable trade. The Network utilizes research, advocacy and<br />
economic literacy to address <strong>the</strong> specific trade issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seven regions: Africa, Asia,<br />
Caribbean, Europe, Latin America, North America and <strong>the</strong> Pacific.<br />
International Non-Governmental Organizations and Movements<br />
World Social Forum<br />
http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br<br />
The World Social Forum is an open meeting place where groups and movements <strong>of</strong> civil<br />
society opposed to neo-liberalism and a world dominated by capital or by any form <strong>of</strong><br />
imperialism, but engaged in building a planetary society centred on <strong>the</strong> human person,<br />
come toge<strong>the</strong>r to pursue <strong>the</strong>ir thinking, to debate ideas democratically, for formulate<br />
proposals, share <strong>the</strong>ir experiences freely and network for effective action. The WSF<br />
proposed to debate alternative means to building a globalization in solidarity, which<br />
respects universal human rights and those <strong>of</strong> all men and women <strong>of</strong> all nations and <strong>the</strong><br />
environment, and is grounded in democratic international systems and institutions at <strong>the</strong><br />
service <strong>of</strong> social justice, equality and <strong>the</strong> sovereignty <strong>of</strong> peoples.<br />
Regional Social Forums:<br />
Pan-Amazonian Social Forum<br />
http://www.ivforumpan.com.br<br />
European Social Forum<br />
www.fse-esf.org<br />
Mediterranean Social Forum<br />
http://www.fsmed.info<br />
American Social Forum<br />
http://www.forosocialamericas.org<br />
They are part <strong>of</strong> World Social Forum mundialization process and are followed by <strong>the</strong> WSF<br />
International Council. They are called “regional” because <strong>the</strong>y take place at a macroregional<br />
level. They follow <strong>the</strong> methodology and political criteria that <strong>the</strong> WSF Charter <strong>of</strong><br />
Principles have set and <strong>the</strong>y aim to make World Social Forum closer to <strong>the</strong> reality <strong>of</strong>
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social movements and entities around different regions worldwide and vice-versa. For<br />
instance, <strong>the</strong>re are European, Pan-Amazonian and Americas Social Forums.<br />
Peoples’ Global Action<br />
http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/<br />
In 1998 movements from all continents met in Geneva to launch a worldwide<br />
coordination <strong>of</strong> resistances to <strong>the</strong> global market, a new alliance <strong>of</strong> struggle and mutual<br />
support called Peoples' Global Action against "Free" Trade and <strong>the</strong> World Trade<br />
Organisation (PGA). This platform, defined by <strong>the</strong> PGA hallmarks, manifesto and<br />
organisational principles, is an instrument for communication and coordination for all<br />
those fighting against <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> humanity and <strong>the</strong> planet by capitalism, and for<br />
building alternatives. These documents have evolved during subsequent conferences, in<br />
particular to take a clearly anti-capitalist (not just anti-neoliberal) stand, to avoid<br />
confusion with right-wing anti-globalisers and to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> perspective on gender.<br />
People’s Movement for <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Education<br />
http://www.pdhre.org/index.html<br />
Founded in 1988, <strong>the</strong> People's Decade <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong> Education (PDHRE-International)<br />
is a non-pr<strong>of</strong>it, international service organization that works directly and indirectly with<br />
its network <strong>of</strong> affiliates — primarily women's and social justice organizations — to<br />
develop and advance pedagogies for human rights education relevant to people's daily<br />
lives in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir struggles for social and economic justice and democracy.<br />
Our World is Not for Sale Coalition<br />
http://www.ourworldisnotforsale.org/<br />
International coalition to stop corporate globalization.<br />
Debt<br />
Jubilee +<br />
http://www.jubileeplus.org<br />
Drop <strong>the</strong> Debt<br />
http://www.drop<strong>the</strong>debt.org<br />
International Financial & Multilateral Institutions<br />
World Trade Organization<br />
http://www.wto.org<br />
The World Trade Organization (WTO) is <strong>the</strong> only global international organization dealing<br />
with <strong>the</strong> rules <strong>of</strong> trade between nations. At its heart are <strong>the</strong> WTO agreements, negotiated<br />
and signed by <strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world's trading nations and ratified in <strong>the</strong>ir parliaments. The<br />
goal is to help producers <strong>of</strong> goods and services, exporters, and importers conduct <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
business.<br />
The World Bank Group<br />
http://www.worldbank.org<br />
The World Bank Group consists <strong>of</strong> five closely associated institutions: <strong>the</strong> International<br />
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD); International Development Association<br />
(IDA), International Finance Corporation (IFC); Multilateral Investment Guarantee<br />
Agency (MIGA); and <strong>the</strong> International Centre for Settlement <strong>of</strong> Investment Disputes<br />
(ICSID).<br />
The World Bank's Debt Initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)<br />
http://www.worldbank.org/hipc<br />
International Monetary Fund<br />
http://www.imf.org<br />
An international organization <strong>of</strong> 182 member countries, established to promote<br />
international monetary cooperation, exchange stability, and orderly exchange<br />
arrangements; to foster economic growth and high levels <strong>of</strong> employment; and to provide<br />
temporary financial assistance to countries under adequate safeguards to help ease<br />
balance <strong>of</strong> payments adjustment.<br />
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development<br />
http://www.oecd.org
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The Free Trade Area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Americas<br />
http://www.ftaa-alca.org/alca_e.asp<br />
The Secretariat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> North American Free Trade Agreement<br />
http://www.nafta-sec-alena.org
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