The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, vol. 2 - Online Library of ...
The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, vol. 2 - Online Library of ...
The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, vol. 2 - Online Library of ...
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<strong>Online</strong> <strong>Library</strong> <strong>of</strong> Liberty: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Diary</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Letters</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Gouverneur</strong> <strong>Morris</strong>, <strong>vol</strong>. 2<br />
me some light as to this Cabinet, <strong>and</strong> by his account Lord Grenville is the strongest<br />
man in it. Dine at the Piazza <strong>and</strong> then come home, take tea, <strong>and</strong> read the newspapers.”<br />
“This morning [July 2d], at eleven, wait by appointment on Lord Grenville, <strong>and</strong> stay<br />
till half-past twelve. We have a long conversation on general politics, the line to be<br />
adopted by Great Britain in the present moment, <strong>and</strong> the ruin <strong>of</strong> acknowledging the<br />
French King. I mention the acquisition <strong>of</strong> Fl<strong>and</strong>ers by this country, <strong>and</strong> the<br />
advantages to be expected from it. His lordship seems very attentive to this idea. I tell<br />
him my opinion <strong>of</strong> Prussia <strong>and</strong> the relations in which it st<strong>and</strong>s to this country, in<br />
which he seems to agree. I state to him what I conceive as practicable respecting<br />
Austria <strong>and</strong> Russia in the present moment, <strong>and</strong> show him how far it would affect<br />
France by pushing the King <strong>of</strong> Prussia to extremity; this also strikes him forcibly. I<br />
state the various advantages which might result from acknowledging the French King:<br />
the treaties which might be formed with him, the difference between appearing as<br />
auxiliaries <strong>and</strong> invaders, etc. State to him, further, the necessity <strong>of</strong> a moderate line <strong>of</strong><br />
conduct on the part <strong>of</strong> the new King, so as to lessen, if not destroy, opposition to him.<br />
Touch on the means <strong>of</strong> keeping Spain, etc., steady. Observe to him that Sardinia must<br />
ever be the ally <strong>of</strong> France <strong>and</strong> the enemy <strong>of</strong> Austria. All this makes an impression. I<br />
notice the state <strong>of</strong> Italy <strong>and</strong> the utter indifference to Great Britain whether that country<br />
continue in its present political form or put on any other. He wishes to know the state<br />
<strong>of</strong> France. I observe to him that half a dozen different people going through that<br />
country will give each a different account <strong>of</strong> it, <strong>and</strong> that he can, in his cabinet, form a<br />
better opinion on principles which I explain, <strong>and</strong> then add correspondent information.<br />
I take up what might be the feelings <strong>of</strong> the country on the step proposed, <strong>and</strong> cite the<br />
conduct <strong>of</strong> Queen Elizabeth as an authority which they would be little inclined to<br />
question, whatever may be its intrinsic merit. Having gone far into that affair, I then<br />
mention, as a business which I have no right to meddle in but which, from its<br />
importance, presses itself upon me—the taking <strong>of</strong> our ships <strong>and</strong> the ill blood which<br />
might thereby be excited; how useful it would be to give immediate relief; the very<br />
bad consequences <strong>of</strong> delay to the party interested <strong>and</strong> its resulting effects on national<br />
feelings. He says he believes everything is done which can be done to give despatch,<br />
general assurances—<strong>and</strong> was inclined to think the price allowed would render the<br />
capture rather useful than injurious to the owners. He then mentions a declaration by<br />
Mr. Innis to the Governor <strong>of</strong> Kentucky, that the influence <strong>of</strong> the British Cabinet has<br />
been used to prevent our success in negotiation for the free use <strong>of</strong> the Mississippi, <strong>and</strong><br />
how injurious this is, as they are really desirous we should have it. He apprehends that<br />
the American Government are not so well disposed towards Great Britain as he had<br />
been led to imagine. I say everything which appears to me proper for removing that<br />
impression, <strong>and</strong> suggest a confidential application by the British minister. He states<br />
the danger <strong>of</strong> publicity from the nature <strong>of</strong> our government, <strong>and</strong> its consequent effects,<br />
on which I suggest a verbal communication to the President; to this also he is<br />
disinclined, as not coinciding with their habits <strong>of</strong> business, but wishes I would write a<br />
private letter on the subject, which I promise. At coming away he expresses the wish<br />
to see me again before I leave town; also that Mr. Pitt wishes to see me. I will wait on<br />
them, etc.—<strong>and</strong> then recollect the being presented to His Majesty, which I will ask on<br />
the ground <strong>of</strong> respect, but would rather avoid, unless his lordship should think it<br />
would be taken ill. He says that, considering the place I have filled, he thinks it would<br />
be most proper; upon which I desire him to present me, <strong>and</strong> to let me know the time<br />
PLL v6.0 (generated September, 2011) 53 http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/1170