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Online Library of Liberty: The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, vol. 2 the French fleet and driven them into Port L’Orient, after taking three ships of the line. He remains at sea, where he rides triumphant, and, of course, has many naval means of facilitating the debarkation of the troops destined to act in that quarter.” “This morning [June 29th] the Comte de Moustier calls on me, and we have a long conversation. He is working to place himself as one of the new King of France’s ministers, if I can judge of his views by his conversation. He tells me that the King will be well disposed to conciliate with all parties. I mention the Duke of Orleans, but he thinks that may encounter some difficulties. While he is here, Mr. Burgess comes in. He gives me a rendezvous at Lord Grenville’s, and descants on the rights of cidevant Monsieur to be acknowledged as King of France, whence I conjecture that the administration here lean to that idea. While he is here Mr. Beckford comes in, and he, having an estate in Jamaica, sees the necessity of being well with America, as their granary and natural protector. Go after dinner to the Marquis de Spinola’s. The conversation here, where our company consists of aristocrats of the first feather, turns on French affairs. They at first agree that union among the French is necessary, but, when they come to particulars, they fly off and are mad. Madame Spinola would send the Duke of Orleans to Siberia. An abbé, a young man, talks much, and loud, to show his esprit, and, to hear them, one would suppose that they were quite at their ease in a petit souper de Paris. Our little abbé tells us that the leaders of the French, finding how strong is the disposition of the people towards monarchy, will place the Duke of Orleans on the throne, and he, finding it impossible to gain the good opinion of the gentlemen of France, must at length accept. I ask him if it be wise to place him in that predicament; he says, whether wise or not, the King will not be able to prevent his followers from insulting him. There is, I fear, too much truth in this. His connection with Montesquiou is mentioned as a sad blot on his escutcheon. Yet Montesquiou (whatever may be his heart) is certainly one of their best heads, and they have not too many people of understanding among them. Burgess spoke of them this morning with much contempt, and, indeed, their conduct is not calculated to inspire respect. “M. de Puisignieu calls upon me and enters into a long conversation on his affairs and those of his country. He tells me that the Comte d’Artois is much changed. He is grown wiser by adversity and more moderate in his opinions. He is going to La Vendée, and Puisignieu is going with him—but this is a secret.” “Go to Count Woronzow’s [June 30th], who tells me he has seen Burgess, who is delighted at the conversation which he had with me. I suppose it was the last, because in that I merely assented to his ideas. The Count desires me to call on him to-morrow, when he will show me a despatch to his Court on the subject of an acknowledgment by this government of the French King. He says the ministers are strongly inclined to it, but fear the effect of that measure in the country.” “Go to Count Woronzow’s [July 1st], who shows me a despatch to his Court containing the argument he used to Lord Grenville to persuade to an acknowledgment of the new King of France; his lordship’s reply; the plans in contemplation, etc. He is convinced that if Spain and Austria be not soon bound down by a recognition of the new King, they will make peace with the Convention. I believe he is right. He gives PLL v6.0 (generated September, 2011) 52 http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/1170
Online Library of Liberty: The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, vol. 2 me some light as to this Cabinet, and by his account Lord Grenville is the strongest man in it. Dine at the Piazza and then come home, take tea, and read the newspapers.” “This morning [July 2d], at eleven, wait by appointment on Lord Grenville, and stay till half-past twelve. We have a long conversation on general politics, the line to be adopted by Great Britain in the present moment, and the ruin of acknowledging the French King. I mention the acquisition of Flanders by this country, and the advantages to be expected from it. His lordship seems very attentive to this idea. I tell him my opinion of Prussia and the relations in which it stands to this country, in which he seems to agree. I state to him what I conceive as practicable respecting Austria and Russia in the present moment, and show him how far it would affect France by pushing the King of Prussia to extremity; this also strikes him forcibly. I state the various advantages which might result from acknowledging the French King: the treaties which might be formed with him, the difference between appearing as auxiliaries and invaders, etc. State to him, further, the necessity of a moderate line of conduct on the part of the new King, so as to lessen, if not destroy, opposition to him. Touch on the means of keeping Spain, etc., steady. Observe to him that Sardinia must ever be the ally of France and the enemy of Austria. All this makes an impression. I notice the state of Italy and the utter indifference to Great Britain whether that country continue in its present political form or put on any other. He wishes to know the state of France. I observe to him that half a dozen different people going through that country will give each a different account of it, and that he can, in his cabinet, form a better opinion on principles which I explain, and then add correspondent information. I take up what might be the feelings of the country on the step proposed, and cite the conduct of Queen Elizabeth as an authority which they would be little inclined to question, whatever may be its intrinsic merit. Having gone far into that affair, I then mention, as a business which I have no right to meddle in but which, from its importance, presses itself upon me—the taking of our ships and the ill blood which might thereby be excited; how useful it would be to give immediate relief; the very bad consequences of delay to the party interested and its resulting effects on national feelings. He says he believes everything is done which can be done to give despatch, general assurances—and was inclined to think the price allowed would render the capture rather useful than injurious to the owners. He then mentions a declaration by Mr. Innis to the Governor of Kentucky, that the influence of the British Cabinet has been used to prevent our success in negotiation for the free use of the Mississippi, and how injurious this is, as they are really desirous we should have it. He apprehends that the American Government are not so well disposed towards Great Britain as he had been led to imagine. I say everything which appears to me proper for removing that impression, and suggest a confidential application by the British minister. He states the danger of publicity from the nature of our government, and its consequent effects, on which I suggest a verbal communication to the President; to this also he is disinclined, as not coinciding with their habits of business, but wishes I would write a private letter on the subject, which I promise. At coming away he expresses the wish to see me again before I leave town; also that Mr. Pitt wishes to see me. I will wait on them, etc.—and then recollect the being presented to His Majesty, which I will ask on the ground of respect, but would rather avoid, unless his lordship should think it would be taken ill. He says that, considering the place I have filled, he thinks it would be most proper; upon which I desire him to present me, and to let me know the time PLL v6.0 (generated September, 2011) 53 http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/1170
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[Back to Table of Contents] INDEX.
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But they are mistaken. The waves of
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