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Historical Dictionary of United States-Japan ... - Bakumatsu Films

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CHURCHILL, WINSTON S. • 67<br />

Churchill’s elation when the <strong>Japan</strong>ese attacked Pearl Harbor was<br />

real: “So we had won after all!”<br />

Thereafter, Churchill was content to let the <strong>United</strong> <strong>States</strong> take the<br />

lead in the war against <strong>Japan</strong>. In May 1944, he explained to the Commonwealth<br />

prime ministers: “We must regard ourselves as junior<br />

partners in the war against <strong>Japan</strong>.” Having acquiesced in America’s<br />

preponderance <strong>of</strong> power in the Pacific theater <strong>of</strong> war, Churchill<br />

played only a peripheral role in the decision to use the atomic bomb<br />

against <strong>Japan</strong>. In 1944, he agreed with <strong>United</strong> <strong>States</strong> President<br />

Franklin D. Roosevelt that, in the event the bomb became available,<br />

it should be used against <strong>Japan</strong>. Then, after Washington in late June<br />

1945 informed London <strong>of</strong> its intention to use the bomb some time in<br />

August, Churchill approved “without a moment’s hesitation.” When<br />

he met with President Harry S. Truman at the Potsdam Conference,<br />

Churchill again reiterated his belief in the efficacy <strong>of</strong> the bomb. On<br />

this matter, Churchill seemed to recognize not only that the atomic<br />

bomb would shorten the war against <strong>Japan</strong>, but that it could prove a<br />

powerful diplomatic weapon vis-à-vis the Soviet Union.<br />

It is also worth noting that during the endgame <strong>of</strong> the war against<br />

<strong>Japan</strong>, Churchill quietly pressed his American allies to modify the<br />

unconditional surrender policy. At the Yalta Conference, he asked<br />

Roosevelt whether a mitigation <strong>of</strong> the unconditional surrender policy<br />

might shorten the war, although he was careful to add that on this<br />

score his government was prepared to abide by Washington’s judgment.<br />

He again raised the issue with Truman at Potsdam, although he<br />

chose not to press the matter.<br />

From the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> securing the postwar peace, Churchill<br />

throughout the war was adamant that the British and their American<br />

(and perhaps Soviet) allies must continue to work together. He was<br />

anxious to see the <strong>United</strong> <strong>States</strong> obtain many <strong>of</strong> the islands for which<br />

it was fighting the <strong>Japan</strong>ese—including the Carolines, Marshalls, and<br />

Marianas—if only because such would ensure against a return to the<br />

isolationism that had hamstrung American foreign policymakers<br />

throughout the 1930s. He was also convinced that <strong>Japan</strong> must be rendered<br />

powerless to again threaten the peace and security <strong>of</strong> the Pacific,<br />

and at one time spoke <strong>of</strong> the need to reduce <strong>Japan</strong>ese industrial<br />

centers to ashes. Churchill’s alignment with those who advocated a<br />

harsh peace for <strong>Japan</strong> was somewhat mollified after its surrender. As

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