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THE PRINCIPLE OF HOPE

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Page 546<br />

constructive, so to speak, only through the imagination of pure reason, not through its logic. Classic Natural Right, however, represents at least since Pufendorf one of<br />

the most conscious attempts at applied logic, and from this angle its relation to the social utopias is like that of a strict canon to a song or like that of a drama by Racine<br />

to a vaudeville. And it was the mathematician Leibniz who asserted the following to the lawyer of this period: ‘One can draw firm conclusions from every definition, by<br />

using indisputable logical rules. And one does precisely this in the construction of necessary sciences based on rigorous proof, which are not dependent on facts but on<br />

reason alone, as is true of logic, metaphysics, arithmetic, geometry, the science of motion and also the science of law. For all these do not have their foundations in<br />

experience and facts but serve to account for the facts and to regulate them in advance: and this would be true of justice even if there were no laws in the whole wide<br />

world’ (Leibniz, Hauptschriften, Meiner, II, p. 510f.). The calculus within the rising bourgeoisie therefore serves not only the mathematical analysis of the turnover of<br />

goods but also — in a less outwardly formal way — the antithesis to facts which hinder the rise of the bourgeoisie. Here, in Natural Right, pure reason is revolutionary;<br />

and instead of b²owing to facts it posits security in nature. In a nature which is composed in a highly varied way: in one with rationally coherent laws, and then of course<br />

also, in Rousseau, in one of opposition to all artificiality, in nature as simplicity, wildness, unspoiltness. Rousseau's concept of nature has almost completely lost the<br />

character of rational laws, instead it is closely connected with all the enthusiasm at that time for simplity and democratic generality, with natural language, natural poetry,<br />

natural religion, and natural education; all these ideals were monstrances in the axiom of nature. Thus, from this point of view as well, Natural Right acquired a lustre<br />

which social utopias, after their chiliasm was toned down, could not match for a long time. But as far as the revolutionary effect of Natural Right at that time is<br />

concerned, it certainly remained historically limited and extended less than social utopias into the future. Consider the close links of Natural Right with immediate<br />

currents of society at that time, with thoroughly individualistic ones as well: could social revolution borrow something from these? The case is undoubtedly complicated,<br />

Marx very often treats Natural Right as if it had been put on file for good, on bourgeois file. On the other hand, bourgeois reaction throughout the whole of the<br />

nineteenth century speaks of Natural Right only with contempt and hatred. Does not this hatred do credit to Natural Right, does it not indicate a possible inherited

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