THE PRINCIPLE OF HOPE

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to the running of affairs and the management of the processes of production; even here it does not have any pathos any more, the state becomes intangible, its pressure
dies away.
The harsh word constraint seems not so much ambiguous as downright reactionary, it scares us. And yet there is something shaky even here, however much everything
looks like a screw, nothing like freedom. For we must take into account who is imposing the constraint, and therefore the maintenance of order, and for what purpose
order is being imposed. If we take this into account, then it is clear that order too has several faces, and the state that is formed by it does not remain the same. There is
an order of pure constraint, with which a bad community asserts itself against some of its wolves, but chiefly against all of its victims, and another order which emerges
from the community itself, from its support and structure. In the first case there is no real order at all, but only regulated or rather forcibly maintained disorder. Even the
capitalist community then only becomes possible by individual freedom, here that of the owners of goods, being restricted in the so­called state under the rule of law to
a level which leaves the equally individual freedom of every other citizen untouched. This restriction is not taken from this freedom, although this is asserted in liberal
Natural Right, but hovers over it, is imposed on it as a state of emergency. This state of emergency is called bourgeois order: as constraint it is opposed to those who
are oppressed economically anyway and to their rebellion, as cunning it is in league with the strong and their competition. The order in the second case, in the case of a
socialist economy and society, proves to be quite different. It does not then appear as pure constraint or an enforced state of emergency, nor as the condition of social
life, or even of the community itself. But community is then primary in any case, and man, as Marx observes on this point in his work ‘On the Jewish Question’, has
recognized and organized his forces propres as social forces. He thus no longer separates off social force as political force, as an abstract political state based on order,
in contrast to its egoistically economizing elements. Order then loses the constraint of individual restriction; for the situation of homo homini lupus is brought to an end,
restriction of the earning citizen by an abstract citizen of the state is no longer necessary. Everybody has the opportunity to be a human being, because nobody any
longer has the opportunity to be a monster; thus the social order loses both its character of constraint and its abstract ideality. The social individual has taken back into
himself, and taken himself up into, the abstract citizen of the state; thus community becomes self­evident, order concrete. As soon