MR Microinsurance_2012_03_29.indd - International Labour ...

MR Microinsurance_2012_03_29.indd - International Labour ... MR Microinsurance_2012_03_29.indd - International Labour ...

10.12.2012 Views

72 Emerging issues Box 3.3 Insurance, credit and technology adoption in Malawi In their study Insurance, credit and technology adoption: Field experimental evidence from Malawi, Gine and Yang (2007) evaluated a scheme, which was created specifi cally for the study and discontinued afterwards, that bundled weather index-based coverage with loans to purchase higher-yielding maize and groundnut hybrid seeds. Th e policy paid a proportion (or the totality) of the loan’s principal and interest, depending upon the rainfall in each of the growing season’s three phases (planting, fl owering and harvest). It was priced at actuarially fair rates based on historical local meteorological information and underwritten by the Insurance Association of Malawi. Th e main evaluation question was: Does the provision of microinsurance against a major source of production risk (rainfall) encourage farmers to borrow to adopt riskier but potentially more profi table crop technologies? Half of the study subjects were randomly selected to be off ered credit for purchasing higher- yielding maize and groundnut hybrid seeds. Th e remaining half were off ered the same credit package, but bundled with weather index-based insurance that par- tially or fully forgave the loan in the event of poor rainfall. Th e sample consisted of 787 maize and groundnut farmers in 32 localities in central Malawi. Surprisingly, the take-up of uninsured loans was 13 percentage points higher. Th e researchers off ered a number of potential explanations for this observation, including the limited liability inherent in stand-alone loan contracts, farmers’ lack of familiarity with growing hybrid seeds, perceptions of diff erent default costs across the two credit packages and basis risk. In contravention of insurance theory, microinsurance purchasing was additionally negatively associated with farmers’ self-reported risk-aversion and positively with their levels of education, income and wealth. Source: Adapted from Gine and Yang, 2007. Income and consumption Gine et al. (2009) shed light on the unexpected fi nding from Malawi with their examination of participation rates in a weather-based index insurance policy in Andhra Pradesh, India. Contrary to theoretical predictions, risk-aversion signifi - cantly decreased smallholders’ demand for microinsurance – a fi nding the authors attributed to “household uncertainty about the product” coupled with resource constraints typically faced by low-income families. If accurate, this observation suggests that the eff ects of microinsurance regarding asset accumulation and resource allocation might take longer to materialize, whereas more risk-seeking, or possibly wealthier, households initially experiment with microinsurance products

What is the impact of microinsurance? and share important information on them throughout their communities. To improve the impact of policies within a shorter timeframe, microinsurers can speed the adaptation process in various ways. For example, Gine et al. (2008) noted that the most quantitatively significant predictor of take-up was the households’ familiarity and prior experience with the microinsurance provider, in this instance a microfinance institution called BASIX. 3.3.2 Access to services Microinsurance is believed to have several basic effects in terms of access to services. Foremost among these is improving policyholders’ and beneficiaries’ ability to obtain covered benefits quickly and cost-effectively, which in turn theoretically increases service utilization rates. Second, for health-related cover, higher utilization rates mean potentially better health outcomes, an important achievement given that healthier people can work longer hours, command higher salaries, enjoy increased immunity and more easily acquire human capital through learning. Third, health microinsurers often contract with, or otherwise encourage policyholders to use, modern medical providers, which is further believed to bolster health outcomes by enabling them to bypass traditional, religious and “quack” healers. 9 Since microinsurers sometimes negotiate service standards with selected providers in advance, place customer advocates in hospitals, build new facilities and employ skilled personnel for their clients’ use, they are similarly assumed to facilitate the provision of higher-quality care. Finally, by improving low-income people’s access to these services, microinsurance is also thought to increase equality both spatially and between economic and gender groups. 10 While these effects have been almost exclusively researched in a healthcare context, they are also applicable to other insured risks. For example, minimizing waiting times for and increasing utilization rates of veterinary services can be key aspects of livestock policies. 9 Of 35 health policies assessed by the “Good and Bad Practices” project of CGAP’s Working Group on Microinsurance, for example, only two – Sri Lanka’s Yasiru and Bangladesh’s Society for Social Services – are reported to cover treatments offered by traditional practitioners (in this case, Ayurvedic healers and Bangladeshi “dai” birth attendants, respectively: Enarsson and Wiren, 2006; Ahmed et al., 2005). 10 Spatial equality relates to the accessibility of services for those located at different distances from the points of service provision. People living closer to a hospital, for instance, might have easier access and thus higher utilization rates than those living far away – a classic example of spatial inequality. By incentivizing the most distant clients with lower premiums, transportation subsidies and telemedicine (among others), microinsurance schemes can correct these imbalances and promote more consistent utilization across geographic regions. 73

What is the impact of microinsurance?<br />

and share important information on them throughout their communities. To<br />

improve the impact of policies within a shorter timeframe, microinsurers can<br />

speed the adaptation process in various ways. For example, Gine et al. (2008)<br />

noted that the most quantitatively significant predictor of take-up was the households’<br />

familiarity and prior experience with the microinsurance provider, in this<br />

instance a microfinance institution called BASIX.<br />

3.3.2 Access to services<br />

<strong>Microinsurance</strong> is believed to have several basic effects in terms of access to<br />

services. Foremost among these is improving policyholders’ and beneficiaries’<br />

ability to obtain covered benefits quickly and cost-effectively, which in turn<br />

theoretically increases service utilization rates. Second, for health-related cover,<br />

higher utilization rates mean potentially better health outcomes, an important<br />

achievement given that healthier people can work longer hours, command<br />

higher salaries, enjoy increased immunity and more easily acquire human capital<br />

through learning. Third, health microinsurers often contract with, or otherwise<br />

encourage policyholders to use, modern medical providers, which is further<br />

believed to bolster health outcomes by enabling them to bypass traditional,<br />

religious and “quack” healers. 9 Since microinsurers sometimes negotiate service<br />

standards with selected providers in advance, place customer advocates in<br />

hospitals, build new facilities and employ skilled personnel for their clients’ use,<br />

they are similarly assumed to facilitate the provision of higher-quality care.<br />

Finally, by improving low-income people’s access to these services, microinsurance<br />

is also thought to increase equality both spatially and between economic<br />

and gender groups. 10<br />

While these effects have been almost exclusively researched in a healthcare<br />

context, they are also applicable to other insured risks. For example, minimizing<br />

waiting times for and increasing utilization rates of veterinary services can be key<br />

aspects of livestock policies.<br />

9 Of 35 health policies assessed by the “Good and Bad Practices” project of CGAP’s Working Group on<br />

<strong>Microinsurance</strong>, for example, only two – Sri Lanka’s Yasiru and Bangladesh’s Society for Social Services –<br />

are reported to cover treatments offered by traditional practitioners (in this case, Ayurvedic healers and<br />

Bangladeshi “dai” birth attendants, respectively: Enarsson and Wiren, 2006; Ahmed et al., 2005).<br />

10 Spatial equality relates to the accessibility of services for those located at different distances from the<br />

points of service provision. People living closer to a hospital, for instance, might have easier access and<br />

thus higher utilization rates than those living far away – a classic example of spatial inequality. By incentivizing<br />

the most distant clients with lower premiums, transportation subsidies and telemedicine (among<br />

others), microinsurance schemes can correct these imbalances and promote more consistent utilization<br />

across geographic regions.<br />

73

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