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Kritik am Buch „The Shadow Of The Dalai Lama ... - Neues von Shi De

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fantastic historical myths of the eternally peaceful and mysterious, occult highlands (Shangri La)<br />

which at the first conference they claimed to be the invention of a errant “western orientalism”. In<br />

turn, at the congresses of “committed Buddhists”, the Tibet of old is built up as the sanctuary of all<br />

those values which are gaining ground in postmodern society. „Tibetan exiles”, Toni Huber writes,<br />

„have reinvented a kind of modern, liberal Shangri-La image of themselves”, in that they adopt<br />

images from the protest movements of the industrialized West „which are now transnational in scope<br />

and appeal: environmentalism, pacifism, human rights, and feminism” (Huber, 2001, p. 358). Yet<br />

Western values, like the separation of ecclesiastical and secular power, equality before the law, the<br />

rule of law, freedom of expression, social pluralism, political representation, equality of the sexes, and<br />

individualism, had no place in the history of Tibet.<br />

But it is not just a result of pure naïveté when government sources in Europe and America express the<br />

opinion that autocratic L<strong>am</strong>aism is compatible with the fund<strong>am</strong>entals of a modern constitution.<br />

Behind this also lie the tactical politics of power with an “impending” Chinese threat. Washington in<br />

particular is most interested in making use of an oppressed Tibet as an argument in discussions with<br />

China, the USA’s greatest competitor.<br />

This dangerous antagonism between the two superpowers (China vs. the USA) is efficiently stirred up<br />

by their respective internal politics, and Dhar<strong>am</strong>sala does not let a chance pass without pouring gas on<br />

the fl<strong>am</strong>es. <strong>The</strong> Kundun with his loud and “heartfelt” criticism of China is a American king-piece in<br />

the political chess g<strong>am</strong>e between Washington and Beijing. In it, official posts in the USA are<br />

thoroughly informed about the “true” history of the old and the new Tibet as well as the<br />

“undemocratic” circumstances in Dhar<strong>am</strong>sala. <strong>The</strong>y are advised by such objective scholars as, <strong>am</strong>ong<br />

others, A. Tom Grunfeld and Melvyn C. Goldstein. In public, however, the State <strong>De</strong>partment has until<br />

now followed the pro-Tibetan arguments of the Hollywood actor and Kalachakra initiate, Richard<br />

Gere.<br />

“Clash of Religions”: <strong>The</strong> fund<strong>am</strong>entalist contribution of L<strong>am</strong>aism<br />

In the last fifteen years, the West has to its great surprise discovered just how much political<br />

explosiveness religiously based strategies for world domination (like the Sh<strong>am</strong>bhala myth) and magic/<br />

mystic practices (like the Kalachakra ritual) have been able to develop today, on the threshold of the<br />

third millennium. Catching the western cultures unprepared, theocratic (and Buddhocratic) visions of<br />

the most varied schools of belief have burst forth explosively from the depths of the human<br />

subconscious, where they have survived in hiding since the bourgeois Enlightenment (of the 18 th<br />

century). Events in Iran, the country where the mullahs established the first smoothly functioning<br />

Moslem religious state of the modern era, triggered a culture shock in the West. All at once the<br />

atavistic attitudes and rules of violence, the warrior ethic, racism, intolerance, discrimination against<br />

women, the dictatorship of the priesthood, the persecution of nonbelievers, inquisitions, visions of<br />

global wars and the end of the world, etc., with which theocratic (and Buddhocratic) systems are<br />

associated were once more (as in the Middle Ages) were very current issues.<br />

In a widely respected book, Clash of Civilizations, the American political scientist S<strong>am</strong>uel P.<br />

Huntington, has indicated with convincing arguments that the confrontations which await the world of<br />

the 21st century primarily have neither economic, class conflict, nor nationalistic causes. In their<br />

search for identity, people have since the eighties been grouping themselves around “cultures”, but<br />

most especially around religions.

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