Gitlin-Adam
Gitlin-Adam
Gitlin-Adam
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the act it targets, intimidation can be multifaceted. It can be based on an assumption regarding<br />
the aggregate preferences of a group, directed at a particular individual making a declaratory act<br />
by participating in an election, or posed as a challenge toward a citizenry’s ongoing dialogue<br />
with government (a direct response to the “rigged” narrative).<br />
The election also came at the tail end of a campaign that saw increased interest in the<br />
election and mobilization of voters who were less connected to organized politics. These voters,<br />
particularly rural voters (Evich 2016), were becoming more interested at the same time that there<br />
has been a general decline in trust in American institutions of government, and a majority of<br />
Americans viewed Trump as having little or no respect for the “nation’s democratic institutions<br />
and traditions” (Pew Research Center 2016a). This may explain some reports of intimidation by<br />
individuals at the polls, some of it quite abusive, without connection to a broader, organized<br />
effort to intimidate voters; they became involved, in an irreverent way, without needing<br />
organization to facilitate their behavior.<br />
Coordinated Action<br />
Coordinated efforts of voter intimidation occurred in pockets, but the most publicized<br />
effort may have been the “Stop the Steal” organization run by Trump advisor Roger Stone. This<br />
organization’s stated plans were to use exit polling to ensure detection of any election fraud. But<br />
the organization targeted many cities that had demonstrated Democratic party leanings, rather<br />
than bellwether areas, as exit pollsters traditionally have (Kenski and Dreyer 1977). On a<br />
conference call the night before the election, Stop the Steal organizers emphasized that they did<br />
not want volunteers intimidating voters, in part because doing so could taint their results.<br />
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