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FALSE HOPE

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well as intellectual disabilities (such as low IQ, traumatic<br />

brain injury, or specific learning disabilities). The term also<br />

encompasses people who have processing disorders such as<br />

attention deficit hyperactivity disorder and autism.<br />

For the majority of individuals interviewed, the controlling<br />

offense for which they were convicted was a homicide crime.<br />

One hundred and six individuals were convicted of murder<br />

either in the first or second degree; one individual was convicted<br />

of attempted murder, and one person was convicted<br />

of assault with intent to commit murder. Of the 106 homicide-related<br />

cases, based on self-reporting and our review of<br />

their case files, at least 20 of those interviewed were not the<br />

primary actor or triggerman in the homicide for which they<br />

were convicted.<br />

Of the remaining 18 individuals interviewed, for whom a<br />

homicide crime was not the controlling offense, eight were<br />

convicted of armed or aggravated robbery and/or burglary;<br />

five were convicted of robbery and assault; and one was<br />

convicted of armed robbery, kidnapping, and aggravated<br />

sodomy. One additional individual was convicted of sexual<br />

assault and kidnapping. (In total, four individuals interviewed<br />

were convicted of a sex offense, including two cases<br />

where the controlling offense was homicide.) Two individuals<br />

(both women) were convicted of injury to a child. One<br />

individual was convicted of engaging in organized criminal<br />

activity (gang-related). Moreover, six interviewees convicted<br />

of homicide offenses have either been formally exonerated<br />

or are pursuing innocence claims with counsel.<br />

INDIVIDUAL RECORDS REVIEWED<br />

The ACLU requested and collected where possible all parole<br />

decisions, court records, pre-sentence investigation reports,<br />

disciplinary reports, risk assessment scores (actuarial determinations<br />

of a person’s risk to reoffend), and rehabilitative<br />

programming certificates. These records were requested<br />

directly from those interviewed, from courts, and from the<br />

appropriate Department of Corrections through public records<br />

requests. What information was publically available or<br />

existent varied by state, county, and facility. For example, in<br />

Massachusetts, the parole board posts its decisions and reasons<br />

for approving or denying parole for individuals serving<br />

life sentences on its website. By contrast, in Texas, the parole<br />

board decisions available to those applying for parole as well<br />

as their attorneys and the public list only the decision code<br />

and redact the parole guidance (risk assessment) score. In<br />

Michigan, although prisoners cannot request their own files<br />

through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), we were<br />

able to request and receive prisoners’ parole decisions, work<br />

evaluations, disciplinary records, and pre-sentence investigation<br />

reports through our own public records requests and<br />

to share those materials with the individuals interviewed.<br />

The ACLU made similar requests to facilities in New York<br />

for individuals interviewed for this report. For individuals<br />

incarcerated in Iowa, the ACLU of Iowa requested their original<br />

sentencing and more recent resentencing transcripts.<br />

years for which information was available, and how data is<br />

maintained or organized. Given the significant differences<br />

in the data received and reviewed by the ACLU, where data<br />

from these FOIAs is cited in this report, we have included<br />

an endnote with the state agency’s own description of the<br />

data provided. In addition to statistical information, the<br />

ACLU requested policies and procedures utilized by each<br />

state parole board and governing issues such as guidance on<br />

young offenders, assistance for individuals with disabilities,<br />

and how to weigh disciplinary infractions and understand<br />

“rehabilitation.” Full responses to ACLU requests are available<br />

upon request.<br />

For 22 individuals interviewed, based on both self-reporting<br />

and our review of their criminal case files, the offense for<br />

which they are or were serving a prison sentence is their first<br />

conviction as either a juvenile or an adult.<br />

Out of respect for the privacy of the victims and their families,<br />

we did not include their names in this report.<br />

STATISTICAL INFORMATION<br />

The ACLU requested data from all 50 states, as well as the<br />

federal government, regarding the number of individuals<br />

serving life and other long sentences for offenses committed<br />

in their youth; the demographic characteristics of that<br />

population, including race and sex; and parole grant rates.<br />

We received some responsive documents from 34 states,<br />

with most states responding that the information requested—particularly<br />

data regarding the age at offense but also<br />

parole rates by offender group—was not maintained. A<br />

sample FOIA request submitted for this report is available<br />

in Appendix C. States varied in the data they provided depending<br />

on what information they maintained, how crime<br />

categories and offender groups were identified, the range of<br />

Jenn Ackerman<br />

16 AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION <strong>FALSE</strong> <strong>HOPE</strong>: HOW PAROLE SYSTEMS FAIL YOUTH SERVING EXTREME SENTENCES<br />

17

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