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Why? Did she want to capture her and other girl’s youth in Poland at the beginning of XX century?<br />

What were the cultural values of the Hassidic community at this time and place? To answer that<br />

question we need to provide deeper research among Hassidic women in that period.<br />

The Hassidic community bears the characteristics of a traditional patriarchal community: almost<br />

absolute separation between the sexes and a clearly defined division of roles between men and<br />

women. As in the rest of the Orthodox society, the declared central role of the woman inside is<br />

bearing and raising children. In most other Orthodox religious groups the woman fulfill another<br />

important role: the economic support of the family becomes her responsibility so that her husband<br />

can devote all his time to studying the Torah. In addition, among the Hassidim the educational<br />

system provides the women with far less knowledge than other ultra‐Orthodox women. As a result,<br />

the women’s world is extremely narrow, even in comparison to other ultra‐Orthodox women. As in<br />

the general Jewish community, marriages are arranged and take place at a comparatively early age<br />

(girls at 18 and boys at 18–19; Ester Kreitman’s mother got married at the age of 15; Ester herself<br />

was 19). In most of the Hassidic groups however, the boy and the girl are allowed to meet each other<br />

before the parents finalise the engagement, but often the members took a more stringent view and<br />

only allowed the boy and the girl to formally meet for a few minutes at the time of the engagement,<br />

after both sets of parents had finalised the financial arrangements concerning the couple’s economic<br />

future. The girls of other Orthodox groups are instilled with the importance of the biblical verse<br />

‘‘Grace is deceitful and beauty is vain’’ (Proverbs 31:30) from a very early age. Most of them were<br />

nevertheless concerned about their external appearance and considered it important to look<br />

respectable and attractive.<br />

Group members have a unique style of clothing. The men wear a striped caftan over black<br />

trousers tucked into long black socks. They wear a broad‐brimmed black hat on weekdays and a<br />

shtreimel (fur hat) on the Sabbath. The women, for reasons of modesty, are required to wear simple<br />

dresses that do not display their femininity, and black stockings. When they are married, they are<br />

required to shave their head completely and cover it with a black kerchief. Young unmarried girls<br />

must wear their hair long in one or two braids.<br />

In this vein, symbolic boundaries constructed around the status of women in the public sphere<br />

serve to distance the group from both secular culture and/or more liberal denominations. The status<br />

of women within conservative religions who find significant value in an egalitarian agenda is<br />

problematic. As a result, while some women choose to exit their traditions, those who stay are<br />

confronted with a dilemma: how to deal with patriarchal practices that they see as compromising<br />

their feminist sensibilities.<br />

A central characteristic of passive resistance strategies is that women work to improve their<br />

status through pragmatic means, whilst avoiding upsetting the system with ideological challenges to<br />

gender roles or directly challenging the symbolic boundaries that gender plays within these<br />

traditions. That is the strategy of Ester Kreitman’s literary alter‐ego, Deborah.<br />

In real life, Esther Kreitman rejected the traditional values of the Hassidic community by removing<br />

her wig and rejecting the traditional life of Jewish women‐ additionally, she convinced her husband<br />

to shaved his beard. Unfortunately, this symbolic move had consequences: when rich father in‐law,<br />

Kreitman, diamond cutter, discovered their decision, he cut off his financial support and abandoned<br />

them for the rest of his life. Until the end of their <strong>lives</strong> they were extremely poor and miserable.<br />

When considering the meaning within the context of women and religion, active resistance may<br />

be understood as open confrontation with Jewish Modern Orthodox Women; religious authorities<br />

over gender roles. Embedded in women’s active resistance are two proclamations related to their<br />

status in religious life: (1) that feminism has a place within religious life: (2) that aspects of the<br />

religious tradition can and should be changed to accommodate the opportunities feminism presents<br />

781

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