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SHAMANS, SUPERNATURALS & ANIMAL SPIRITS<br />
MYTHIC FIGURES FROM THE ANCIENT ANDES<br />
A VISUAL ENCYCLOPEDIA<br />
VOLUME TWO<br />
VANESSA DRAKE MORAGA
Published by OLOLO Press<br />
P.O. Box 547<br />
Larkspur, California, 94977<br />
Copyright © 2016 by Ololo Press and Vanessa Drake Moraga<br />
All rights reserved under international copyright conventions. The author<br />
and publisher retain sole copyright to this book. No part of <strong>the</strong> contents<br />
of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means,<br />
digital, electronic or mechanical, including by any informational storage and<br />
retrieval system, without <strong>the</strong> written permission of OLOLO Press.<br />
All images: Private Collection<br />
Design: Vanessa Drake Moraga and Lindsey Brady<br />
Project Coordinators: Erik Jacobsen, Vanessa Drake Moraga<br />
Text Editor: Lucy Medrich<br />
Photography: Don Tuttle, Ralph Koch<br />
Bound in Berkeley California<br />
Published in two volumes.
SHAMANS, SUPERNATURALS & ANIMAL SPIRITS<br />
MYTHIC FIGURES FROM THE ANCIENT ANDES<br />
A VISUAL ENCYCLOPEDIA<br />
VOLUME TWO<br />
VANESSA DRAKE MORAGA
COLUMBIA<br />
ECUADOR<br />
PERU<br />
Amazon<br />
Lambayeque<br />
Moche<br />
Chimú<br />
BRAZIL<br />
ANDES<br />
Huarmey<br />
Chavín<br />
Recuay<br />
MAP OF ANDEAN CULTURES<br />
Chancay<br />
Pachacamac<br />
Paracas<br />
ANDES<br />
Wari<br />
Inka<br />
Ica<br />
Nasca<br />
Pukara<br />
Sihuas<br />
Lake<br />
Titicaca<br />
Tiwanaku<br />
BOLIVIA<br />
Pacific Ocean<br />
CHILE<br />
ARGENTINA
VOLUME ONE<br />
Map of Pre-Columbian Andean Cultures<br />
Timeline of Pre-Columbian Cultures<br />
CHAVÍN KARWA<br />
PARACAS • SIHUAS • NASCA<br />
Chavínoid Paracas<br />
Paracas Ocucaje<br />
Early Sihuas<br />
Paracas Necropolis<br />
Early Nasca<br />
Early Nasca<br />
Nasca, Nazca Valley<br />
Sihuas<br />
Sihuas-Nasca<br />
Nasca<br />
Nasca<br />
Nasca-Wari<br />
4<br />
6<br />
9<br />
29<br />
33<br />
59<br />
127<br />
183<br />
207<br />
TABLE OF CONTENTS<br />
VOLUME TWO<br />
TIWANAKU • PUKARA<br />
WARI<br />
Provincial Wari<br />
Wari-Related Styles<br />
MOCHE WARI • HUARMEY<br />
CHIMÚ • LAMBAYEQUE<br />
CHANCAY<br />
PACHACAMAC<br />
ICA • SOUTH COAST CULTURES<br />
INKA<br />
Selected Bibliography and Sources<br />
10<br />
34<br />
97<br />
137<br />
165<br />
291<br />
306
ANCIENT ANDEAN CULTURES<br />
2500 BC 2000 BC 1500 BC 1000 BC<br />
HUACA PRIETA<br />
2400 BC, North Coast<br />
(Chicama Valley)<br />
CHAVÍN<br />
1200–300 BC, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
North, Central and South Coast<br />
Chavín de Huántar<br />
700-500 BC, South Coast<br />
(Bahía de Independencia)<br />
Karwa (Carhuas)<br />
KARWA<br />
8
500 BC 0 AD 500 AD 1000 AD 1500<br />
PARACAS<br />
AD 600–100, South Coast<br />
(Paracas Peninsula, Pisco and Ica<br />
Valleys)<br />
SIHUAS<br />
300 BC–AD 700, Far South Coast<br />
(Majes Valley)<br />
200 BC–AD 200<br />
PUKARA Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
(Lake Titicaca)<br />
100 BC–AD 800<br />
RECUAY North Highlands<br />
EARLY NASCA<br />
100 BC–AD 300, South Coast<br />
(Paracas Peninsula, Rio Grande Nazca Drainage)<br />
MOCHE<br />
100 BC – AD 700<br />
North Coast<br />
NASCA<br />
AD 200–600, South Coast<br />
(Paracas Peninsula, Rio Grande Nazca Drainage), Kawachi<br />
TIWANAKU<br />
AD 200–1000, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
Tiwanaku<br />
WARI<br />
AD 600–1000<br />
Highlands and Coast<br />
LAMBAYEQUE<br />
AD 1000–1476, Central Coast<br />
(Rimac and Lurin Valleys)<br />
AD 900–1470<br />
ICA South Coast<br />
AD 750–1350<br />
North Coast<br />
AD 950–1450<br />
CHIMÚ North Coast, Chan Chan<br />
PACHACAMAC<br />
AD 1150–1450<br />
Central Coast<br />
CHANCAY<br />
AD 1400–1532<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands, entire Coast<br />
Cuzco, Machu Picchu<br />
INKA<br />
9
TIWANAKU<br />
PUKARA
Tiwanaku and Pukara Cultures<br />
Tiwanaku, Pukara, Wari: three ceremonial sites located in<br />
<strong>the</strong> central and sou<strong>the</strong>rn highlands were fundamental<br />
to <strong>the</strong> artistic florescence that occurred in <strong>the</strong> ancient<br />
<strong>Andes</strong> during <strong>the</strong> first millennium BC. Each is identified with<br />
<strong>the</strong> development of a textile aes<strong>the</strong>tic that served as a spectacular<br />
medium for religious iconography and <strong>the</strong> cultivation of<br />
cultural influence, as well as political or military force, across an<br />
enormous region.<br />
Situated at opposite ends of <strong>the</strong> Lake Titicaca Basin, Tiwanaku<br />
and Pukara seemingly represent sou<strong>the</strong>rn and nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
branches of a very early regional tradition that emerged around<br />
this massive high-altitude sea, and which gave rise to an archaic<br />
art style named Yaya-Mama.<br />
The Pukara culture (circa 200 BC-AD 200) is both slightly<br />
earlier and more enigmatic than that of Tiwanaku (circa AD<br />
200-1100). While <strong>the</strong> two cultures overlap in time as well as<br />
geographically, it appears that Pukara’s luster began waning just as<br />
Tiwanaku’s preeminence and ritual prestige were consolidating,<br />
a process that culminated around AD 400-500.<br />
Only vestiges of Pukara's monumental architecture survive<br />
today. But scatterings of figured carvings, metalwork and stone<br />
or pottery vessels found in <strong>the</strong> vicinity of Lake Titicaca indicate<br />
that Pukara was <strong>the</strong> genesis of core visual and cosmological<br />
<strong>the</strong>mes reworked by Tiwanaku and Wari artists. Indeed, if not<br />
<strong>the</strong> matrix culture, Pukara may represent <strong>the</strong> link between<br />
those two divergent highland traditions.<br />
In contrast, <strong>the</strong> urban grandeur and scope of Tiwanaku excited<br />
<strong>the</strong> admiration of <strong>the</strong> Inkas, Spanish conquistadors and 19thcentury<br />
European explorers alike for many centuries after its<br />
abandonment. Dominated by giant ritual pyramids known as<br />
<strong>the</strong> Akapana and Puma Punku, and a series of sunken courts,<br />
plazas, and palace compounds framed with impressive portals<br />
and fine stone facades, this magnificent complex was designed<br />
for large public ceremonies.<br />
Cult rites and communal feasts were most likely focused upon<br />
celestial and calendrical events or ancestral and mountain<br />
worship. The consumption of sacred botanicals (by dignitaries<br />
and shamans, at least) during <strong>the</strong>se ceremonies is now accepted<br />
fact.<br />
The wealth and power of Tiwanaku’s ruling elite (dynastic<br />
lords, royal families, a priestly caste?) were mirrored by <strong>the</strong> rich<br />
complexity of <strong>the</strong> architecture. A pan<strong>the</strong>on of mythological icons<br />
embellished <strong>the</strong> surfaces of temples and palaces. Supernatural<br />
personages and ancestral effigies portrayed on stone studded <strong>the</strong><br />
vast precincts. This mythical population is key to envisioning<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku cosmos and interpreting Tiwanaku's artistic and<br />
symbolic legacy.<br />
Several works of sculpture are especially significant to <strong>the</strong><br />
consideration of textile imagery during this epoch. Among<br />
<strong>the</strong> most celebrated and revelatory of <strong>the</strong>se monuments, <strong>the</strong><br />
Sun Gateway or Portal presents a radiant deity posed on a<br />
stepped dais. Flanked by a retinue of winged attendants with<br />
bird and human heads, this cosmic being adopts a posture and<br />
insignia strongly reminiscent of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearing divinity of <strong>the</strong><br />
antecedent Chavín culture.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> staff is undeniably one <strong>the</strong> most important symbols<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Andean repertoire, its myriad connotations have yet to<br />
be fully catalogued—but <strong>the</strong>y far surpass <strong>the</strong> usual predictable<br />
12
association with spiritual or social supremacy. As in Chavín<br />
art, Tiwanaku, Pukara and Wari iconography suggest that this<br />
emblem may have shamanic significance. It appears to denote<br />
<strong>the</strong> transformative state of consciousness that was intrinsic to<br />
Andean ritual and thought. In certain contexts or imagery, it<br />
may even represent <strong>the</strong> catalyst—<strong>the</strong> San Pedro cactus—itself.<br />
this archaeologically unknown tradition prominently feature<br />
<strong>the</strong> face or form of <strong>the</strong> radiant Cosmic Deity. This imagery<br />
is exquisitely rendered in a naturalistic or pictorial style that<br />
does not generally engage <strong>the</strong> pronounced geometricization<br />
and distortion innate to Wari design, although it both preserves<br />
and amplifies essential Tiwanaku and Pukara archetypes.<br />
The Staff Deity surely gives form and persona to a deeply<br />
embedded, long-enduring, pan-Andean concept of what<br />
constitutes cosmic or creator power. It is also tenable that <strong>the</strong><br />
icon’s status in Tiwanaku, Pukara and Wari cultures reflects<br />
<strong>the</strong> lingering shadow and broad impact of Chavín shamanistic<br />
art and ritualism. Although this connection was posited by an<br />
earlier generation of Andean archaeologists and art historians<br />
(such as John Rowe or Alan Sawyer), recent scholarship has<br />
sidestepped this premise, not venturing to assert whe<strong>the</strong>r such<br />
a relationship exists or to establish its path of development and<br />
transmission.<br />
Mythological <strong>the</strong>mes expressed elsewhere in <strong>the</strong> Andean realm<br />
are similarly refracted in Tiwanaku iconography. An abstracted<br />
celestial figure embodying <strong>the</strong> sun, thunder, lightning, rain<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r wea<strong>the</strong>r or natural phenomena has a paramount<br />
role in <strong>the</strong> cosmologies of <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn sierra, altiplano and<br />
desert areas of present-day sou<strong>the</strong>rn Peru, Bolivia, nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Chile and Argentina. Tiwanaku’s wide sphere of interaction<br />
and influence encompassed that region (a counterpoint to <strong>the</strong><br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn and coastal territories that were incorporated into<br />
<strong>the</strong> contemporaneous Wari empire). And many of <strong>the</strong> textiles<br />
produced by those cultures have made it possible to define <strong>the</strong><br />
attributes that differentiate <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku and Wari aes<strong>the</strong>tics<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir weaving technologies.<br />
A more mysterious body of textiles, purportedly emerging from<br />
<strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn highlands and far south coastal valleys of Peru, has<br />
also been linked to Pukara and Tiwanaku styles. Andeanists are<br />
still debating whe<strong>the</strong>r this material represents a provincial variant<br />
of, or even <strong>the</strong> precursor to, <strong>the</strong> art and iconography realized<br />
so majestically at Tiwanaku. The most impressive textiles from<br />
The Gateway of <strong>the</strong> Sun at Tiwanaku, Bolivia.<br />
Adapted from Anton 1984, 103.<br />
13
133<br />
Band from a Tunic<br />
The Radiant Cosmic Deity (Staff God)<br />
Early Tiwanaku style, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
AD 200-700<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
10" x 12½"<br />
The celestial and mountain symbolism of Tiwanaku art,<br />
sculpture and temple architecture are condensed in <strong>the</strong><br />
figurative and abstract iconography of this textile.<br />
The large face ringed with a solar or thunderbolt corona<br />
represents an abbreviated (regional?) interpretation of <strong>the</strong><br />
Cosmic Deity, best known from <strong>the</strong> iconic Sun Gateway.<br />
The modern title bestowed on <strong>the</strong> icon—<strong>the</strong> Staff God—<br />
hardly does justice to <strong>the</strong> totality of <strong>the</strong> metaphysical symbols<br />
and ideas packed into <strong>the</strong> figure, which had a profound and<br />
widespread impact on Andean ritual iconography during <strong>the</strong><br />
Middle Horizon period (circa AD 500-1100).<br />
Like a rising or setting sun, <strong>the</strong> radiant head emerges above<br />
a stepped form that recalls <strong>the</strong> terraces of <strong>the</strong> sacred Akapana<br />
pyramid in <strong>the</strong> ceremonial city. A quivering, comb-like motif<br />
embedded in this geometric shape similarly evokes <strong>the</strong> water<br />
that was channeled through <strong>the</strong> site or which flowed from <strong>the</strong><br />
nearby Choquepacha spring and o<strong>the</strong>r rivers originating in <strong>the</strong><br />
sacred mountains visible on <strong>the</strong> horizon. Ultimately, all pre-<br />
Columbian temples refer to such cosmologically significant<br />
peaks.<br />
Concurrently, however, <strong>the</strong>se two motifs are fused into an<br />
anthropomorphic figure that replicates <strong>the</strong> pose and features<br />
of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearing divinity depicted on <strong>the</strong> stone portal. The<br />
terraced platform becomes a patterned tunic or truncated body,<br />
and serpentine/bird motifs pointing down at each side suggest<br />
his staffs. Architectonic forms, also inlaid with bird faces, frame<br />
and separate each zone of <strong>the</strong> design, which was probably<br />
repeated along <strong>the</strong> span of a banded, red-ground tunic or shirt.<br />
The fragment belongs to a rare group of textiles that has been<br />
linked to a regional manifestation of <strong>the</strong> related, but distinct,<br />
Pukara and Tiwanaku traditions. Their origins are elusive, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> weavings are believed to have been unear<strong>the</strong>d in areas that<br />
lie closer to <strong>the</strong> Pacific coast than to <strong>the</strong> highlands around Lake<br />
Titicaca where those cultures arose. Their motifs and modes of<br />
representation, moreover, show affinity with certain early Sihuas<br />
<strong>the</strong>mes (see cat. 14). Yet how those cultures interacted—or<br />
which one might have been <strong>the</strong> originator of <strong>the</strong> iconography—<br />
remains problematic.<br />
The Staff Divinity concept was well established throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> long before Tiwanaku’s influence radiated south and<br />
west along llama caravan networks, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> trade in<br />
precious materials and prestigious goods. Tiwanaku’s visionaries<br />
appear to have blended that archaic icon with a sou<strong>the</strong>rn sierra<br />
cosmological figure who personified thunder and lightning<br />
(known later as Tarapaca or Tunupa).<br />
The present understanding is that <strong>the</strong> Sun Portal was installed<br />
at Tiwanaku after AD 500. Curiously, numerous "regional"-<br />
style textiles displaying related imagery predate <strong>the</strong> gateway and<br />
presumably could not have been inspired by it. There are several<br />
plausible explanations for this, including <strong>the</strong> possibility that<br />
<strong>the</strong> gateway we know today is actually older, that it replaced<br />
an earlier version or that textiles actually supplied <strong>the</strong> design<br />
template for this important ritual and calendrical monument. 1<br />
1 Margaret Young-Sanchez, ed., Tiwanaku: Ancestors of <strong>the</strong> Inkas (2004): 36, 49.<br />
14
15
16
134<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Solar Deity with Feline Traits and Cactus<br />
Headdress<br />
Tiwanaku style, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
AD 200-400<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
7½" x 10½"<br />
The charismatic personage portrayed on <strong>the</strong> Sun Portal at<br />
Tiwanaku was apparently envisioned in o<strong>the</strong>r forms as<br />
well. In this vibrant, visually complex interpretation, <strong>the</strong> solar<br />
face is reimagined as <strong>the</strong> countenance of a fierce cat, ei<strong>the</strong>r a<br />
puma or a jaguar (based on markings around <strong>the</strong> mouth). Small,<br />
realistically rendered spotted cats, standing in poses of alert<br />
tension, flank <strong>the</strong> focal image and reinforce <strong>the</strong> characterization.<br />
The connotations of <strong>the</strong> image are manifold. The Aymara word<br />
titi (as in Lake Titicaca or Titikala, <strong>the</strong> sacred rock located on <strong>the</strong><br />
Island of <strong>the</strong> Sun) means "puma." The terms underscores <strong>the</strong><br />
feline’s association with water, stone and <strong>the</strong> lake of "cosmic and<br />
human origins" among highland peoples. 1 Indeed, teardrops<br />
signifying rain or water flow from <strong>the</strong> animal’s eyes.<br />
Rays and plumes encircling <strong>the</strong> face are delineated as winding,<br />
serpent-bodied creatures. Each features a different geometric<br />
pattern and shape, matched with <strong>the</strong> head of one of three<br />
animal archetypes corresponding to a specific cosmological<br />
domain. The striped “fea<strong>the</strong>rs" emerging at ear level terminate<br />
in a condor or raptor (Sky). The adjacent motif, rendered as a<br />
stepped triangle, features a puma head with a prominent snub<br />
nose and snail antennae (Earth). The third segmented form,<br />
shown from above, has <strong>the</strong> flat head and sinuous body of a<br />
snake (Water).<br />
The shamanic underpinning of <strong>the</strong> image is revealed by o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
symbols. Most significantly, a crown of cactus sprouts from<br />
<strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> feline's head (detail below). This multi-trunk,<br />
columnar form is tipped with triangular motifs representing<br />
<strong>the</strong> white flowers that bloom at <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> night-blooming,<br />
hallucinogenic San Pedro cactus. This sign appears in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Tiwanaku iconography, notably on an engraved monolith<br />
known as <strong>the</strong> Bennett Stela or Monolith.<br />
This mind-altering plant (typically consumed in a brew mixed<br />
with chicha, a fermented corn beer) is known to be an important<br />
aspect of Tiwanaku and Wari ritualism. The symbolic link<br />
between feline and cactus is an ancient one in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, and<br />
can be traced to Chavín art. Clearly that association was true<br />
of Tiwanaku ritual and iconography as well.<br />
1 John Wayne Janusek, <strong>Ancient</strong> Tiwanaku (2008): 4.135<br />
San Pedro cactus symbol<br />
17
135<br />
Band<br />
A Procession of Supernatural Birds<br />
Tiwanaku style<br />
AD 200-400<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
3" x 15½"<br />
Stone lintels spanning <strong>the</strong> doorways and niches of Tiwanaku<br />
temples and palaces were carved with processions of<br />
supernatural llamas, pumas and birds. These fantastical figures<br />
adopt <strong>the</strong> same costumes, ritual accessories and sometimes<br />
stances of human dignitaries.<br />
Banded textiles and sashes echo <strong>the</strong> horizontal format and<br />
repeat imagery common to <strong>the</strong>se decorative friezes. The<br />
sculptural reliefs are known to have been inlaid with gold or<br />
painted <strong>the</strong> same vivid hues seen in <strong>the</strong> weavings; archaeologists<br />
have found evidence of murals created with red, blue, green,<br />
white and orange pigments. 1<br />
18
Tiwanaku dyers had mastered <strong>the</strong> more challenging, time-consuming process of dyeing wool with indigo. And a deeply<br />
saturated blue is <strong>the</strong> most distinctive and characteristic color of this highland weaving tradition, supplying a midnight-dark<br />
ground against which bright red and white details flicker as if caught by torchlight.<br />
In this motif, <strong>the</strong> wings, talons, beak and cere of an eagle or condor are placed on a stocky, elongated torso that is more<br />
quadruped than avian in form (although <strong>the</strong> harpy eagle from <strong>the</strong> eastern rainforests actually shows this startling heft<br />
and solidity). This eccentric juxtaposition is not unique in Tiwanaku imagery. But <strong>the</strong> ambiguity of reference heightens<br />
<strong>the</strong> impression of mystery and o<strong>the</strong>rness, while expressing a complex set of mythological allusions. The hybrid figure<br />
carries an unrecognizable object (bag, woven amulet, trophy head?) in lieu of <strong>the</strong> staff displayed by <strong>the</strong> retinue of winged<br />
attendants depicted on <strong>the</strong> Sun Gateway, to which it must be related.<br />
1 John Wayne Janusek, <strong>Ancient</strong> Tiwanaku (2008): 146.<br />
19
136<br />
Band or Belt<br />
A Procession of Felines<br />
Tiwanaku or Pukara style<br />
AD 100-400<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
2½" x 25"<br />
The crouching pumas depicted in this narrow band are reminiscent of Pukara<br />
feline-shaped effigies and sculptural incense vessels that were used for burning<br />
ritual offerings. The cross motif apparently derives from <strong>the</strong> jaguar's pelt markings<br />
(as in Chavín feline mortars), but in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn sierra it seems to have become a<br />
widely employed sign or cosmogram. The “raining" or “weeping" eye is similarly<br />
ubiquitous and symbolically charged.<br />
The composition is an undulating play of interlocking blues and greens. These<br />
harmonious hues surely had special connotations for being redolent of a greentinted<br />
gravel that was obtained from riverbeds in <strong>the</strong> sacred Quimsachata mountains<br />
and used to surface <strong>the</strong> terraces of <strong>the</strong> Akapana temple. 1 The meandering white<br />
outline separating <strong>the</strong>se two colors, which are so close in chromatic value, leads <strong>the</strong><br />
eye through <strong>the</strong> pattern field of geometric shapes.<br />
1 Alan Kolata, "The Flow of Cosmic Power," in Tiwanaku: Ancestors of <strong>the</strong> Inkas, ed. Margaret Young-Sanchez<br />
(2004): 100.<br />
20
21
137<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Avian Staff-Bearer<br />
Regional Tiwanaku style<br />
AD 400-800<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry<br />
14" x 11"<br />
This refined weaving, which interprets <strong>the</strong> eagle or condor<br />
incarnation of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer in an exquisite range of<br />
colors and details, appears to have no equivalent in textile art<br />
or painted ceramics (according to <strong>the</strong> published literature). The<br />
rich color combination—especially <strong>the</strong> masterful manipulation<br />
of various shades of indigo blue—is, however, characteristic<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku aes<strong>the</strong>tic. The luminous palette may reflect<br />
a peripheral tradition (from nor<strong>the</strong>rn Chile?) and <strong>the</strong> superb<br />
quality speaks to <strong>the</strong> elite context in which <strong>the</strong> garment was<br />
produced and worn.<br />
This unconventional image does not conform ei<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong><br />
Pukara style exemplified by previous entries, or to later Wari<br />
geometricization. The style of visualization is less formalized<br />
and more naturalistic—even painterly—enjoying remarkable<br />
freedom from <strong>the</strong> rigid application of aes<strong>the</strong>tic canons evident<br />
in those o<strong>the</strong>r traditions.<br />
The design never<strong>the</strong>less has a modular structure, so that<br />
<strong>the</strong> figure and his regalia are composed from stacked blocks<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r of solid color or of beautiful geometric configurations<br />
featuring soft triangles, squares and circles.<br />
An unusual headdress, consisting of fea<strong>the</strong>rs or metal tabs(?)<br />
that diminish in size as it wraps over <strong>the</strong> head, is studded with a<br />
distinctive motif that evokes <strong>the</strong> white cup-shaped flower and<br />
fruit of <strong>the</strong> San Pedro cactus.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r details of <strong>the</strong> composition are in deteriorated condition.<br />
But several stand out as ei<strong>the</strong>r unique or tantalizing, including<br />
<strong>the</strong> green-and-red diamond-cross panel (a cloth or bag?) set<br />
on top of <strong>the</strong> staff; <strong>the</strong> flared, dentated shape of <strong>the</strong> tunic; and<br />
<strong>the</strong> ornamental discs dangling from <strong>the</strong> waistband.<br />
22
23
138<br />
Fragment from a Tunic Band<br />
A Cult or Ritual Personage with Hallucinogenic Staffs<br />
Tiwanaku style<br />
AD 200-800<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
5¼" x 3¼"<br />
The naturalism of this image is exceptional within <strong>the</strong><br />
repertoire of Tiwanaku mythic icons, which are noted for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir dense visual and symbolic intricacy. In addition, it supplies<br />
essential insight into <strong>the</strong> ritual practices of this culture, offering a<br />
rare glimpse of <strong>the</strong> role of “real" people such as shamans, priests<br />
or o<strong>the</strong>r cult participants in Tiwanaku religion and ceremony.<br />
The personage is presented in profile view, but with his torso<br />
twisted forward in order to best exhibit <strong>the</strong> staffs he carries in<br />
each hand. A puma emblem is ei<strong>the</strong>r tattooed or painted on<br />
his chest, or is part of <strong>the</strong> design of a patterned garment with a<br />
tie-dyed border or sash. Ornamental strands (beads? fea<strong>the</strong>rs?)<br />
dangle from <strong>the</strong> ritualist’s ear and neck, while a serpentine<br />
crown with bird and plant ornamentation adds<br />
a supernatural touch to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rwise realistic<br />
portrayal.<br />
The most valuable information to be gleaned from<br />
<strong>the</strong> image lies in <strong>the</strong> depiction of <strong>the</strong> two staffs,<br />
which are decorated with <strong>the</strong> same concentric<br />
(tie-dyed?) circles as <strong>the</strong> waistband. Each emblem<br />
is capped with a distinctive magical plant symbol.<br />
The motif adorning <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> staff in front (as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> headdress) is a stylized representation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> leaves and flowers of Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra<br />
colubrina (widely known as vilca) (detail at left). Seeds extracted<br />
from <strong>the</strong> giant pods of this tree were pulverized to produce<br />
a psychoactive snuff that was fundamental to Tiwanaku ritual.<br />
The pervasiveness and extent of this activity is evident from <strong>the</strong><br />
abundance of finely crafted snuff tables and paraphernalia that<br />
has been unear<strong>the</strong>d throughout <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku world.<br />
The finial of <strong>the</strong> second staff (shown in back of<br />
<strong>the</strong> figure) represents a flowering San Pedro cactus<br />
(detail at right). The same motif is seen in <strong>the</strong><br />
corolla of <strong>the</strong> feline divinity portrayed in cat. 134,<br />
and is engraved as well on <strong>the</strong> torso of <strong>the</strong> giant<br />
ancestral effigy known as <strong>the</strong> Bennett Monolith<br />
that was enshrined at Tiwanaku.<br />
This explicit juxtaposition of <strong>the</strong> two plants<br />
sacred to Andean ceremonialism is of enormous<br />
significance—especially for determining <strong>the</strong><br />
meaning of <strong>the</strong> staff, which is a crucial emblem and<br />
multivalent signifier in both Tiwanaku and Wari<br />
iconography. The way <strong>the</strong> motifs are utilized here is fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
evidence that <strong>the</strong> staff placed in <strong>the</strong> hand of <strong>the</strong> winged Wari<br />
staff-bearer may not only designate a transcendent state or<br />
status, but in certain contexts, could depict <strong>the</strong> actual cactus<br />
itself.<br />
24
25
139<br />
Fragment from <strong>the</strong> Border of a Tunic<br />
Votive Head<br />
Tiwanaku style<br />
AD 160-430<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave, chain-stitch<br />
4¾" x 7¾"<br />
This fiercely compelling face is identical to motifs<br />
embellishing <strong>the</strong> borders and sleeves of a rare style of Early<br />
Tiwanaku or Pukara tunic. These ultra-prestigious garments<br />
were vehicles for <strong>the</strong> display of iconography based on <strong>the</strong><br />
celestial or solar cosmic being at <strong>the</strong> center of <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku<br />
religious vision. They were undoubtedly worn by individuals of<br />
<strong>the</strong> highest social or spiritual rank.<br />
In one extant tunic, 1 <strong>the</strong> heads are arranged along <strong>the</strong> lower<br />
edge—<strong>the</strong> typical location for a trophy-head border in Andean<br />
textile design. They may very well symbolize votive heads<br />
dedicated to <strong>the</strong> deity or his human intercessors. But <strong>the</strong>ir eyes<br />
are open and piercing, suggesting life ra<strong>the</strong>r than death.<br />
Like this example, <strong>the</strong> heads portray males of ambiguous,<br />
but evidently high, status. The characters wear headdresses<br />
composed of tipped, fan-shaped elements resembling fea<strong>the</strong>rs,<br />
which were indeed often incorporated into Andean head<br />
adornments. But <strong>the</strong> form also replicates <strong>the</strong> centerpiece of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Cactus Crown worn by <strong>the</strong> deity in cat. 134, and based on<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r iconographic evidence from this tradition, it is feasible<br />
that it may represent a large, stylized cactus flower instead.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>y sport similar headgear and ear discs, each of <strong>the</strong><br />
five figures repeated on that related tunic is distinguished by<br />
a different face design. These striking compositional elements<br />
inject visual variety and asymmetry into <strong>the</strong> pattern sequence;<br />
<strong>the</strong>y may also convey information about <strong>the</strong> individuals<br />
portrayed.<br />
For while this particular face is isolated and cannot be<br />
considered as part of a larger grouping, <strong>the</strong> hook symbol<br />
emblazoned on his check is also seen on a head anchoring <strong>the</strong><br />
lower corner of <strong>the</strong> published tunic. The coincidence suggests<br />
that both textiles were produced in <strong>the</strong> same workshop, or that<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir designs were standardized. However, it is also credible<br />
that <strong>the</strong> markings are ethnic or social signifiers.<br />
The image <strong>the</strong>refore supports multiple interpretations. It<br />
may represent <strong>the</strong> severed head of a warrior or o<strong>the</strong>r human<br />
sacrifice. It could also denote any one of <strong>the</strong> many groups<br />
incorporated, ei<strong>the</strong>r through defeat or peacefully, into <strong>the</strong><br />
Tiwanaku sphere. Or it may stand for one of <strong>the</strong> lineages or<br />
groups (ayllus) comprising <strong>the</strong> community in which <strong>the</strong> tunic<br />
was used or displayed.<br />
1 The related tunic is published and discussed in Margaret Young-Sanchez, ed.,<br />
Tiwanaku: Ancestors of <strong>the</strong> Inkas (2004): 41-43.<br />
27
140<br />
Shaped Sash or Votive Panel (partially complete)<br />
<strong>Mythic</strong>al Fox<br />
Pukara style, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
200 BC-AD 200<br />
Camelid wool (warp and weft); tapestry weave<br />
5" x 8½"<br />
Asmall body of inventively shaped tapestry weavings has<br />
been instrumental in defining <strong>the</strong> Pukara textile style,<br />
which is considered to be influential in <strong>the</strong> development of<br />
Tiwanaku art. They are believed to have been found at some<br />
distance from <strong>the</strong> Pukara ceremonial zone north of Lake<br />
Titicaca, however—ei<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> western highlands, <strong>the</strong> south<br />
coast or <strong>the</strong> upper coastal valleys of <strong>the</strong> Arequipa region. Only<br />
some half-dozen pieces are documented, which are among <strong>the</strong><br />
most innovative and puzzling textiles in <strong>the</strong> Andean tradition.<br />
The textiles are also recognized for being <strong>the</strong> earliest evidence<br />
of <strong>the</strong> use of <strong>the</strong> interlocking tapestry technique, which became<br />
<strong>the</strong> foundation of <strong>the</strong> Wari tunic style. 1<br />
The panels are of unknown purpose, and were possibly made<br />
as talismans or accessories worn as part of a ceremonial or<br />
ritual ensemble. The imagery suggests <strong>the</strong>y were associated<br />
with trophy-head cult activities and beliefs.<br />
The textiles, which resemble two-dimensional reliefs or<br />
sculptural plinths executed in cloth, represent a striking<br />
syn<strong>the</strong>sis of form and image. The contoured weavings, entirely<br />
selvedged on all sides, outline <strong>the</strong> forms of mythical figures<br />
or animals. Details such as feet, hands, face and staffs or spears<br />
project into space. The curvilinear, irregular shape reflects <strong>the</strong><br />
use of a single continuous warp, although whe<strong>the</strong>r this was<br />
determined by <strong>the</strong> shape of <strong>the</strong> loom or some o<strong>the</strong>r approach<br />
is not clear (see Conklin 1983 for technical analysis).<br />
This panel is only partially intact but can be compared to<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r extant, complete version. 2 Although <strong>the</strong> head is<br />
missing, <strong>the</strong> upright brushy tail appears to belong to a fox. In<br />
highland lore, <strong>the</strong> canid is actually regarded as <strong>the</strong> “younger<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>r" of <strong>the</strong> puma, but it has its own specific mythological<br />
associations within <strong>the</strong> feline symbolic complex. In <strong>the</strong> related<br />
piece, moreover, <strong>the</strong> animal is depicted holding a spear and<br />
ferrying a severed head (embellished with real human hair) in<br />
its mouth. Fortunately, one dramatic detail from that image is<br />
still preserved here, i.e., <strong>the</strong> headless, naked body of <strong>the</strong> victim<br />
draped over <strong>the</strong> rump of <strong>the</strong> predator.<br />
Ferocity is implicit, and this fox is evidently a supernatural<br />
sacrificer or agent of death. The skeletal ribs drawn on <strong>the</strong><br />
prone human figure typically also denote shamanic beings, as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> dead (especially in Early Nasca iconography, which<br />
seems to have ties to Pukara). The bones apparently signal <strong>the</strong><br />
altered or transcendent state brought about by a ritual killing.<br />
The peculiar addition of an open beak to <strong>the</strong> stump of <strong>the</strong><br />
victim’s neck, conjuring a stylized bird head, underscores this<br />
message.<br />
The male victim appears to be a defeated enemy (ironically,<br />
he, too, carries severed heads in both hands). The pointed tip<br />
of an arrow or dart (top right) is <strong>the</strong> only surviving element<br />
from <strong>the</strong> “captured" bundle of weapons depicted on o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
versions. This <strong>the</strong>me appears elsewhere in Pukara imagery, a<br />
strong indication that ethnic conflict played a role in <strong>the</strong> rise<br />
of this highland culture.<br />
1 William Conklin, "Pucara and Tiahuanaco Tapestry: Time and Style in a Sierra<br />
Weaving Tradition," Nawpa Pacha 21, (1983).<br />
2 Margaret Young-Sanchez, ed., Tiwanaku: Ancestors of <strong>the</strong> Inkas (2004) 39-40: Fig 2.21.<br />
29
141<br />
Shaped Sash or Votive Panel<br />
<strong>Mythic</strong>al Caiman<br />
Pukara style, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highlands<br />
200 BC-AD 200<br />
Camelid wool (warp and weft); tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 20"<br />
The connection between Chavín and Tiwanaku iconography—especially <strong>the</strong><br />
vision of a supernatural figure with staffs—is acknowledged by many Andean art<br />
historians. However, knowledge is lacking as to how this fundamental <strong>the</strong>me (and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Chavín ideas) might have been transplanted, or later revived, across such an expanse<br />
of time and space. Unless such a conception was already widely and deeply embedded<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Andean imagination, <strong>the</strong> links in <strong>the</strong> chain, indeed <strong>the</strong> putative pathway of<br />
transmission from <strong>the</strong> central to <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn highlands, remains to be traced.<br />
None<strong>the</strong>less, this rare, shaped Pukara textile also implies familiarity with <strong>the</strong> stone<br />
obelisk depicting a pair of mythical caimans that was installed at <strong>the</strong> ceremonial center<br />
of Chavín de Huántar many centuries before. Chavín was still regarded as an oracle<br />
center as late as <strong>the</strong> 17th century, so pilgrimage to that shrine by many generations<br />
of pre-Columbian peoples might have played a part in spreading Chavín symbolism.<br />
30
Caiman divinities were also represented in <strong>the</strong> painted hangings<br />
found at Karwa on <strong>the</strong> south coast of Peru, i.e., <strong>the</strong> very region<br />
that subsequently developed a relationship with <strong>the</strong> Titicaca<br />
Basin cultures.<br />
In this unique shaped, talismanic weaving, 1 which abounds<br />
with inexplicable, surrealist details, <strong>the</strong> caiman has been<br />
integrated with a staff or spear-carrying human figure. A<br />
macabre headdress composed out of two severed human arms<br />
with oversized grasping hands, and jaguar markings around <strong>the</strong><br />
fanged mouth, confirm an inner rapacity. The fusion speaks of<br />
shamanic conversion and dangerous powers.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> elongated form and tail fin of <strong>the</strong> plant-laden Chavín<br />
icon are echoed in this design, <strong>the</strong> vertebrae of <strong>the</strong> spinal<br />
column, as well as <strong>the</strong> joints, are re-interpreted as skulls. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
fleshy heads stud <strong>the</strong> creature’s body like so many kernels or<br />
fruits. The conjunction of <strong>the</strong> two motifs connotes life out of<br />
death, for in pre-Columbian Andean thought, bone and seed<br />
are visual and symbolic analogies. More tellingly here, an<br />
element attached to <strong>the</strong> slings hanging from <strong>the</strong> elbow and<br />
etched on <strong>the</strong> cheek appears to refer simultaneously to <strong>the</strong><br />
trance-inducing vilca plant and a corncob (signifying both a<br />
food crop and a fermented beverage drunk ceremonially).<br />
1 William Conklin, "Pucara and Tiahuanaco Tapestry: Time and Style in a Sierra<br />
Weaving Tradition." Nawpa Pacha 21 (1983): 1–44.<br />
31
142<br />
Band<br />
Dismembered Warrior<br />
Pukara style<br />
Circa AD 100-400<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave with paired warps<br />
7¾" x 1⅓"<br />
This band shows a striking likeness to several Pukara and Tiwanaku stone<br />
sculptures from <strong>the</strong> environs of Lake Titicaca, notably a stela depicting <strong>the</strong><br />
disarticulated form of a male warrior. 1 Here <strong>the</strong> similarly disjointed head, arm<br />
and leg of <strong>the</strong> figure are outlined on a rust-red background in a style that<br />
strongly recalls <strong>the</strong> faceted surface of <strong>the</strong> carved stone.<br />
The date attributed to that stela, circa 200 BC-AD 200, overlaps with <strong>the</strong><br />
probable date of this tapestry band. Although it is not clear which version of this<br />
disconcerting image—stone or cloth—represents <strong>the</strong> prototype, <strong>the</strong> two works<br />
evidently refer to <strong>the</strong> same myth or history. This is borne out by <strong>the</strong> identical<br />
attributes of <strong>the</strong> individual portrayed. Both warrior-victims feature an angular,<br />
serpentine design painted or tattooed around <strong>the</strong>ir eyes and a distinctive long,<br />
pointy braid or lock of hair, which suggest ethnic or group identifiers. The<br />
crook of <strong>the</strong> arm, <strong>the</strong> spread hands and <strong>the</strong> anklets, wristbands, and trophy-head<br />
joints are depicted in similar fashion.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> knife tucked into <strong>the</strong> decorated sheath or band wrapped around<br />
<strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> thigh reflect <strong>the</strong> weaver’s greater ability to employ color to<br />
incorporate additional details (which may very well have been applied to <strong>the</strong><br />
stone rendering with paint).<br />
The grisly act or history that can be inferred from this tableau describes <strong>the</strong><br />
kind of ritualized violence and sacrificial practices that were common in<br />
pre-Columbian warfare. Human bodies, body parts and skulls were also<br />
entombed as dedicatory offerings under important buildings at both Tiwanaku<br />
and Pukara.<br />
Drawing adapted from<br />
Young-Sanchez 2004, fig. 3.8.<br />
1 The sculpture, found in Moho on <strong>the</strong> eastern lakeshore, is now in <strong>the</strong> collection of <strong>the</strong> Peabody<br />
Museum, Cambridge, MA, and is published in Margaret Young-Sanchez, ed., Tiwanaku: Ancestors of <strong>the</strong> Inkas<br />
(2004): fig. 3.8.<br />
32
33
WARI
Wari Culture<br />
The Wari Empire, which took shape in <strong>the</strong> Ayacucho<br />
Valley of <strong>the</strong> central sierra around AD 500 and<br />
expanded outward over <strong>the</strong> following five centuries,<br />
was Tiwanaku's complement in every respect. Indeed, <strong>the</strong><br />
two cultures were initially thought to be branches of a single<br />
tradition emanating from Tiwanaku. Today's more nuanced<br />
perspective recognizes that each culture developed concurrently<br />
but independently. They coexisted for much of this period<br />
as distinct, complex societies with separate domains—and<br />
dynamics—of influence and control.<br />
The exact nature of <strong>the</strong> relationship or alliance between <strong>the</strong>se<br />
two regional powers remains obscure, however. Never<strong>the</strong>less,<br />
both <strong>the</strong> Wari and <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku cultures forcefully drove<br />
<strong>the</strong> religious and artistic phenomena that swept <strong>the</strong> Andean<br />
region between AD 400 and 1000, conveyed most effectively<br />
by textile art.<br />
Unlike <strong>the</strong> rich body of monumental sculpture and friezes<br />
portraying cosmological imagery preserved at Tiwanaku, <strong>the</strong><br />
palatial, ritual, and administrative buildings in Wari cities and<br />
settlements have yielded no public art. Yet Wari textiles and<br />
painted pottery discovered in highland and coastal locations<br />
alike document <strong>the</strong> influx, rapid adaptation and subsequent<br />
transformation of Tiwanaku's religious and artistic <strong>the</strong>mes.<br />
Wari did not merely appropriate this sacred or prestigious<br />
iconography. It clearly subscribed to <strong>the</strong> cosmic vision,<br />
spreading its version via military domination across southcentral<br />
and nor<strong>the</strong>rn Peru. Why, or how, it came to do so is<br />
unresolved.<br />
That cosmology focused on <strong>the</strong> resplendent Cosmic or Staff<br />
Deity (Tiwanaku's Sun Gateway God) and his coterie of<br />
fantastical animal or human retainers. For unknown reasons,<br />
Wari artists employed different media for expressing this<br />
imagery. The Staff Deity is painted on pottery vessels, especially<br />
those that were used for communal feasting and rituals; most<br />
of <strong>the</strong>se ceramics were found ceremonially smashed. However,<br />
this paramount divinity never appears in <strong>the</strong> designs of <strong>the</strong><br />
tapestry tunics that were Wari's highest-status garments and its<br />
most emblematic art form. Instead, <strong>the</strong> standardized format of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se textiles concentrates on <strong>the</strong> staff-bearing attendant in his<br />
many incarnations.<br />
The extensive repertory of staff-bearer icons yields numerous<br />
exceptions and idiosyncratic variations. But generally, this<br />
mythical personage is shown in profile on bended knee, as if<br />
kneeling, running or flying. The head is frequently contorted<br />
or twisted upward as if in a state of trance or transcendence.<br />
Whatever its outward guise, <strong>the</strong> shamanistic figure is usually<br />
winged and laden with a heavy crown that is more like a raft<br />
of symbols than a literal headdress. In fact, <strong>the</strong> figure is strongly<br />
allegorical and most of its attributes and decorative motifs<br />
seemingly serve a descriptive purpose.<br />
Wari image-makers incorporated a Ritual Sacrificer into this<br />
core mythical group. (In some renderings <strong>the</strong> character is<br />
conflated with <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer, who thus displays <strong>the</strong> victim<br />
or his severed head.) This frightening individual is typically<br />
endowed with <strong>the</strong> fanged mouth, claws or markings of a<br />
predatory cat; more rarely, <strong>the</strong> personage may be represented<br />
as a llama (identified by its elongated skull and cloven hoof) 1 or<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r ferocious creature from <strong>the</strong> Andean bestiary.<br />
Staff-bearers assume <strong>the</strong> upright stance of human beings, but<br />
tend to occupy different places along <strong>the</strong> spectrum of human/<br />
animal forms. Certain figures are transitional; <strong>the</strong>y acquire beaks<br />
or fangs but retain human feet and hands. This intermediary<br />
36
state clearly ei<strong>the</strong>r alludes to a shamanic transfiguration or<br />
animal/human duality, or describes metaphorical powers and<br />
traits borrowed from <strong>the</strong> animal realm that serve to reinforce<br />
<strong>the</strong> wearer's rank, role or special qualities.<br />
Scholars have made progress unraveling <strong>the</strong> connotations of<br />
recurrent symbols (although <strong>the</strong>re is not always consensus<br />
about <strong>the</strong>ir meanings). The motifs are all <strong>the</strong> more cryptic<br />
for <strong>the</strong> paucity of cultural and historical information, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> incomplete archaeological record. But as highlighted in<br />
<strong>the</strong> individual captions in this catalogue, <strong>the</strong>y include stylized<br />
plants, human trophies and objects or materials imbued with<br />
special magical or spiritual properties for Andean peoples (such<br />
as fea<strong>the</strong>rs or fire).<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> most significant of <strong>the</strong>se visual signs are ones<br />
codifying <strong>the</strong> sacramental plants with hallucinogenic<br />
properties—San Pedro cactus and Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra colubrina—<br />
that were crucial to Andean ritualism and <strong>the</strong> altered states<br />
of mind such rites promoted. Similarly, ano<strong>the</strong>r hi<strong>the</strong>rto<br />
mysterious motif is now understood to represent <strong>the</strong> heart,<br />
lungs and trachea of a person who has been ritually killed or<br />
decapitated, usually in connection with fertility cults. 2<br />
The deciphering of this arcane symbology is far from complete,<br />
and will add immensely to our understanding of Wari culture<br />
and ritual as it proceeds. The abstract Wari aes<strong>the</strong>tic, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
hand, is more readily analyzed for its unique formal properties,<br />
which were rigorously observed and creatively manipulated by<br />
Wari weavers. Despite <strong>the</strong> modern viewer's appreciation for this<br />
virtuoso geometric aes<strong>the</strong>tic, Wari abstraction is intellectually<br />
and perceptually challenging.<br />
The ordering of <strong>the</strong> figures and <strong>the</strong> organization of visual space<br />
are generally predetermined by Wari artistic canons, which<br />
none<strong>the</strong>less admit some variety, as well as locally derived ideas<br />
about format and <strong>the</strong>me. The large, squarish tunic generally<br />
consists of two rectangular panels, folded in half and sewn<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> center and at each side. This plane is generally<br />
The Staff-Bearing Attendant on <strong>the</strong> Gateway of <strong>the</strong> Sun at Tiwanaku.<br />
Adapted from Anton 1984, 109.<br />
37
subdivided into multiple symmetrical columns of varying<br />
width and number. Patterned bands alternate with areas of<br />
solid color, usually gold or red. (A small number of tunics<br />
replace this standardized layout with atypical configurations,<br />
all-over patterning or even large-scale figuration.)<br />
The primary motif—whe<strong>the</strong>r a staff-bearing character or<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r supernatural or a profile or frontal face, or an abstract<br />
element like a spiral or fret—is repeated within all <strong>the</strong> vertical<br />
bands. And it is <strong>the</strong> dynamic, malleable treatment of this figure<br />
that is so visually arresting. The figure is typically subjected to<br />
a series of artistic conventions that result in its compression,<br />
expansion, inversion or reversal. The process ultimately leads to<br />
<strong>the</strong> total distortion of its modular parts and overall form.<br />
Each motif is composed using a stock vocabulary of rectilinear<br />
and curvilinear figurative or schematic elements. This<br />
constructivist approach to creating a figure out of geometric<br />
blocks—which are modified in shape, in scale and by color,<br />
according to an internal pattern scheme—yields mosaic-like<br />
designs. The compositions range markedly in <strong>the</strong>ir degree of<br />
visual cohesion and legibility—even to <strong>the</strong> point of visual<br />
fracture, when <strong>the</strong> geometricization and distortion are pushed<br />
to an extreme.<br />
The orientation of <strong>the</strong> motifs in <strong>the</strong> patterned bands also<br />
follows an internal logic established by <strong>the</strong> weaver or weaving<br />
workshop. The repeat figures are juxtaposed, inverted, doubled<br />
or paired in ingenious ways. Depending on whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
read on <strong>the</strong> vertical axis, as horizontal rows or in diagonal<br />
arrangements, some figures are shown twisting in opposite<br />
directions, for example, while o<strong>the</strong>rs may face <strong>the</strong> same way, or<br />
mirror each o<strong>the</strong>r across <strong>the</strong> center seam.<br />
This pattern of alternation is fur<strong>the</strong>r complicated by <strong>the</strong><br />
rhythmic magnification and condensation of <strong>the</strong> smaller<br />
components or details of <strong>the</strong> design (such as a wing, staff,<br />
head or headdress). These shifts visibly alter <strong>the</strong> proportions,<br />
delineation and clarity of <strong>the</strong> overall image.<br />
If this process were not sufficiently confounding, it also<br />
intersects with a sophisticated use of color, which is applied in<br />
predictable combinations that recur in a fixed number, order<br />
and direction across <strong>the</strong> entire compositional field of <strong>the</strong> tunic.<br />
Even though <strong>the</strong>se color clusters, or blocks of associated colors,<br />
are repeated at regular intervals, <strong>the</strong>y are aligned and staggered<br />
on parallel diagonal lines that may converge, cross or move<br />
up and down in opposite directions. This progression can be<br />
mapped graphically, as Susan Bergh has done. But because <strong>the</strong><br />
faceted surface and prismatic color usually mask <strong>the</strong> underlying<br />
order, it not easily distinguishable by <strong>the</strong> viewer. Moreover,<br />
randomly placed and arbitrary color substitutions, or deviations<br />
in <strong>the</strong> hue of any one element, large or small (an aes<strong>the</strong>tic<br />
predilection common to Andean weavers from all cultures and<br />
periods), may fur<strong>the</strong>r disrupt <strong>the</strong> sequence, thus baffling most<br />
readings. (This type of analysis is particularly difficult to grasp<br />
when <strong>the</strong> textile is incomplete or fragmentary.)<br />
Why most Wari tunic iconography focuses almost exclusively<br />
on <strong>the</strong> attendant staff-bearer, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> primary waka<br />
or Cosmic/Creator Deity, is unanswerable. It may have to<br />
do with <strong>the</strong> political and military nature of <strong>the</strong> Wari state.<br />
Perhaps this imperial society took on <strong>the</strong> role of proselytizer<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku (or highland) religious vision. Or, possibly,<br />
its officials saw <strong>the</strong>mselves as members of a “divine legion"<br />
who paid veneration to <strong>the</strong> Cosmic Deity and sought to direct<br />
<strong>the</strong> resources of <strong>the</strong> larger Andean realm toward it (while<br />
benefitting from <strong>the</strong> power and control over such resources).<br />
The result of this cultural imperative was a powerful artistic<br />
vision that encoded its message of shamanistic transcendence<br />
in a collectively created visual and symbolic language that left<br />
room for individual genius.<br />
1 Susan E. Bergh, “Tapestry Woven Tunics," in Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, ed.<br />
Susan E. Bergh (2012): 166.<br />
2 Anita Cook, “The Coming of <strong>the</strong> Staff Deity," in ibid., 112-113.<br />
TheWinged, Avian Staff-Bearer on <strong>the</strong> Gateway of <strong>the</strong> Sun at Tiwanaku.<br />
Adapted from Anton 1984, 107.<br />
38
39
143<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Staff-Bearer with Cactus Motifs<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
7" x 5"<br />
The Tiwanaku Sun Gateway, with its vision of a radiant<br />
Cosmic Deity framed by a multitude of running or<br />
kneeling attendants brandishing shamanic staffs, is regarded as<br />
<strong>the</strong> core expression of Andean highland religion.<br />
The monumental sculptural frieze switches between two<br />
renditions of this winged attendant, which is replicated in<br />
horizontal rows flanking <strong>the</strong> cosmic icon. One version of<br />
<strong>the</strong> figure has a human face; <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r is transformed into a<br />
bird with <strong>the</strong> conspicuous beak of one of <strong>the</strong> large raptors or<br />
vultures that dominate <strong>the</strong> Andean skies, such as <strong>the</strong> condor or<br />
harpy eagle.<br />
Wari tunic design typically selects one of <strong>the</strong>se two icons,<br />
but also conceives o<strong>the</strong>r variants of <strong>the</strong> figure, including one<br />
endowed with feline characteristics. Here <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer<br />
retains human form but acquires a fanged mouth and a doubled<br />
open/split eye. The image is rendered in a style moving toward<br />
overall geometric abstraction, emphasizing <strong>the</strong> play of circular,<br />
square and rectangular shapes distributed throughout <strong>the</strong><br />
composition. Recent scholarship has been reluctant to pursue<br />
(and even refutes) connections between Chavín iconography<br />
and <strong>the</strong> traditions that developed subsequently in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
sierra. However, this link is awakened by <strong>the</strong> proposition that<br />
certain renderings of <strong>the</strong> Wari staff emblem ei<strong>the</strong>r directly<br />
represent <strong>the</strong> San Pedro cactus, or allude to it via a distinctive<br />
candelabra-like finial and headdress ornament.<br />
Recent scholarship has been reluctant to pursue (and even<br />
refutes) connections between Chavín iconography and <strong>the</strong><br />
traditions that developed subsequently in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn sierra.<br />
However, this link is awakened by <strong>the</strong> proposition that certain<br />
renderings of <strong>the</strong> Wari staff emblem ei<strong>the</strong>r directly represent<br />
<strong>the</strong> San Pedro cactus, or allude to it via a distinctive candelabralike<br />
finial and headdress ornament.<br />
At Chavín de Huántar, a ritualist bearing a naturalistic San<br />
Pedro cactus is portrayed in a procession converging on a<br />
paramount deity. If information from that scene is transposed<br />
to Wari iconography, and <strong>the</strong> connective tissue supplied<br />
by Tiwanaku imagery of <strong>the</strong> magic cactus is taken into<br />
consideration, it is tenable to interpret this staff motif as also<br />
signifying that sacred plant, which was a pan-Andean agent of<br />
psychedelic experience.<br />
The tri- or multipart branching motif, which evokes a cluster of<br />
flower-tipped cactus stalks, dominates this design. It decorates<br />
both <strong>the</strong> headdress and <strong>the</strong> staff (“expanded" following <strong>the</strong><br />
classic Wari stylistic conventions), and in a visual pun on <strong>the</strong><br />
shape of a fea<strong>the</strong>r, it is conflated with <strong>the</strong> wing. The element<br />
is also placed upside-down behind <strong>the</strong> rear arched foot, thus<br />
diagonally echoing <strong>the</strong> identical emblem embellishing <strong>the</strong> top<br />
of <strong>the</strong> staff and deftly balancing <strong>the</strong> composition.<br />
40
144<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Avian Attendant Bearing Vilca<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
10" x 8½"<br />
A<br />
<strong>the</strong>me of shamanic duality underpins <strong>the</strong> depiction of <strong>the</strong><br />
staff-bearers surrounding <strong>the</strong> Cosmic Deity on <strong>the</strong> Sun<br />
Portal at Tiwanaku.<br />
The retinue comprises two distinct figures that are multiplied<br />
in three rows across <strong>the</strong> span of <strong>the</strong> frieze. Apart from subtle<br />
variations in <strong>the</strong> placement or combination of symbolic details,<br />
<strong>the</strong> regalia and profile running stances of each figure are<br />
identical—yet <strong>the</strong>ir heads (and feet) reveal an essential contrast.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> upper and lower registers of <strong>the</strong> design, winged staffbearers<br />
with human features maintain a forward gaze on <strong>the</strong><br />
paramount deity. In <strong>the</strong> center row, however, <strong>the</strong> personage<br />
takes on <strong>the</strong> craned head and powerful beak of a crested eagle<br />
or hawk.<br />
This dramatic alternation implies a shamanic or ecstatic<br />
transfiguration, and indeed a symbol for <strong>the</strong> spirit plant<br />
Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra colubrina or vilca is carved on <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong> birdheaded<br />
attendant. The taking of hallucinogenic powders derived<br />
from <strong>the</strong> crushed seeds of this mimosa-like tree was prevalent<br />
across <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku sphere. Several of <strong>the</strong> monumental figural<br />
sculptures enshrined at <strong>the</strong> ceremonial center portray mythical<br />
ancestors or ritualists holding snuff tablets, and a large array<br />
of snuffing paraphernalia has been unear<strong>the</strong>d throughout <strong>the</strong><br />
region (especially in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Chile and Argentina.<br />
As this exceptionally beautiful woven image demonstrates,<br />
<strong>the</strong> raptor’s supernatural association with this particular<br />
psychoactive plant was carried into Wari imagery. Like birds<br />
depicted on many Tiwanaku painted vessels, <strong>the</strong> eagle-headed<br />
figure conspicuously grasps <strong>the</strong> vilca seedpod in its beak. But<br />
<strong>the</strong> reference is also encoded in a schematic element that is<br />
prominently integrated into <strong>the</strong> design. The striated stirrupshape<br />
topped with two circles, which sprouts from <strong>the</strong> headdress,<br />
eye, shoulder and knees, has been interpreted as a stylization of<br />
<strong>the</strong> globular flowers and leaves of Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra. 1<br />
It seems likely that <strong>the</strong> raptor was regarded as <strong>the</strong> “spirit" or<br />
mythical benefactor of this hallucinogen—aptly so, because<br />
<strong>the</strong> substance induces a strong sensation of flying. In <strong>the</strong><br />
Andean cosmovision, moreover, eagles, hawks and falcons<br />
escort shamans to <strong>the</strong> upper levels of <strong>the</strong> cosmos. As <strong>the</strong> true<br />
masters of <strong>the</strong> sky, endowed with extraordinary gifts of flight<br />
and eyesight, <strong>the</strong>y are fitting attendants for a solar and thunder<br />
divinity such as Tiwanaku’s Staff Deity.<br />
Yet Wari ideas differed from Tiwanaku, and are often more<br />
bellicose. Although this interpretation is largely faithful to <strong>the</strong><br />
stone image, <strong>the</strong> shamanic bird actually carries a severed head<br />
instead of <strong>the</strong> usual staff. (Although this pertinent detail is now<br />
missing from this fragment, it is known from o<strong>the</strong>r sections of<br />
<strong>the</strong> same tunic. 2 The trophy-head motif, which connects <strong>the</strong><br />
icon with Wari ritual sacrifice and warfare, revives notions of<br />
this bird as an arch predator and fierce hunter.<br />
Vilca Symbols on Eye, Chest and Headdress<br />
1 Patricia Knobloch, “Wari Ritual Power at Conchopata: An Interpretation of<br />
Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra Colubrina Iconography,” Latin American Antiquity 11, no. 4 (2000): 387-<br />
402.<br />
2 Ibid.<br />
43
145<br />
Fragment from <strong>the</strong> Shoulder of a Tunic<br />
A Male and Female Pair of Condor Staff-Bearers<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
19" x 5½"<br />
The entire body of Wari tunic iconography can be charted<br />
on a design spectrum, moving inexorably towards an<br />
endpoint of total abstraction. Indeed, this trajectory might<br />
be considered <strong>the</strong> apogee of an Andean textile aes<strong>the</strong>tic that<br />
began a millennium earlier with <strong>the</strong> modular constructivism of<br />
Chavín imagery.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> tapestry tunics were produced over a period of at<br />
least 500 years, time was clearly a contributing factor in this<br />
progression. Several hypo<strong>the</strong>ses have also been advanced to<br />
explain this fascinating development. Alan Sawyer proposed,<br />
for example, that <strong>the</strong> patterning was increasingly compressed<br />
toward <strong>the</strong> outer edges of <strong>the</strong> tunic in order to create <strong>the</strong><br />
impression of a rounded volumetric or cylindrical shape that<br />
overrides <strong>the</strong> flat, square format of <strong>the</strong> garment.1 William<br />
Conklin has suggested, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, that <strong>the</strong> visual<br />
distortion that occurs as <strong>the</strong> image is repeated across <strong>the</strong> vertical<br />
bands reflects an Andean concept of one (or multiple) cosmic<br />
horizons toward which <strong>the</strong> flying mythical figure recedes (or<br />
from which it emerges), diminishing in scale and angle as it<br />
vanishes (or appears) in <strong>the</strong> distance. 2<br />
The result of <strong>the</strong> rectilinear compression and fracturing of<br />
<strong>the</strong> figure is evident in this interpretation of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer<br />
attendant. Although partially outlined with a crisp white<br />
thread, <strong>the</strong> delineation barely compensates for <strong>the</strong> extreme<br />
compartmentalization of <strong>the</strong> avian form into myriad elliptical,<br />
square, oblong, circular, chevron, and irregularly shaped color<br />
blocks. The head of <strong>the</strong> bird is especially elusive, to <strong>the</strong> point<br />
of merging with <strong>the</strong> indigo background (top). That gives<br />
prominence to both <strong>the</strong> distinctive hooked beak of <strong>the</strong> bird<br />
of prey and <strong>the</strong> bisected eye, which is wrapped in a stylized<br />
creature that magnifies or shrinks in size depending on <strong>the</strong><br />
width allocated to <strong>the</strong> figure's head.<br />
Despite its cryptic quality, this Wari variant never<strong>the</strong>less<br />
incorporates <strong>the</strong> same curious motif that adorns <strong>the</strong> birdheaded<br />
attendant represented on <strong>the</strong> Sun Portal. The element,<br />
which consists of a small face with an exaggerated, upturned<br />
mouth, is thought to depict <strong>the</strong> now-extinct Lake Titicaca<br />
Oresteia’s fish. 3 Here this schematic face is set at <strong>the</strong> tip of <strong>the</strong><br />
staff, behind <strong>the</strong> foot and below <strong>the</strong> wing. Perhaps inspired by<br />
a fish eagle, <strong>the</strong> motif surely links this supernatural personage<br />
with that vast lake, which was regarded as a place of mythic and<br />
primordial origin.<br />
The iconography of this fragment is identical to that of a<br />
tunic excavated by Max Uhle at Pachacamac, <strong>the</strong> powerful<br />
ceremonial and oracle center on <strong>the</strong> central coast. 4 Without<br />
knowing whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se related textiles were actually woven<br />
<strong>the</strong>re or brought from <strong>the</strong> highlands, it is impossible to say<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> mythic significance of this fish motif was still<br />
pertinent among coastal peoples—or if <strong>the</strong> loss of context<br />
in fact stripped it and o<strong>the</strong>rs of <strong>the</strong>ir specific meanings, thus<br />
promoting <strong>the</strong> general stylization and reduction of form.<br />
1 Alan Sawyer, "Tiahuanaco Tapestry Design," Textile Museum Journal 1, no. 2 (1963):<br />
27-38.<br />
2 William Conklin, "The <strong>Mythic</strong> Geometry of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Sierra," in The<br />
Junius B. Bird Conference 1984, ed. Anne Pollard Rowe (1986): 123-137.<br />
3 John Wayne Janusek, <strong>Ancient</strong> Tiwanaku (2008): fig. 5.5.<br />
4 Max Uhle, Pachacamac (1903): plate 4, fig. 2.<br />
44
146<br />
Fragment from <strong>the</strong> Shoulder of a Tunic<br />
A Male and Female Pair of Condor Staff-Bearers<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
19" x 5½"<br />
The tendency toward ever-increasing abstraction in Wari<br />
textile art was a collective phenomenon, surely driven<br />
as much by individual artistry as by <strong>the</strong> imposition of an<br />
official aes<strong>the</strong>tic. Certainly, local styles and <strong>the</strong>mes might<br />
have influenced <strong>the</strong> development of Wari design. That aspect<br />
might be better understood if it were possible to determine<br />
<strong>the</strong> geographic location of various weaving workshops, <strong>the</strong>reby<br />
associating stylistic nuances and innovations with distinct<br />
regions (north/south or coast/highlands).<br />
In this case, <strong>the</strong> compressed rectilinearity and complexity<br />
of <strong>the</strong> image may not solely reflect <strong>the</strong> band’s proximity to<br />
<strong>the</strong> outer sides of <strong>the</strong> tunic, but also suggests an intensified<br />
approach to figural deconstruction and distortion. The play of<br />
elongated elements on both <strong>the</strong> vertical and horizontal axes is<br />
especially pronounced.<br />
Without recourse to <strong>the</strong> overall composition and to <strong>the</strong><br />
matching parallel bands of design, <strong>the</strong> alternating diagrammatic<br />
figures are best decoded through comparison with related<br />
iconography. Two avian staff-bearers alternate in <strong>the</strong> sequence,<br />
switching back and forth in direction, and expanding or<br />
contracting according to typical Wari canons. The pattern<br />
mosaic obscures a subtle differentiation of attribute and<br />
geometry in each image. 1<br />
The most significant distinction is that one of <strong>the</strong> pair<br />
(bottom) displays a large knob on its beak, which apparently<br />
alludes to <strong>the</strong> comb or caruncle of <strong>the</strong> male condor, while<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r (center) does not, just like <strong>the</strong> female of <strong>the</strong> species.<br />
The distinctive shape of this beak indicates that <strong>the</strong> feature is<br />
deliberate, and that its omission on <strong>the</strong> second figure is not due<br />
to a design constriction. The duality suggests a male and female<br />
couple, which is a novel variant on <strong>the</strong> staffbearer <strong>the</strong>me. (Such<br />
gendered pairs are common among representations of songbirds<br />
and hummingbirds in Early Nasca embroidery. 2 )<br />
This dualistic opposition is carried through in terms of form<br />
and motif. The wing tips, talons, and headdress of <strong>the</strong> male<br />
bird are defined with curving lines. In <strong>the</strong> female, those traits<br />
are demarcated with straight lines; in fact, her feet and hands<br />
are humanlike. The small animal heads appended to <strong>the</strong> edges<br />
of <strong>the</strong> wings and crowns are also varied: one is catlike, <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r has an exaggerated black-and-white beak, like that of<br />
<strong>the</strong> macaw.<br />
1 The third partial figure seen at <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> band reflects <strong>the</strong> change in direction<br />
that occurred at <strong>the</strong> shoulder line of <strong>the</strong> tunic.<br />
2 Mary Frame, “Motion Pictures: Symmetry as Animator, Classifier, and Syntax in <strong>the</strong><br />
Nasca Embroideries of Peru,” in Symmetry Comes of Age: The Role of Pattern in Culture,<br />
ed. Dorothy Washburn and Donald Crowe (2004): 133-176.<br />
46
Duality expressed through figure and form is a key attribute of <strong>the</strong><br />
Wari aes<strong>the</strong>tic—a concept explicitly conveyed by this juxtaposition<br />
of two shamanic personages. As seen in o<strong>the</strong>r sections of <strong>the</strong> same textile<br />
(now in <strong>the</strong> Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and <strong>the</strong> Museo<br />
Chileno de Arte Precolombino, Santiago), <strong>the</strong>se large, marvelous figures<br />
march across <strong>the</strong> entire design field of <strong>the</strong> tunic, no longer confined to<br />
<strong>the</strong> vertical patterned band. 1<br />
The personages are opposite but complementary. One is a striking<br />
jaguar being with vivid black and green pelt markings, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r a<br />
supernaturally enhanced human dignitary or ritualist. Their wings,<br />
fanged mouths, headdresses and staffs command sacred status.<br />
This animal/human dynamic is a fundamental principal of pre-<br />
Columbian mythology. The jaguar was not known in <strong>the</strong> central and<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn highlands, where Wari imagery originated. But in <strong>the</strong> jungle<br />
hierarchy, <strong>the</strong> jaguar was supreme, and that idea was certainly transmitted<br />
to, and reinterpreted by, various Andean cultures. The animal was<br />
widely adopted as an avatar of leadership, warrior ferocity and spiritual<br />
potency—connotations that come alive in this iconography.<br />
Jaguar nature is also shamanic nature according to most South American<br />
indigenous peoples. So <strong>the</strong> alternation of <strong>the</strong> two characters implies a<br />
transfiguration, usually revealed in a ritual or trance state induced by<br />
a hallucinogen. A decorative border (top), consisting of stylized San<br />
Pedro cactus motifs, acknowledges <strong>the</strong> source.<br />
The graphic elements of <strong>the</strong> composition are outstanding, with a<br />
combination of multicolored spots and concentric circles offset by<br />
chevrons and wavy, curlicue and eccentric lines. Large target-like circles<br />
emphasize <strong>the</strong> eye, heart and joints—vulnerable or symbolic places on<br />
<strong>the</strong> body that are typically accentuated in Andean iconography. The use<br />
of black is especially pronounced and most concentrated in <strong>the</strong> jaguar<br />
character, which dominates <strong>the</strong> design, seizing both eye and message.<br />
There could not be a more impressive garment for a ruler, warlord or<br />
high priest.<br />
1 Douglas Newton, Masterpieces of Primitive Art: The Nelson A. Rockefeller Collection (1978): 193.<br />
48
147<br />
Panel from a Tunic<br />
Winged Jaguar and Human Staffbearers<br />
Wari culture<br />
Circa AD 950<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
7" x 18¼"<br />
Literature<br />
Frame 1990, 6, fig. 3.<br />
Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino 2010, 35.<br />
49
148<br />
Panel from a Tunic<br />
Ecstatic Staff-Bearer (Camelid? Puma?)<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 500-800<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
7" x 18¼"<br />
In Wari design, <strong>the</strong> mechanisms of abstraction and <strong>the</strong><br />
layout of <strong>the</strong> patterned bands not only generate a sideways<br />
compression and distortion of <strong>the</strong> image. The process can also<br />
exert internal pressure on <strong>the</strong> alternating motifs from top to<br />
bottom—as in this composition, which oscillates between a<br />
relatively legible icon (below) and a nearly incomprehensible<br />
compressed form subsumed into a conglomeration of<br />
geometric shapes (above).<br />
While <strong>the</strong> abstract aes<strong>the</strong>tic in Wari tapestry design appears to<br />
have gained momentum over time, <strong>the</strong> stylistic evolution was<br />
not linear. Andean weavers always had at <strong>the</strong>ir disposal two<br />
sophisticated modes (figurative and abstract) for patterning<br />
fabric and encoding cosmological and cultural ideas. The Wari<br />
tradition also produced garments that were purely geometric<br />
in conception and layout, such as <strong>the</strong> scintillating tie-dyed<br />
mantles associated with <strong>the</strong> Nasca coastal region. But <strong>the</strong><br />
syn<strong>the</strong>sis of <strong>the</strong> two modalities, which occurs in <strong>the</strong> tapestrywoven<br />
tunics, is visually and intellectually unique.<br />
Tiwanaku and Pukara iconography tapped feline imagery<br />
extensively, using <strong>the</strong> animal as an exponent of spiritual<br />
vitality, as well as an atavistic metaphor for sacrificial killing.<br />
Plumbing <strong>the</strong> symbolic link between wildcat and San Pedro<br />
cactus, Wari tunic iconography similarly gives primacy to<br />
<strong>the</strong> feline, alongside <strong>the</strong> bird of prey, as an avatar of shamanic<br />
transcendence. But although <strong>the</strong> particular incarnation of <strong>the</strong><br />
ecstatic staff-bearer seen here is usually interpreted as having<br />
feline attributes, Susan Bergh suggests now that its "twofingered<br />
hand" alludes to <strong>the</strong> cloven hoof of a camelid or<br />
deer. 1 In any case, <strong>the</strong> character’s upturned head followed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> emergence of <strong>the</strong> animal claw and bared teeth signal a<br />
shape-shifting brought on by a psychotropic plant.<br />
This magical alteration is mirrored on <strong>the</strong> visual plane, where<br />
<strong>the</strong> geometric fragmentation of <strong>the</strong> figure invokes <strong>the</strong> kinds<br />
of optical effects triggered by <strong>the</strong> taking of hallucinogens. The<br />
design seemingly acknowledges that sort of experience, and<br />
indeed might have been intended to affect <strong>the</strong> viewer in <strong>the</strong><br />
same way.<br />
1 Susan E. Bergh,"Tapestry-Woven Tunics," in Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, ed.<br />
Susan E. Bergh (2012): 166-167.<br />
50
149<br />
Panel from a Tunic<br />
Transforming Staff-Bearers<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave,<br />
selvedged on one side<br />
13" x 13¼"<br />
A<br />
Stylized vilca<br />
B<br />
San Pedro Cactus?<br />
C<br />
Stylized skull<br />
Symmetrically aligned and proportionally matched, <strong>the</strong> kneebending<br />
staff-bearers are depicted facing <strong>the</strong> same direction<br />
within this broad column of design. More typically, such figures<br />
twist in opposite directions and rhythmically contract and<br />
expand in scale.<br />
The clarity of <strong>the</strong> figuration benefits from <strong>the</strong> black background,<br />
ample negative space and sharply defined line. The figures<br />
are twins in several respects, <strong>the</strong>ir mutuality underscored by<br />
visual resonances between <strong>the</strong>m, and <strong>the</strong>ir complementarity<br />
indicated by key symbolic differences.<br />
Shamanistic allusions to ritual death and transfiguration are<br />
explicit, such as <strong>the</strong> rib cages starkly exposed in <strong>the</strong> skeletal<br />
chests. Versions of this motif are found in many portrayals of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Wari staff-bearer, although in most instances <strong>the</strong> element is<br />
so altered or schematic as to resemble an ornamental collar or<br />
<strong>the</strong> condor’s neck ruff. In this context, however, this archetypal<br />
symbol of death and rebirth "from <strong>the</strong> bones" not only fits<br />
<strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> trancing, contorted character, it also visibly<br />
echoes <strong>the</strong> emblem adorning one of <strong>the</strong> staffs (top). That<br />
distinctive botanical motif denotes <strong>the</strong> hallucinogenic powder<br />
vilca, obtained from Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra colubrina (detail A). The<br />
motif is also seen in <strong>the</strong> headdresses of both personae.<br />
The second staff-bearer (bottom) brandishes a staff topped<br />
with a San Pedro cactus finial (detail B). The juxtaposition of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se two stylized motifs, which allude to <strong>the</strong> sacred plants of<br />
Andean ritualism, reinforces <strong>the</strong> notion that <strong>the</strong> staffs are not<br />
solely insignia of power or authority, as <strong>the</strong>y are most often<br />
understood to be, but are indeed signifiers of transcendental<br />
states or dimensions.<br />
The shaft of this emblem is typically patterned with concentric<br />
squares or an undulating or scalloped line, which also decorate<br />
different parts of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer’s attire. Although <strong>the</strong> same<br />
designs are replicated in numerous extant tunics, <strong>the</strong> elements<br />
are seemingly interchangeable and do not appear to be<br />
associated with any specific type of figure.<br />
Although Wari tunic iconography was greatly standardized, <strong>the</strong><br />
weavers selected <strong>the</strong>ir details from a flexible store of images<br />
and symbols. Anomalous, idiosyncratic and singular choices<br />
abound. And while many motifs are ostensibly alike, <strong>the</strong><br />
body of Wari imagery suggests that virtually imperceptible<br />
modifications of line or shape sparked different connotations.<br />
The potential for <strong>the</strong> range of meaning is exemplified, for<br />
example, by <strong>the</strong> pronged circular element set behind <strong>the</strong> rear<br />
foot (detail C). A related motif is commonly used to represent<br />
<strong>the</strong> magic cactus. But in this composition, it echoes <strong>the</strong> disc<br />
attached to <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer's elbow, which derives in turn from<br />
a trophy head suspended from <strong>the</strong> same spot on <strong>the</strong> paramount<br />
Cosmic Deity portrayed on Tiwanaku’s Sun Gateway. The<br />
element also resembles <strong>the</strong> skull motifs (some with severed<br />
arteries or hair tresses) seen in a distinctive type of Wari tunic<br />
(see cat. 164). The icon is rendered with various degrees of<br />
realism, but at its most stylized, is little more than an indented<br />
block with an enlarged cyclopean eye and pendant hair. Based<br />
on those comparisons, it is likely that this element represents a<br />
ritual head as well.<br />
Note: The panel preserves <strong>the</strong> abbreviated edge patterning and <strong>the</strong> tubular<br />
finish along <strong>the</strong> side seam.
54
150<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Transforming Staff-Bearer (one partial figure)<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave,<br />
selvedged on two sides<br />
19" x 18½"<br />
Literature<br />
Moraga 2005b, plate 19.<br />
Wari weaving workshops presumably drew upon<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r textiles as iconographic models and sources of<br />
inspiration. Elite weavers and dyers were undoubtedly also<br />
exposed to <strong>the</strong> ceremonial garments, painted pottery and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
objects of ritual art that were produced in great abundance for<br />
<strong>the</strong> dead, for <strong>the</strong> ancestors, for <strong>the</strong> priesthood, for tribute and<br />
for shamanic rituals or religious feasts.<br />
This might explain <strong>the</strong> multiple versions of <strong>the</strong> same imagery in<br />
Wari tunics. Certain designs must also have been identified with<br />
social rank, leadership role or religious office, and accordingly<br />
been distributed or sanctioned by <strong>the</strong> Wari state.<br />
This composition, for instance, represents a more fluid, lyrical<br />
and eccentric interpretation of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me explored in cat. 149.<br />
Much of this is due to <strong>the</strong> color scheme, which orchestrates many<br />
shades of gold, green, yellow, tan, pink and red with exceptional<br />
harmony. Despite <strong>the</strong> close color values of most of <strong>the</strong>se hues,<br />
<strong>the</strong> design components are juxtaposed without outlines. While<br />
<strong>the</strong> overall contours of each figure lack definition, paradoxically<br />
this has <strong>the</strong> effect of isolating each shape, particularly several<br />
imaginative configurations such as <strong>the</strong> intricate motif around<br />
<strong>the</strong> eye. It also dramatizes <strong>the</strong> branching black-and-white<br />
visionary symbol adorning <strong>the</strong> broad staff that represents vilca<br />
(Anadenan<strong>the</strong>ra colubrina), and which occupies half <strong>the</strong> space.<br />
The Andean weaver’s extraordinary facility for visual puns<br />
and triggering multiple associations is also on display. For<br />
example, <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer's rib cage is skewed and altered so as<br />
to simultaneously supply nostrils for a schematic head (feline?)<br />
that comes into focus on <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer's back (detail below).<br />
The head sports a dangling ear ornament, similar to that in cat.<br />
149, while its bisected eye is obtained from a floating element<br />
that was summarily affixed to <strong>the</strong> edge of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer’s<br />
upturned headdress. The deliberate inclusion of <strong>the</strong>se details<br />
reveals <strong>the</strong> artist’s intention to embed this secondary but hidden<br />
image in <strong>the</strong> metamorphic figure.<br />
Feline head with pendant earing<br />
55
151<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Staff-Bearer with Feline Attributes<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
24" x 11"<br />
The logic underpinning this variant of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer in<br />
its feline incarnation is difficult to establish.The cryptic<br />
visual scheme may reflect ei<strong>the</strong>r a local aes<strong>the</strong>tic innovation,<br />
or that <strong>the</strong> weaver-designer was at a remove in time from<br />
<strong>the</strong> original conception of <strong>the</strong> sacred icon, resulting in <strong>the</strong><br />
inadvertent scrambling of design conventions.<br />
Like most Wari tunics, <strong>the</strong> imagery engages multiple<br />
perspectives depending on whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> textile is oriented<br />
vertically, as worn, or horizontally, as on <strong>the</strong> loom. Accordingly,<br />
<strong>the</strong> figures can be understood as ei<strong>the</strong>r flying in a horizontal<br />
plane, or standing upright, facing opposite directions, with<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir heads twisting upward.This dynamic back-and-forth<br />
movement was presumably intentional.Yet <strong>the</strong> organization<br />
of <strong>the</strong> composition has several perplexing characteristics that<br />
confound <strong>the</strong> viewer’s perception of space and proportion.<br />
Taking up an equal ratio of space in each pattern block,<strong>the</strong><br />
repeat figure and his emblems create parallel columns of design<br />
down <strong>the</strong> length of <strong>the</strong> panel.Although <strong>the</strong> width of <strong>the</strong> staffbearer’s<br />
body is unchanging, <strong>the</strong> elements on one side (a staff<br />
alternating with a headdress) are enlarged, while <strong>the</strong> same<br />
motifs on <strong>the</strong> opposite side are extremely compressed. The<br />
disproportionate scale and geometricization of <strong>the</strong> left-hand<br />
staff or headdress, compounded by <strong>the</strong> exaggerated size of <strong>the</strong><br />
hand wrapped around <strong>the</strong> shaft, breaks this zone of design into<br />
a mosaic of color and shape.<br />
The placement and rendering<br />
of <strong>the</strong> outsized hand is similarly<br />
confusing (detail right). In<br />
every second figure in <strong>the</strong><br />
sequence, <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
between <strong>the</strong> thumb and fingers is correctly represented,<br />
matching <strong>the</strong> action of holding a staff.There is no logic to <strong>the</strong><br />
placement of <strong>the</strong> hand in <strong>the</strong> alternating figure, however. In that<br />
register it appears in back of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer, underneath <strong>the</strong><br />
headdress, with <strong>the</strong> thumb pointing down. In this improbable<br />
location, <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong> motif is seemingly employed as a design<br />
filler to create a pleasing symmetry—apparently a triumph of<br />
aes<strong>the</strong>tics over verisimilitude.<br />
56
57
58
152<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Staff-Bearer with Crocodilian Features<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
32" x 22"<br />
Literature<br />
Stone-Miller 1992a, 342, fig. 14.<br />
This superbly imaginative figure is an anomaly in <strong>the</strong> Wari<br />
repertory, although it shares attributes with depictions of<br />
<strong>the</strong> long-faced Sacrificer, one of <strong>the</strong> focal characters. The icon<br />
is portrayed in only a small number of known tunics, one of<br />
which served to illustrate a key article in Andean scholarship<br />
by Alan Sawyer, identifying <strong>the</strong> fundamental aes<strong>the</strong>tic trait of<br />
visual compression. 1<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> fantastical character is conceived as a dazzling<br />
abstraction of forms, a palpable sense of animal ferocity<br />
and unique personality is projected—an exceptional feat<br />
considering <strong>the</strong> extreme geometric stylization and <strong>the</strong><br />
conceptual approach to figuration and color.<br />
The image connotes a metamorphosis on both iconographic<br />
and formalist levels. The abundant use of curving lines and<br />
rounded, wide shapes conveys an amorphous fluidity. Indeed,<br />
<strong>the</strong> upright figure is part human, displaying two human hands<br />
wrapped realistically around <strong>the</strong> staffs, and one bent leg. But<br />
its long-snouted animal head, shown twisting backward in <strong>the</strong><br />
trancing position, as well as <strong>the</strong> long reptilian tail coiling out<br />
of <strong>the</strong> backbone, signify an alternate or transitional state. This<br />
dramatic spiraling motif, in particular, evokes <strong>the</strong> optical effects<br />
induced by <strong>the</strong> ingestion of San Pedro cactus.<br />
The coloration of <strong>the</strong> textile contributes to <strong>the</strong> perceptual<br />
challenge of decoding <strong>the</strong> image. The figure is only partially<br />
outlined, and <strong>the</strong>re is little discernable difference between<br />
<strong>the</strong> columns of solid color, <strong>the</strong> background of <strong>the</strong> patterned<br />
bands and many of <strong>the</strong> small components of <strong>the</strong> design, since<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were all produced in gradations of ochre, green-gold and<br />
yellow. The cohesiveness of <strong>the</strong> image is fur<strong>the</strong>r compromised<br />
by <strong>the</strong> erratic rhythm of <strong>the</strong> turquoise, red and white elements<br />
that dominate <strong>the</strong> visual field. This kaleidoscopic image<br />
demands <strong>the</strong> active attention of <strong>the</strong><br />
viewer to come into focus. Yet although<br />
<strong>the</strong> color manipulation disrupts <strong>the</strong><br />
overall legibility, it also serves to highlight<br />
myriad small supplementary faces and<br />
figures (such as a creature embedded<br />
sideways in <strong>the</strong> torso that is formed from<br />
several adjacent body parts).<br />
The deity’s emblems are also treated in a novel fashion. Different<br />
faces—a profile human/bird head and an unusual half-sun<br />
face—adorn each staff. The one with <strong>the</strong> birdlike motif is<br />
tipped appropriately with fea<strong>the</strong>rs, while <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r spears a<br />
fishlike motif. The motifs connote <strong>the</strong> different cosmological<br />
and ecological domains of water and sky.<br />
The origins of this bizarre figure are mysterious. It may owe<br />
some influence to <strong>the</strong> mythical caiman that had a major<br />
place in Chavín, Karwa and possibly Pukara cosmology<br />
and iconography (see cat. 141). Since this textile was likely<br />
found on <strong>the</strong> south coast, it is feasible that this ancient jungle<br />
archetype had endured in <strong>the</strong> local mythology. The iguanarelated<br />
figures that appear in north coast iconography may also<br />
have also contributed to <strong>the</strong> Wari vision.<br />
1 Alan Sawyer, "Tiahuanaco Textile Design," Textile Museum Journal 1, no. 2 (1963):<br />
27–38.<br />
59
153<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Jaguar Sacrificer with Captive<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
14" x 10"<br />
This exquisite weaving records a sensational scene of death<br />
and domination: a Sacrificer with conspicuous jaguar<br />
markings squelches a human captive under his foot. Based on <strong>the</strong><br />
discovery of severed heads in multiple Wari ceremonial contexts,<br />
this figure represents more than a supernatural character.<br />
The personification must surely allude to, or mythologize, a<br />
particular ritualist with gruesome obligations in Wari society.<br />
It has been determined, moreover, that <strong>the</strong> skulls of adult men<br />
and children entombed in several such Wari burials belonged<br />
to outsiders—probable evidence of <strong>the</strong> militancy of this first<br />
Andean empire.<br />
The figuration is rendered with greater naturalism and pictorial<br />
expressiveness than most Wari tunic compositions, which<br />
tend toward a formalized, angular abstraction. Fluid lines and<br />
sinuous elements, such as <strong>the</strong> multiheaded crown and wing,<br />
are accentuated with delicate white outlines. The coloration<br />
(especially a rare turquoise hue) and <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> subtly varied<br />
torso motifs appear to be “daubed" on <strong>the</strong> face, arms and legs<br />
are stylistically closer to painting.<br />
The <strong>the</strong>me is uncommon in <strong>the</strong> textile repertoire, but relates<br />
to iconography depicted on pottery from <strong>the</strong> Wari sites of<br />
Conchopata, in <strong>the</strong> Ayacucho Valley, and Pacheco, in <strong>the</strong><br />
coastal Nazca region. The troves record <strong>the</strong> introduction and<br />
assimilation of Tiwanaku religious iconography by <strong>the</strong> Wari<br />
people. Visual myths painted on those ritual urns and vessels<br />
incorporate a supernatural Sacrificer into <strong>the</strong> Cosmic Deity’s<br />
entourage. This reimagined character is installed at <strong>the</strong> Staff<br />
Deity’s side, in <strong>the</strong> flanking position usually accorded <strong>the</strong> staffbearing<br />
attendants. 1 A sacrificial victim (or its head) is bound<br />
upside-down to his staff—a gory message that is conveyed with<br />
particular vividness here, thanks to <strong>the</strong> tension imparted by <strong>the</strong><br />
arched foot.<br />
The anthropomorphic character sports a fanged mouth and<br />
jaguar spots, and is loaded with <strong>the</strong> customary mythic signifiers.<br />
But <strong>the</strong> profile face silhouetted underneath <strong>the</strong> huge jaguar<br />
mask implies a prior human incarnation. When <strong>the</strong> image<br />
is rotated, moreover, <strong>the</strong> shape and motifs of <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer’s<br />
lower torso and limbs re-form into <strong>the</strong> image of a leaping<br />
or pouncing carnivore with a whiskered, devouring mouth,<br />
dragging its human prey away (detail at left). The layered<br />
figures (jaguar-shaman, person, animal) infer an abbreviated<br />
mythic narrative, recounted through imagery alone.<br />
1 Anita Cook, “The Coming of <strong>the</strong> Staff Deity,” in Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>,<br />
ed. Susan E. Bergh (2012): 105-109.<br />
60
61
154<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Profile Head and Fret Design<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
16½" x 21"<br />
The most widely employed pattern scheme for Wari tunics<br />
is built upon a rectangle or square that juxtaposes a stylized<br />
profile face with a stepped spiral or fret. The repeating pattern<br />
blocks are generally aligned in vertical bands interspersed with<br />
broad solid color stripes, so that a curving white line dividing<br />
<strong>the</strong> two motifs creates undulating columns down <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong><br />
tunic. Alternative arrangements, reflected in this vibrant textile,<br />
include densely spaced overall layouts and architectonic formats<br />
replicating <strong>the</strong> structure of <strong>the</strong> Sun Gateway at Tiwanaku, with<br />
its heavy carved lintel, supporting pillars and center opening.<br />
The great number of extant textiles in this style, as well as<br />
portrayals in painted pottery of Wari officials and warriors<br />
wearing similar shirts, suggest that <strong>the</strong> design was linked with<br />
a particular rank or role in <strong>the</strong> Wari state and its religious<br />
or military hierarchy. Tunics featuring this motif are not of<br />
exceptional quality or fineness, however, which again probably<br />
reflects <strong>the</strong>ir more common usage or status. 1<br />
The tunics’ wide availability records <strong>the</strong> imposition of Wari<br />
control or influence over a vast region. Even if <strong>the</strong>y were made<br />
for distribution across <strong>the</strong> empire, it is feasible that <strong>the</strong> garments<br />
were produced by weaving workshops in many different areas.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>r investigation of <strong>the</strong> stylistic and technical divergences<br />
reflected in this body of material may potentially uncover<br />
commonalities in production or origin, or even identify <strong>the</strong><br />
hands and ideas of individual weavers.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>y were standardized (or perhaps because<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were standardized) <strong>the</strong> compositions provided ample<br />
opportunity for <strong>the</strong> resourceful Wari weaver to capitalize on<br />
visual unpredictability through <strong>the</strong> subtle manipulation of<br />
color, shape and detail. Such eccentricities and variations are<br />
a defining, and much-admired, attribute of <strong>the</strong> Wari textile<br />
aes<strong>the</strong>tic. This characteristic is expressed here, for example, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> erratically located, minute tonal differences between <strong>the</strong><br />
blue and green elements. The compression/expansion dynamic<br />
is similarly active.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> spiral/fret motif is remarkably consistent across <strong>the</strong><br />
tradition, <strong>the</strong>re are telling differences in <strong>the</strong> renderings of <strong>the</strong><br />
stylized faces. This variant displays a long, thick eye mark and a<br />
human mouth; o<strong>the</strong>rs interpretations have Z-shaped fangs, or<br />
may be entirely devoid of fine detail.<br />
The significance of <strong>the</strong> symbol, however, is more ambiguous.<br />
It seems plausible that <strong>the</strong> conjunction of step (i.e., mountain<br />
or earth) and spiral (i.e., water or ocean) was a cosmogram<br />
representing <strong>the</strong> world or <strong>the</strong> sacred landscape. Similarly <strong>the</strong><br />
abbreviated sign might derive from related iconography on <strong>the</strong><br />
Sun Gateway. The coiling element certainly evokes an animal<br />
tail; and indeed, <strong>the</strong> connection between <strong>the</strong> puma's tail and<br />
flowing water is firmly embedded in highland myth, cult and<br />
language.<br />
1 Susan E. Bergh, “Tapestry-Woven Tunics," in Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, ed.<br />
Susan E. Bergh (2012): 163.<br />
62
155<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Profile Head and Fret Design<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
34½" x 22"<br />
An innovative and elegant treatment of <strong>the</strong> most common<br />
Wari design <strong>the</strong>me sets <strong>the</strong> profile-head/spiral-fret motifs<br />
(detail A) within a black framework that accentuates <strong>the</strong><br />
modular abstraction, <strong>the</strong> permutations of color and shape, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> progression towards greatest pattern compression at <strong>the</strong><br />
outer edges of <strong>the</strong> composition (i.e., <strong>the</strong> sides of <strong>the</strong> tunic).<br />
The square is paired with a more geometric pattern that deftly<br />
illustrates <strong>the</strong> evolution from figuration to abstraction (details B,<br />
C). The latter is subdivided into rectangles tipped with stylized<br />
heads sporting U-shaped beaks or noses (detail B). This angular<br />
element itself shrinks and magnifies in size, and in random<br />
locations displaces <strong>the</strong> head entirely (detail C).<br />
Tapering black and brown lines move diagonally within <strong>the</strong><br />
squares to define a mosaic of irregular shapes. Black, white, ochre<br />
and red horizontal bars of various widths, offset by semicircles<br />
and U shapes of different scales, generate visual rhythm.<br />
The color scheme, which unfolds in diagonal opposition, is<br />
never<strong>the</strong>less predictable (despite subtle color substitutions and<br />
degrees of difference even within it).<br />
The dominant black grid also makes explicit <strong>the</strong> pattern<br />
contraction that occurs toward <strong>the</strong> outermost selvedge of <strong>the</strong><br />
rectangular panel. This feature has been described as a kind of<br />
"mythic geometry" that captures <strong>the</strong> viewpoint of <strong>the</strong> weaver<br />
seated at <strong>the</strong> loom, gazing across <strong>the</strong> horizontal plane of <strong>the</strong><br />
textile toward an imaginary vanishing point. Accordingly, <strong>the</strong><br />
images of divine or supernatural beings that are contained in<br />
this woven space diminish in size <strong>the</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y are from<br />
<strong>the</strong> weaver’s reach, as if <strong>the</strong>y were receding toward <strong>the</strong> infinite<br />
horizon where <strong>the</strong> mythical universe began. 1 This interpretation<br />
may not be totally applicable to <strong>the</strong> motifs employed here,<br />
which are symbols ra<strong>the</strong>r than figures, but <strong>the</strong>y do preserve <strong>the</strong><br />
conceptual model behind this Wari design precept. Of course,<br />
<strong>the</strong> effect was obscured when <strong>the</strong> tunics were worn, with <strong>the</strong><br />
patterning oriented vertically on <strong>the</strong> body and <strong>the</strong> narrow<br />
bands of design hidden by <strong>the</strong> drape and folds of <strong>the</strong> textile<br />
over <strong>the</strong> wearer’s shoulders.<br />
1 William Conklin, "The <strong>Mythic</strong> Geometry of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Sierra," in<br />
The Junius B. Bird Textile Conference 1984, ed. Ann Pollard Rowe (1986). Related<br />
textiles are published in Samuel K. Lothrop, Pre-Columbian Art.The Robert Woods Bliss<br />
Collection (1957): plate 147, and Susan E. Bergh, ed., Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong><br />
(2012): fig. 149.<br />
A B C<br />
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65
The graphics of this motif from a Wari tunic are deceptively<br />
simple. In <strong>the</strong> originally intact tunic, <strong>the</strong> individual square<br />
was multiplied four times, mirrored and inverted across its<br />
vertical and horizontal axes, to produce a quadripartite pattern<br />
block. The configuration of angular and circular elements lends<br />
a dynamic shape to <strong>the</strong> negative space, woven in light pink.<br />
The design abridges <strong>the</strong> fundamental components of <strong>the</strong> Wari-<br />
Tiwanaku religious icon—<strong>the</strong> paramount deity arrayed on a<br />
temple/mountain and surrounded by winged attendants—into<br />
a complex pictogram that can be read on many levels.<br />
The angular human head and <strong>the</strong> three-fingered element suggest<br />
abbreviated versions of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer and <strong>the</strong> emblematic<br />
staff—although, in fact, this enigmatic symbol may compound<br />
various references, including a finger or hand gesture, fea<strong>the</strong>rs,<br />
flames and San Pedro cactus.<br />
156<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Interconnected Heads<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 4"<br />
As a reconstruction of <strong>the</strong><br />
original layout reveals, when<br />
doubled, <strong>the</strong> upside-down,<br />
bisected face adjoining <strong>the</strong><br />
pointed top of <strong>the</strong> human<br />
head forms a whole, with<br />
its mouth spanning <strong>the</strong> two<br />
squares (detail at right). In<br />
conjunction with <strong>the</strong> adjacent condor head, <strong>the</strong> stepped outline<br />
demarcating <strong>the</strong> creature’s ear also evokes <strong>the</strong> meandering band<br />
studded with bird motifs that runs along <strong>the</strong> base of <strong>the</strong> Sun<br />
Gateway frieze.<br />
The weaver was not done with generating faces,<br />
however: yet ano<strong>the</strong>r skull-like half-face with a<br />
serrated jawbone is created out of <strong>the</strong> condor’s<br />
split eye and neck ruff (detail at right).<br />
66
157<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Interlocking Reptilian Figure<br />
Tiwanaku-related culture?<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
15" x 9"<br />
A<br />
striking contrast of hue and shade enhances <strong>the</strong> brilliant<br />
interplay of inversion, reflection and opposition in this<br />
narrow pattern band. There are three tonalities of indigo,<br />
ranging from dark and light blue to a distinctive turquoise that<br />
suggests <strong>the</strong> textile was produced within Tiwanaku’s sphere of<br />
influence. The interlocking geometric design is reminiscent of<br />
iconography explored by pre-Columbian cultures in nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Chile as well as sou<strong>the</strong>rn Peru.<br />
A schematic anthropomorphic figure is symmetrically mirrored<br />
across <strong>the</strong> color divide, top to bottom and side to side. The<br />
bisected head is set upon a lizard-like body composed of spirals,<br />
hooks and serrated diagonals. These graphic elements possibly<br />
derive from <strong>the</strong> classic face/fret combination (see cat. 154), and<br />
may be symbolically associated with water and mountains.<br />
67
68
158<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Condor Staff-Bearer<br />
Tiwanaku culture?<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
18" x 19"<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> major aes<strong>the</strong>tic distinctions between Wari and<br />
Tiwanaku tapestry tunics is that <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku-related<br />
traditions did not usually adhere to visual conventions for<br />
expanding and contracting <strong>the</strong> figuration within <strong>the</strong> multiple<br />
bands of design.<br />
Here, <strong>the</strong> narrow width of <strong>the</strong> solid color bands in proportion<br />
to <strong>the</strong> patterning, as well as <strong>the</strong> color range, indicates that this<br />
fragmentary section of a finely woven tunic might belong to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku realm. The composition exhibits a degree of<br />
abstraction that is rare in Tiwanaku textile art, however, and<br />
also engages <strong>the</strong> characteristic Wari effect of compression<br />
and expansion (most visibly in <strong>the</strong> side columns and at <strong>the</strong><br />
embroidered side seam).<br />
The head of a condor, eagle or o<strong>the</strong>r raptor is embedded<br />
within an abstract matrix consisting of recurring motifs from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Wari repertoire (detail at right). The bird’s head, framed<br />
with a U-shaped yoke composed of stylized faces, is packed<br />
between <strong>the</strong> wing fea<strong>the</strong>rs and staff finial, while <strong>the</strong> body is so<br />
compressed as to be vestigial.<br />
Because <strong>the</strong> textile is so fragmentary, it is difficult to discern<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re is an internal consistency to <strong>the</strong> order in which<br />
<strong>the</strong> distortion occurs. But in o<strong>the</strong>r areas of <strong>the</strong> design, <strong>the</strong><br />
head is miniaturized while <strong>the</strong> torso and o<strong>the</strong>r motifs (like <strong>the</strong><br />
back wing fea<strong>the</strong>rs) are magnified. The expansion of <strong>the</strong> motif<br />
towards <strong>the</strong> selvedge is atypical, but yields ample room for <strong>the</strong><br />
expression of maximum geometric abstraction.<br />
Fea<strong>the</strong>r/Wing<br />
Corona with faces<br />
Eagle/Condor head<br />
Corona<br />
Top of staff<br />
69
159<br />
Fragments from a Tunic (with modern rearrangement)<br />
Wari culture<br />
Circa AD 1000<br />
Camelid and cotton fiber; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
18½" x 20"<br />
The intricate conglomeration of Wari motifs packed into <strong>the</strong> exceptionally<br />
wide columns of this tunic has apparently lost <strong>the</strong> iconographic thread that<br />
would fuse <strong>the</strong> geometric shapes into a coherent figure.<br />
Only one extremely compressed, genuflecting staff-bearer is discernable within<br />
<strong>the</strong> visual chaos (detail at right). Yet myriad forms drawn from <strong>the</strong> Wari symbolic<br />
inventory are recognizable, including bird talons, claws, fanged mouths, bisected<br />
"supernatural" eyes, profile faces, bird and feline heads, parts of staffs, panpipes<br />
and <strong>the</strong> ubiquitous three-pronged element that may allude to fea<strong>the</strong>rs, paws,<br />
hands or <strong>the</strong> San Pedro cactus.<br />
Presumably this improvisational variety was <strong>the</strong> point. It is difficult to say whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />
this dazzling level of abstraction, in which <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer icon is shattered into<br />
parts, reflects a distance of time or space from <strong>the</strong> original source of <strong>the</strong> imagery.<br />
Some scholars have postulated that <strong>the</strong> very impenetrability of certain designs<br />
only served to enhanced <strong>the</strong> mystery of <strong>the</strong>ir o<strong>the</strong>rworldly content. O<strong>the</strong>rs have<br />
observed that for all <strong>the</strong>ir "modernity," such compositions are usually executed<br />
in a lesser grade of tapestry cloth, requiring smaller quantities of camelid hair and<br />
cotton, and thus being of lower status. 1<br />
Yet <strong>the</strong>re is a genius to <strong>the</strong> complexity of pattern and dynamic application of<br />
vibrant color in this textile that asserts mastery and originality, ra<strong>the</strong>r than lack<br />
of familiarity with <strong>the</strong> visual and symbolic canons.<br />
1 Susan E. Bergh, “Tapestry-woven Tunics,” in Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> ed. Susan E. Bergh (2012): 163.<br />
Reconstructed of six separate pieces<br />
70
160<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Abstracted Feline<br />
Wari-related style (Chachapoyas?)<br />
Circa AD 1000<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
35" x 21"<br />
At <strong>the</strong> periphery of <strong>the</strong> Wari Empire, especially during <strong>the</strong> period of its decline, <strong>the</strong><br />
standardized, widespread repertory of supernatural icons was seemingly reproduced<br />
with less understanding of both <strong>the</strong> artistic conventions and <strong>the</strong> sacred iconography.<br />
This tapestry tunic from an unidentified tradition (Chachapoyas? Nasca?) seems to<br />
be more concerned with resembling a typical Wari creation than with fulfilling <strong>the</strong><br />
aes<strong>the</strong>tic criteria and canons of <strong>the</strong> official ideology and imagery promulgated by that<br />
culture. That motivation never<strong>the</strong>less communicates <strong>the</strong> extraordinary prestige of <strong>the</strong><br />
imperial-style weavings, and is reflected in <strong>the</strong> technical refinement and artful color<br />
dyeing.<br />
The eccentric translation of <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer in its feline aspect betrays <strong>the</strong> weaver’s (or<br />
society's) ignorance of <strong>the</strong> standard icon. The figure has reverted to a surreal version of<br />
<strong>the</strong> jaguar form, although it is debatable whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> flamboyant patterning is garbled<br />
or rusticated, or whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> artist was simply confident that <strong>the</strong> mythological reference<br />
would be understood.<br />
72
161<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Warriors?<br />
Wari culture, probably South Coast (Ica?)<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
5" x 8"<br />
Recent scholarship suggests that <strong>the</strong> male personages portrayed in large Wari effigy<br />
jars may have represented specific individuals (or more generally, particular<br />
ethnic or social groups) within <strong>the</strong> larger Wari world. Accordingly, such figures should<br />
be identifiable by markers of personal style, such as distinctive tattoos, body paint,<br />
clothing and symbolic accessories.<br />
Although this long-haired, turbaned individual is less elaborately costumed than many<br />
such characters, his features undoubtedly place him among <strong>the</strong> company of real people,<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than mythical ones.<br />
Indeed, <strong>the</strong> figure's sentry-like posture and weapon (spear thrower?), suggest a guard<br />
or warrior—not an unlikely role given <strong>the</strong> militaristic nature of Wari expansionism.<br />
And while his red-and-yellow checkerboard shirt is similar to a type of gauzy Nasca-<br />
Wari tunic woven in <strong>the</strong> discontinuous warp-and-weft technique, it is interesting how<br />
<strong>the</strong> design also anticipates <strong>the</strong> checkerboard tunics worn by Inka battalions several<br />
centuries later.<br />
One has to wonder exactly who wore this tunic within Wari hierarchy. A military<br />
leader, whose troops were represented in <strong>the</strong> design? A foreigner with <strong>the</strong> power of<br />
<strong>the</strong> highland empire metaphorically massed behind him? Or, self-referentially, <strong>the</strong> very<br />
person who occupied <strong>the</strong> role itself?<br />
75
162<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Pan Flute–Playing Sacrificer<br />
Wari culture, probably South Coast<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
10½" x 9½"<br />
In <strong>the</strong> ancient <strong>Andes</strong>, <strong>the</strong> haunting sound of <strong>the</strong> pan flute was<br />
<strong>the</strong> sound of ritual death, <strong>the</strong> afterlife and <strong>the</strong> ancestral realm.<br />
The reed instrument was also associated with warfare and <strong>the</strong><br />
rainy season, contributing sonic dimension to sacrificial activities<br />
focused on fertilizing <strong>the</strong> earth with blood or unleashing <strong>the</strong><br />
water controlled by cosmic forces.<br />
Musicians are pictured playing <strong>the</strong> same sorts of instruments<br />
(pipes, trumpets, drums, rattles) that have been found in<br />
ceremonial and burial sites. Shamanic characters also play<br />
panpipes in Nasca imagery, as do skeletal personages represented<br />
in Moche pottery vessels.<br />
Unlike those spectral beings, this unique Wari character (who<br />
is portrayed in only a few known tapestry tunics) is fully<br />
garbed and furnished with <strong>the</strong> standard supernatural emblems,<br />
including a headdress and (extremely contracted) staff.<br />
As if to emphasize <strong>the</strong> realistic nature of <strong>the</strong> role, however,<br />
his features and demeanor are definitely those of a human<br />
being. The design of his tunic emulates Nasca-Wari styles of<br />
discontinuous warp-and-weft textiles ("patchwork") found on<br />
<strong>the</strong> south coast. An identical garment is worn by <strong>the</strong> panpipe<br />
player portrayed in a closely related tunic in <strong>the</strong> Textile Museum<br />
collection. Possibly <strong>the</strong> two tunics were produced by <strong>the</strong> same<br />
workshop, or allude to a style of dress specifically associated<br />
with <strong>the</strong> musician’s role.<br />
This figure has been interpreted as a version of <strong>the</strong> Wari<br />
Sacrificer. 1 In fact, such activities are intimated by <strong>the</strong><br />
disembodied head juxtaposed with <strong>the</strong> headdress of ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
figure from <strong>the</strong> pattern sequence below (<strong>the</strong> only detail to<br />
survive in this fragment). A stepped element decorated with<br />
a condor head next to his feet also places <strong>the</strong> musician on a<br />
ceremonial dais or within sacred space. (The motif may derive<br />
from <strong>the</strong> platform depicted on <strong>the</strong> Sun Portal.)<br />
But <strong>the</strong> character’s most unusual attribute is a wavy glyph<br />
emerging from his mouth, which, in combination with <strong>the</strong><br />
panpipe, surely indicates a vibrational sound, such as song or<br />
speech.<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> iconographic and aes<strong>the</strong>tic consistency of <strong>the</strong> imperial<br />
Wari style, which is centered on a core group of mythical icons,<br />
this image is outstanding as well as unique.<br />
1 Susan E. Bergh, ed., Wari. Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> (2012): 168-167, figs. 157, 158.<br />
76
163<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Ritual Sacrificer with Captive<br />
Wari culture, South Coast?<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
9¼" x 11"<br />
Pictorial compositions involving several figures, and simultaneously capable of<br />
imparting a sense of action or <strong>the</strong> passage of time, are always rare in <strong>the</strong> static<br />
dimension of Andean textile design. This compelling scene has both qualities, and despite<br />
<strong>the</strong> slightly "rustic" rendering, is equally valuable for fleshing out details of <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer<br />
narrative that was an important aspect of Wari religious and state mythology.<br />
The design records an event of ritual sacrifice enacted by a demonic decapitator wielding<br />
a double ax. While it is not obvious whe<strong>the</strong>r this gruesome ritualist is supernatural or a<br />
mythicized characterization of a real individual, his victim (or victims) are unequivocally<br />
human.<br />
The difference between <strong>the</strong> clothing and locations of two prone figures implies a<br />
sequence of events ra<strong>the</strong>r than multiple participants. One male figure, sprawling on <strong>the</strong><br />
ground as if recently killed, is still dressed in a white breechcloth and clutches a club<br />
or weapon, although his head has been severed at <strong>the</strong> neck. A second, naked corpse is<br />
shown ei<strong>the</strong>r laid out within a tomb, or shoved upside-down into a shaft or ceremonial<br />
structure.<br />
It is feasible that <strong>the</strong> two figures portray <strong>the</strong> same warrior at different stages in <strong>the</strong> ritual<br />
or battle, i.e., being killed, stripped of his gear, and subsequently transformed into a<br />
trophy head, like <strong>the</strong> one dangling from <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer’s elbow.<br />
79
164<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Skull<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
16¼" x 13½"<br />
Stripped of both flesh and humanity, <strong>the</strong> macabre beauty of <strong>the</strong> human skull, turned<br />
into a visceral power object, starkly embodies <strong>the</strong> drive behind Wari militarism and<br />
ritualism.<br />
Cachements of skulls have been recovered from Wari ceremonial sites both at <strong>the</strong> coast<br />
and in <strong>the</strong> sierra. Unlike in <strong>the</strong> earlier Nasca trophy-head cult, however, <strong>the</strong> hair and<br />
skin of decapitated individuals were not conserved. The different treatment possibly<br />
reflects diverse cultural practices, or <strong>the</strong> distinct environmental conditions that shaped<br />
life and death in <strong>the</strong> highlands. (The conditions of preservation were entirely different<br />
in <strong>the</strong> desert sands.)<br />
The small, known body of Wari tunics featuring this iconography does so with varying<br />
degrees of stylization. The bold motifs are always set against a red and yellow "tuning<br />
fork" pattern, whose tines rhythmically shrink and expand across <strong>the</strong> field. This<br />
background may be specific to <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer <strong>the</strong>me, as suggested by its similarity to <strong>the</strong><br />
striped field seen in cat. 163.<br />
The elements of <strong>the</strong> skull are minimally rendered with different polygonal shapes,<br />
each modified to describe a unique feature such as <strong>the</strong> eye socket, ear or jawbone.<br />
Appendages hanging below <strong>the</strong> head possibly describe <strong>the</strong> severed veins or trachea.<br />
81
165<br />
Fragment of a Headband (left)<br />
Profile Head<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
5½" x 3"<br />
166<br />
Fragment from a Headband (opposite)<br />
Alternating Heads<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-900<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
12" x 2½"<br />
Literature<br />
Lapiner 1976, plates 541, 557.<br />
82
Ambiguity is inherent to representations of <strong>the</strong> human head<br />
in Andean iconography. Although <strong>the</strong> motif alludes most<br />
frequently to heads decapitated in ritual sacrifice or captured<br />
in battle, not all trophy heads symbolize enemies or victims.<br />
It is thought that certain votive heads may have been linked<br />
with ancestral cults, kept and revered as sacred relics by multiple<br />
generations. However, both practices reflect <strong>the</strong> Andean belief<br />
that human essence and power reside in <strong>the</strong> head and imbue its<br />
bony skull after death.<br />
There are many contexts in which isolated or disembodied<br />
faces are featured in textile design. Certain figures are likely<br />
to represent particular types of people—warriors, priests and<br />
paramount lords, for example, or diverse regional or ethnic<br />
groups. An individual’s social status, role and origin were<br />
likely also conveyed through specific motifs, facial markings,<br />
headwear and o<strong>the</strong>r insignia.<br />
The schematic face, alternating direction in a fragmentary<br />
headband (cat. 165), is distinguished by ear spools and a fourcorner-style<br />
hat, patterned with diamonds and possibly topped<br />
with fea<strong>the</strong>rs. A swa<strong>the</strong> of color wraps across his cheeks and<br />
mouth, zigzagging along <strong>the</strong> jawline. All <strong>the</strong>se elements point<br />
to a high rank in <strong>the</strong> community, and may indeed specify an<br />
ethnic affiliation within <strong>the</strong> larger Wari state.<br />
The interplay of spiraling, circular and angled lines, and<br />
a symmetrical application of vibrant color, create a visually<br />
balanced design.<br />
A very similar personage appears in a fragment from ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
headband (cat.166). He, too, has paint or tattooing applied to<br />
<strong>the</strong> lower part of <strong>the</strong> face, as well as subtle striping. Although<br />
Wari face decoration tends to be abstract, <strong>the</strong>se markings recall<br />
a monkey's muzzle. The head is juxtaposed with a diamond<br />
block pattern that foreshadows <strong>the</strong> geometric tokapu signs used<br />
in elite Inka weavings.<br />
83
84
167<br />
Headband (partial)<br />
Human Sacrifice or Offering<br />
Wari-related culture (Chachapoyas? South Coast?)<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
10½" x 2½"<br />
An extremely unusual depiction of a dismembered body (possibly laid on a shroud<br />
or litter) supplies a focus for this headband (which, though incomplete, preserves a<br />
checkerboard tab at one end). The eccentric, cursive style of drawing is also distinctive.<br />
A large green head is juxtaposed with a man’s shirt and breechcloth, which are placed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> appropriate spots (if <strong>the</strong>re were an actual body). Motifs suggesting <strong>the</strong> severed<br />
hands and feet of <strong>the</strong> victim occupy each corner. The removal of a warrior’s clo<strong>the</strong>s<br />
prior to mutilating or sacrificing him was a common <strong>the</strong>me in antecedent Nasca and<br />
Moche iconography.<br />
An alternative reading of this pattern block yields <strong>the</strong> outline and head of a crouching<br />
animal (compare with cat. 176, detail below). This second, more cryptic, glyphlike motif<br />
fits <strong>the</strong> sacrificial <strong>the</strong>me by combining animal elements (feline head, tail) within a<br />
spiraling design (tail?) that terminates in a trophy head.<br />
85
168<br />
Headband (partial)<br />
Human Sacrifice or Offering<br />
Wari-related culture (Chachapoyas? South Coast?)<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
19" x 1½"<br />
86
Like an ancient prototype for <strong>the</strong> "skull and crossbones" of Western lore, <strong>the</strong> curious design<br />
woven into this headband juxtaposes two motifs: a florescent skull and a femur bone inlaid<br />
with a human face.<br />
It is likely that both <strong>the</strong> vivid red used for <strong>the</strong> background and <strong>the</strong> pink highlights in <strong>the</strong> faces<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r small details were obtained from <strong>the</strong> cochineal insect, which had become <strong>the</strong> principal<br />
means for dyeing camelid wool during <strong>the</strong> Nasca period. 1<br />
Bones and blood are <strong>the</strong> seeds of life and regeneration in Andean thought, which makes this<br />
imagery and hue suited to <strong>the</strong> powerful leader or warrior who may have worn it in life or battle<br />
(or equally, for his honored corpse).<br />
Skulls and bones were certainly regarded as war emblems as well in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, as an Inka song<br />
suggests: "We will drink from our enemy's skull. We will make necklaces from his teeth. We will<br />
play a flute on his bones and drum from his skin." Wari skull-shaped beakers, discovered at <strong>the</strong><br />
ceremonial center of Pachacamac, reveal this to have been an enduring and widespread <strong>the</strong>me.<br />
1 Elena Phipps, "Cochineal Red: The Art History of a Color," The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (Winter 2010).<br />
87
169<br />
Sash or Headband<br />
Decapitator with Plant Motif<br />
Wari style, North-Central Coast (Huarmey Valley)<br />
Circa AD 800-1000<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
3½" x 34½"<br />
88
Adjusting to <strong>the</strong> narrow width and scale of <strong>the</strong> band, only <strong>the</strong> elongated face of <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer<br />
or Decapitator and upper portion of his "wing" are shown.<br />
Significantly, <strong>the</strong> head is paired with a distinctive plant laden with fruits; a similar globular element<br />
appears on his headdress. The closest precedent for this motif is <strong>the</strong> pendulous branching form<br />
of <strong>the</strong> so-called Ulluchu tree that is depicted in Moche iconography (detail at right). 1 Although<br />
this plant has not yet been botanically identified, Moche scholars have connected <strong>the</strong> fruit to<br />
sacrificial rites. Its significance appears to lie in its use as a type of anticoagulant to keep <strong>the</strong> ritual<br />
blood flowing.<br />
Notably, <strong>the</strong> symbol is also frequently represented on belts worn by Moche warriors and<br />
in a double-Ulluchu headdress displayed by supernatural figures. Specialists in Wari art have<br />
speculated, moreover, that <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer associated with Staff Deity iconography may reflect<br />
Moche influence. 2 Indeed, <strong>the</strong> way in which this icon is drawn (especially <strong>the</strong> stepped diagonal<br />
line) is reminiscent of a monstrous visage that appears in late Moche-Huarmey styles (see cats.<br />
198, 200).<br />
1 Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland, Moche Fineline Painting: Its Evolution and Its Artists (1999): 156-157.<br />
2 Anita Cook, “The Coming of <strong>the</strong> Staff Deity” in Wari, Lords of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, ed. Susan E. Bergh (2012): 118.<br />
89
170<br />
Corner from a Mantle<br />
Profile Heads<br />
Coastal Wari culture<br />
Circa AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary<br />
weft on plain weave<br />
10" x 16"<br />
Provenance<br />
Lou Slavitz Collection.<br />
Literature<br />
Frame 1990, 5, fig. 2.<br />
Bergh 2013, figs. 249a, 249b.<br />
Originally this panel comprised one of four decorative<br />
corners to a mantle or carrying cloth. Based on comparison<br />
with intact examples of <strong>the</strong> style, it can be assumed that two of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se stepped quadrants, applied to <strong>the</strong> same side of <strong>the</strong> plainwoven<br />
cotton square, contained figurative motifs organized in<br />
a multicolored checkerboard. The corners on <strong>the</strong> opposite side<br />
would have been embellished with a two-color abstract design,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> plain woven center would have been left empty.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> compositional field was visually balanced and<br />
symmetrical in format, <strong>the</strong> internal asymmetry of <strong>the</strong> matching<br />
pattern blocks, <strong>the</strong> change in color from side to side and<br />
<strong>the</strong> contrast between abstraction and figuration were clearly<br />
meaningful. We can speculate that <strong>the</strong> weaving was folded so<br />
that only <strong>the</strong> outer corners were visible, but probably Andean<br />
notions of dualism and complementarity strongly influenced<br />
<strong>the</strong> design.<br />
Two versions of a profile head with an L-shaped teardrop<br />
alternate in diagonally arranged color blocks. The tear track<br />
switches direction from left to right, representing a very<br />
subtle spin on <strong>the</strong> dominant visual convention employed in<br />
Wari tunics. The widths of <strong>the</strong> heads are also varied, similarly<br />
replicating <strong>the</strong> compression/expansion effect fundamental to<br />
<strong>the</strong> proportions of Wari design.<br />
Each head supports a distinct headdress. One version suggests<br />
drooping fea<strong>the</strong>rs springing from a serpentine braid or<br />
headband. The o<strong>the</strong>r, a U-shaped crown adorned with bird<br />
and cactus motifs, emulates <strong>the</strong> standard Wari insignia. This<br />
bizarre head also has two armlike projections front and back,<br />
which convert it into a truncated figure whose stance evokes<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> staff-bearing or <strong>the</strong> veneration pose. This motif may<br />
be a shorthand depiction of <strong>the</strong> Staff Deity.<br />
90
91
171<br />
Four-Cornered Hat<br />
Running Staff-Bearer<br />
Wari culture, South Coast<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; looping (larks-head knotting)<br />
with supplementary pile, pieced construction<br />
5½" x 4"<br />
Literature<br />
Bergh 2013, fig. 11.<br />
With its fleecy surface and long tufted "ears," <strong>the</strong> fourcornered<br />
Wari hat undoubtedly alludes to <strong>the</strong> llamas<br />
and alpacas that were crucial to Andean societies and intrinsic<br />
to <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong>ir woven art. The camelid supplied<br />
wool, hide, food, fats, as well as mobility, to coastal and highland<br />
peoples alike.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> Wari lords wore a variety of headgear, this<br />
singular style of head adornment is both <strong>the</strong> most conceptually<br />
complex and <strong>the</strong> most imaginative in terms of execution. Large<br />
pottery effigies portray Wari dignitaries, warriors and sacrificers<br />
bedecked in <strong>the</strong>se square hats, which must have matched those<br />
individuals' particular social positions or functions within <strong>the</strong><br />
imperial structure.<br />
As soft, sculptural expressions of "form, texture, iconography<br />
and geometry," 1 <strong>the</strong> knotted pile hats are three-dimensional<br />
masterpieces of ancient fiber art.<br />
Generally, geometric or figural patterning (sometimes both)<br />
unfolds symmetrically over all four sides of <strong>the</strong> hat, repeated<br />
in four different spatial planes and directions. Many layouts<br />
are characterized by bold concentric or quartered diamond<br />
motifs, checkerboards, and o<strong>the</strong>r interpretations of <strong>the</strong> square<br />
or diagonal patterned grid. In contrast, this exemplary piece,<br />
which is lustrous with velvety pile and crisp color, highlights<br />
a single, large-scale figure—an angular interpretation of <strong>the</strong><br />
mythical staff-bearer.<br />
The figure is reduced to a graphic abstraction, however, with<br />
only an oblong block delineating a truncated head and torso.<br />
Yet dynamic details such as <strong>the</strong> uplifted foot, <strong>the</strong> free hand<br />
extending behind his back and <strong>the</strong> bird-tipped hair or headdress<br />
streaming backward at a slight tilt convey motion and speed, as<br />
if <strong>the</strong> character were running ra<strong>the</strong>r than kneeling in <strong>the</strong> usual<br />
static supplicant or attendant mode.<br />
The motif is repeated in all four frames, rendered in a twocolor<br />
scheme (blue/yellow or red/green) that is paired on<br />
opposite sides. As is typical of Wari styles, <strong>the</strong> monochromatic<br />
top is subtly textured with a ribbed design, generated with a<br />
single-element looping technique, which subdivides <strong>the</strong> square<br />
on its diagonal axes.<br />
1 Mary Frame, Andean Four-Cornered Hats: <strong>Ancient</strong> Volumes (1990): 6.<br />
92
93
172<br />
Shin Guard<br />
Wari culture<br />
AD 600-1000<br />
Camelid wool, fur, reed; wrapping<br />
12½" x 5½"<br />
Literature<br />
Bergh 2013, fig. 161.<br />
Battle garb and weapons unear<strong>the</strong>d from numerous tombs provide insight into <strong>the</strong><br />
nature of pre-Columbian warfare.<br />
Warriors, ritualists and supernatural figures are frequently portrayed with trophy-head<br />
motifs placed all over <strong>the</strong>ir bodies (especially at <strong>the</strong> vulnerable joints of <strong>the</strong> ankle,<br />
knee, wrist and elbow). But this embellishment was apparently not only confined<br />
to iconography. Certain items of Wari armor indicate that <strong>the</strong> same symbolism was<br />
utilized by <strong>the</strong>ir real-life counterparts, some of whom must have worn shin guards like<br />
this singular example, which displays a stylized face.<br />
Wari helmets and shin guards were constructed in a similar fashion, out of reeds or slats<br />
wrapped with multicolored yarn to create different motifs. The complete battle outfit<br />
presumably included a matching shield.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> most typical design consists of concentric stepped diamonds, not all shin<br />
guards feature three such elements. Here, <strong>the</strong> motifs clearly evoke eyes and a mouth.<br />
The bisected eye is a common indicator of supernatural status or death—so we can<br />
assume that this ghostly face was devised to provide spiritual protection for <strong>the</strong> wearer,<br />
as well as to intimidate prospective enemies.<br />
94
95
PROVINCIAL WARI<br />
WARI-RELATED STYLES
Provincial Wari and<br />
Wari-Related Cultures<br />
In Andean archaeology, <strong>the</strong> Middle Horizon refers to an epoch dating from about<br />
AD 400 to 1000, during which much of ancient Peru came under <strong>the</strong> military,<br />
economic, cultural and artistic domination of <strong>the</strong> highland Wari people. This vast state,<br />
unified by a network of roads and large-scale administrative centers that anticipated<br />
<strong>the</strong> infrastructure of <strong>the</strong> later Inka Empire, is especially associated with tapestry-woven<br />
tunics and o<strong>the</strong>r high-status textiles displaying iconography related to <strong>the</strong> religious cult<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Staff Deity and his supernatural associates.<br />
Yet <strong>the</strong>re are also many Wari-related textiles that survive from this period that do not<br />
conform to <strong>the</strong> strictures of this hierarchical and elite body of material. In <strong>the</strong>se cases<br />
provincial or regional artists and craftsmen drew upon <strong>the</strong>ir own aes<strong>the</strong>tic traditions<br />
for weaving and design techniques, and upon local mythologies for iconographic<br />
<strong>the</strong>mes, in order to rework and adapt <strong>the</strong> Wari canon, particularly <strong>the</strong> staff-bearing<br />
and Sacrificer figures. The influence of antecedent or overlapping cultures such as<br />
Moche, Lambayeque, Pacatnamu, Pachacamac and Nasca (to name only some of <strong>the</strong><br />
most distinctive) surfaces in <strong>the</strong> imagery, as well as in <strong>the</strong> compositional layouts, color<br />
combinations, fabric structures and design formats. Most such textiles represent coastal<br />
traditions; thus <strong>the</strong>y also feature <strong>the</strong> local fauna and flora, as well as seabirds and ocean<br />
life.<br />
Obviously, virtually all extant Wari and Middle Horizon textiles—even <strong>the</strong> imperial<br />
styles—were unear<strong>the</strong>d from coastal cemeteries and ceremonial complexes because<br />
those sites (apart from <strong>the</strong> north coast) supplied optimal conditions for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
conservation. The imperial and provincial traditions of production were certainly<br />
concurrent, serving diverse members of society, as well as fulfilling a wide range<br />
of sumptuary, ritual, funerary and official needs. Without provenience information,<br />
however, it is usually difficult to establish where exactly such textiles were woven, used<br />
or ultimately preserved.<br />
Accordingly, <strong>the</strong> textiles in this catalogue are primarily grouped toge<strong>the</strong>r on <strong>the</strong> basis of<br />
related iconography or o<strong>the</strong>r similarities. General cultural attribution is suggested here<br />
based on <strong>the</strong> literature and o<strong>the</strong>r sources, but is provisional and open to amendment.<br />
99
173<br />
Portion of a Tunic<br />
Staff Deity<br />
Wari-influenced style (Chachapoyas?)<br />
Circa AD 1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave,<br />
tubular edging, selvedged on one side<br />
10½" x 15½"<br />
The enduring status of <strong>the</strong> mythic personage known as<br />
<strong>the</strong> Staff Deity across Andean space and time is reflected<br />
in this post-Wari-style tunic, possibly from <strong>the</strong> eastern cloud<br />
forest region of Chachapoyas. <strong>From</strong> Chavín to Tiwanaku, this<br />
protean divinity (an ancestral or shamanic spirit embodied<br />
in human form?) is consistently presented in a power stance<br />
flanked with two staffs. The visualization of <strong>the</strong> icon does<br />
evolve over time, however, and its attributes are often culturally<br />
specific.<br />
In this case, <strong>the</strong> black background is as unusual as <strong>the</strong><br />
composition of <strong>the</strong> tunic, which substitutes widely spaced<br />
pattern blocks featuring a simplified figure for <strong>the</strong> conventional<br />
Wari banded format.<br />
Although abstraction of <strong>the</strong> primary icon is characteristic of<br />
late Wari art, this image moves in <strong>the</strong> opposite stylistic direction.<br />
Esoteric content and visual complexity are replaced by a<br />
straightforward, unsubtle depiction. The implication of this is<br />
ambiguous. Ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> context in which <strong>the</strong> textile was woven<br />
did not attain <strong>the</strong> level of artistic sophistication evident in<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r Wari centers, or weaving traditions had declined by this<br />
period. It is also possible that <strong>the</strong> interpretation reflects local<br />
styles of representation adapting to a new, foreign leadership,<br />
religious message and iconography.<br />
The personage sports <strong>the</strong> large ear spools associated with<br />
Andean nobility, as well as patterned headgear and a tunic<br />
adorned with bird medallions. This attire likely signaled ethnic<br />
identity or place of origin.<br />
The rendering is lively and idiosyncratic, making <strong>the</strong> most of<br />
a bright white outline to articulate form and detail, such as<br />
long fingernails, teeth, a concave mouth and spiraling ears. The<br />
color palette is equally distinctive, incorporating <strong>the</strong> intense<br />
ochre or mustard yellow that is conspicuous in Chachapoyasstyle<br />
textiles.<br />
Certain ancient visual and symbolic conventions linger. The<br />
figure is slightly off-kilter to allow for <strong>the</strong> subtle (or attempted)<br />
effect of <strong>the</strong> contraction and expansion of <strong>the</strong> staff. Employing<br />
<strong>the</strong> most common visual trope for communicating shamanic<br />
notions of transfiguration or supernatural status, <strong>the</strong> heads are<br />
also inverted in one register of <strong>the</strong> design (but <strong>the</strong>y keep <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
hats in place!).<br />
100
174<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Heads and Skull Motifs<br />
Late or post-Wari style (Chachapoyas?)<br />
Circa AD 800-1000<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
20" x 27"<br />
The kaleidoscopic patterning on this tunic is extremely atypical,<br />
suggesting that it originates from an outpost of <strong>the</strong> Wari Empire<br />
(possibly <strong>the</strong> eastern tropical Chachapoyas region), where different<br />
stylistic conventions prevailed. The cryptic or scrambled imagery<br />
indicates that <strong>the</strong> textile dates to <strong>the</strong> very end of <strong>the</strong> timeline defined<br />
by Wari domination (<strong>the</strong> Middle Horizon), if not multiple decades later.<br />
The standard columnar layout, for example, is entirely subverted by a<br />
compositional density that leaves no room for <strong>the</strong> solid color bands<br />
that usually subdivide <strong>the</strong> visual plane. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> expansion/<br />
contraction dynamic of <strong>the</strong> primary image, as well as <strong>the</strong> alternation<br />
between frontal and side views, are kept.<br />
Skulls and profile heads (details at left), fitted toge<strong>the</strong>r in an intricate<br />
mosaic, combine into larger figures that evoke animal forms. Spirals,<br />
figure eights, hooks and wavy lines (tails? ears?) inject curvilinearity into<br />
a composition dominated by groups of squared circles and hexagons<br />
(eyes, mouths) outlined in white on a red ground.<br />
102
HUARI
175<br />
Fragment<br />
Snarling Face with Fangs and Egg Tooth<br />
Unidentified regional culture (Chachapoyas?)<br />
Circa AD 1100-1400 (radiocarbon dating by Rafter<br />
Laboratory, New Zealand)<br />
Cotton; tapestry weave<br />
5" x 13"<br />
The visceral shock and fear induced by <strong>the</strong> fang of <strong>the</strong> predator (feline, snake or<br />
caiman) was translated into a spiritually charged sign that had perennial meaning for<br />
Andean cultures. Its connotations—divinity, prestige, power—imbue this mesmerizing<br />
face with supernatural potency.<br />
This textile was woven 2000 years after images of imposing feline and caiman deities<br />
were enshrined in early Andean ceremonial centers—not only at Chavín de Huántar,<br />
but in many temples built along <strong>the</strong> coast. Yet this 12th- to 13th-century motif bears<br />
a striking, if inexplicable, visual relationship to that archaic iconography. It is certainly<br />
unlike ei<strong>the</strong>r Wari or Inka traditions, which had some impact on <strong>the</strong> artistic styles of<br />
<strong>the</strong> isolated, nor<strong>the</strong>astern Amazonian region of Chachapoyas, where <strong>the</strong> weaving was<br />
produced.<br />
The <strong>the</strong>me may have been deliberately revived by local artists, somehow inspired by<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir greater proximity to Chavín’s location in <strong>the</strong> eastern cordillera. Or it may be that<br />
<strong>the</strong> notion of this icon, derived from jungle fauna, had never really vanished from <strong>the</strong><br />
cultural memory.<br />
The angular face is composed with trapezoidal and triangular elements, offset by<br />
circular earrings and jagged fangs. The conspicuous center tooth may allude to <strong>the</strong><br />
raptor's beak; it could also represent <strong>the</strong> egg tooth that baby reptilians, such as caimans<br />
and snakes, use to break out of <strong>the</strong>ir shells. The canines are not realistic—clearly it was<br />
<strong>the</strong> total effect that mattered.<br />
A stepped, abstract motif, inset between <strong>the</strong> eyes, evokes a stylized human figure similar<br />
to those depicted in <strong>the</strong> stone friezes decorating Chachapoyas architecture.<br />
104
176<br />
Bands from a Tunic<br />
Crouching Felines/Human Face<br />
Unidentified regional culture (Chachapoyas?)<br />
Circa AD 1100-1400<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
5" x 18"<br />
The tense concentration of <strong>the</strong> crouching cat, ready to ambush its quarry, is vividly<br />
captured in this boxy image. The animal is foreshortened, with its haunches sloping<br />
up from behind its head and forelimbs, so that it appears to loom at close quarters over<br />
<strong>the</strong> viewer. This is a novel perspective on <strong>the</strong> epic confrontation between human and<br />
beast.<br />
Jaguar spots alternate with, or are substituted by, small motifs representing profile cats,<br />
reptilians(?) and, in one variation, an inverted human face.<br />
The omnipresent <strong>the</strong>me of feline/ritualist symbiosis or duality is reinforced by an<br />
alternative interpretation of <strong>the</strong> image, which reads <strong>the</strong> entire configuration as a human<br />
head with a rectilinear hairstyle or headdress. (This double meaning is supported by<br />
a textile found in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>astern Chachapoyas region, at Laguna de los Condores,<br />
which attaches <strong>the</strong> same motif to a splayed human body). 1 The red, white and yellow<br />
color scheme is also characteristic of this little-known regional tradition.<br />
1 Warren Church and Adriana von Hagen, “Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads,”<br />
in Handbook of South American Archaeology ed. Helaine Silverman and William Isbell (2008): chapter 45, fig. 45.10.c.<br />
107
177<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Stylized Faces<br />
Unidentified regional culture (Chachapoyas?)<br />
AD 1000?<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave,<br />
selvedged on one side with tubular edging<br />
4" x 11"<br />
Working with a minimal number of abstract shapes, <strong>the</strong> weaver generated rows<br />
of stylized human faces, whose eyes peep out underneath oversized skulls or<br />
helmets. The elongated, oblong form of <strong>the</strong> heads suggests a type of cranial deformation<br />
that was practiced by many Andean peoples.<br />
The chain of trophy or votive heads is bidirectional. When reversed, <strong>the</strong> zigzag or<br />
S-shaped motifs decorating <strong>the</strong> headdresses become mouths, lending individual<br />
expressions to each motif.<br />
108
178<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
A Puffer or Porcupine Fish<br />
Wari culture (Huarmey Valley)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
9" x 16"<br />
Ear of corn<br />
Despite its odd iconography, this textile is definitely in <strong>the</strong> Wari style,<br />
and preserves <strong>the</strong> modular breakdown of <strong>the</strong> image into discrete<br />
geometric shapes. Its unique <strong>the</strong>me, however, reflects a context of use or<br />
production near to <strong>the</strong> coast (<strong>the</strong> Huarmey Valley?), as well as myths or<br />
symbolism relevant to coastal societies.<br />
The rare image apparently represents a puffer or porcupine fish (tamborin)––<br />
equatorial fishes that have <strong>the</strong> ability to inflate <strong>the</strong>mselves into large taut<br />
spheres by ingesting water. This shapeshifting capacity must have had<br />
shamanic connotations. The fact that <strong>the</strong> spiny porcupine fish is also toxic,<br />
causing paralysis or even death when eaten, surely only enhanced <strong>the</strong><br />
formidable powers of this creature in <strong>the</strong> minds of ancient Peruvians.<br />
Stalk, tassel and leaves<br />
Although this colorful rendition might seem bizarre or even comical to<br />
modern eyes, <strong>the</strong> artist demonstrates familiarity with <strong>the</strong> fish’s distinctive<br />
traits. The globular form of <strong>the</strong> tamborin is portrayed head-on, fanned by<br />
tiny pectoral fins. A dorsal tail or fin flutters realistically behind its head,<br />
while inflated spines project below <strong>the</strong> body.<br />
The face is framed by two enigmatic motifs (upside-down to <strong>the</strong> fish). One<br />
depicts a corn plant with <strong>the</strong> stylized cob nestled between its leaves (detail<br />
at left, above). The o<strong>the</strong>r element may describe a tapering fish torso and tail,<br />
but could equally represent <strong>the</strong> “male" part of <strong>the</strong> corn, with its silky tassel<br />
emerging at <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> stalk (detail at left, below). Although <strong>the</strong> cob is<br />
<strong>the</strong> “female" organ of <strong>the</strong> plant, we cannot know if <strong>the</strong> ancient Peruvian<br />
farmers who cultivated this native crop understood <strong>the</strong> botany. The symbol<br />
becomes even more pertinent if <strong>the</strong> puffer’s back fin is simultaneously<br />
read as a symbol for San Pedro cactus. Fermented corn beer (chicha) was<br />
spiked with <strong>the</strong> hallucinogen to produce a potent intoxicant that was<br />
drunk during Wari rituals.<br />
110
179<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Floating Shrimp<br />
Wari culture (Central or South Coast?)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
10½" x 9"<br />
Literature<br />
Anton 1984, fig. 75.<br />
All Wari tunics that survive today originate from coastal traditions that came under<br />
<strong>the</strong> highland state’s control, domination and artistic influence. Yet very few of <strong>the</strong>se<br />
elite textiles incorporate marine imagery or o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>mes reflecting those societies’<br />
dependence on <strong>the</strong> ocean.<br />
We know from ethnohistorical sources that <strong>the</strong> trade in dried, salted shrimp and crayfish<br />
was a cornerstone of <strong>the</strong> pre-Columbian economy. Depicted with hyperrealism in this<br />
panel, <strong>the</strong> shrimp acknowledge <strong>the</strong> bounty of <strong>the</strong> sea and <strong>the</strong> crustacean’s importance<br />
as food and commodity. Unusually, <strong>the</strong> rendering and size of each motif is quite<br />
distinct, although all have multiple swimmerets or legs and stalk-eyes. The way <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
suspended in space also lends an especially naturalistic quality to <strong>the</strong> design, capturing<br />
<strong>the</strong> impression of shrimp swimming or floating in water.<br />
The lyrical composition exploits <strong>the</strong> contrast between <strong>the</strong> geometric structure and<br />
<strong>the</strong> animated forms and wavering tendrils. The textile also appears to be suffused with<br />
filtered light, thanks to <strong>the</strong> luminosity of <strong>the</strong> golden fibers and <strong>the</strong> striations that comb<br />
<strong>the</strong> large-scale stepped-diamond patterning.<br />
112
180<br />
Panel from a Tunic<br />
<strong>Mythic</strong>al Feline with Crustacean Attributes<br />
Wari-related style (Huarmey Valley?)<br />
AD 800-1000?<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and<br />
slit tapestry weave<br />
9" x 11"<br />
This outstanding image is unique in <strong>the</strong> coastal Wari artistic canon. The figure—a<br />
sort of aquatic or marine feline—is electrifying in style and presence. The mythical<br />
animal bristles with actively moving tentacles and fluid scrolls; its mouth is agape in a<br />
vivid snarl; and its entire posture is packed with energy.<br />
The static, formalized, repetitive imagery typical of Huarmey-style textiles is replaced<br />
here with a monumental, curvilinear figure. The composition is more like a handdrawn<br />
painting or a sculptural vessel than a loom-woven image conforming to a<br />
rectilinear structure. Even <strong>the</strong> steep shape of <strong>the</strong> multistep architectonic form (a ritual<br />
pyramid or palace?) is softly hewn.<br />
The scene abounds with extraordinary details. The lively figure is represented threedimensionally—<strong>the</strong><br />
weaver has indicated <strong>the</strong> underside of <strong>the</strong> belly and inserted two<br />
partially visible feet in <strong>the</strong> background to create <strong>the</strong> illusion of perspective or depth.<br />
The oversized eye contains <strong>the</strong> image of a smaller beast, as if reflected in its eyeball.<br />
Feet are represented as crawling crustaceans (lobsters? crayfish?). Bulbous pod or fruit<br />
motifs resembling peppers (but o<strong>the</strong>rwise unidentified) dangle from <strong>the</strong> mouth and<br />
back of <strong>the</strong> head.<br />
This o<strong>the</strong>rworldly conception speaks to a local coastal <strong>the</strong>me as well as of an unusually<br />
imaginative artist.<br />
114
181<br />
Fragment from a Provincial Tunic<br />
Staff-Bearer<br />
Wari-related style<br />
AD 800-1000?<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary weft<br />
11¾" x 16¼"<br />
A<br />
curvaceous form delineating <strong>the</strong> bent-knee posture of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Wari staff-bearer is <strong>the</strong> most prominent element in<br />
this visually elusive image. This may be because <strong>the</strong> motif, like<br />
<strong>the</strong> wing, is executed in a bright white that stands out sharply<br />
against <strong>the</strong> red background. It is likely that <strong>the</strong> figure was<br />
repeated in o<strong>the</strong>r color combinations elsewhere on <strong>the</strong> tunic.<br />
But in this zone of design at least, <strong>the</strong> color choice not only<br />
draws attention to <strong>the</strong> divinity’s essential traits, it contributes<br />
to <strong>the</strong> overall disjointedness of <strong>the</strong> figuration.<br />
Although several primary hues are employed, in addition to a<br />
thick black outline, <strong>the</strong> staff-bearer is perceptually indistinct.<br />
This lack of articulation or contrast never<strong>the</strong>less serves <strong>the</strong><br />
sense of artistic improvisation, which is fur<strong>the</strong>r reinforced<br />
by <strong>the</strong> variety of colors employed (such as several shades of<br />
green).<br />
Staff-bearer with puma-head foot<br />
The staff-bearer’s sinuous elongated, bent leg, which terminates<br />
in a puma head instead of <strong>the</strong> expected foot, is remarkably<br />
similar in conception to <strong>the</strong> spiraling tail of <strong>the</strong> crocodilian<br />
figure depicted in a Wari tapestry tunic seen in cat. 152.<br />
116
182<br />
Corner from a Mantle<br />
Entwined <strong>Figures</strong> and Snakes<br />
Wari-related style (Huarmey Valley? Chimú-Capac?)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary weft, selvedged on<br />
one side with tubular finish<br />
14½" x 20"<br />
Published<br />
Anton 1984, fig. 102.<br />
Literature<br />
de Lavalle 1984, 80-81.<br />
This free-form composition is easier to decipher if compared to <strong>the</strong> figure featured<br />
in cat. 181. Despite its acute stylization, that staff-bearer is still te<strong>the</strong>red to Wari<br />
artistic precepts for representing <strong>the</strong> icon. This aberrant interpretation clearly emerges<br />
out of <strong>the</strong> same late, provincial aes<strong>the</strong>tic, but has become even more idiosyncratic and<br />
reductive in form.<br />
Meandering lines and serpentine chains wind through <strong>the</strong> design, linking all components<br />
(faces, bodies, feet, hands) with little regard for <strong>the</strong> legibility of <strong>the</strong> original icon. The<br />
staff can barely be differentiated from <strong>the</strong> head and body. The acrobatically flexed<br />
figure harks back to <strong>the</strong> tumbling, falling and contorted shamans in Paracas art.<br />
The lyrical repetition of oval, circle and pod shapes in different scales and <strong>the</strong> rhythmic<br />
color progression are visually cohesive. The looping, elastic qualities of this design<br />
offer a striking contrast to <strong>the</strong> angular patterning of <strong>the</strong> outer border, which sets a<br />
whimsical, long-eared creature/manta ray motif within a geometric frieze that recalls<br />
decorative murals in central and north coast architecture.<br />
This fragment, which has <strong>the</strong> tubular-edge finish typically applied to tunics, may be<br />
associated with a large mantle.<br />
118
183<br />
Pair of Sleeves from a Tunic<br />
An Interlocking Bestiary<br />
Wari-related style (North-Central Coast?)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; weft patterning<br />
6" x 15"<br />
Provenance<br />
William Conklin Collection, sold by So<strong>the</strong>by's New York, May 1989.<br />
A<br />
perceptually challenging effect is achieved in <strong>the</strong> design of <strong>the</strong>se sleeves through<br />
multiple superimposed figures, each one individuated by color, but lending parts<br />
of its own features or body to <strong>the</strong> adjacent creatures.<br />
The pictorial complexity and color vibrancy is mesmerizing. For example, an inverted<br />
fox or coati, executed in yellow, provides limbs and torso for a bear-like creature,<br />
woven in black and blue (top). Similarly, an inverted bird describes <strong>the</strong> belly of a green<br />
or yellow llama-like animal, which in turn interpenetrates ano<strong>the</strong>r quadruped who is<br />
swallowing his tail (bottom).<br />
This layering of images may be <strong>the</strong> weaver's ingenious solution for crowding this<br />
menagerie into a small area. But <strong>the</strong> interconnectivity and interdependence of <strong>the</strong><br />
figures appears to make a metaphorical point, perhaps pertaining to Andean notions<br />
about <strong>the</strong> circulation of energy in <strong>the</strong> universe.<br />
120
184<br />
Fragment from a Mantle or Hanging?<br />
Cryptic Jaguars<br />
Wari-related culture (North-Central Coast?)<br />
AD 800-1100<br />
Cotton; doublecloth<br />
35" x 35"<br />
The long, lean form of a prowling jaguar is obscured by<br />
a puzzle of lines and o<strong>the</strong>r motifs in three contiguous<br />
panels from a mantle or mural hanging. The black, red and<br />
white coloration is distinctive, and recalls <strong>the</strong> palette of many<br />
pottery traditions (particularly Recuay). The compression and<br />
expansion of <strong>the</strong> figure derives from Wari design conventions.<br />
It takes an effort of perception to pick out <strong>the</strong> outline of <strong>the</strong><br />
animal within <strong>the</strong> overwhelmingly dense, multidirectional<br />
geometric patterns that consume <strong>the</strong> positive and negative<br />
space, both within and around <strong>the</strong> figure. The viewer’s eye<br />
is directed by a few signs that indicate <strong>the</strong> eyes and mouth<br />
of <strong>the</strong> feline. The dark and light rosettes of <strong>the</strong> jaguar’s pelt<br />
are similarly conveyed by interlocking serpentine chains that<br />
terminate in heads of all kinds (snakes, harpy eagles, skulls).<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> design is strongly horizontal, when turned<br />
vertically, <strong>the</strong> half-form of a squat anthropomorphic figure<br />
(split down <strong>the</strong> middle) can be discerned amid <strong>the</strong> intensive<br />
red and white patterning of <strong>the</strong> center panel. Its oversized<br />
head, wide mouth and concentric eyes are reminiscent of <strong>the</strong><br />
Oculate Being icon that dominated Early Paracas iconography.<br />
122
123
185<br />
Double Panel<br />
Serpentine Creatures and "Moon <strong>Animal</strong>"<br />
Wari-related culture (North-Central Coast?)<br />
AD 800-1100<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; brocade, selvedged and finished on three sides<br />
26" x 13"<br />
Transparency and duality are explicit <strong>the</strong>mes in <strong>the</strong>se two<br />
panels, which appear to comprise half of a larger weaving,<br />
such as a tunic or small mantle.<br />
Duality is expressed not only through <strong>the</strong> juxtaposition of <strong>the</strong><br />
principal motifs (snake and "moon animal," signifying different<br />
ecological and cosmological zones), but also by <strong>the</strong> duplication<br />
and double-headedness of <strong>the</strong> horned, hooked snakes. It also<br />
operates on <strong>the</strong> level of color and design.<br />
The effect is exploited most dramatically in <strong>the</strong> color reversal<br />
of <strong>the</strong> mirror-image serpents (top). The composition is<br />
organized into unequal halves. On one side, <strong>the</strong> snakes are<br />
executed in red and black on a white ground. On <strong>the</strong> opposite,<br />
<strong>the</strong> background is split into two black and red quadrants, while<br />
<strong>the</strong> snake itself is white. The interlocking, alternating colors<br />
mimic double- or triplecloth, although <strong>the</strong> fabric is patterned<br />
with supplementary technique (brocade).<br />
The transparency of <strong>the</strong> style also allows for a compendium<br />
of small, linear motifs to be embedded within <strong>the</strong> outlines of<br />
<strong>the</strong> figures and <strong>the</strong> space around <strong>the</strong>m. The teeming multitude<br />
(which includes birds, spotted cats, deer and llama) suggests<br />
concepts of predation, consumption and fertility. Some of <strong>the</strong><br />
motifs are miniature replicas of <strong>the</strong> “moon animal" that appears<br />
in <strong>the</strong> lower panel. This mythical hybrid of <strong>the</strong> coati, fox and<br />
feline is associated with north coast iconography.<br />
Although this benign figure shares <strong>the</strong> tricorn shape of <strong>the</strong><br />
head and ears with <strong>the</strong> snake, its lacks <strong>the</strong> reptile’s sharptoo<strong>the</strong>d,<br />
exaggerated jaw, a recurring motif in this art style.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> complementarity of <strong>the</strong> two icons is inferred.<br />
124
186<br />
Fragment<br />
Llama with Bag<br />
Late Wari-related culture (North-Central Coast)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary weft<br />
1" x 2" (each figure)<br />
126
187<br />
Fragment<br />
"Moon <strong>Animal</strong>" (Coati/Fox/Feline)<br />
Late Wari-related culture (North-Central Coast)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary weft<br />
7½" x 8"<br />
Rendered here with greater solidity of line and color,<br />
<strong>the</strong> related motifs from <strong>the</strong>se two separate textiles<br />
are similar in style and reference to <strong>the</strong> variety of figures<br />
incorporated into <strong>the</strong> design of cat. 185. The imagery<br />
evidently reflects <strong>the</strong> animal cosmologies of <strong>the</strong> north<br />
central coast cultures.<br />
The creatures are typically characterized by an elongated,<br />
jagged snout or mouth and protruding ears. One of <strong>the</strong><br />
most common representations is as a seated profile figure<br />
displaying <strong>the</strong> curving tail, three-toed or clawed foot and<br />
markings of <strong>the</strong> mythical “moon animal" that improbably<br />
blends coati, fox and feline traits (cat. 187).<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> silhouette of <strong>the</strong> standing<br />
quadruped portrayed in cat. 186 (left) apparently describes<br />
a llama or alpaca—animals of enormous economic and<br />
cultural significance to Andean cultures. As shown here,<br />
<strong>the</strong> camelid does indeed sport long, banana-shaped ears<br />
and a cloven hoof. But <strong>the</strong> artist has equally managed to<br />
use <strong>the</strong> illusion of visual depth to convey <strong>the</strong> impression<br />
of four legs planted solidly on <strong>the</strong> ground. The dangling<br />
ornament may allude to highland practices of hanging<br />
small pouches stuffed with herbs and coca leaf around <strong>the</strong><br />
animals’ necks.<br />
127
The discovery of multiple textile deposits at <strong>the</strong> Pachacamac shrine, representing<br />
distinct cultures and time periods during <strong>the</strong> long epoch between Wari and Inka<br />
domination, attests to <strong>the</strong> considerable overlap between and mutual influence of coastal<br />
styles and iconography.<br />
Textiles were traded between cultures and exchanged as tribute across a wide region.<br />
Related types of weavings have been found in diverse locations—from Ica, in <strong>the</strong><br />
south, to <strong>the</strong> Huarmey Valley, in <strong>the</strong> north. As a consequence, <strong>the</strong> cultural attribution or<br />
chronology for numerous extant pieces such as this tunic fragment remains an imprecise<br />
art.<br />
Thin figural stripes along <strong>the</strong> outer edge resonate with highland weaving traditions,<br />
while a bird-shaped eye motif echoes Wari conventions. But <strong>the</strong> icon itself is that<br />
mythical conflation dubbed <strong>the</strong> "moon animal," which was inherited from <strong>the</strong> Recuay<br />
and ubiquitous in north-central coast imagery. Jaguar spots on <strong>the</strong> face, combined with<br />
<strong>the</strong> coati's ringed tail and three-clawed foot, reveal one inspiration for <strong>the</strong> motif—if not<br />
<strong>the</strong> significance of <strong>the</strong> mix of references.<br />
An unusual symbol emerging from <strong>the</strong> animal's mouth is a potential clue. This<br />
segmented/tripartite form is similar to <strong>the</strong> San Pedro cactus emblem frequently applied<br />
to <strong>the</strong> classic Wari staff-bearer’s staff. However, in this context it is also tempting to<br />
interpret <strong>the</strong> motif as a glyph or sign indicating sound or speech—particularly given <strong>the</strong><br />
overlap between fox and coati in local iconography.<br />
History and ritual practice substantiate <strong>the</strong> association. For example, <strong>the</strong> golden effigy<br />
of a sacred fox or vixen was installed at Pachacamac, which was renowned as temple of<br />
oracles. Similarly, a drawing made by <strong>the</strong> Chronicler Huamán Poma during <strong>the</strong> later<br />
post-conquest era portrays an Inka diviner consulting various animal oracles—among<br />
<strong>the</strong>m a fox with a scroll emanating from its mouth.<br />
Additionally, <strong>the</strong> design is framed by rows of parrots—a bird especially associated with<br />
talkativeness and <strong>the</strong> shamanic arts—which only seem to reinforce a <strong>the</strong>me of oracle<br />
communication or mediation.<br />
128
188<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
"Moon <strong>Animal</strong>"<br />
Wari-related culture (Huarmey Valley?<br />
North-Central Coast?)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary<br />
weft, warp patterning<br />
7½" x 5"<br />
129
189<br />
Band from a Tunic<br />
Bird<br />
Coastal Wari culture<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
5½" x 15"<br />
These two figural bands appear to be from a type of regional<br />
tapestry-woven tunic, ei<strong>the</strong>r a Wari-related style or a later<br />
derivation. Although <strong>the</strong> icons are familiar, <strong>the</strong> more naturalistic mode<br />
of representation departs from <strong>the</strong> geometric conventions of classic<br />
Wari textile design.<br />
The improvisational combination and progression of vibrant color,<br />
which is recalibrated from motif to motif, is never<strong>the</strong>less virtuoso.<br />
The evident skill in dyeing and sensitive color selection, as well as <strong>the</strong><br />
extensive use of a rich cochineal red for <strong>the</strong> background, attest to <strong>the</strong><br />
prestige of <strong>the</strong> garments.<br />
The imagery apparently reflects a coastal habitat. While <strong>the</strong> rendering<br />
of <strong>the</strong> hooked-beak bird (cat. 190) recalls <strong>the</strong> harpy eagle that was an<br />
essential artistic and shamanic symbol for highland Andean cultures, it<br />
also suggests species more commonly found in <strong>the</strong> local environment,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> osprey or hawk, as well as <strong>the</strong> imported macaw parrot.<br />
This is also true for <strong>the</strong> quadruped depicted in cat. 191 which takes its<br />
attributes from <strong>the</strong> jaguar, coati, fox and “moon animal." Incongruously,<br />
this animal is paired with a fish—ano<strong>the</strong>r cultural locator. The modular,<br />
target-like patterning anticipates certain Inka tokapu motifs.<br />
130
190<br />
Band from a Tunic Quadruped<br />
Coastal Wari culture<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 3½"
In addition to acknowledging <strong>the</strong> frog or toad’s implicit<br />
shamanistic hunting and water magic, coastal Wari artists<br />
evidently found humor in its capacious mouth and bulbous<br />
eyes.<br />
A wonderfully surreal amulet (cat. 192) is imbued with <strong>the</strong><br />
potency of its snake and frog symbolism, as well as <strong>the</strong> solar<br />
brilliance of <strong>the</strong> attached parrot fea<strong>the</strong>rs. The structure of this<br />
curious adornment imparts a series of symbolic contrasts: of<br />
material (wool/fea<strong>the</strong>rs), domain (sky/water/earth) and animal<br />
textures (fea<strong>the</strong>rs/scales/skin).<br />
191<br />
Tabs from a Tie or Sash<br />
Frog Faces<br />
Coastal Wari culture<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; plain weave, tapestry weave<br />
1½" x 1½" (each)<br />
192<br />
Woven Talisman Frog and Snake<br />
Coastal Wari culture<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Camelid wool, fea<strong>the</strong>rs; tapestry weave, exposed warps,<br />
tassel, cordage<br />
9½" x 2"<br />
The water- and earth-dwelling snake and frog speak of<br />
liquidity and a deep, wet underworld. The motif may also allude<br />
obliquely to a toxin secreted by <strong>the</strong> skin of <strong>the</strong> giant marine<br />
toad Bufo marinus, which has visionary properties known to<br />
ancient ritualists.<br />
Andean people also perceive <strong>the</strong> form of a celestial toad in<br />
<strong>the</strong> dark clouds of <strong>the</strong> Milky Way. This constellation, named<br />
Hanp'atu,is seen to nestle under <strong>the</strong> tail of <strong>the</strong> serpentine<br />
shape Mach’acuay. 1 The conjunction of <strong>the</strong> two images in this<br />
curious woven talisman may describe <strong>the</strong>ir proximity in <strong>the</strong><br />
night sky. The passage of <strong>the</strong>se two constellations is thought to<br />
be connected with seasonal events, as well as <strong>the</strong> life cycle of<br />
<strong>the</strong> toad, whose abundance signals <strong>the</strong> arrival of rain or spring,<br />
but whose disappearance presages drought.<br />
The three frog faces decorating <strong>the</strong> tabs of a cotton tie or<br />
sash (cat. 191) lack <strong>the</strong> rootlike appendage on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r image.<br />
But <strong>the</strong>ir vivacity of color and expression reflect <strong>the</strong> quality<br />
of attention that was paid even to such minor decorative<br />
embellishments as to much more complex weavings.<br />
1 Gary Urton, At <strong>the</strong> Crossroads of <strong>the</strong> Earth and Sky (1981): 170-171.<br />
132
133
193<br />
Band from a Tunic?<br />
Zoomorphic <strong>Figures</strong><br />
Coastal Wari culture<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Camelid wool; doublecloth<br />
20" x 3"<br />
This bestiary similarly transcends ecological boundaries.<br />
Yet each figure in <strong>the</strong> progression (toad, lizard, feline,<br />
unknown zoomorph) is treated in <strong>the</strong> same way stylistically,<br />
with concentric patterning suggesting multiple faces, and<br />
bristling feet/appendages implying heads of <strong>the</strong>ir own.<br />
While rooted in <strong>the</strong> aes<strong>the</strong>tics of this tradition, <strong>the</strong> markings<br />
have symbolic connotations. All manner of creatures from <strong>the</strong><br />
natural world share <strong>the</strong>se spotted skins and pelts (jaguar, ocelot,<br />
anaconda snake, Bufo toad)—and all are dangerous, exotic or<br />
transformational beings.<br />
The designs also record different angles of view. Only <strong>the</strong><br />
feline-like figure is presented in profile. The o<strong>the</strong>r splayed<br />
figures are seen from above or below, making it all <strong>the</strong> easier<br />
to appreciate <strong>the</strong>ir quasi-human forms. This perspective or<br />
interpretation is especially pronounced in <strong>the</strong> reptilian/<br />
amphibian motifs (center), which suggest a male-and-female<br />
pair or fertility <strong>the</strong>me.<br />
134
194<br />
Corner from a Ritual Cloth?<br />
Miniature Weaving?<br />
Coastal Wari culture (North-Central Coast)<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary weft<br />
12" x 11"<br />
Each of <strong>the</strong> motifs arrayed here (parrot/raptor, frog/toad, fox/feline) can be<br />
associated with a particular habitat within <strong>the</strong> varied topography of <strong>the</strong><br />
Central <strong>Andes</strong>, including <strong>the</strong> high sierra, <strong>the</strong> tropical forest, <strong>the</strong> desert and <strong>the</strong><br />
river valleys. Possibly <strong>the</strong>ir juxtaposition encodes information pegged to annual<br />
cycles, such as <strong>the</strong> seasonal appearance of water and certain plants or animals.<br />
It is equally plausible that each creature is symbolic of shamanic concepts or<br />
activities. Such is <strong>the</strong> range of connotations interwoven into an apparently<br />
folkloric or naive design.<br />
The rendering is similarly more sophisticated than it seems. The figures are<br />
executed in reverse, so that <strong>the</strong>ir forms are articulated in <strong>the</strong> negative space of<br />
<strong>the</strong> plain-woven white cotton ground, while <strong>the</strong>ir features are defined with<br />
colorful supplementary weft threads.<br />
135
MOCHE WARI<br />
HUARMEY
Moche Wari and Huarmey Cultures<br />
The Moche culture (AD 100-700) is renowned for <strong>the</strong> monumentality of its<br />
ceremonial architecture; <strong>the</strong> splendor of its regalia wrought in gold and silver;<br />
and its extraordinary, iconographically rich pottery and portrait vessels. Yet<br />
because of climatic conditions on <strong>the</strong> north coast of Peru, almost no textiles have<br />
survived among its ceremonial and ritual arts.<br />
Aside from <strong>the</strong> imagery represented in fine detail on painted ceramics, <strong>the</strong> closest<br />
reflection of Moche styles of dress and fabric design is a distinctive body of textiles<br />
thought to originate from a site known as Campanario, in <strong>the</strong> Huarmey Valley. The<br />
region is located about halfway between <strong>the</strong> Moche (and later Chimú) heartland on <strong>the</strong><br />
north coast and <strong>the</strong> central seaboard dominated by <strong>the</strong> Lima cultures and <strong>the</strong> ancient<br />
Pachacamac center. The area seemingly represents <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rnmost extension of Late<br />
Moche culture or influence. However, <strong>the</strong> artistic and symbolic <strong>the</strong>mes reflected in<br />
ceremonial weavings associated with this little-studied culture similarly reveal <strong>the</strong><br />
imposition of Wari rule and <strong>the</strong> impact of Wari cosmology and aes<strong>the</strong>tics.<br />
It is unclear, <strong>the</strong>refore, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> iconography seen in <strong>the</strong>se textiles represents a<br />
transitional phase between Moche and Wari or whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y merely record <strong>the</strong><br />
increasing influence of novel Wari religious ideology on fundamental, long-enduring<br />
north-central coast artistic and mythological <strong>the</strong>mes.<br />
The surviving material consists primarily of slit tapestry-woven panels, sleeves and<br />
borders from tunics or short shirts. The development and continued use of this fabric<br />
structure—which is unique to this tradition, and is only found at <strong>the</strong> coast—indicates<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Huarmey elites had a reason for maintaining <strong>the</strong>ir local styles despite <strong>the</strong><br />
obvious prestige associated with Wari icons and ideas. Perhaps it was to emphasize <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
cultural distinction and origins, or to distinguish <strong>the</strong>mselves from <strong>the</strong>ir Wari overlords<br />
or administrators (some of whom must have been dressed in <strong>the</strong> classic type of tapestry<br />
tunic).<br />
Textile iconography reflects <strong>the</strong> fusion of Moche, Wari and locally inspired visual<br />
<strong>the</strong>mes. Indeed, much of <strong>the</strong> imagery can be related to <strong>the</strong> wealth of mythical and ritual<br />
narratives painted on earlier Moche ceramics, and may even derive from <strong>the</strong>m. That<br />
influence or legacy is explored in <strong>the</strong> individual captions.<br />
139
195<br />
Fringed Border from a Tunic<br />
Cup-and Weapon-Bearer<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
2¼" x 9½"<br />
Literature<br />
Conklin 1979, 178, fig. 18.<br />
Many of <strong>the</strong> designs featured in Moche-Wari style<br />
tunics resemble architectural friezes, with deities and<br />
supernatural characters inset between decorative blocks of<br />
geometric patterning. The textiles seem to forge or project a<br />
connection with <strong>the</strong> ceremonial and ritual compounds built<br />
for <strong>the</strong> culture’s rulers and dynasties.<br />
This textile “frieze” presents two figures on a beautiful blue<br />
ground—<strong>the</strong> clarity of one (detail at left, above) offsetting<br />
<strong>the</strong> prismatic form of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, which is embedded in a<br />
linear mosaic. Conceivably, <strong>the</strong> contrast distinguishes a "real"<br />
personage from a supernatural or transfigured one.<br />
The wing-caped ritualist or warrior holds a set of objects<br />
that can be linked with earlier Moche pictorial myths. That<br />
influence appears to have lingered in this regional art style,<br />
even as Wari influence began to reshape iconographic modes<br />
and <strong>the</strong>mes.<br />
The objects comprise a Moche-style club and beaker. Goblets<br />
brimming with ritual liquids (possibly human or animal blood,<br />
or <strong>the</strong> fermented corn beverage chicha) are an important motif<br />
in <strong>the</strong> great Moche narratives describing <strong>the</strong> Presentation<br />
and Sacrifice ceremonies. Clubs are prominent in imagery<br />
depicting combat, as well as in motifs representing "captured"<br />
weapon bundles. They are clearly warrior insignia.<br />
This militaristic/sacrificial context illuminates <strong>the</strong> significance<br />
of <strong>the</strong> second visually chaotic figure, which emerges when<br />
<strong>the</strong> design is reversed (detail at left, below). Upside-down,<br />
<strong>the</strong> image reveals a disembodied head (perhaps of <strong>the</strong> same<br />
individual) bearing a supersized headdress with multiple<br />
emanations terminating in abstract birds. The motif suggests a<br />
form of transcendence achieved in death.<br />
140
141
196<br />
Fragment from a Tunic or Sleeve<br />
Winged Staff-Bearer<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
5½" x 8½"<br />
The Wari winged staff-bearer is given <strong>the</strong> coastal treatment in terms of technique,<br />
stylization and symbolic additions.<br />
The image reflects <strong>the</strong> prestige and charisma of this foreign religious icon, although <strong>the</strong><br />
mechanism of how that highland cult and cosmology came to be adopted by Huarmey<br />
culture is still not fully understood. Military domination is <strong>the</strong> most likely explanation.<br />
In this new hybrid style, <strong>the</strong> motif is applied to a horizontal band, which reflects a<br />
coastal aes<strong>the</strong>tic and format unlike <strong>the</strong> vertical patterning common to highland tunics.<br />
Areas of slit patterning are an important element of <strong>the</strong>se compositions, echoing <strong>the</strong><br />
openwork walls and dimensional friezes decorating adobe palaces and ritual buildings.<br />
A cresting-wave border (personified with eyes that turn each scroll into an animal or<br />
bird) similarly locates <strong>the</strong> image within a coastal tradition.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r locally derived details include a double wing or cape reminiscent of <strong>the</strong> wedge<br />
or crescent-shaped backflap or ornament worn by Moche personages. The hooked<br />
staff or implement does not conform to Wari insignia ei<strong>the</strong>r. But perhaps <strong>the</strong> most<br />
anomalous and innovative feature is <strong>the</strong> subtle implication that this figure has both<br />
male and female characteristics (breasts and male genitals). Presumably, this quality of<br />
ambiguity or androgyny had connotations of procreation or fertility.<br />
142
197<br />
Fragment from a Tunic or Sleeve<br />
Winged Staff-Bearer<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
5" x 18½"<br />
Marine symbolism and mythology shaped <strong>the</strong> visual<br />
traditions of all coastal societies. Inevitably, it even<br />
inflected "official" cult iconography introduced by Wari<br />
imperialism, as seen in an imaginative interpretation that<br />
envisions <strong>the</strong> anthropomorphic staff-bearer with a fish-shaped<br />
head.<br />
Two distinct modes are integrated in this finely woven panel,<br />
which makes use of an especially beautiful combination of<br />
colors, including an unusual green background.<br />
The slit tapestry–woven openwork (a hallmark of Huarmey<br />
design) is especially precise, puncturing interlocking red and<br />
yellow stepped forms that suggest platforms or stairways. Each<br />
terrace is embellished with a flying bird ferrying a trophy<br />
head or o<strong>the</strong>r ornament. Although architectural facades were<br />
commonly decorated with bird imagery, certain species had<br />
more visceral and grisly connotations. Vultures and condors<br />
were especially associated with <strong>the</strong> consumption of dead<br />
bodies left on battlefields or put out after sacrificial rites.<br />
These stylized background motifs, composed with small, linear<br />
color blocks, strongly contrast with <strong>the</strong> scale and solidity of<br />
<strong>the</strong> primary icon. This unusual staff-bearer not only displays<br />
<strong>the</strong> essential insignia of <strong>the</strong> role (<strong>the</strong> supernatural headdress<br />
and staff) but also wields a new armament in <strong>the</strong> form of <strong>the</strong><br />
traditional Andean woven slingshot, used for hunting and<br />
combat.<br />
144
198<br />
Band from a Tunic<br />
The Sacrificer<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
4" x 8½"<br />
Death at <strong>the</strong> hands of a fearsome decapitator was a <strong>the</strong>me common to both north<br />
coast and highland cultures. It dominated <strong>the</strong> iconography long before <strong>the</strong> Wari<br />
began to interface with Late Moche societies in places like <strong>the</strong> Huarmey Valley, where<br />
this and related textiles were purportedly found.<br />
The peanut-shaped eye and markings applied to <strong>the</strong> face of this version of <strong>the</strong> ritualist<br />
have specific ethnic associations—peanuts being an important symbol for <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
lords of Moche and Sipan. O<strong>the</strong>rwise, <strong>the</strong> visage, demeanor and style of portrayal of<br />
this Huarmey Sacrificer is more indebted to <strong>the</strong> highland tradition. In Wari imagery,<br />
<strong>the</strong> demonic character frequently displays <strong>the</strong> long muzzle and toothy jawbone of a<br />
llama or alpaca (differentiating it from <strong>the</strong> snub nose and fangs of <strong>the</strong> feline). Indeed, <strong>the</strong><br />
camelid-featured Sacrificer is one of <strong>the</strong> primary icons depicted in Wari tunic design.<br />
Here, <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer is frozen dramatically in <strong>the</strong> act of dealing a mortal blow to his<br />
victim, one hand high over his shoulder in a striking motion. It is unclear whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />
weapon is <strong>the</strong> crescent-shaped tumi blade or a stone mace head.<br />
The large severed head has <strong>the</strong> same long hair seen on <strong>the</strong> many heads that stud <strong>the</strong><br />
open-weave "walls," as well as <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer’s back appendage—like so many effigies<br />
or portrait vessels. These individuals also wear <strong>the</strong> unique four-cornered hats identified<br />
with Wari dignitaries. Are <strong>the</strong>y spectators or victims? It is tempting to read this tableau<br />
as ei<strong>the</strong>r a cautionary message to potential invaders or one commemorating a Huarmey<br />
victory.<br />
The distinctive color scheme, with its predominant ochre, yellow, red and pink hues,<br />
anticipates <strong>the</strong> palette favored by succeeding cultures, especially <strong>the</strong> Chimú.<br />
146
199<br />
Sleeve or Band from a Tunic<br />
Decapitator with Tumi Knife<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 14"<br />
Literature<br />
Brugnoli, Sinclaire and Hoces de la Guardia 2007, 12.<br />
This schematically rendered but animated interpretation of a ritual decapitator<br />
with a tumi blade adheres more closely to regional artistic styles than does <strong>the</strong><br />
Wari-influenced version in cat. 198. Several traits place <strong>the</strong> composition within <strong>the</strong><br />
transitional period between Wari culture and <strong>the</strong> rise of <strong>the</strong> Chimú state.<br />
Befitting this personage's role as a taker of human life, <strong>the</strong> long, curving plumes<br />
drooping over his head terminate in o<strong>the</strong>r stylized heads. This adornment appears to<br />
be a prototype for <strong>the</strong> headdress that subsequently becomes <strong>the</strong> major signifier for<br />
describing supernatural or paramount status in Chimú art. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> visual emphasis<br />
on long, narrow, modular shapes is conceptually akin to <strong>the</strong> figurative designs carved in<br />
low relief on <strong>the</strong> walls of Chan Chan (<strong>the</strong> huge capital of <strong>the</strong> Chimor kingdom).<br />
In addition to a platform behind <strong>the</strong> figure, ano<strong>the</strong>r architectonic element is located in<br />
front. This rectangle (which also features bird imagery) may designate an open courtyard<br />
or o<strong>the</strong>r enclosure. In Moche traditions, for example, certain plazas were used specifically<br />
for <strong>the</strong> display of human sacrifices. Huarmey societies probably continued this practice.<br />
148
200<br />
Section from a Tunic<br />
Head of <strong>the</strong> Decapitator (with Cactus Motif?)<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Camelid fiber, cotton; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
6½" x 15"<br />
The elaborately festooned head of <strong>the</strong> mythical Decapitator takes up<br />
<strong>the</strong> entire pattern field. The figure is abbreviated, but none<strong>the</strong>less<br />
laden with intricate versions of <strong>the</strong> customary symbols.<br />
It may be a modern-day imposition to ascribe a demonic quality to<br />
this supernatural personage. The elongated head (with o<strong>the</strong>rworldly<br />
doubled eyes) apparently conflates motifs from several sources, including<br />
<strong>the</strong> Wari “Llama Sacrificer" and a Moche iguana deity dubbed “Curly<br />
Top." 1<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> figure is truncated, a labyrinthine appendage terminating<br />
in <strong>the</strong> head of a bird of prey replaces <strong>the</strong> usual wing. O<strong>the</strong>r motifs<br />
introduce references rooted in Tiwanaku art (<strong>the</strong> ultimate source of this<br />
cosmology). That iconography links <strong>the</strong> camelid with <strong>the</strong> visionary San<br />
Pedro cactus, such as on <strong>the</strong> famous Bennett Stela, which includes <strong>the</strong><br />
image of a llama or alpaca transporting a large flowering cactus plant<br />
on its back and head. The hallucinogen was key to Andean rites and<br />
ceremonies.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> images in this catalogue demonstrate, <strong>the</strong> evolution of this cactus<br />
symbol can be traced through Chavín, Nasca, Tiwanaku and Wari art.<br />
Potentially, that visual history explains <strong>the</strong> white inflorescence budding<br />
from <strong>the</strong> top of this head, as well as <strong>the</strong> hexagonal motif with three<br />
“fingers" that dangles from <strong>the</strong> front and back of <strong>the</strong> headdress. This<br />
enigmatic symbol may represent a slice of <strong>the</strong> stalk of that magical<br />
plant or its white flower. If so, it suggests that <strong>the</strong> L-shaped “tongue"<br />
emerging from <strong>the</strong> Decapitator's mouth possibly indicates speech, song<br />
or ano<strong>the</strong>r kind of sound.<br />
1 Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland, Moche Fineline Painting: Its Evolution and Its Artists<br />
(1999): 47, fig. 3.14.<br />
151
201<br />
Panel "Monkey" Lord<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-10000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
8" x 9½"<br />
Published<br />
de Lavalle 1985, 239.<br />
Literature<br />
Conklin 1979, 177, fig. 15.<br />
Unraveling <strong>the</strong> meaning of this spectacular, richly textured image leads in multiple<br />
directions and to diverse visual sources, ranging from Moche to Wari.<br />
The staff-bearer is conceived in <strong>the</strong> visual currency of <strong>the</strong> north coast cultures. Anchored<br />
in space by a thick, unfurling tail, he has <strong>the</strong> regal demeanor and erect pose of a divine<br />
or paramount individual. This splendid figure assumes a simian form, exploiting <strong>the</strong><br />
implicit likeness of monkey and man, but also displays <strong>the</strong> cosmological stepped-cross<br />
motifs that adorn Chimú felines and coatis. The antler headdress, carved staff or oar,<br />
breechcloth and short tunic patterned with trophy heads emulate local emblems and<br />
styles of dress.<br />
The weaver's ingenuity here is exemplified by <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> Monkey Lord’s tail<br />
simultaneously turns into <strong>the</strong> body of an adjacent serpentine/dragon-like creature,<br />
whose large head quivers with emanations. The preponderance of angled lines and<br />
dynamic zigzags imparts a strong sense of energy to <strong>the</strong> composition.<br />
Among many significant details, <strong>the</strong> forked or crescent element clenched between <strong>the</strong><br />
deity's teeth can be singled out. While this may describe <strong>the</strong> U-shaped nasal ornament<br />
worn by <strong>the</strong> region’s elites, <strong>the</strong> motif also suggests a symbol for song or speech (or<br />
<strong>the</strong> particular sounds associated with death rituals). The sign may allude as well to <strong>the</strong><br />
connection between monkeys and water. Among tropical forest cultures, <strong>the</strong> loud roar<br />
of howler monkeys is thought to presage <strong>the</strong> arrival of rain—surely one of <strong>the</strong> powers<br />
associated with this supernatural being.<br />
152
202<br />
Panel from a Tunic?<br />
Staff-Bearer with Mouth Emanation<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley?<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and<br />
slit tapestry weave<br />
6¼" x 6¼"<br />
Published<br />
Anton 1984, fig. 101.<br />
Acutely slanted lines and wedge shapes are some of several<br />
idiosyncratic stylistic features seen in this variant of <strong>the</strong><br />
north coast Winged Sacrificer.<br />
The figure carries a painted pole thrust into a huge severed<br />
head wrapped in a bulky turban. The tie-dyed(?) design on this<br />
headcloth is markedly different from <strong>the</strong> wave motifs decorating<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sacrificer's own crown. That subtle distinction between<br />
styles of headdressing suggests that <strong>the</strong> image commemorates<br />
<strong>the</strong> defeat and death of an outsider or enemy combatant, who<br />
would have been identified by different attire.<br />
As in <strong>the</strong> portrayal of a Monkey Lord in cat. 201, an abstract<br />
sign or glyph projects conspicuously from <strong>the</strong> figure’s jutting<br />
jaw and mouth. Although this enigmatic motif could denote<br />
a tongue or something ingested, plausibly it also signifies an<br />
exhalation of sound or breath. In Moche iconography, <strong>the</strong> act<br />
of whistling marked <strong>the</strong> sacred moment just prior to a ritual<br />
sacrifice or burial, alerting <strong>the</strong> wakas and ancestors to <strong>the</strong> gift<br />
of a human life. 1<br />
A minor detail illustrates how Andean weavers availed<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves of any opportunity to produce "double-entendre"<br />
figures out of adjacent motifs and negative space. With <strong>the</strong><br />
mere addition of a stray limb to <strong>the</strong> back of <strong>the</strong> deity's foot,<br />
<strong>the</strong> feline head and paw attached to <strong>the</strong> bottom of his wing<br />
delineate <strong>the</strong> profile form of a pouncing or running cat (left).<br />
One wonders how much this kind of hidden or supplemental<br />
imagery reflected <strong>the</strong> individual artist’s spin on <strong>the</strong> standardized<br />
iconographic canon.<br />
1 Elizabeth Benson, The Worlds of <strong>the</strong> Moche on <strong>the</strong> North Coast of Peru (2012): 107.<br />
154
203<br />
Panel from a Tunic<br />
Feline and Worshipers<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley or North Coast<br />
AD 1000-1470<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
8½" x 7½"<br />
Literature<br />
Stone-Miller 1992b, cat. 60.<br />
The notion that <strong>the</strong> feline is <strong>the</strong> preeminent embodiment<br />
of spiritual or shamanic energy is reiterated endlessly in<br />
Andean iconography.<br />
The status of this supernatural animal in relation to <strong>the</strong> people<br />
who regarded it with reverence, awe and fear is expressed in<br />
this intricate composition. The magnitude of <strong>the</strong> cat quite<br />
overwhelms <strong>the</strong> adjacent host of smaller human figures (posed<br />
sideways) with <strong>the</strong>ir arms raised in <strong>the</strong> traditional gesture of<br />
veneration.<br />
The worshipers are hidden within a geometric design that<br />
takes advantage of <strong>the</strong> slit tapestry weave and <strong>the</strong> irregular<br />
color pattern that breaks up <strong>the</strong> repeat motifs in a rhythmic<br />
sequence. The scene is framed by <strong>the</strong> traditional scrolling<br />
wave/bird border.<br />
156
204<br />
Band from a Tunic<br />
Warrior with Antler Headdress<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley?<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
5" x 3¾"<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979b, fig. 41.<br />
A<br />
pair of giant antlers yields a headdress for this o<strong>the</strong>rwisestraightforward<br />
portrayal of a Huarmey warrior garbed in<br />
<strong>the</strong> standard triangular male breechcloth, and holding a spearthrower<br />
and bladed weapon.<br />
The antlers clearly serve a descriptive purpose, comparing <strong>the</strong><br />
prowess, speed and virility of <strong>the</strong> figure with male deer who<br />
use <strong>the</strong>ir bony horns as weapons when vying for dominance.<br />
The fierce clashing sound of interlocking antlers possibly<br />
evoked hand-to-hand combat.<br />
In earlier Moche art, both warriors and enemy captives were<br />
also metaphorically represented as deer. Although <strong>the</strong> analogy<br />
of <strong>the</strong> hunt and <strong>the</strong> kill is a visceral one, <strong>the</strong> depictions of<br />
wounded deer, seated and dressed like humans, are striking for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir dignity.<br />
Esteem for <strong>the</strong> animal was evidently kept alive within<br />
Huarmey culture as well, which adapted <strong>the</strong> symbolism for a<br />
Wari-influenced design of vertically arrayed figures, presented<br />
frontally like <strong>the</strong> classic staff-bearer icon.<br />
158
205<br />
Border from a Tunic<br />
<strong>Mythic</strong>al Creature (Llama/Deer/Frog)<br />
Moche-Wari culture, Huarmey Valley<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and<br />
slit tapestry weave<br />
2¾" x 34½"<br />
If ever <strong>the</strong>re was a compressed symbolic narrative or an<br />
improbable composite animal in Andean iconography, this<br />
antlered, sprouting, indescribable creature exemplifies it. The<br />
design layout, juxtaposing a single, discrete figure with an area<br />
of solid-colored slit tapestry weave conforms to Huarmey<br />
styles. But <strong>the</strong> figure has little precedent and is difficult to<br />
decode.<br />
The traits of several different animals, and multiple vantage<br />
points, are fused into an intricate, surreal form. The core figure<br />
has <strong>the</strong> sinuous, attenuated form of a spider monkey with a<br />
spiraling tail and many rootlike limbs, while <strong>the</strong> antlered head<br />
may allude to a deer or llama. Its extended tongue is continuous<br />
with <strong>the</strong> spinal column, while its haunches are rendered like<br />
those of a squatting toad or frog.<br />
The organic character of <strong>the</strong> design, <strong>the</strong> water symbolism and<br />
<strong>the</strong> fact that in Moche iconography budding antlers on deer<br />
were apparently equated with budding leaves cohere into an<br />
icon that may celebrate seasonal fecundity and growth.<br />
159
206<br />
Band from a Tunic<br />
Warrior with Tumi Headdress and Spear<br />
Moche-Wari culture, North Coast, Huarmey Valley?<br />
AD 750-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
8½" x 3½"<br />
Literature<br />
Kajitani and Nakajima 1980, fig. 31.<br />
While knowledge of indigo dyeing was clearly highly<br />
developed in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> from early periods, <strong>the</strong> extensive<br />
use of this color is atypical in most traditions. Thus <strong>the</strong> deep<br />
blue-black background of this textile is an unusual feature, as is<br />
<strong>the</strong> thinline, intricate style of representation.<br />
The design's strong diagonals and kinetic quality are established<br />
by <strong>the</strong> long, thin pole that this long-snouted personage holds<br />
at an angle against his body, echoing <strong>the</strong> angular shape of his<br />
head emblem and <strong>the</strong> position of his legs. This object, and <strong>the</strong><br />
way it is being thrown or thrust downward, suggests a spear or<br />
mace pole; <strong>the</strong> figure's bent-knee posture similarly conveys a<br />
sense of active movement. The crescent tumi blade worn on his<br />
head is <strong>the</strong> insignia of <strong>the</strong> warrior (and potential decapitator).<br />
A related character endowed with this distinctive elongated<br />
face can be recognized in Moche iconography depicting<br />
supernatural confrontations ra<strong>the</strong>r than "real" battles. This<br />
figure derives more directly from that tradition, and shows<br />
little similarity with conventional Wari figures.<br />
160
207<br />
Band from a Tunic?<br />
Warrior with Tumi Headdress<br />
Unidentified North Coast style, Lambayeque? Pacatnamu?<br />
AD 750-1100<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 3"<br />
Despite a common repertoire of artistic <strong>the</strong>mes and figure<br />
types, a range of distinct textile styles are associated with<br />
<strong>the</strong> north-central coast cultures that were part of <strong>the</strong> Moche<br />
sphere. These distinctions indicate a variety of place origins<br />
within this multivalley region, as well as varying degrees of<br />
influence from—or familiarity with—ei<strong>the</strong>r Moche or Wari<br />
models. Many textiles, however, cannot be properly attributed.<br />
This squat, blocky, stylized figure selects from both sources,<br />
combining <strong>the</strong> tumi-blade head insignia of <strong>the</strong> Moche warrior<br />
with <strong>the</strong> short staff and pose of <strong>the</strong> Wari icon. An illegible<br />
black-and-white element in his headdress may allude to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Wari wing (if so, it is incongruously placed). But it also<br />
resembles a plumed mythical bird worn as a head adornment<br />
by Moche personages.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> figure is devoid of much detail, <strong>the</strong> constructivist<br />
approach to its composition, using an assortment of blocky,<br />
outlined geometric shapes, is uncommon.<br />
161
208<br />
Band<br />
Undulating Snake<br />
Coastal Wari culture, Huarmey Valley?<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
6" x 1½"<br />
In a witty syn<strong>the</strong>sis of form and content, Andean weavers<br />
employed serpentine imagery for long, narrow borders,<br />
headbands and sashes.<br />
The gliding, spotted snake is given an angular, somewhat<br />
architectonic interpretation here. The lively pattern of erratic<br />
multicolored squares recalls <strong>the</strong> niches and openings that were<br />
distinctive features of north coast ritual and palatial buildings.<br />
162
209<br />
Band "Water Cat"<br />
Coastal Wari culture, North Central Coast<br />
AD 800-1000<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
3" x 11½"<br />
This more intricate, richly colorful rendering endows <strong>the</strong><br />
undulating snake with a whiskered cat head. This fusion of<br />
snake and feline is a pervasive <strong>the</strong>me in Andean iconography.<br />
While it may have been contrived to express supernatural<br />
ferocity or energy, o<strong>the</strong>r Andean metaphors offer equal insight<br />
into its significance.<br />
The practice of agriculture near <strong>the</strong> coast was always dependent<br />
on rivers and irrigation canals. Although we do not know what<br />
symbolism such natural or man-made channels inspired among<br />
<strong>the</strong>se ancient farming societies, it may have been similar to<br />
Inka ideas. The Inkas personified <strong>the</strong>ir rivers and springs with<br />
puma heads and tails; <strong>the</strong>y also called <strong>the</strong>ir irrigation channels<br />
"silver snakes." It is <strong>the</strong>refore feasible that this distinctive icon<br />
is a visual sign for such essential watercourses and <strong>the</strong> spiritual<br />
forces that animated <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
163
CHIMÚ<br />
LAMBAYEQUE<br />
CHANCAY<br />
PACHACAMAC<br />
ICA
Chimú and Lambayeque,<br />
Chancay and Pachacamac,<br />
Ica and South Coast Cultures<br />
Towards <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> first millennium, circa AD<br />
1000, <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku highland deity and its retinue of<br />
supernatural staffbearers, which had swept through<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> on <strong>the</strong> wings of Wari domination, yielded <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
preeminence to ano<strong>the</strong>r cult icon on <strong>the</strong> north and central<br />
coast of Peru.<br />
This divine being––an ancestral lord or a creator deity of local<br />
origin––was portrayed in <strong>the</strong> posture of <strong>the</strong> archaic Andean<br />
Staff God. The static figure stood gazing forward, usually<br />
displaying a staff, knife, trophy head, or o<strong>the</strong>r emblem in each<br />
hand. Atypically, <strong>the</strong> personage was also crowned with a large<br />
crescent-moon headdress and often stood upon a stylized<br />
wave. Moon and water, or Si and Ni in <strong>the</strong> now long-extinct<br />
Muchic language: apt symbols for cultures dominated by <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
proximity to <strong>the</strong> Pacific Ocean.<br />
The dramatic shift in cult focus and imagery is linked with <strong>the</strong><br />
emergence of <strong>the</strong> Chimor and Sicán-Lambayeque kingdoms<br />
several centuries after <strong>the</strong>ir ancestral Moche culture had<br />
finally succumbed to <strong>the</strong> droughts and floods brought about<br />
by a catastrophic El Niño oceanic/wea<strong>the</strong>r event in <strong>the</strong> 7th<br />
century AD.<br />
The Wari Empire had been an overwhelming and integrating<br />
force across much of <strong>the</strong> ancient <strong>Andes</strong> for about 400 years<br />
(although it had only marginally interacted with late Moche<br />
groups before both cultures collapsed). As its influence<br />
declined around AD 900, <strong>the</strong> numerous regional societies<br />
that had come under its religious and aes<strong>the</strong>tic sway began<br />
a process of political and artistic diversification. This was<br />
especially evident along <strong>the</strong> coast, where many valleys and<br />
independent chieftaincies saw <strong>the</strong> florescence (or resurgence)<br />
of separate, local traditions that introduced new iconographic<br />
<strong>the</strong>mes into <strong>the</strong> Andean artistic repertoire.<br />
The economic power and aristocratic wealth that was<br />
cultivated at Chanchán, <strong>the</strong> seat of <strong>the</strong> Chimú royal dynasty<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Moche Valley, was evidently harnessed to military<br />
might. This convergence drove Chimú expansionism, which<br />
first eclipsed <strong>the</strong> more nor<strong>the</strong>rly, independent Lambayeque<br />
cultures, <strong>the</strong>n reached south towards and beyond <strong>the</strong> centrally<br />
situated Chancay valley. By <strong>the</strong> time of <strong>the</strong> Chimú peoples’<br />
final subjugation to Inka imperialism in <strong>the</strong> mid 1400s, <strong>the</strong><br />
kingdom’s area of control and influence covered a 500-mile<br />
stretch of <strong>the</strong> Peruvian coast, presenting a formidable rival<br />
to––and prize for––<strong>the</strong> highland society.<br />
Chanchán was <strong>the</strong> most magnificent of <strong>the</strong> monumental<br />
complexes built in <strong>the</strong> region during this era (circa AD<br />
1200–1400). This enormous, multi-generational, labyrinthine<br />
cluster of ten royal compounds was contemporaneous with<br />
several o<strong>the</strong>r esteemed coastal ceremonial centers, such as<br />
Pachacamac and Pacatnamú, <strong>the</strong> great oracle temples that<br />
attracted tribute and pilgrims from across <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>.<br />
The sumptuousness, skilled intricacy, and innumerable quantity<br />
of objects created by <strong>the</strong> several thousand artists and craftsmen<br />
who lived and worked exclusively within <strong>the</strong> high walls of<br />
Chanchán, paint <strong>the</strong> image of a society that at its pinnacle was<br />
dedicated to grand displays and <strong>the</strong> accumulation of wealth.<br />
167
Artistry, splendor, and excellence of production were equally<br />
social imperative and social prerogative. The abundance of state<br />
and personal regalia, textiles, blackware pottery, fea<strong>the</strong>rwork,<br />
gold and silver adornment, and ritual artifacts massed in<br />
<strong>the</strong> storehouses and royal burial mounds of Chanchán was<br />
legendary, even before <strong>the</strong> Spanish began extracting <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
riches. Chimú artisans were so highly regarded, in fact, that<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir new Inka overlords coopted this workforce, adopting<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir technologies and employing many of <strong>the</strong> finest weavers<br />
and metalsmiths in Cusco and o<strong>the</strong>r outposts of <strong>the</strong>ir empire.<br />
The Chimor state style favored surface complexity, a<br />
proliferation of texture, and a multiplicity of techniques and<br />
materials. While ritual and burial garments and hangings<br />
were lightweight and sheer, <strong>the</strong>ir openwork or gauze weave<br />
cotton foundations were generally elaborated with brocaded<br />
or tapestry-woven medallions or roundels and thickly sewn<br />
with luxurious tufts and tiers of tassels and fringes. Many<br />
of <strong>the</strong>se three-dimensional elements are worked with faces<br />
and figures, as if <strong>the</strong> wearer was embodying a network of<br />
human relationships such as a clan or lineage. The emphasis on<br />
cochineal red and pink dyes reflected special access to camelid<br />
wools, which are particularly receptive to this insect-derived<br />
colorant. As in <strong>the</strong> case of Spondylus shell, <strong>the</strong>se vivid red hues<br />
probably connoted royalty and prestige. The copious amount<br />
of wool used for such ceremonial textiles was a bold statement<br />
of status, as were <strong>the</strong> tunics, tabards, fans, ear ornaments, and tall<br />
crowns embellished with multihued Amazonian bird fea<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
or layers of delicately wrought gold ornamentation.<br />
Conquest, political dominance, and prestige, toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />
<strong>the</strong> widespread distribution of luxury goods, account for <strong>the</strong><br />
diffusion of a broadly “Chimú style” of design and representation<br />
over <strong>the</strong> entire north and central coast region. This Chimú-<br />
Chancay cultural sphere is perhaps best understood as a<br />
syn<strong>the</strong>sis of locally derived and imported iconographic <strong>the</strong>mes<br />
driven by <strong>the</strong> needs of a powerful, rich aristocracy. A common<br />
symbolic and visual language prevailed in all media. This is<br />
especially marked in textile art, even as particular weaving and<br />
surface design techniques, or forms of dress or ritual cloth,<br />
came to be favored by one society or ano<strong>the</strong>r. Under Chimú<br />
hegemony, textiles woven across a spectrum of time and place<br />
reveal a general formal similarity (of color scheme, styles of<br />
depiction, motifs).<br />
That visual and cultural overlap hinders our ability to<br />
locate <strong>the</strong> cultural sources of most textiles without specific<br />
knowledge of <strong>the</strong>ir archaeological context. The picture is<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r complicated by <strong>the</strong> relocation of Chimú weavers and<br />
textile artists during <strong>the</strong> Chimú-Inka period. That event,<br />
as well as <strong>the</strong> mechanisms of Inka trade, likely explains an<br />
enigmatic group of textiles that seemingly blend north coast<br />
motifs with south and south-central coast weaving techniques.<br />
(Indeed, according to Ann Rowe, <strong>the</strong> greatest numbers of<br />
Chimú textiles have been found in <strong>the</strong> Chancay, Ica, and Nasca<br />
valleys, where <strong>the</strong> climatic conditions for textile preservation<br />
were more favorable.)<br />
All Andean coastal societies celebrated <strong>the</strong> vitality of <strong>the</strong><br />
Pacific Ocean, which along with sophisticated irrigation<br />
works and agricultural practices, enabled <strong>the</strong>ir survival in<br />
an arid and challenging terrain. Even so, <strong>the</strong> profusion of<br />
marine symbolism in Chimú art and cosmology (and related<br />
traditions) is exceptional. It signals a fundamental iconographic<br />
shift from <strong>the</strong> visionary <strong>the</strong>mes of Paracas art, for example,<br />
or <strong>the</strong> Wari fixation on <strong>the</strong> Staff-bearer and <strong>the</strong> Sacrificer,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Moche obsession with ritualized warfare and human<br />
sacrifice. One that gradually makes room for <strong>the</strong> depiction of<br />
more “folkloric” content featuring ordinary people (including<br />
female effigies) and naturalistic fauna and flora, in addition to<br />
spirit animals and <strong>the</strong> extra-ordinary denizens of a supernatural<br />
realm. That development is conspicuous among <strong>the</strong> smaller,<br />
more self-contained societies inhabiting <strong>the</strong> Chancay, Huaura,<br />
Lurin, Rimac, Chillon and Chincha valleys (which generally<br />
comprise <strong>the</strong> “Chancay” artistic tradition).<br />
Seabird and fish imagery dominated <strong>the</strong> painted, low relief,<br />
geometric friezes decorating <strong>the</strong> clay lattice openwork walls<br />
168
of Chanchán’s palatial and administrative structures. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
motifs alluding to water or <strong>the</strong> sea (catfish, manta rays, octopus,<br />
crustaceans, frogs, cormorants, ducks, shells) abound in works<br />
of ritual, funerary and ceremonial art. In pictorial scenes<br />
depicted on cloth and pottery, human figures travel by boat,<br />
surrounded by shoals of fish. Some figures portrayed in Chimú<br />
vessels even ride <strong>the</strong> back of colossal fish or whales (a visual<br />
metaphor for <strong>the</strong> ocean itself?). Such characters may allude to<br />
actual dignitaries or to <strong>the</strong> large numbers of people who lived<br />
from <strong>the</strong> sea (including boatmen, fishermen, Spondylus shell<br />
hunters, and long-distance traders).<br />
Much of <strong>the</strong> iconography has a mythological dimension.<br />
There is a fluid interchangeability of human and animal being.<br />
Crowned pelicans are borne on litters by bird attendants in<br />
imitation of <strong>the</strong> Chimú nobility; <strong>the</strong>y appear to be standins<br />
for rulers and dignitaries. The "Moon <strong>Animal</strong>," ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
ubiquitous magical creature, is also presented seated and<br />
crowned like an elite. The figure is shown as an iguana (surely<br />
derived from a reptilian character who consorts with <strong>the</strong><br />
Moche "Wrinkled-Face" god), but also appears in <strong>the</strong> guise<br />
of a monkey, feline, fox or coati. Evidently <strong>the</strong> image could<br />
accommodate diverse stories.<br />
The lord or deity with <strong>the</strong> crescent headdress or fea<strong>the</strong>r<br />
corona that is <strong>the</strong> principal icon of power and leadership in<br />
this pan-coastal imagery is subject to infinite interpretation, as<br />
well as to increasing standardization and simplification, over<br />
time. The figure’s prevalence and his oceanic symbolism may<br />
well be connected with origin myths recorded for both <strong>the</strong><br />
Chimú and Lambayeque peoples.<br />
Accounts transcribed in colonial texts suggest variations of<br />
a common tale describing <strong>the</strong> arrival of a putative historical<br />
founding ancestor by boat or reed raft. This mythical<br />
progenitor, named Taycanano by <strong>the</strong> Chimú, reportedly<br />
established <strong>the</strong> royal dynasty that ruled <strong>the</strong> Chimor kingdom<br />
through nine generations of kings. The last of <strong>the</strong>se historical<br />
rulers, Minchançaman, was ultimately defeated by <strong>the</strong> Inka<br />
around AD 1460. The earlier Sicán groups in <strong>the</strong> Lambayeque<br />
and Jequetepeque valleys of <strong>the</strong> far north coast, which had<br />
been vanquished by <strong>the</strong> Chimú general Pacatnamú a century<br />
earlier (circa AD 1375), had an equivalent dynastic myth and<br />
primordial lord in Naymlap.<br />
Massive cinnabar-encrusted, gold and copper funerary masks,<br />
which are among <strong>the</strong> most stunning works produced by <strong>the</strong><br />
Lambayeque metalsmiths, seemingly depict <strong>the</strong> visage of this<br />
culture hero Naymlap (or his lineage descendants) with his<br />
characteristic winged or almandine eyes. That supernatural<br />
eye features similarly on figures portrayed in Lambayeque<br />
textiles, which despite strong affinities, differ subtly from<br />
classic Chimú styles of figuration and color.<br />
Lambayeque iconography can be elaborate and dynamic,<br />
involving multiple personages enacting ceremonies and<br />
scenes that condense select mythical sequences from <strong>the</strong><br />
ancient Moche narratives. This trait of visual complexity is<br />
an extreme contrast to <strong>the</strong> stylized, reductive figuration of <strong>the</strong><br />
later period Chimú and Chancay aes<strong>the</strong>tic, where repetitive<br />
patterning and <strong>the</strong> rhythmic application of color and color<br />
variation triumphs over originality of motif and design.<br />
Yet <strong>the</strong> discovery of Lambayeque textile offerings at both<br />
Pachacamac and Pacatnamú––<strong>the</strong> two far-flung sanctuaries<br />
that roughly demarcated <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn and sou<strong>the</strong>rn endpoints<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Chimor sphere of influence––reveals <strong>the</strong> extent of<br />
cultural interplay in this region and era. These mysterious,<br />
fragmentary vignettes yield insight into <strong>the</strong> evolution of<br />
<strong>the</strong> broader north-central coast iconographic tradition over<br />
five centuries, even as that admitted a rich new inventory of<br />
symbols as well as innovative and virtuoso artistic methods for<br />
expressing <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
169
210<br />
Panel from a Tunic or Hanging<br />
Sacred Mo<strong>the</strong>r Llama and Calf<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; slit tapestry weave<br />
7" x 11"<br />
Literature<br />
Kajitani and Nakajima 1980, fig. 5.<br />
de Lavalle 1988, 227.<br />
A<br />
fascinating visual narrative, replicated in several Chimú<br />
textiles, integrates multiple symbolic <strong>the</strong>mes reflecting<br />
<strong>the</strong> profound importance of <strong>the</strong> camelid to Andean peoples.<br />
The animal is inherently associated with <strong>the</strong> weaving arts, of<br />
course. The availability of alpaca fiber greatly spurred creative<br />
expression and <strong>the</strong> development of textile technologies across<br />
<strong>the</strong> region. Llamas also had a significant place in sacrificial and<br />
calendrical rituals, as recorded in <strong>the</strong> Inka period.<br />
This unique scene, however, celebrates life ra<strong>the</strong>r than death or<br />
sacrifice. It portrays a female llama, with distinctive markings,<br />
giving birth. Her human attendant wears an unusual doublecrescent<br />
headdress that indicates exceptional status. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
cult priests or figures, wearing llama headdresses, surround<br />
<strong>the</strong> birthing pair. Fluttering butterflies place <strong>the</strong> moment in a<br />
season of growth and florescence, possibly spring or summer.<br />
The various fleece patterns and colors seen on camelids<br />
had specific names, connotations and symbolic applications.<br />
The dark and light piebald markings of <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r llama,<br />
for instance, may describe <strong>the</strong> scattered spotting and brown<br />
tonalities of <strong>the</strong> paqomuru llama.<br />
Multicolored llamas were especially associated with rain rituals<br />
and sacrifices in Inka religion. But this rare image also evokes<br />
<strong>the</strong> Andean “dark cloud" constellation, Yakana. This celestial<br />
llama, which crosses <strong>the</strong> Milky Way accompanied by her<br />
suckling calf, is considered to be <strong>the</strong> creator and guardian of<br />
<strong>the</strong> flocks. 1<br />
The design thus celebrates animal fertility, elevating a natural<br />
event to a moment of rich ceremony and cosmological<br />
significance.<br />
1 Gary Urton, At <strong>the</strong> Crossroads of <strong>the</strong> Earth and Sky: An Andean Cosmology (1982):<br />
185-188.<br />
170
171
211<br />
Fragment from a Garment or Hanging<br />
Seated Lord in Centipede Headdress<br />
Lambayeque or Pacatnamu culture<br />
AD 900-1375<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; slit tapestry weave<br />
7" x 6"<br />
This portrayal of a dignitary or high priest installed within<br />
an open-air structure appears to derive from a multiepisode<br />
mythic narrative conceived in <strong>the</strong> earlier Moche<br />
period. That context can be deduced from o<strong>the</strong>r north coast<br />
textile iconography, notably that of <strong>the</strong> Lambayeque kingdom,<br />
which was conquered and incorporated into <strong>the</strong> powerful<br />
Chimú realm around AD 1325.<br />
The architectural rendering describes a particular style of<br />
ritual shelter, which was apparently erected on <strong>the</strong> summits<br />
of temples and pyramids, although none survive among <strong>the</strong><br />
numerous adobe ruins found along <strong>the</strong> Pacific seaboard.<br />
Two striped columns and a painted back wall support a steeply<br />
pitched, gabled roof decorated with pediments and geometric<br />
patterns. The dark background of <strong>the</strong> design establishes a sense<br />
of spatial depth.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r extant pictorial textiles give insight into <strong>the</strong> rites that<br />
took place within such precincts. Invariably, <strong>the</strong> presiding<br />
dignitary displays a goblet, presumably brimming with a ritual<br />
libation. Here, a cactus-like motif wafting from <strong>the</strong> bowl<br />
may indicate that <strong>the</strong> brew (probably chicha or corn beer) has<br />
hallucinogenic properties. However, <strong>the</strong> liquid could equally<br />
represent sacrificial blood, as suggested by Moche iconography<br />
that depicts <strong>the</strong> Ritual Presentation of Goblets to a similarly<br />
seated personage.<br />
Imagery from ano<strong>the</strong>r, related Pacatnamu garment places this<br />
(or an equivalent) high-status ruler or lord in a complex scene<br />
among dancers, weavers and a ritualist who ei<strong>the</strong>r sacrifices—or<br />
dances with—a white llama. 1 In <strong>the</strong> subsequent Inka tradition,<br />
camelids had an essential function in calendrical rain rituals as<br />
sacred offerings to <strong>the</strong> cosmic powers, or wakas.<br />
The multi-tendril headpiece adorning this personage also<br />
harks back to Moche symbolism. Although <strong>the</strong> crown evokes a<br />
cascade of fluttering fea<strong>the</strong>rs seen from <strong>the</strong> side (as on a crescent<br />
headdress), <strong>the</strong> wavy lines also supply multiple legs for a giant<br />
centipede, replete with pincers, fangs and a segmented body,<br />
which is worn upside-down. In Moche art, this venomous<br />
creature is a player in mythological or origin dramas, where it<br />
challenges and stings <strong>the</strong> creator deity, Ai Apaec. As an obvious<br />
signifier of ferocity and danger, it makes a suitable insignia for<br />
a powerful individual.<br />
1 Christopher Donnan, “The Moment of Greatest Sanctity: A Pacatnamu Ritual<br />
Textile,” Hali Annual 1 (1994): 161.<br />
172
173
212<br />
Band from a Tunic?<br />
Female Dignitary Receiving a Procession<br />
Lambayeque culture<br />
AD 1000-1375<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and<br />
slit tapestry weave<br />
10½" x 5"<br />
The unusual pictorialism of Lambayeque textile design<br />
is a legacy from <strong>the</strong>ir Moche forebears, who illustrated<br />
exquisitely detailed mythic narratives on <strong>the</strong>ir fine pottery.<br />
(Their textile iconography is mostly unknown though.)<br />
Lambayeque and Pacatnamu artists transferred Moche visual<br />
naturalism and storytelling to <strong>the</strong> medium of cloth. The<br />
woven representations of mythological and ceremonial <strong>the</strong>mes<br />
are greatly simplified, however, focusing on key episodes or<br />
characters that are presumably drawn from broader north coast<br />
oral traditions of cultural myth and history.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> major protagonists in Moche iconography is a<br />
priestess who plays a key role in sacrificial rites. This enigmatic<br />
personage is sometimes shown traveling by boat or on a mythic<br />
journey that takes place at sea. Contemporary archaeological<br />
investigation has uncovered increasing evidence of <strong>the</strong><br />
importance of priestesses and female shamans and healers<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Moche world. Never<strong>the</strong>less, women are infrequently<br />
represented in textile imagery, so this fragment is tantalizing—<br />
as much for what it suggests about <strong>the</strong> unknown role of women<br />
in ritual, as for what can be construed by analogy.<br />
Executed in <strong>the</strong> characteristic olive green, gold and white colors<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Lambayeque style, <strong>the</strong> vivid scene portrays a female<br />
dignitary, garbed in a checkerboard dress and shawl, receiving<br />
a procession. Borne on litters, <strong>the</strong>se obviously elite individuals<br />
(warriors? nobles? captives?) carry large arrow bundles on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
backs. The closest equivalent to this subject matter is found<br />
among Moche narratives, in which certain episodes culminate<br />
in <strong>the</strong> presentation of high-ranking prisoners to assorted<br />
supernatural and real personages (prior to <strong>the</strong>ir gruesome<br />
dismemberment).<br />
The stepped platforms or terraces interspersed with rows<br />
of human heads, shown in <strong>the</strong> lower register of <strong>the</strong> design,<br />
establish <strong>the</strong> setting as a ceremonial precinct. The heads may<br />
represent spectators or else a row of trophy heads culled from<br />
vanquished foes. The display is framed top and bottom with<br />
motifs that offer a potential clue—fruits that likely symbolize<br />
th Ulluchu plant, which has anticoagulant properties and was<br />
associated with blood rites.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> bird perched on <strong>the</strong> priestess’s head may reflect<br />
Andean notions that link women shamans with parrots or<br />
owls, sacrificial tableaux abound in vultures and raptors as well.<br />
The distinctive shape of <strong>the</strong> tumi decapitation blade, which is<br />
placed between <strong>the</strong> two litter-bearers, may well signal <strong>the</strong> fate<br />
that awaits <strong>the</strong> person <strong>the</strong>y transport.<br />
174
213<br />
Band from a Tunic<br />
Ritualist with Staff<br />
Lambayeque culture<br />
AD 1000-1375<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; slit tapestry weave<br />
8½" x 4"<br />
Literature<br />
Schmidt 1929, 493, 494.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> underlying rectilinear structure established by <strong>the</strong> warp and weft, this<br />
unusual image achieves a distinctive curving line closer in style to fineline drawing<br />
or painting.<br />
Delicate spirals impart an energetic quality to an abstract cruciform motif, which is<br />
carried through in <strong>the</strong> strong sense of forward motion conveyed by <strong>the</strong> stooped or<br />
leaning figure, <strong>the</strong> streaming fea<strong>the</strong>rs decorating his conical helmet and <strong>the</strong> crooked staff.<br />
This odd version of <strong>the</strong> standard emblem terminates in a human head. The attributes<br />
(especially <strong>the</strong> posture and staff) suggest that <strong>the</strong>y identify a specific character from<br />
legend or history.<br />
The rich brown color palette, offset by a judicious use of bright white, is typical of<br />
north coast traditions from <strong>the</strong> Lambayeque or Pacatnamu region. The textile is related<br />
to material discovered at Pachacamac, <strong>the</strong> famed pilgrimage and oracle center on <strong>the</strong><br />
central coast, which evidently received tribute from across <strong>the</strong> Chimú realm.<br />
176
177
214<br />
Panel from a Border<br />
Narrative Scene<br />
Lambayeque culture<br />
AD 1000-1375<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and<br />
slit tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 4½"<br />
Literature<br />
Stone-Miller 1992b, 125-126, plate 37.<br />
The major supernatural icon that dominates Chimú and Lambayeque imagery has<br />
a regular entourage of human and bird attendants. These secondary characters<br />
appear in different guises and seem to have interchangeable attributes (suggesting a<br />
symbolic equivalency). The birds (usually pelicans) impersonate human postures and<br />
regalia (sometimes quite comically) while human figures, like this confronting pair, may<br />
grow beaks, crests or winged eyes. The figures also share <strong>the</strong> iconic crescent headdress.<br />
This pictorial scene suggests a narrative or ceremonial event involving <strong>the</strong> handingover<br />
of a paddle or short staff between an important male personage and a less elite<br />
individual. 1 Their relative status is indicated by a difference in <strong>the</strong>ir size, as well as by<br />
subtle distinctions in <strong>the</strong>ir attire. The larger of <strong>the</strong> two is garbed in a step-patterned<br />
tunic and immense striped headdress. The second figure sports only a loincloth and a<br />
pectoral or design on his bare chest. His less impressive helmet signals a lesser role or<br />
place in <strong>the</strong> Lambayeque hierarchy.<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> maritime focus of much north coast mythology and ritual activity, it is feasible<br />
that <strong>the</strong> beaked fish floating in <strong>the</strong> background is a visual sign locating this enigmatic<br />
encounter near <strong>the</strong> ocean.<br />
1 See a Lambayeque-style hanging or ritual cloth with identical iconography published by Jacqueline de Bolle et al.,<br />
Rediscovery of Pre-Columbian Textiles (1994): 124-125.<br />
178
179
215<br />
Fragment from a Garment or Hanging<br />
Deity or Ruler?<br />
Chimú or Lambayeque culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
9" x 30"<br />
Literature<br />
Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino 2005, 53.<br />
A<br />
delicacy of execution and sinuous curvilinearity of form,<br />
as well as exceptional color, characterize this beautiful<br />
Lambayeque-style composition. Set within alternating pink<br />
and yellow diagonal bands, <strong>the</strong> fresco-like design represents<br />
<strong>the</strong> principal north coast icon, whom we might tentatively<br />
identify as one of <strong>the</strong> mythological heroes or culture founders,<br />
Naymlap or Tacaynamo. The figure is surrounded by <strong>the</strong> longtailed<br />
birds that make frequent appearance in <strong>the</strong> region's<br />
visual mythology.<br />
Like <strong>the</strong> dynastic rulers and nobility of <strong>the</strong> Chimor and<br />
Lambayeque kingdoms, this personage is attired in ceremonial<br />
costume consisting of a plumed headdress, a neck ruff or collar<br />
and a patterned breechcloth. Bags, ornaments or stylized trophy<br />
heads dangle from his elbows. (This ornamental convention<br />
can be traced to <strong>the</strong> deity represented on <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku Sun<br />
Portal.) The Chimú were avid tattoo artists and body painters,<br />
as reflected in <strong>the</strong> jaguar or anaconda markings on <strong>the</strong> figure’s<br />
chest and legs.<br />
This designation of supernatural or shamanic status is reinforced<br />
when <strong>the</strong> image is reversed, revealing <strong>the</strong> feet to be birds, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> arms and body to be a double-headed snake.<br />
180
216<br />
Woven Tassel or Appliqué for a Shirt<br />
Human Figure with “Fea<strong>the</strong>r" Crown<br />
Pacatnamu or Lambayeque culture<br />
AD 1000-1375<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; slit tapestry weave<br />
7½" x 5"<br />
Literature<br />
Donnan 1994, fig. 11.<br />
An elaborate tassel or woven accessory, which was probably<br />
applied to a prestigious Lambayeque or Chimú garment,<br />
depicts a stylized figure in a rayed, crescent-shaped crown.<br />
The tufted ends of <strong>the</strong> individual elements suggest a style of<br />
headdress created with long fea<strong>the</strong>rs, such as those obtained<br />
from <strong>the</strong> waterfowl or o<strong>the</strong>r local birds that appear frequently<br />
in <strong>the</strong> region’s imagery. In a spirit of self-referentiality, <strong>the</strong><br />
figure itself holds a multistrand, tufted ornament.<br />
182
217<br />
Tassel or Embellishment for a Garment<br />
Radiant Deity with Weeping Eyes<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and<br />
slit tapestry weave<br />
5" x 3"<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979a, fig. 70.<br />
This shaped costume embellishment or tassel depicts a<br />
radiant face with weeping eyes. The personification<br />
possibly represents a north coast cosmic or creator deity with<br />
solar, lunar and water attributes. Multicolored rays exploit <strong>the</strong><br />
typical Chimú color palette, emphasizing tonalities of cochineal<br />
red, gold, white and black.<br />
The crescent form is <strong>the</strong> ubiquitous element of Chimú and<br />
Lambayeque iconography. The motif is employed as a headdress<br />
for every kind of mythical personage, whe<strong>the</strong>r human, bird,<br />
animal or supernatural entity.<br />
That its symbolic significance was derived from <strong>the</strong> moon—a<br />
celestial being venerated by coastal societies deeply aware of<br />
its connection with <strong>the</strong> ocean, <strong>the</strong> tides and female power—is<br />
confirmed by north coast myths and origin tales recorded in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Spanish Chronicles and later colonial sources.<br />
183
218<br />
Incomplete Band or Sash<br />
Crowned Personage<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking<br />
and slit tapestry weave<br />
5¼" x 4¼"<br />
184
219<br />
Sash with Tab Ends (fragmentary)<br />
Deity<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave,<br />
supplementary weft<br />
12" x 3"<br />
Chimú and Lambayeque textile iconography and design focus primarily on a<br />
personage wearing a crescent (moon) headdress who seemingly portrays a<br />
major mythological or historical character—possibly <strong>the</strong> founding ancestor of <strong>the</strong><br />
culture, or one of <strong>the</strong> many dynastic rulers who were believed to descend from<br />
him.<br />
Although it can be assumed that military conquest and turmoil played a large<br />
part in <strong>the</strong> pre-Hispanic history of this region, most of <strong>the</strong>se images project a<br />
static and ra<strong>the</strong>r benign quality. By this epoch <strong>the</strong> icons have been reduced to<br />
conventionalized motifs that decorate numerous sorts of garments and textile<br />
accessories. The figures are depicted with remarkable consistency, varying only in<br />
small details, such as <strong>the</strong> geometric design of a tunic or <strong>the</strong> striping or coloration<br />
of a headpiece. Whe<strong>the</strong>r such variations represent artistic license or stylistic shifts<br />
and changes that occurred over time or place is difficult to gauge without precise<br />
provenience or radiocarbon dating.<br />
The deified ruler or ancestor (waka) is shown standing in a presentation or display<br />
pose; <strong>the</strong> arms are sometimes positioned in <strong>the</strong> attitude of reverence with <strong>the</strong><br />
palms face-up.<br />
The usual symbols of power and aggression may be noted. Many figures carry<br />
trophy heads and knives or batons, or feature jaguar markings that speak of<br />
predatory, sacrificial and bellicose acts.<br />
These two panels appear to be parts of costume accessories, such as sashes or<br />
textile pendants. The curious, hybrid bird/fish motif repeated in <strong>the</strong> woven tab<br />
fringe of cat. 219 manages to allude to both shore and sea, i.e., <strong>the</strong> two domains<br />
that shaped ecology and symbolism on <strong>the</strong> north and central coasts. When viewed<br />
sideways, <strong>the</strong> fish's fins or "arms" and tiny decapitation knives recall <strong>the</strong> mythical<br />
headhunting sharks and killer whales that appeared in earlier Paracas and Nasca<br />
iconography.<br />
185
220<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Personage in Crescent Headdress<br />
Lambayeque or Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; slit tapestry weave<br />
16¼" 7¼"<br />
Literature<br />
Stone-Miller 1992b, 128-129.<br />
Chimú weavers and artists show an aes<strong>the</strong>tic predilection for triangular shapes and<br />
curvilinear lines. The style is exemplified by <strong>the</strong> modular structure of this eccentric<br />
figure composed from a stack of discrete color blocks. A purple outline around many of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se elements exaggerates <strong>the</strong> effect of visual disjointedness.<br />
Spiral and step motifs—<strong>the</strong> wave and mountain symbolizing <strong>the</strong> entire Andean<br />
universe—embellish <strong>the</strong> figure’s short, patterned shirt and breechcloth. Similar designs<br />
decorate his legs or feet, while his arms are painted or tattooed with feline spots.<br />
The juxtaposition of a major deity or lord (presented frontally) with a bird or birdheaded<br />
attendant (seen in profile) is a widespread Andean iconographic convention. The<br />
concept was probably introduced to <strong>the</strong> coastal traditions by <strong>the</strong> Wari, but is reinterpreted<br />
here with more local references. The stocky, anthropomorphic bird standing at <strong>the</strong> feet<br />
of <strong>the</strong> personage displays long, curving fea<strong>the</strong>rs—a common motif that was possibly<br />
inspired by <strong>the</strong> three long, ornamental plumes seen on <strong>the</strong> back of <strong>the</strong> head of <strong>the</strong><br />
large, black-crowned night heron. (That bird also reveals steel blue underwings in flight,<br />
perhaps explaining <strong>the</strong> touches of blue incorporated into <strong>the</strong> image.)<br />
186
187
221<br />
Panel from a Tunic?<br />
Winged Staff-Bearer/Crustaceans<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1470<br />
Cotton; supplementary warp and<br />
weft (or doublecloth?)<br />
9½" x 28"<br />
Like elite people all over <strong>the</strong> ancient world, <strong>the</strong> important<br />
personae of <strong>the</strong> north coast kingdoms were transported<br />
on palanquins and litters. In this idiosyncratic image, litter and<br />
litter-carrier are actually conflated in <strong>the</strong> form of a backwardbending<br />
figure that supports a winged staff-bearer on his flat<br />
stomach.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong>re was a long visual tradition in regional art styles of<br />
representing inanimate objects as alive or animate, it is possible<br />
that such a litter or hammock (or even an ocean-going raft) is<br />
embodied by this contorted personage.<br />
The crescent-moon headdress, as well as <strong>the</strong> fish floating<br />
underneath <strong>the</strong> human raft, are certainly emblematic of <strong>the</strong><br />
ocean—as is <strong>the</strong> naturalistic crayfish or shrimp motif that is <strong>the</strong><br />
prominent focus of <strong>the</strong> lower design register.<br />
188
222<br />
Panel from a Tunic?<br />
Personage in a Tortora Reed Boat<br />
Chimú-Inka culture?<br />
Circa AD 1400<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; slit tapestry weave<br />
13" x 8¾"<br />
As told by Spanish Chroniclers, <strong>the</strong> fundamental Chimú<br />
origin myth recounts <strong>the</strong> arrival of <strong>the</strong>ir dynastic founder<br />
and his royal entourage from <strong>the</strong> north in an ocean-traveling raft.<br />
Apparently this was a common <strong>the</strong>me on <strong>the</strong> north coast—<strong>the</strong><br />
sea voyages of o<strong>the</strong>r mythical personages (such as <strong>the</strong> Moche<br />
priestess) are also recorded in visual myths.<br />
The mythical crafts were surely similar to <strong>the</strong> distinctive boats<br />
constructed from bundled tortora reeds by fishermen and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
boatmen of <strong>the</strong> ancient maritime societies of <strong>the</strong> Peruvian coast<br />
(and by <strong>the</strong>ir modern-day counterparts as well).<br />
With a combination of wit and economy, <strong>the</strong> arc-shaped raft<br />
depicted in this lively image, swimming with fish, is conflated<br />
with <strong>the</strong> sea itself. In Chimú pottery designs, <strong>the</strong> typical reed boat<br />
is sometimes personified as a giant fish ferrying a passenger on<br />
its back. (The motif may be what <strong>the</strong> archaeologist Christopher<br />
Donnan calls an "artistic adjective," i.e., a visual means for<br />
communicating, in abbreviated form, <strong>the</strong> idea of an ocean-going<br />
vessel.)<br />
A sculpted architectural frieze found at <strong>the</strong> Chimor ceremonial<br />
city of Chan Chan illuminates certain details in this textile<br />
composition. 1<br />
The monkey-tailed personage kneels in <strong>the</strong> stern of <strong>the</strong> boat, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> classic position adopted by Moche and Chimú fishermen and<br />
oarsmen. He wears <strong>the</strong> large ear discs of <strong>the</strong> Andean elites, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> colossal “crown" more likely refers to stylized fea<strong>the</strong>rs, or to a<br />
cone- or hornlike hairstyle recorded in pottery iconography.<br />
An adjacent free-floating, wedge-shaped object may represent a<br />
paddle, a war club or a type of north coast copper insignia topped<br />
with a four-sided rattle. Trophy heads and manta rays (not visible<br />
in this fragment, but known from related designs) dangle from <strong>the</strong><br />
prow.<br />
1 A photograph of this frieze is published by Arturo Jiménez Borja in Culturas<br />
Precolombinas: Chimú, ed. José Antonio de Lavalle (1988): 28.<br />
190
Veering away from <strong>the</strong> figurative style that is a hallmark of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chimú aes<strong>the</strong>tic, this enigmatic composition displays<br />
an atypical sense of abstraction, spatial perspective and symbolic<br />
compression.<br />
223<br />
Fragment from a Shirt?<br />
Hovering Birds?<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
7" x 12"<br />
Literature<br />
Reid 1985, color plate 4.<br />
The angular crescent form is usually reserved for headdress<br />
motifs. But in this case, <strong>the</strong> wearer’s head has shrunk in<br />
proportion to <strong>the</strong> crown. This unnatural shift of scale—as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> configuration of <strong>the</strong> three repeat shapes, which are<br />
centered upon a small hexagonal element—invites alternative<br />
readings of <strong>the</strong> design.<br />
Firstly, in a subtle manipulation of negative space, <strong>the</strong> designerweaver<br />
has conjured <strong>the</strong> illusion of a schematic face within<br />
<strong>the</strong> flecked background. The eyes of this ghostly creature are<br />
supplied by <strong>the</strong> two opposed heads, while <strong>the</strong> hexagon yields<br />
an open or rounded mouth.<br />
However, when <strong>the</strong> crescent motifs are foregrounded, <strong>the</strong><br />
image suggests a scene viewed from above with its characters<br />
visually foreshortened. The triangular elements evoke<br />
three hunched, caped personages with outspread arms or,<br />
alternatively, swooping birds with open wings. The implications<br />
are mysterious. Are <strong>the</strong> figures encircling a nest? Gyrating<br />
around a ritual altar or artifact?<br />
The design appears to be a more stylized adaptation of an<br />
image recorded in ano<strong>the</strong>r Chimú tapestry, which explicitly<br />
represents <strong>the</strong> same character as an anthropomorphic bird<br />
hovering over a raft or boat. 1<br />
1 See José Antonio de Lavalle, ed., Culturas Precolombinas: Chimú (1988): 211.<br />
192
193
224<br />
Panel from a Hanging<br />
“Moon <strong>Animal</strong>"<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking<br />
and slit tapestry weave<br />
22½" x 22"<br />
Literature<br />
Rowe 1984, 113, plate 15.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> realm of north and central coast iconography, a<br />
headdress and a litter were apparently sufficient emblems<br />
for any mythical personage. And unlike in <strong>the</strong> Wari tradition,<br />
being shown in a profile view or a seated position was not<br />
seemingly a sign of lesser rank, but in fact, a designation of<br />
elevated importance.<br />
This wonderfully abstract composition, which juxtaposes two<br />
different points of view and renderings of a reptilian figure,<br />
is reproduced in numerous Chimú textiles (including a<br />
monumental hanging in <strong>the</strong> collection of <strong>the</strong> Textile Museum).<br />
Commonly dubbed <strong>the</strong> "moon animal" (like several o<strong>the</strong>r major<br />
supernatural animals wearing lunar headdresses), <strong>the</strong> character<br />
owes its attributes to ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> iguana or <strong>the</strong> caiman. Both<br />
creatures represented here have <strong>the</strong> elongated proportions, long<br />
jaw and jagged teeth of a crocodilian. But <strong>the</strong> serrated comb<br />
running along <strong>the</strong> back and tail may allude to <strong>the</strong> iguana’s crest<br />
of fleshy, curving spines. This large arboreal lizard, native to <strong>the</strong><br />
dry tropical forest region north of <strong>the</strong> Peruvian coastal desert,<br />
has several "magical" characteristics to recommend it. These<br />
include an ability to change color and to regenerate a damaged<br />
tail. Possibly <strong>the</strong> exotic animal was regarded as a forest spirit.<br />
Although a north coast pre-Hispanic cult to <strong>the</strong> moon goddess<br />
Si is documented in early Spanish Chronicles, it is not known<br />
how <strong>the</strong> cast of Chimú mythical characters wearing <strong>the</strong> crescent<br />
headdress was connected with it. But it is equally feasible<br />
that this Chimú figure is a descendant of one of <strong>the</strong> most<br />
prominent Moche mythological icons—<strong>the</strong> iguana—being<br />
who is a cohort of <strong>the</strong> "Wrinkled Face" deity. Both characters<br />
participate in <strong>the</strong> great sacrificial dramas pictured in pictorial<br />
narratives painted on Moche pottery. Chimú versions of this<br />
character suggest that it retained its symbolic preeminence for<br />
<strong>the</strong> later culture, even as <strong>the</strong> depictions became increasingly<br />
reductive and schematic.<br />
That process is exemplified in this design—executed in <strong>the</strong><br />
red/yellow/brown color scheme favored by <strong>the</strong> Chimú—<br />
whereby <strong>the</strong> naturalism of <strong>the</strong> figure (top) is subjected to a<br />
conventionalized form (below). But <strong>the</strong> contrast between<br />
<strong>the</strong> two motifs also describes <strong>the</strong> contrast between ordinary<br />
and supernatural reality, as well as between ordinary and<br />
supernatural status. The main figures are framed by rows of<br />
human personages in <strong>the</strong> venerating pose.<br />
Note: This textile is incomplete, but it may represent one side of a tunic front. If so,<br />
we could speculate that <strong>the</strong> design was replicated and mirrored on <strong>the</strong> missing half so<br />
that <strong>the</strong> entire composition could be read as a giant face with a pair of large eyes and<br />
eyebrows.<br />
194
195
225<br />
Panel or Border<br />
Standing Iguana<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking<br />
and slit tapestry weave<br />
6½" x 23½"<br />
The Chimú textile archive reveals that <strong>the</strong> mythical seated,<br />
crowned, iguana-featured deity is generally paired with<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r version of <strong>the</strong> same magical creature (see cat. 224).<br />
The striking contrast between <strong>the</strong> naturalistic style of <strong>the</strong><br />
standing, elongated figure and <strong>the</strong> exalted, anthropomorphized<br />
form of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r suggests a visual metaphor. Perhaps it reflects<br />
cultural notions about supernatural transformation, hierarchy<br />
or realm. It may even refer to a myth with animal protagonists.<br />
This panel depicts <strong>the</strong> character in its most reptilian form.<br />
However, even this incarnation does not resolve <strong>the</strong> ambiguity<br />
as to whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> figure derives from an iguana or a caiman.<br />
Perhaps it is a conflation of <strong>the</strong> two (although <strong>the</strong> spinal crest<br />
and sawtooth teeth strongly indicate <strong>the</strong> former).<br />
In any case, nei<strong>the</strong>r species is found in <strong>the</strong> region where textiles<br />
with this iconography were woven and displayed. As with <strong>the</strong><br />
monkey, parrot and o<strong>the</strong>r tropical forest species, iguanas may<br />
well have been imported into <strong>the</strong> Chimú realm as exotic<br />
specimens. The idea of a mythical caiman, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand,<br />
was ingrained in Andean art and consciousness (and surely oral<br />
traditions as well) as a result of Chavín influence on <strong>the</strong> early<br />
coastal cultures.<br />
196
197
226<br />
Fragment from a Garment?<br />
Monkey in Crescent Headdress<br />
Chimú or Lambayeque culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
6½" x 4¾"<br />
227<br />
Medallion from a Garment?<br />
Monkey in "Moon" Headdress<br />
North Coast culture (Chimú?)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
6½" x 5"<br />
The angular crescent that is <strong>the</strong> key symbol and visual<br />
element in north coast figuration is employed here with<br />
graphic simplicity to delineate <strong>the</strong> form of a seated or kneeling,<br />
crowned monkey in profile.<br />
Although abbreviated to a geometric shape, <strong>the</strong> animated<br />
figure is instantly recognizable, and still carries <strong>the</strong> essential<br />
head trophies.<br />
A<br />
hexagonal medallion supplies an innovative frame for a<br />
similar rendering of a crowned monkey.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> motif shares <strong>the</strong> zigzag profile of <strong>the</strong> figure<br />
seen opposite (cat. 226), <strong>the</strong> depiction is pictorially more<br />
complex and richer in color. The speckled cream-andbrown<br />
background (achieved by spinning two shades of wool<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r); <strong>the</strong> vibrant pink, red, and blue highlights; and <strong>the</strong><br />
small color shifts and striations reflect <strong>the</strong> visual ideas of an<br />
imaginative weaver.<br />
The bold face displays <strong>the</strong> light-colored muzzle of <strong>the</strong> yellowtailed<br />
woolly monkey, a species endemic to <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Peruvian cloud forest (i.e., close to <strong>the</strong> region where <strong>the</strong> textile<br />
was made). This realistic detail is offset by <strong>the</strong> more fanciful,<br />
sharply serrated back of <strong>the</strong> animal, which may be borrowed<br />
from <strong>the</strong> iguana-like figures depicted in cats. 224 and 225.<br />
198
199
228<br />
Panel from a Tunic or Hanging?<br />
Standing Personage<br />
Chimú or North-Central Coast culture,<br />
Huarmey Valley?<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; plain weave,<br />
supplementary weave (brocade)<br />
19" x 23"<br />
This eccentric figure may be anthropomorphic in form, but it is more than human—<br />
it appears to be an embodiment of an entire cosmological landscape. Standing<br />
upon a scrolling wave/pelican band or platform, <strong>the</strong> schematic figure is surrounded by,<br />
and embedded with, images of <strong>the</strong> archetypal animals and venerated deities of <strong>the</strong> north<br />
coast, as well as innumerable abstract motifs that have <strong>the</strong> character of cosmic signs or<br />
symbols.<br />
The frontal figure, worked in red wool, is strongly outlined against <strong>the</strong> white cotton<br />
field, although <strong>the</strong> puzzling composition makes a visual game of positive/negative and<br />
foreground/background. His facial features are askew and off-center, but a curious<br />
tufted hairstyle or fea<strong>the</strong>red headdress is depicted, as are male genitalia (unusually, for<br />
this tradition).<br />
The array of animals is representative of different natural and symbolic realms. These<br />
include <strong>the</strong> "moon animal" in its incarnation as a coatimundi (see cat. 229), as well as<br />
snakes, deer, catfish, standing deities and birds (including a composite bird with feline<br />
tail).<br />
Serpent Coati Catfish<br />
200
229<br />
Band<br />
Coati/Fox/Feline<br />
Chimú or North-Central Coast culture,<br />
Huarmey Valley?<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; plain weave,<br />
supplementary weave (brocade)<br />
22" x 8"<br />
The Andean habitats of <strong>the</strong> ring-tailed coati include enclaves<br />
of highland tropical forest fringing <strong>the</strong> upper Lambayeque<br />
Valley of nor<strong>the</strong>rn Peru. That ecological zone lies in proximity to<br />
<strong>the</strong> regions that were historically occupied by <strong>the</strong> Recuay, Moche<br />
and Chimú cultures. Feasibly, that lively, racoon-like animal was as<br />
much a source of inspiration for <strong>the</strong> enigmatic motif employed here<br />
as <strong>the</strong> fox, feline or monkey, to which it is frequently compared.<br />
The blocky, geometricized design undoubtedly reflects <strong>the</strong><br />
constraints of <strong>the</strong> weave technique employed (which also gives a<br />
very slight relief to <strong>the</strong> fabric surface). Indeed, <strong>the</strong> subtle textural<br />
difference between <strong>the</strong> white plain-woven ground cloth and <strong>the</strong><br />
red supplementary threads that define <strong>the</strong> motif help delineate <strong>the</strong><br />
image within this perceptually challenging composition.<br />
Small stepped diamonds and knots scattered across <strong>the</strong> animal's<br />
body (cosmological symbols?) are similar to motifs incorporated<br />
into a related textile (cat. 228). Some scholars have interpreted<br />
this “cross" as an ancestral symbol representing <strong>the</strong> architectural<br />
layout of <strong>the</strong> ceremonial space in which <strong>the</strong> mummy bundle of<br />
<strong>the</strong> founder of <strong>the</strong> Chimú royal lineages was enshrined. 1 In any<br />
case, it is equally evocative of platforms built within certain types<br />
of north coast compounds and temples. As thus, <strong>the</strong> form may<br />
have carried connotations of sanctity and power.<br />
1 Luis Cornejo, “A Garden in <strong>the</strong> Desert: A Metaphor,” in Museo Chileno de Arte<br />
Precolombino, Chimú: Laberintos de un Traje Sagrado (2005): 51-55.<br />
202
230<br />
Fragment from a Tunic?<br />
Feline with Trophy Head<br />
Chimú or North-Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary<br />
weave (brocade)<br />
16½" x 22"<br />
The age-old Andean artistic and ritualistic <strong>the</strong>me of <strong>the</strong> predatory feline with a<br />
human trophy head is treated in <strong>the</strong> simplified pictorial style associated with <strong>the</strong><br />
later expressions of north and central coast cultures (Chimú and Chancay). Gone are<br />
<strong>the</strong> cryptic metaphors and allusions devised by Wari, Paracas and Chavín artists. But<br />
this large-scale image has a boldness that speaks across <strong>the</strong> centuries, conveyed by <strong>the</strong><br />
directness of <strong>the</strong> feline's gaze.<br />
Typically, in <strong>the</strong>se late coastal traditions, <strong>the</strong> cat is drawn with extremely pointed ears<br />
and angular features. That sharp line is used effectively here, not only to define <strong>the</strong> ears,<br />
brows and diamond eyes, but also to accentuate <strong>the</strong> animal's arched back. This jagged<br />
line evokes a mountain-scape; it may also describe <strong>the</strong> raised hackles of an alert and<br />
aggressive beast. The tightly coiled spiral tale is also a particularly Chimú visual and<br />
architectural concept.<br />
The conjunction, symmetry and similarity of <strong>the</strong> two masklike faces are suggestive. The<br />
hair dangling from <strong>the</strong> upside-down human head mirrors <strong>the</strong> whiskers or markings on<br />
<strong>the</strong> cat’s face. That human/feline symbiosis is <strong>the</strong> fundamental concept of Andean and<br />
South American shamanism.<br />
204
205
Most Andean cultures have a predilection for one particular<br />
weaving or patterning technique over ano<strong>the</strong>r (for<br />
example, embroidery in Paracas, interlocking tapestry in Wari and<br />
slit tapestry in Huarmey). The Chimú specialized in an extremely<br />
ornamental style of ceremonial and burial dress that was heavily<br />
textured and layered with decorative tassels, pile and fringes,<br />
typically dyed a brilliant cochineal red. Entire ensembles of male<br />
ceremonial costume are known, usually comprising matching<br />
decorated loincloths, turbans, tunics and/or mantles.<br />
231<br />
Pair of Three-Dimensional Tassels from a Garment<br />
Human Personages<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool, vegetal fiber?; wrapping,<br />
looping, knotting, embroidery<br />
7" x 3" (each)<br />
Three-dimensional figural tassels and fabric medallions with<br />
motifs were applied to foundations that were patterned or woven<br />
in different special techniques, including doublecloth, brocade,<br />
gauze and slit tapestry. Many of <strong>the</strong> ground cloths emphasize<br />
a quality of openwork and transparency that stand in striking<br />
contrast to <strong>the</strong>ir thick superstructures, composed of multiple tiers<br />
of intricate embellishment.<br />
This visual complexity, and <strong>the</strong> resultant bulk of <strong>the</strong> person<br />
wearing this type of dress, surely projected immense prestige and<br />
power. In this cotton-producing region, moreover, <strong>the</strong> extensive<br />
use of cochineal, a vibrant colorant that bonds most successfully<br />
with animal fibers, similarly must have drawn attention to <strong>the</strong><br />
copious amounts of camelid wool incorporated into such textiles.<br />
As illustrated in this catalogue, <strong>the</strong> volumetric tassels range in style<br />
from flat elements, embroidered or worked in supplementary<br />
techniques to depict faces or entire figures, to three-dimensional,<br />
costumed figurines like <strong>the</strong>se. The latter, more intricately<br />
constructed forms, utilize a combination of methods to add<br />
details and features to <strong>the</strong> shaped, tubular structures. Although<br />
fairly schematic in concept, many of <strong>the</strong>se creatively conceived<br />
figures project unique personalities, while <strong>the</strong>ir own tufts, fringes<br />
and tassels surely imitate <strong>the</strong> distinctive Chimú style of dress.<br />
These works of miniature fiber sculpture can be related to<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r coastal art traditions, which also produced textile effigies<br />
representing human beings and animals, including Nasca and<br />
Chancay.
232<br />
Multi-tiered Tassel from a Ceremonial Garment<br />
Human Figure and Faces<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool, vegetal material/reed?;<br />
wrapping, looping, braiding, knotting, embroidery<br />
13" x 3½"<br />
There is a playful quality of self-referentiality to many of <strong>the</strong> Chimú fiber figurines,<br />
which are laden with multiple tiers of tassels and cut threads, much like <strong>the</strong> original<br />
wearers of such complex garments.<br />
As noted here, myriad small faces may be hidden among <strong>the</strong> thick cascades of dyed<br />
threads.<br />
The idea appears to be <strong>the</strong> three-dimensional equivalent of a similar concept expressed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Nasca-Sihuas tradition of slit tapestry–woven textiles (cats. 120, 121, 122), where<br />
a multiplicity of small faces are embedded within complex "proliferous" headdresses,<br />
imbuing <strong>the</strong>m with animate energy.<br />
If an Andean ruler is understood as <strong>the</strong> founder and origin of his people, such faces<br />
could well embody different generations (both future and past), lineages and descent<br />
groups (ayllus) or even populations under his control.<br />
208
209
233<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Scorpion in Moon Headdress<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking and slit tapestry weave,<br />
wrapping, looping, braiding, knotting, pile, cut threads<br />
4¾" x 7"<br />
This unique image pictures <strong>the</strong> "moon animal" as an anthropomorphic scorpion.<br />
The nocturnal habits of <strong>the</strong> species surely associated it with <strong>the</strong> moon deity and<br />
<strong>the</strong> supernatural creatures of <strong>the</strong> night.<br />
The vivid motif is animated by wrapped, ribbed dimensional cords that create <strong>the</strong> thick,<br />
open pinchers and <strong>the</strong> poison-laden tail that is usually lifted and curved forward over<br />
<strong>the</strong> back. The textural projections convey <strong>the</strong> impression that <strong>the</strong> creature is ready to<br />
strike.<br />
The two-toned crescent headdress, multiple legs and segmented body are similarly<br />
embellished with furry, cut and looped threads, as are delicate floral motifs in a slit<br />
tapestry–woven band below.<br />
The design’s appealing tactile quality seemingly belies <strong>the</strong> figure’s more venomous<br />
attributes. For <strong>the</strong> scorpion is a consummate underworld character, and indeed, was a<br />
threatening presence in Early Moche iconography, where it was shown as an aggressive<br />
warrior in battle scenes.<br />
210
211
234<br />
Three-Dimensional Tassel from a Ceremonial Garment<br />
Face of a Lord or Deity?<br />
North Coast culture (Chimú? Lambayeque?)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave, fringe<br />
5¼" x 2"<br />
This padded, thickly fringed square tassel depicting an<br />
enigmatic face evinces a rare expressiveness for north<br />
central coast figuration (especially for <strong>the</strong> type of <strong>the</strong> stylized<br />
motifs decorating <strong>the</strong> embellishments applied to ceremonial<br />
garments).<br />
The weaver made pronounced use of diagonal lines and<br />
triangular forms, as well as luminous touches of light blue, to<br />
delineate <strong>the</strong> wing-shaped eyes, cheeks and brow. The zigzag<br />
crown evokes cat ears, as well as a type of cone headdress or<br />
hairstyle seen in north coast portrayals.<br />
Like <strong>the</strong> use of cochineal red, <strong>the</strong> use of indigo is a distinctive<br />
feature of coastal textile traditions (although <strong>the</strong> dye is<br />
particularly associated with cotton fabrics).<br />
212
235<br />
Pair of Matching Tabs from a Ceremonial Garment<br />
Truncated <strong>Figures</strong><br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; supplementary technique<br />
(embroidery? brocade?), knotting, wrapping, looping<br />
1½" x 1¾" (5" x 5" including tassels)<br />
Published<br />
Anton 1984, fig. 118.<br />
An eccentric, spindly limbed, big-footed personage depicted in this<br />
pair of tasseled medallions displays plants with white egg-shaped<br />
fruits—harvest or fertility symbols—in each hand. The truncated figure<br />
sports <strong>the</strong> distinctive long, floppy braids seen on a head in cat. 239.<br />
A scrolling, wave-patterned band below alludes both to <strong>the</strong> ocean and<br />
to <strong>the</strong> typical decorative friezes adorning coastal architecture. By means<br />
of such small, virtually indiscernible details <strong>the</strong> weaver has encapsulated<br />
<strong>the</strong> entire Chimú landscape.<br />
213
236<br />
Sash with Tassels<br />
Crowned Birds (Pelicans?)<br />
North Coast culture (Chimú?)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave,<br />
supplementary weft (brocade), wrapping,<br />
looping, braiding, knotting<br />
68" x 2"<br />
Literature<br />
Rowe 1984, fig. 46.<br />
Luxurious terminations found at both ends of a long sash<br />
or turban feature an exceptionally varied combination of<br />
materials, techniques, patterns and textures. The rich range of<br />
color stands out within <strong>the</strong> body of Chimú tassels, tabs and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r applied decorative materials, which are predominantly<br />
executed in bright red.<br />
The irregular sequence and number of colors used for <strong>the</strong><br />
vibrantly striped, plush end cords recall <strong>the</strong> kind of colorcoding<br />
employed for <strong>the</strong> khipu, <strong>the</strong> classic Andean knot-andstring<br />
record.<br />
Despite its strong graphic quality, <strong>the</strong>re is a visual ambiguity to<br />
<strong>the</strong> representation of a seabird with an unusual double-blade<br />
headdress and a similarly angular body. The repetition, rotation<br />
and color opposition have a kinetic effect, conveying <strong>the</strong><br />
impression that <strong>the</strong> motif is facing or moving in all directions<br />
at once (an effect enhanced, perhaps, by <strong>the</strong> swaying tassels).<br />
214
237<br />
Pair of Tassels<br />
Faces or Figurines<br />
North Coast or Central Coast cultures<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Cotton; plain weave, slit tapestry, supplementary weft<br />
(brocade), embriodery<br />
4" x 5"<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> execution of <strong>the</strong>se tassels from<br />
two different garments is somewhat unrefined<br />
(possibly reflecting a lower-status textile), <strong>the</strong><br />
embellishments are never<strong>the</strong>less fashioned with<br />
an array of decorative techniques.<br />
The faces similarly project a surprising idiosyncrasy<br />
and personality—perhaps because <strong>the</strong>ir features<br />
are defined by a raised textural stitch. Each face has<br />
unique detailing: <strong>the</strong> tassel shown on <strong>the</strong> right, for<br />
example, has an owl or monkey-like countenance,<br />
due <strong>the</strong> looping lines around its eyes, while <strong>the</strong><br />
figure on <strong>the</strong> left has a bright red nose. Both have<br />
<strong>the</strong> toothy mouths that signal power and prestige.
238<br />
Tassel or Figurine<br />
Fierce Face<br />
Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; plain weave, looping,<br />
embroidery?<br />
6½" x 3¾"<br />
The elaborately worked textile embellishments applied to<br />
Chimú ceremonial garments usually depict generic faces<br />
and figures. However, many such stylized motifs have subtle<br />
characteristics that communicate a certain individualism—if<br />
not of <strong>the</strong> image, <strong>the</strong>n of <strong>the</strong> weaver artist who conceived and<br />
executed it.<br />
For example, <strong>the</strong> dangling earflaps attached to a comical woven<br />
face (cat. 239, opposite) may represent ears, hair braids or <strong>the</strong><br />
important crescent headdress displayed by supernatural and<br />
elite personages.<br />
Similarly, an unfinished or fragmentary head (which might<br />
have formed part of a tiered tassel or small fiber figurine) has<br />
a conspicuous mouth filled with pointed black-and-white<br />
crocodilian teeth (cat. 238, at left).<br />
The face shows a striking resemblance to several Chavínera<br />
images of supernatural beings found on <strong>the</strong> central coast,<br />
including a sacred puppet-like effigy with movable limbs that<br />
may have been used in rituals. 1 Thus what appears to be a<br />
minor detail on a small decorative object reveals <strong>the</strong> continuity<br />
of aes<strong>the</strong>tic and symbolic ideas in this region.<br />
1 Richard Burger, “A Sacred Effigy from Mina Perdida and <strong>the</strong> unseen ceremonies of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Peruvian Formative,” Res 33: 18-53.<br />
216
239<br />
Tassel from a Belt<br />
Face with Topknot<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave? looping<br />
13" long<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979a, figs. 1, 63.<br />
217
240<br />
Ceremonial Sling (fragmentary)<br />
Figurine<br />
Coastal culture (Chimú?)<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Camelid wool; braiding, wrapping, cross-knit looping<br />
25" long<br />
The fiber sling was <strong>the</strong> basic weapon of <strong>the</strong> pre-Columbian<br />
cultures, used in both hunting and warfare. The fancy<br />
versions found in tombs were, however, made as offerings for<br />
<strong>the</strong> dead.<br />
Constructed with long, tubular patterned cords that may be<br />
embellished with three-dimensional adornments, <strong>the</strong>se nonutilitarian<br />
objects acknowledge <strong>the</strong> important role of warriors,<br />
or possibly reflect <strong>the</strong> upsurge of militancy and conflict during<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chimú conquest of <strong>the</strong> north central coast in <strong>the</strong> 14th<br />
century.<br />
The small figurine attached to this ornamental sling is posed<br />
with its arms upraised in a gesture of veneration. Since <strong>the</strong><br />
weapon was necessarily equated with <strong>the</strong> taking of life,<br />
<strong>the</strong> image ties into <strong>the</strong> perpetual <strong>the</strong>me of propitiating <strong>the</strong><br />
ancestors and wakas with blood offerings.<br />
218
241<br />
Ceremonial Sling<br />
Winged Human Figure and Parrot<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Camelid wool; braiding, cross-knit looping, fringes<br />
13" long<br />
Certain ornamental slings decorated with figurative tassels<br />
apparently served a storytelling purpose as much as a<br />
ritual or devotional one.<br />
Each of <strong>the</strong>se examples displays three-dimensional human<br />
figurines and parrots applied to <strong>the</strong> ends of beautifully patterned<br />
cords. The articulated hands, feet, wings and o<strong>the</strong>r features of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se small adornments affirm that no detail or effort was too<br />
minor or inconsequential for Andean textile artists.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> bird imagery makes a sly allusion to one of <strong>the</strong> most<br />
common functions of <strong>the</strong> sling (i.e., catching birds), <strong>the</strong> human<br />
figures are presented in different postures that do not suggest<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y are engaged in hunting or trapping.<br />
One personage (cat. 242) is portrayed in <strong>the</strong> same Andean<br />
attitude of veneration seen in cat. 240. This standardized ritual<br />
gesture, which was assumed in front of a waka or lord, involved<br />
raising both arms at an angle and bowing slightly.<br />
In ano<strong>the</strong>r sling (see cat. 243), a pair of birds perch on <strong>the</strong><br />
shoulders of two matched figures dressed in black-and-white<br />
tie-dyed tunics. The naturalism of this portrayal contrasts with<br />
<strong>the</strong> more surrealist connotations of <strong>the</strong> figure attached to<br />
<strong>the</strong> sling in cat. 241 (right). In that case, <strong>the</strong> human character<br />
has actually metamorphosed into a bird and sprouted wings.<br />
The <strong>the</strong>me of supernatural transfiguration underscores <strong>the</strong><br />
repurposed role of <strong>the</strong>se artifacts as burial or votive objects<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than utilitarian ones.<br />
219
220
242<br />
Ceremonial Sling (far left)<br />
Winged Personage with Birds<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Camelid wool; braiding, cross-knit looping,<br />
fringes<br />
10" long<br />
243<br />
Ceremonial Sling (left)<br />
Bird-Handlers in Tie-Dye Patterned Shirts<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Camelid wool; braiding, cross-knit looping<br />
120" long<br />
4" long (figure)<br />
244<br />
Ceremonial Sling (right)<br />
Fox and Parrot<br />
Central Coast culture (Chancay?)<br />
AD 1100-1470<br />
Camelid wool; braiding, cross-knit looping<br />
85" long<br />
8" long (figure)<br />
The folkloric character of certain sling adornments is evident in this<br />
charming juxtaposition of a parrot with a fox and cub.<br />
Although this object was fabricated several centuries before <strong>the</strong> first myths<br />
from <strong>the</strong> central <strong>Andes</strong> were transcribed by early Spanish colonialists, <strong>the</strong><br />
imagery on this sling relates to one of <strong>the</strong> best-known fables from <strong>the</strong><br />
region.<br />
That story, which recounts how a cosmic fox traveled to <strong>the</strong> upper world<br />
on <strong>the</strong> back of a condor to attend a celestial banquet, is associated with<br />
origins of <strong>the</strong> major cultivated foods.<br />
According to legend, <strong>the</strong> great condor refused to carry <strong>the</strong> gluttonous fox<br />
back to earth. Instead, <strong>the</strong> fox braided a long rope, but while descending<br />
encountered some parrots who pecked his rope apart. Plunging to earth,<br />
<strong>the</strong> body of <strong>the</strong> fox burst and scattered <strong>the</strong> seeds, roots and fruits that<br />
become <strong>the</strong> staple crops (corn, potato, quinoa) of <strong>the</strong> Andean peoples.<br />
221
245<br />
Votive Figure (left)<br />
Monkey<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Camelid wool; cross-knit looping<br />
2½" high<br />
Monkeys have magical and supernatural connotations in Andean<br />
iconography. Many human figures (especially shamans and<br />
supernaturals) borrow <strong>the</strong> simian’s most conspicuous features (brow, eyes,<br />
feet, tail), and monkeys also serve as stand-ins for trophy headhunters and<br />
ritualists.<br />
This miniscule representation of a spider or woolly monkey eating fruit<br />
is quite realistic, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, capturing <strong>the</strong> lanky physique and<br />
prehensile tail of <strong>the</strong> species with charming accuracy.<br />
222
246<br />
Votive <strong>Figures</strong> (oppoosite left and right)<br />
Andean Foxes<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Camelid wool; cross-knit looping<br />
2½" high (each)<br />
The mottled patterning of <strong>the</strong>se miniature foxes reflects <strong>the</strong> mixture of silvery blacks<br />
and tawny reds seen on <strong>the</strong> Andean fox. But it is <strong>the</strong> animal’s black-tipped tail that<br />
specifically identifies it as <strong>the</strong> zorro sechura, a species of fox adapted to <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
coastal desert of Peru.<br />
Andean folklore offers an interesting reason for this detail, claiming that <strong>the</strong> animal<br />
acquired its distinctive brush during a great primordial flood. According to legend, a<br />
mythic fox taking sanctuary on a mountain peak let its tail dangle in <strong>the</strong> rising waters,<br />
so that it turned black and putrid. This symbolic association of fox and water is reflected<br />
in several o<strong>the</strong>r Andean myths, including one explaining <strong>the</strong> origin of irrigation canals.<br />
Indeed, <strong>the</strong> animal played a variety of roles in coastal and highland traditions. For<br />
example, <strong>the</strong> fox was revered as an effigy and oracle by <strong>the</strong> cultures surrounding <strong>the</strong><br />
ancient temple of Pachacamac.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Inka period, <strong>the</strong> fox was also regarded as a guardian of <strong>the</strong> fields, as well as<br />
an omen of rain and successful harvests. The canid also had a celestial presence as one of<br />
<strong>the</strong> "dark cloud" animal constellations perceived in <strong>the</strong> Milky Way. Surely some aspect<br />
of this rich cultural symbolism was evoked by <strong>the</strong>se small fiber sculptures, which may<br />
have been made as votive offerings or as embellishments for ceremonial slings.<br />
223
247<br />
Textile Figurines<br />
Family Group with Parrots<br />
Central or North Coast culture (Chimú)<br />
1100-1476 AD<br />
Camelid wool, cotton; cross-knit looping,<br />
embroidery, applied unspun fiber<br />
Various dimensions (largest 7" high)<br />
Pre-Columbian iconography focuses principally on representations of extraordinary<br />
beings, particularly supernatural personages and magical or symbolic creatures.<br />
Portrayals of ordinary or real individuals––such as this lively, multigenerational family<br />
group––are found infrequently, and even <strong>the</strong>n, surely served some symbolic or illustrative<br />
purpose.<br />
The tradition of sculptural textile figures may have emerged out of <strong>the</strong> production<br />
of shaped pottery vessels modeled in human and animal forms. Indeed, this textile<br />
grouping is <strong>the</strong>matically related to a singular earlier Nasca-era figurative clay model<br />
discovered and published by <strong>the</strong> famous Peruvian archaeologist Julio Tello. 1 That<br />
multifigure tableau consists similarly of a family procession (man, woman, children)<br />
accompanied by birds and dogs.<br />
However, in <strong>the</strong> Tello scene, only <strong>the</strong> female figures are depicted carrying parrots (perhaps<br />
because those birds were especially associated with women healers and shamans). But<br />
all members of this assemblage are shown cradling <strong>the</strong> birds, except for <strong>the</strong> male, who<br />
tenderly carries a young child. The solicitous manner in which each figure holds its<br />
cargo is palpable, injecting a humanistic note into <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rwise stylized characters who<br />
are virtually identical in dress and features (apart from <strong>the</strong> female’s fleecy white skirt).<br />
Even though <strong>the</strong>y are separated by culture, distance and medium, <strong>the</strong> two works have<br />
a visual-symbolic resonance that suggests that <strong>the</strong>y commemorate a similar <strong>the</strong>me—<br />
possibly a story from folklore, or else a particular ritual or pilgrimage involving <strong>the</strong><br />
participation of entire family groups.<br />
1 The pottery scene is also published in Helaine Silverman and Donald Proulx, The Nasca (2002): frontispiece, chapter 1.<br />
224
225
248<br />
Textile Figurine<br />
Man with Coatimundi<br />
Central or North Coast culture (Chimú)<br />
AD 1100-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; cross-knit looping, embroidery<br />
6" high<br />
This unique and appealing portrayal of a man with a pet coati clambering over his<br />
shoulder is clearly related to <strong>the</strong> assemblage of figures shown in cat. 247. It is likely<br />
that all <strong>the</strong>se figurines were fabricated by <strong>the</strong> same hand (or workshop) or for <strong>the</strong> same<br />
purpose.<br />
The character’s physical features and attire (including <strong>the</strong> bright white zigzag around <strong>the</strong><br />
waist and headdress) are identical in style to those of <strong>the</strong> family group.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Tello tableau cited above, <strong>the</strong> personages are accompanied by dogs. Seemingly<br />
that role is adapted here to refer to a more unusual animal, <strong>the</strong> ring-tailed coati (Nasua<br />
nasua), which often appears in north coast iconography.<br />
These small mammals were native to <strong>the</strong> jungle and higher cloud forest regions of<br />
north central Peru. But coatis were clearly regarded as exotic, magical creatures by<br />
coastal peoples. And as this image indicates, <strong>the</strong>y may have been kept as pets, or for some<br />
unknown role in divination or shamanic rituals. The Campa people of <strong>the</strong> Peruvian<br />
montaña, for example, call coatis "<strong>the</strong> dogs of <strong>the</strong> jaguar shamans." 1<br />
1 Nicholas Saunders, “Architecture of Symbolism: The Feline Image,” in Icons of Power: Feline Symbolism in <strong>the</strong> Americas<br />
(1998): 200.<br />
226
227
228
249<br />
Textile Figurine<br />
Warrior with Helmet and Sling<br />
North or Central Coast culture (probably Chimú)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; cross-knit looping? weft-face weave?<br />
embroidery, twisting<br />
5½" high<br />
The cultural and artistic overlaps between north and central coast cultures<br />
(especially under Chimú rule) complicate any definitive cultural attribution for<br />
this textile sculpture. Many distinct cultural traditions, which coexisted in <strong>the</strong><br />
multiple river valleys crossing <strong>the</strong> central coast, have been subsumed—incorrectly or<br />
not—under <strong>the</strong> label "Chancay."<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> technique and overall style of this figure deviate from <strong>the</strong> well-known<br />
(and highly consistent) Chancay tradition. The projecting nose and embroidered blackand-white<br />
mouth, for example, are similar to features noted in cats. 247 and 248.<br />
The style of <strong>the</strong> headdress also suggests strongly that <strong>the</strong> figure originates among one of<br />
<strong>the</strong> more nor<strong>the</strong>rly societies. Coupled with <strong>the</strong> sling or rope, this conical helmet (with a<br />
chin strap) may identify a warrior from a specific ethnic group. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> large-scale<br />
step-pattern design of his tunic would appear to be ano<strong>the</strong>r signifier of role or regional<br />
origin.<br />
229
250<br />
Textile Figurine<br />
Woman with Face Decoration<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool, reed; interlocking<br />
and slit tapestry weave, wrapping<br />
10 ½" high<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979a, 199, figs. 230–233.<br />
Stone-Miller 1992b, 156-157.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> practice of fashioning soft figurative<br />
sculptures from a variety of textile materials was broadly<br />
established among coastal Andean cultures, <strong>the</strong> tradition was<br />
especially abundant among <strong>the</strong> Chancay.<br />
The miniature cloth and fiber objects include representations<br />
of human beings, llamas, birds and even plants and trees.<br />
Costumed male and female figures are sometimes portrayed<br />
engaging in activities such as weaving and rafting, or as part<br />
of multifigure marriage and ceremonial scenes. Despite having<br />
been tagged with <strong>the</strong> earlier misnomer “dolls" (spurring a<br />
cottage industry of modern replicas), <strong>the</strong>se appealing figures are,<br />
however, better understood as being part of a long continuum<br />
of human effigies and votives crafted out of clay, gold, silver,<br />
shell and wood, and associated with fertility, shamanic rites,<br />
mountain worship and ancestral cults.<br />
Individual textile figurines have been found in numerous<br />
Chancay tombs, interleaved between <strong>the</strong> layers of fabric<br />
composing mummy bundles. Some offerings are presented<br />
on stuffed "cushions." The figures and tableaux seemingly<br />
commemorate ordinary people—ei<strong>the</strong>r members of <strong>the</strong> family<br />
or ayllu, or <strong>the</strong> deceased <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
This figure is illustrative of <strong>the</strong> way most Chancay figures<br />
are fabricated. The body, limbs and articulated hands and feet<br />
consist of reeds or sticks wrapped with pink yarn. Twisted<br />
camelid wool is used for <strong>the</strong> hair or wig, while <strong>the</strong> face is<br />
made from a small tapestry-woven panel. Miniature customsized<br />
garments and headcloths emulate Chancay styles of dress<br />
(and, in fact, supply useful information about it).<br />
While this female personage conforms to type, she has a<br />
particularly poignant visage, decorated with standard yellow,<br />
pink and red zigzag step designs (face paint or tattooing?). Her<br />
long, scroll-patterned dress or wrapper (possibly a modern recreation)<br />
is consistent with Andean female attire.<br />
230
231
251<br />
Textile Figurine (unfinished or fragmentary)<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool, reed?; knotting, twisting, wrapping<br />
6" high<br />
This enigmatic, featureless object, which was ei<strong>the</strong>r damaged<br />
or left unfinished, reveals exactly how such figurines were<br />
constructed. (The process is usually concealed by <strong>the</strong> figures’<br />
outer garments.)<br />
The limbs appear to have a fiber or reed core, which was<br />
wrapped with alternating bands of dyed thread. The torso and<br />
head are composed of knotted and wrapped yarns (possibly<br />
applied over a spool or piece of wood).<br />
232
252<br />
Textile Figurine<br />
Man in Striped Tunic<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool, reed?; plain weave, warp<br />
stripe weave, wrapping, looping, twisting<br />
10" high<br />
Perhaps inadvertently, this animated male effigy projects<br />
a sense of lively character or individuality. Possibly that<br />
quality of personability was easier to convey with <strong>the</strong> freehand<br />
stitching used for his features, ra<strong>the</strong>r than with <strong>the</strong> tapestry<br />
weave that yields <strong>the</strong> static, masklike faces seen in more<br />
conventional Chancay figures.<br />
Scholars always note <strong>the</strong> meticulous attention paid to <strong>the</strong><br />
miniature garments worn by <strong>the</strong>se figural sculptures. This<br />
ensemble includes a blue and tan warp-striped unku (or long<br />
sleeveless tunic) as well as a matching headband and finely<br />
ribbed, tasseled sash.<br />
233
253<br />
Ornamental Pin (right)<br />
Wari-influenced North Coast culture (Chimú?)<br />
Circa AD 1000?<br />
Bone, camelid wool; cross-knit looping, embroidery<br />
11" long (cord 5")<br />
254<br />
Tasseled Sash (left)<br />
Wari-influenced North Coast culture (Chimú?)<br />
Circa AD 1000?<br />
Camelid wool; weft-face weave (knitting?), embroidery<br />
20" high<br />
Although provenience information is lacking, <strong>the</strong> evident<br />
similarities between <strong>the</strong>se two objects (in terms of<br />
material, coloration and design) strongly indicate that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are from <strong>the</strong> same mummy bundle or cemetery. Indeed, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
appear to have been produced by <strong>the</strong> same hand or workshop.<br />
The fanciful and beautifully detailed pin (cat.253), with its<br />
bifurcated tassel, may have been used to secure a fabric turban,<br />
headband or o<strong>the</strong>r type of cloth or garment. (It also resembles<br />
a weaving implement.)<br />
Identical stylized faces are repeated in <strong>the</strong> tassel of <strong>the</strong> colorful<br />
matching belt or tie (cat. 254). A three-dimensional nose lends<br />
a jaunty air to what is more likely a representation of a trophy<br />
head or spirit.<br />
Figurative patterning, compressed and repeated along <strong>the</strong> narrow<br />
length of <strong>the</strong> finely executed sash, juxtaposes a zoomorphic<br />
motif (snake/feline) with <strong>the</strong> upper body of a schematic<br />
figure in <strong>the</strong> veneration pose. Wari aes<strong>the</strong>tic influence can be<br />
detected in <strong>the</strong> modular geometry and beautiful abstraction of<br />
<strong>the</strong> design.<br />
234
255<br />
Pin or Adornment for a Headdress or Textile<br />
Hummingbirds<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Wood or cactus spine, camelid wool;<br />
cross-knit looping, wrapping, braiding<br />
6" (figures 3")<br />
Literature<br />
Schmidt 1929, 525.<br />
A<br />
pair of hummingbirds, perched atop a pin wrapped with<br />
decorative knitting or looping, is wonderfully vivacious, with<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir tilted heads and needlelike beaks fashioned from slivers of<br />
wood or cactus spine.<br />
235
256<br />
Three-Dimensional Textile Adornment<br />
Flowering Tree with Nesting Birds<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; wrapping, looping,<br />
knotting, embroidery<br />
12" x 5½"<br />
Literature<br />
Taullard 1949, 58.<br />
Amano Museum 1979a, fig. 267.<br />
Several of <strong>the</strong> most intricate known Chimú textiles, which are richly worked<br />
with assemblages of tassels, medallions, volumetric ornaments and fringes, feature<br />
agricultural and plant imagery. This is a common <strong>the</strong>me in Andean iconography, of<br />
course. But generally <strong>the</strong> focus is on <strong>the</strong> edible fruits, roots, seeds and beans, ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />
on an entire tree or shrub, as in this elaborate tassel.<br />
With charming naturalism, a fruiting plant is represented in three simultaneous stages of<br />
bloom. The branches are laden with shaped elements depicting <strong>the</strong> flower bud emerging<br />
from <strong>the</strong> corolla, <strong>the</strong> open flower and <strong>the</strong> mature or ripening fruit. Flat oval motifs<br />
possibly depict lucuma (egg fruit), a Peruvian native. A couple of toucans or parrots (a<br />
mating pair?) are shown nesting at <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> tree.<br />
In fact, <strong>the</strong> combination of motifs evokes a fertility myth told in <strong>the</strong> central highlands,<br />
which was recorded in <strong>the</strong> 17th-century Huarochirí Manuscript. In it, <strong>the</strong> Andean<br />
creator god Cuniraya is said to have been rebuffed by <strong>the</strong> weaver Cavillaca. But <strong>the</strong> deity<br />
seduced and impregnated her anyway by transforming himself into a bird perched in a<br />
lucuma tree, and dropping his seed into its globular orange fruit, which Cavillaca picked<br />
and ate.<br />
Whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong> myth was already known to <strong>the</strong> Chimú as well, this entire emblem<br />
can be regarded as an icon of fertility.<br />
236
237
257<br />
Textile Pendant<br />
Splayed Frogs or Toads<br />
North-Central Coast culture (Chimú?)<br />
AD 1000-1400<br />
Camelid wool, cactus needles; chain stich embroidery,<br />
braiding, knotting, wrapping, cut threads<br />
10" x 6"<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979b, fig. 218.<br />
A<br />
stone monolith from Khonko, a very early ceremonial<br />
site located south of Tiwanaku that played a part in <strong>the</strong><br />
evolution of highland culture, portrays a winged llama. 1 But<br />
how such an extraordinary image might have resurfaced in<br />
a woven textile ornament from a Wari coastal tradition is an<br />
intriguing question. Perhaps <strong>the</strong> weaver was a transplant from<br />
<strong>the</strong> highlands? Did oral tradition or mythology have a role?<br />
A wing is clearly a metaphor for flight, although it could also<br />
be a means of alluding to <strong>the</strong> Yakana llama constellation that<br />
was perceived in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn sky.<br />
This ambiguous animal/bird hybrid may also express <strong>the</strong><br />
common Andean analogy that equates fleece and plumage. Not<br />
only were both materials used to create valuable textiles, birds<br />
supplied Andean herders with a fount of names for describing<br />
<strong>the</strong> variegated colors and markings of llamas and alpacas.<br />
The figure is rendered with a minimum of parallel vertical<br />
and horizontal bars, tipped at <strong>the</strong> ends to indicate feet, mouth<br />
and fea<strong>the</strong>rs. The most conspicuous decorative elements are<br />
<strong>the</strong> sharp cactus spines appended <strong>the</strong> to finely worked tubular<br />
cords.<br />
1 John Wayne Janusek, <strong>Ancient</strong> Tiwanaku (2008): 103, fig. 3.19.<br />
238
258<br />
Textile Pendant<br />
Llama?<br />
Wari-related culture, North or Central Coast?<br />
Circa AD 1000?<br />
Camelid wool, cactus spines; weft-face weave,<br />
braiding<br />
9" x 2"<br />
Eccentric undulating lines and a watery quality artfully<br />
evoke <strong>the</strong> aquatic domain of an amphibian being. The<br />
composition and color palette are unique among <strong>the</strong> body of<br />
Chimú figurative tassels, which tend toward <strong>the</strong> conventional<br />
or schematic human face and figure.<br />
The anthropomorphic splayed form evokes <strong>the</strong> squatting<br />
ancestor figure that is a universal icon linked with female<br />
power and lineages. Amazonian myths, for example, tell of an<br />
ancient frog woman, <strong>the</strong> mistress of rain and poison, who lives<br />
inside a tree.<br />
In Andean contexts, toads and frogs symbolize both liquidity<br />
and metamorphosis. Highlanders interpret <strong>the</strong> seasonal<br />
presence of <strong>the</strong> toad, as well as its variety of sounds and colors,<br />
to make crop and wea<strong>the</strong>r predictions. 1 On <strong>the</strong> coast, an<br />
unusual explosion in local toad populations usually announces<br />
<strong>the</strong> arrival of an El Niño wea<strong>the</strong>r and ocean pattern, which can<br />
unleash torrential floods and rains. Several devastating, historic<br />
El Niño events are associated with <strong>the</strong> destruction and decline<br />
of many north coast cultures, such as <strong>the</strong> Moche.<br />
Toads may also have additional symbolic connotations. One<br />
species, <strong>the</strong> notorious giant toad Bufo marinus (endemic to <strong>the</strong><br />
north coast), secretes a powerful toxic compound that incites<br />
<strong>the</strong> kind of psychic or hallucinatory experiences (trances,<br />
visions, paralysis, deathlike states), that are intrinsic to shamanic<br />
rituals across South America.<br />
1 Gary Urton, At <strong>the</strong> Crossroads of <strong>the</strong> Earth and Sky (1981): 180-181.<br />
239
259<br />
Fragment from a Tunic (left, bottom)<br />
Staffbearer<br />
North Coast culture (Huarmey style)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry<br />
3¾" x 2½"<br />
The conventional standing staff-bearer (of Wari parentage)<br />
is given a novel treatment by being compressed into a<br />
frog-like being with webbed feet.<br />
An oval motif (navel? pectoral?) set within <strong>the</strong> truncated torso<br />
suggests a wide-open mouth, generating a secondary enlarged<br />
face.<br />
260<br />
Miniature Pouch (above)<br />
Anthropomorphic Toad or Frog<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; complementary<br />
weft weave? brocade?<br />
3" x 4¼"<br />
Literature<br />
Rowe 1977, 44, fig. 44a.<br />
As noted in many historical accounts, toads had an ominous<br />
aspect in addition to <strong>the</strong>ir more positive role in heralding<br />
<strong>the</strong> arrival of rain. The indigenous Chronicler Huamán Poma,<br />
for example, spoke of sorcerers fashioning toad fetishes and<br />
using toad or snake venom to kill people.<br />
Perhaps such connotations were evoked by this linearstyle<br />
anthropomorphic frog, whose posture is a twist on <strong>the</strong><br />
traditional Andean gesture of awe and veneration.<br />
240
261<br />
Fragment from a Woman’s Shawl?<br />
Anthropomorphic Frog<br />
Ica style, South Coast<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
6" x 9½"<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r image of a squatting, frog-like being with upraised arms<br />
and an awestruck expression is explored in terms of <strong>the</strong> visual<br />
interaction between positive and negative, dark and light, blue and<br />
yellow, geometry and figuration.<br />
The fragment is related to, or may originally have been part of, a<br />
woman's shawl from Ica (now in <strong>the</strong> Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford).<br />
That shawl was published by Ann Pollard Rowe, who suggests that <strong>the</strong><br />
design, with its strong black diagonal outlines, has assimilated foreign<br />
influence, most likely from <strong>the</strong> north (Chincha or Chancay). 1<br />
1 Ann Pollard Rowe, "Ica Style Woman's Dress,” Textile Museum Journal 40/41 (2001-2002): fig. 30.<br />
241
262<br />
Band from a Garment<br />
Bird with Hooked Beak<br />
Central Coast culture (Chancay)<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
3½" x 8"<br />
The visual and symbolic cohesiveness of Andean textile<br />
design is demonstrated by <strong>the</strong> way this pair of mythical<br />
birds with ostentatious fea<strong>the</strong>r combs is echoed within<br />
<strong>the</strong> contours of <strong>the</strong> step-and-spiral frame. A subtly striated<br />
background, woven in golden tones, supplies a luminous<br />
backdrop for <strong>the</strong> colorful and sharply defined motifs.<br />
The conventional cresting wave–pattern band reads<br />
simultaneously as a row of interlocking seabirds. Collectively,<br />
<strong>the</strong> design projects one elemental concept—<strong>the</strong> ocean.<br />
This crested bird (or related versions) was a familiar figure<br />
among <strong>the</strong> marine symbology painted and carved on <strong>the</strong> walls<br />
of temples and palaces constructed on <strong>the</strong> central and north<br />
coast, from Pachacamac to <strong>the</strong> Moche Valley.<br />
This image potentially alludes to several local species of birds<br />
(both resident and migratory), which flaunt crests, bristles,<br />
erectile crowns or ornamental plumes dangling behind <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
necks. These include <strong>the</strong> Guanay cormorant, a crested duck<br />
(Anas specularioides) and various types of herons, such as <strong>the</strong><br />
night heron (Niycticorax nycticorax).<br />
Although some is fairly inconspicuous, this decorative plumage<br />
was seemingly regarded as analogous to <strong>the</strong> spectacular fea<strong>the</strong>red<br />
crowns and headdresses worn as emblems of supreme status by<br />
<strong>the</strong> most elite persons in Chimú and Chancay society.<br />
242
263<br />
Panel from a Loincloth?<br />
Crested Birds<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool?; plain weave, slit tapestry<br />
weave, twisted fringe<br />
12" x 6"<br />
Literature<br />
Stone-Miller 1992b, 148-149, plate 50.<br />
243
Imagery from assorted textiles offers a glimpse of <strong>the</strong> variety<br />
of birds depicted by—and evidently significant to—coastal<br />
peoples.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> artistic stylization and <strong>the</strong> sometimes selective use,<br />
or interspecies mix, of details, each motif is endowed with traits<br />
that clearly refer to specific birds associated with particular<br />
habitats or ecological zones along <strong>the</strong> Peruvian coast.<br />
264<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Stocky Bird (Heron, Egret, Burrowing Owl?)<br />
Central Coast culture (Chancay)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; tapestry weave<br />
7" x 17"<br />
The imagery ranges in its degree of realism. An angular, graphic<br />
black-and-white motif repeated in cat. 265 possibly represents<br />
a pelican, although, incongruously, <strong>the</strong> bird grasps a lizard in its<br />
bill—prey more suited to a land bird than to waterfowl. Pelicans<br />
do feature abundantly in Chimú iconography and mythology,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> bird’s extended beak and neck pouch seemingly derive<br />
from that common species. The serrated, triangular headdress<br />
may acknowledge <strong>the</strong> bird’s plumage—or refer to <strong>the</strong> plumed<br />
crown or headdress worn by important Chimú personages.<br />
A stocky bird depicted in cat. 264 is equally ambiguous,<br />
although more naturalistic in form. Its hunched but upright<br />
stance describes <strong>the</strong> body shape or hunting posture of several<br />
endemic species, including a heron, egret or burrowing owl.<br />
265<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Birds (Pelicans?) with Lizards<br />
North Coast culture (Chimú)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; brocade<br />
7½" x 16"<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979b, fig. 123.<br />
244
The gregarious parrots and parakeets, which exhibit such eminently human traits as<br />
sociability and talkativeness, are well represented in coastal textile and mural art.<br />
266<br />
Band from a Shirt?<br />
Blue-and-Yellow Macaws<br />
North or Central Coast culture (probably Chimú)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; tapestry weave<br />
5" x 14½"<br />
Certain species—notably several macaws—were exotic specimens traded from <strong>the</strong><br />
Amazonian forest and kept in captivity (thus supplying a ready source for <strong>the</strong>ir prized<br />
fea<strong>the</strong>rs). O<strong>the</strong>rs, like <strong>the</strong> green mountain parakeets, reside in western Peru.<br />
Highly esteemed for aes<strong>the</strong>tic purposes, <strong>the</strong> vivid parrot fea<strong>the</strong>rs were woven into<br />
majestic garments and items of regalia. The shimmering rainbow hues surely evoked<br />
solar radiance and sacred power.<br />
The striking black-and-white bands and rings accentuating <strong>the</strong> eyes of <strong>the</strong> blue-andyellow<br />
macaw are instantly recognizable in this somewhat clumsily rendered motif.<br />
In fact, <strong>the</strong> macaw’s distinctive markings and coloration seem to have influenced <strong>the</strong><br />
overall composition, which is organized in an unusual lattice arrangement with white<br />
rectangles on a black background. This extensive use of black is itself rare, and indicates<br />
Chimú provenience.<br />
245
267<br />
Painted Frieze<br />
Interlocking Figuration<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; plain weave painted with iron oxide dyes<br />
12" x 6¼"<br />
Many of <strong>the</strong> stylized birds represented in north and central<br />
coast textile imagery feature <strong>the</strong> parrot's concentric<br />
eyes; short, hooked bill; and long, tapering tail.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>y share a two-toned brown-and-tan color scheme,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se two interpretations of <strong>the</strong> motif are executed in distinct<br />
techniques and modes—woven doublecloth and painting—<br />
that are characteristic of later-phase Chancay textile traditions.<br />
The consistency of <strong>the</strong> painted line in cat. 267 (left) suggests<br />
<strong>the</strong> use of a stencil.<br />
Such figural designs ei<strong>the</strong>r derived from or inspired and<br />
influenced architectural friezes sculpted with interlocking<br />
rows of stylized waves, seabirds, parrots, fish, manta rays and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r marine iconography.<br />
In a conceptual play on its doublecloth structure, cat. 268<br />
(opposite) deftly works in a double entendre. When <strong>the</strong> cloth<br />
is rotated sideways, <strong>the</strong> parrots turn into small quadrupeds.<br />
possibly llama or deer (see detail at right).<br />
246
268<br />
Panel<br />
Parrots/Deer<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; doublecloth<br />
13" x 6"<br />
247
270<br />
Motif from a Mantle or Hanging?<br />
Oystercatcher<br />
Chancay culture<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; plain weave, embroidery<br />
6" x 7"<br />
269<br />
Motif from a Mantle or Hanging?<br />
Stilt<br />
Chancay culture<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; plain weave, embroidery<br />
7" x 8½"<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979b, fig. 219.<br />
Anton 1984, fig. 37.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>se embroidered motifs are very<br />
similar, subtle differences in <strong>the</strong> lengths and<br />
curves of <strong>the</strong> birds’ red bills and legs identify two<br />
different types of shorebird—Haematopus palliatus and<br />
Phoenicopterus chilensis. Both species are commonly<br />
seen beachcombers along <strong>the</strong> coastal mudflats,<br />
lagoons and beaches of <strong>the</strong> Pacific coast.<br />
The birds’ instantly recognizable, striking, blackand-white<br />
plumage and ringed eyes are realistically<br />
represented. But this naturalism is tempered by <strong>the</strong><br />
more puzzling inclusion of flamingo-like pink and<br />
yellow tail fea<strong>the</strong>rs. That detail is noteworthy, because<br />
although <strong>the</strong> south coast of Peru is home to huge<br />
colonies of flamingos, that bird is rarely represented<br />
in imagery (even though its pink-tinged fea<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
were frequently used for regalia).<br />
248
272<br />
Motif from a Mantle or Tunic<br />
Flying Bird (Parrot? Raptor?)<br />
Chancay culture<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Camelid wool; embroidery<br />
4½" x 7½"<br />
It is likely that Chancay embroiderers had a specific species in mind for each of <strong>the</strong>se<br />
motifs—and that despite <strong>the</strong>ir stylistic similarities, an ancient audience might have<br />
been able to differentiate <strong>the</strong> birds based on <strong>the</strong>ir silhouettes, beaks and tail fea<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
While such knowledge is not available to modern viewers, we can appreciate <strong>the</strong><br />
liveliness and character of <strong>the</strong>se figures, which probably embellished cotton textiles of<br />
various sorts.<br />
Cultural distinctions are also difficult to establish, but <strong>the</strong> dimensional wrapped and<br />
tufted cords enhancing <strong>the</strong> wings of <strong>the</strong> parrot-like birds in cat. 273 recall <strong>the</strong> textural<br />
Chimú style.<br />
250
271<br />
Motif from a Mantle or Tunic<br />
Flying Bird (Waterfowl?)<br />
Chancay culture<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Camelid wool; embroidery<br />
8½"x 4"<br />
273<br />
Motifs from a Mantle or Tunic<br />
Flying Birds (Parrots?)<br />
Chimú or Chancay culture<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Camelid wool; coiling, looping, embroidery<br />
4½" x 6" (each)<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979b, fig. 258.<br />
251
275<br />
Motifs from a Mantle or Tunic<br />
Flying Birds (Swift?)<br />
Central Coast culture (Chancay?)<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Camelid wool; embroidery<br />
3½" x 2"<br />
The naturally li<strong>the</strong>, sleek proportions of <strong>the</strong> bird<br />
(possibly a swift) are subjected to a graphic<br />
angularity that stresses <strong>the</strong> decorative value of <strong>the</strong><br />
motif ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> realistic reference.<br />
274<br />
Tassel on Tubular Cord (Sling?)<br />
Bird in a Nest<br />
North or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1200-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; wrapping, braiding<br />
7" long<br />
252
276<br />
Votive Figurine<br />
Scarlet Macaw<br />
Central or South Coast culture<br />
AD 1300-1476?<br />
Cotton, camelid wool? plant fiber?; plain weave,<br />
cut threads, embroidery<br />
2½" x 8"<br />
Mummified parrots have been found in several<br />
ancient cemeteries on <strong>the</strong> south coast. This<br />
fiber sculpture, wrapped in <strong>the</strong> striking blue, yellow<br />
and red hues of <strong>the</strong> scarlet macaw, may have been a<br />
votive offering to a venerated ancestor, or an artistic<br />
substitution for <strong>the</strong> real bird.<br />
277<br />
Votive Figurine<br />
Mealy Parrot? Nighthawk?<br />
Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; cross-knit looping?<br />
3" long<br />
253
278<br />
Votive Sculpture<br />
Water Bird (Duck?)<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476?<br />
Applied fea<strong>the</strong>rs, cotton, balsa wood<br />
4" long<br />
This exquisite naturalistic depiction of a waterfowl reflects <strong>the</strong><br />
mythic and sacred status of birds in pre-Columbian culture and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir association with <strong>the</strong> ocean and its patron deities, especially for<br />
coastal societies.<br />
The black crown and nape, <strong>the</strong> rusty plumage on <strong>the</strong> back and <strong>the</strong><br />
blue marking on <strong>the</strong> bill suggest a kind of duck. And while <strong>the</strong><br />
turquoise blue fea<strong>the</strong>rs applied to <strong>the</strong> chest may not come from <strong>the</strong><br />
actual bird being represented (but from a tanager, Amazonian parrot<br />
or o<strong>the</strong>r colorful species), <strong>the</strong>y endow <strong>the</strong> object with extraordinary<br />
luminosity.<br />
254
279<br />
Adornment for a Fea<strong>the</strong>red Crown or Headdress<br />
Warrior in Conical Helmet<br />
Chimú culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cut and glued macaw and parrot fea<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
3½" x 2"<br />
Literature<br />
de Lavalle 1988, 246.<br />
280<br />
Adornments for a Fea<strong>the</strong>red Crown or Headdress<br />
Stylized Faces<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cut and glued macaw and parrot fea<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
3" x 1"<br />
Brilliantly iridescent tunics, tabards, headdresses, ear spools<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r regalia adorned with fea<strong>the</strong>rwork designs were<br />
among <strong>the</strong> most luxurious and prestigious items of dress<br />
created for <strong>the</strong> Chimor and Chancay elite.<br />
These tiny mosaic faces, executed with finely cut, multicolored<br />
fea<strong>the</strong>rs, probably once topped elaborate plumed headdresses<br />
or crowns placed over <strong>the</strong> "false heads" of important mummy<br />
bundles. Fea<strong>the</strong>red crests were also affixed to <strong>the</strong> large ceramic<br />
male and female effigies for which <strong>the</strong> Chancay culture is<br />
famous.<br />
The two vibrant figurative ornaments in cat. 280 were possibly<br />
originally attached to <strong>the</strong> same object, but <strong>the</strong>ir distinct colors<br />
and features (rounded or square eyes and mouth) yield a variety<br />
of facial expressions, which are generally absent from <strong>the</strong> static<br />
visages common to Chancay figuration. The Chimú head<br />
(above) wears a distinctive type of conical helmet, possibly<br />
associated with warriors.<br />
255
281<br />
Band<br />
Fea<strong>the</strong>r Emblems<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cotton; tapestry weave<br />
1¾" x 60"<br />
Fea<strong>the</strong>rwork garments and insignia were among <strong>the</strong> most magnificent works<br />
of art and ceremonial dress produced by pre-Columbian cultures.<br />
The talismanic status and symbolic value of <strong>the</strong> fea<strong>the</strong>r—as an emblem of solar<br />
radiance, <strong>the</strong> celestial realm and magical flight—are reflected in this design from<br />
a Chancay tunic, which was clearly woven in tribute to that esteemed material.<br />
256
282<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Bird Handler with Captive Birds<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cotton; tapestry weave<br />
4½" x 4½"<br />
Andean people trapped, bred and kept many kinds of birds captive—not solely as sources of<br />
food, but also for religious sacrifices as well as for ritual and aes<strong>the</strong>tic purposes. Prime among<br />
<strong>the</strong>se were birds with striking plumage such as <strong>the</strong> Muscovy duck and <strong>the</strong> macaw parrots, whose<br />
fea<strong>the</strong>rs were plucked to adorn ceremonial textiles and artifacts.<br />
Unlike most individuals portrayed in Andean iconography, who usually project elevated or<br />
supernatural status, <strong>the</strong> Bird Keeper depicted here is clearly of ordinary rank. Never<strong>the</strong>less he wears<br />
a tie-dyed, patterned shirt and headband, and his role must have been sufficiently important to<br />
Chancay society to merit being recorded in a textile design.<br />
The brown-and-white color scheme is typical of <strong>the</strong> Chancay aes<strong>the</strong>tic, which exploited <strong>the</strong> graphic<br />
possibilities of contrasting undyed or naturally colored cotton yarns as much as those achieved with<br />
more vivid colors.<br />
257
283<br />
Motif from a Mantle or Hanging?<br />
Pampas Cat?<br />
Chancay culture<br />
Circa AD 1300<br />
Camelid wool; plain weave, embroidery<br />
6½" x 8"<br />
The intimidating feline that dominated pre-Columbian<br />
symbolism, furnishing its most potent analogy for human<br />
aggression and warrior energy, has been transmuted here into<br />
a more docile version (perhaps <strong>the</strong> pampas cat found near<br />
<strong>the</strong> coast?) with extravagant curlicue whiskers to replace <strong>the</strong><br />
fearsome fang.<br />
258
284<br />
Design Square from a Garment<br />
Feline with Exaggerated Jaw<br />
Central Coast culture (Chimú?)<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Camelid wool; plain weave,<br />
supplementary weft<br />
5½" x 6"<br />
The conventionalized figuration common in late central and north central coast art<br />
styles seemingly left little room for artistic license. But this a truly idiosyncratic<br />
interpretation of a familiar motif—<strong>the</strong> mythical "moon animal"—set within a geometric<br />
frame that recalls <strong>the</strong> painted checkerboard murals and wall niches adorning ceremonial<br />
buildings.<br />
Dominated by an outsized serrated jaw and giant paws, <strong>the</strong> animal is at its most feline<br />
(and reads best) in a horizontal plane. <strong>From</strong> <strong>the</strong> vertical point of view, however, it<br />
strongly resembles <strong>the</strong> seated, crowned supernatural creature who variously mixes coati,<br />
monkey, feline and even crocodilian attributes, and is a dominant presence in north<br />
coast visual mythology and textile design (see cats. 224, 229).<br />
259
285<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Spotted Cat and Labyrinth<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cotton; painted, resist-dyeing<br />
10" x 13"<br />
The cartoonlike or diagrammatic style of this imagery does not detract from its dramatic<br />
<strong>the</strong>me, which sets <strong>the</strong> marauding spotted cat outside a labyrinthine structure that may<br />
symbolize a ritual temple or palace.<br />
The figuration is rendered with clarity, combining freehand (or possibly stenciled) painted<br />
motifs with resist-dyed patterning. Similar circles embellish both <strong>the</strong> curvaceous, bat-eared<br />
feline and <strong>the</strong> angular abstract form, lending a surprising sophistication and visual cohesiveness<br />
to <strong>the</strong> composition.<br />
260<br />
Thematically, too, <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> circular heads of <strong>the</strong> pouncing cat and <strong>the</strong> birdlike human figure<br />
intersect expresses <strong>the</strong> kind of complementarity ingrained in Andean thought. This dualism is<br />
implicit not only in <strong>the</strong> opposition between animal and human, cat and bird, and predator and<br />
prey, but also in <strong>the</strong> contrast between nature (“<strong>the</strong> wild") and culture (<strong>the</strong> ritual or sacred space<br />
where human sacrifices were enacted). And as always, <strong>the</strong> sacrificing cat serves as a metaphor<br />
for human activity.
286<br />
Fragment from a Tunic<br />
Monkey Personage with Birds<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cotton; painting<br />
4" x 9½"<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> Chancay style represents <strong>the</strong> final flowering of a 2000-year-long tradition of<br />
textile painting on <strong>the</strong> central and south coasts that began during <strong>the</strong> Chavín epoch, <strong>the</strong><br />
iconography rarely displays <strong>the</strong> visual intricacy or symbolic complexity of that very ancient<br />
material.<br />
The motifs replicated on this painted, fringed tunic border indicate <strong>the</strong> use of a stamp or<br />
template. Yet <strong>the</strong> design is fairly complex, executed with dynamic curving lines that evoke a<br />
sense of fluidity and exuberant energy. In a lively and playful pairing, a monkey-tailed personage<br />
with an elaborate, multipart headdress is linked to <strong>the</strong> stylized bird that appears in numerous<br />
Chimú and Chancay contexts. Flying pelicans and fish establish <strong>the</strong> marine setting.<br />
261
287<br />
Panel from a Fringed Tunic<br />
Monkeys<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1300-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; tapestry weave, selvedged and fringed<br />
17¼" x 13½"<br />
Pre-Columbian cultures were familiar with numerous species of monkey. Although<br />
<strong>the</strong> primate was not native to coastal habitats, <strong>the</strong> icon entered <strong>the</strong> pictorial repertoire<br />
in very early periods as a preeminent symbol of supernatural status, exuberant vitality<br />
and fertility.<br />
The distinct physical attributes of certain species (such as <strong>the</strong> heart-shaped brow of<br />
<strong>the</strong> capuchin or <strong>the</strong> lanky limbs and tail of <strong>the</strong> spider monkey) are recognizable in<br />
numerous depictions. But <strong>the</strong> small repeat motif woven into this tunic has become<br />
conventionalized and primarily decorative. It is arranged facing opposite directions in<br />
alternating rows. The bright white cotton used to highlight different elements (limbs,<br />
tails, heads, mouths, eyes) creates an erratic but rhythmic pattern that subverts <strong>the</strong><br />
regularity and uniformity of <strong>the</strong> overall design.<br />
The layout, <strong>the</strong> coloration (yellow tones modified by red, brown and ochre) and <strong>the</strong><br />
stripe-and-bird patterned, fringed border are all characteristic of <strong>the</strong> style.<br />
262
288<br />
Three-Dimensional Votive Effigy or Puppet<br />
Llama with Condor Markings<br />
Central or South Coast culture<br />
AD 1000-1476?<br />
Camelid wool; cross-knit looping, twisting<br />
11½" long<br />
Andean ritual art and iconography reflects widespread religious practices involving<br />
<strong>the</strong> sacrifice of llamas to <strong>the</strong> divinities and ancestors.<br />
Painted pottery sculpted in <strong>the</strong> form of llama or camelid heads was produced by various<br />
cultures (including Wari). These ceramics were dedicated as offerings or used as vessels<br />
for substances (such as llama fat) that were burnt during rites of veneration. During <strong>the</strong><br />
Inka period, miniature stone sculptures representing alpacas and llamas with long fleecy<br />
manes (conopas) were featured in ceremonies devoted to increasing animal fertility and<br />
<strong>the</strong> size of <strong>the</strong> herds. Such votive objects contained cavities that could be packed with<br />
sacred ashes for propitiating <strong>the</strong> cosmic powers.<br />
This engaging knitted figure may be a textile version of that sort of figure. The tubular<br />
hollow form was left open at one end, allowing it to be worn as a glove or hand puppet.<br />
Was this expressive object indeed animated in some fashion? Perhaps it played a role<br />
during a ceremony or a dramatic enactment of a story or myth.<br />
Andean people also have a precise system for <strong>the</strong> classification and naming of <strong>the</strong><br />
camelids’ varied colors and patterning. Based on that well-documented and historic<br />
tradition, this woven object can be identified as an allqa llama or alpaca, so named for<br />
its sharply contrasting dark and light patches, which allude to <strong>the</strong> falcon's plumage. A<br />
white collar or band around <strong>the</strong> figure’s neck, which similarly mimics <strong>the</strong> condor's ruff,<br />
extends <strong>the</strong> avian comparison.<br />
As is still <strong>the</strong> custom today among <strong>the</strong> pastoralists of <strong>the</strong> Andean highlands, <strong>the</strong> animal’s<br />
ears are adorned with decorative tufts of colored wool.<br />
264
265
289<br />
Three-Dimensional <strong>Animal</strong> Figurines<br />
Llamas or Alpacas Eating Grass<br />
Central Coast culture (Chancay?)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton, camelid wool, vegetal stuffing or wood core;<br />
plain weave, embroidery, wrapping, twisting<br />
8½’" x 14" (left)<br />
4" x 12" (right)<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979a, fig. 235.<br />
Brugnoli, Sinclaire and Hoces de la Guardia 2007, 82.<br />
A<br />
pair of charming textile sculptures conveys <strong>the</strong> sense of <strong>the</strong> devotion (even affection)<br />
that Andean herders feel for <strong>the</strong>ir flocks of llamas and alpacas. These domesticated<br />
animals came to fulfill so many essential human needs—from food and clothing to<br />
transporting cargo across vast distances.<br />
The two figures were fabricated by wrapping a fiber core with undyed woven fabric.<br />
Variegated markings are indicated with white stitching.<br />
The red and yellow tassels bedecking <strong>the</strong> larger figure allude to Andean customs of<br />
marking <strong>the</strong> animals’ ears with colorful pompoms and dyed threads during <strong>the</strong> annual<br />
Señalakuy or Wayñu fertility rites. The vivid red yarns evoke <strong>the</strong> llama blood that was<br />
shed and offered to <strong>the</strong> earth during <strong>the</strong> ceremony. This so-called "flowering" of <strong>the</strong><br />
livestock symbolizes <strong>the</strong> increase and abundance of <strong>the</strong> herds.<br />
A smaller figure (perhaps representing a calf) is shown te<strong>the</strong>red and grazing on a mouthful<br />
of green grass. The image introduces an everyday occurrence into an iconographic<br />
tradition that primarily focused on ritual or supernatural activities.<br />
266
267
290<br />
Motifs for a Garment<br />
Camelids<br />
Chancay or Chimú culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; embroidery or knitting<br />
4"–5" x 6" (each)<br />
The camelids have <strong>the</strong> smaller, delicate proportions of a young llama or <strong>the</strong> smaller<br />
vicuña. Each motif is embellished with oversized concentric eyes and a unique<br />
configuration of diagonal lines. The individuated figures were probably applied to a<br />
ceremonial or funerary garment.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> combination of colors reflects <strong>the</strong> artist’s imagination and not nature, <strong>the</strong><br />
variety of patterns does reveal Andean ideas about camelid markings.<br />
The domesticated alpacas and llamas, as well as <strong>the</strong> wild vicuñas, were categorized<br />
by patterning and coloration. The complex system of classification and color-coding,<br />
which reached its epitome during <strong>the</strong> Inka period, dictated which types of camelids<br />
were to be sacrificed during specific rituals and calendrical periods.<br />
268
291<br />
Panel from a Tunic<br />
A Field of Brocket Deer<br />
Pachacamac or Rímac culture, Central Coast<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
11" x 18½"<br />
Textiles produced by <strong>the</strong> Chimú and Chancay cultures over several centuries<br />
preceding <strong>the</strong> Inka domination of <strong>the</strong> coast exhibit a process of standardization<br />
and simplification.<br />
Icons that had been symbolically important in diverse artistic contexts for millennia still<br />
occur, but <strong>the</strong>y are repeated en masse, with little stylistic differentiation o<strong>the</strong>r than color.<br />
The decorative appeal of such designs is, however, indisputable and justified.<br />
Yet subtle anomalies—such as <strong>the</strong> random yellow/pink/black color sequencing of this<br />
composition—demonstrate <strong>the</strong> place of individual artistry within a cultural and artistic<br />
environment dedicated to creating large treasuries of textiles, ritual pottery, gold work<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r finery for <strong>the</strong> elite.<br />
A repeat pattern of brocket deer (one of several Andean species) occupies <strong>the</strong> vibrant<br />
color field of a central coast–style tunic. Deer had been vital sources of food and skin<br />
since prehistoric times, but <strong>the</strong> animal also acquired shamanic status among several early<br />
cultures such as Paracas and Moche.<br />
Ritualized deer hunts were an important component of Moche ceremony, for example.<br />
Not only were deer metaphorically linked with warfare and hunting (representing<br />
both captive and combatant), <strong>the</strong>ir branching antlers and leaflike tails were pictorially<br />
associated with vegetation and growth.<br />
It is probable that even a highly decorative and stylized design reverberated with such<br />
connotations.<br />
270
292<br />
Votive Fiber Sculpture Anaconda Snake<br />
Central or South Coast culture (Ica?)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool, vegetal or cotton stuffing;<br />
looping, embroidery<br />
14" long<br />
This extraordinary ritual object takes <strong>the</strong> form of an anaconda snake engorged with<br />
prey. The bulbous shape captures <strong>the</strong> giant constrictor's unnerving tendency to<br />
swallow its live quarry whole.<br />
Although this boa is actually endemic to <strong>the</strong> tropical forests of South America, its<br />
deadly powers and distinctive bull's-eye markings were embedded in <strong>the</strong> Andean artistic<br />
imagination—even among people who could only have known this imposing creature<br />
via hearsay, in captivity or through myth.<br />
Although its predatory instincts are highlighted here, <strong>the</strong> boa was also strongly associated<br />
with <strong>the</strong> sacred vine ayahuasca, a potent hallucinogen used in Chavín ritualism that may<br />
have been introduced to south and central coast traditions by that highland cult.<br />
272
273
293<br />
Votive or Dance Ornaments<br />
Snakes<br />
South or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tubular construction, braiding<br />
19" long (each)<br />
These sinuous three-dimensional artifacts (ceremonial slings or dance/ritual<br />
ornaments) convey <strong>the</strong> Andean fascination with snakes, as well as this shamanic<br />
creature’s association with individuals of worldly and ritual power.<br />
The undulating forms register a sly connection between <strong>the</strong> coiling and striking motions<br />
of <strong>the</strong> snake and <strong>the</strong> manner in which slings were held and unfurled at <strong>the</strong>ir targets.<br />
Open mouths (doubly so in cat. 295) vividly capture <strong>the</strong> way in which snakes unhinge<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir jaws to attack and seize <strong>the</strong>ir prey.<br />
Similarly, <strong>the</strong>ir decorative diamantine and zigzag markings have some basis in reality,<br />
possibly deriving from certain deadly species found in <strong>the</strong> South America tropical and<br />
cloud forest regions, such as <strong>the</strong> lethal pit vipers.<br />
274
294<br />
Ceremonial Sling<br />
A Self-Consuming Double-Headed Serpent<br />
South or Central Coast culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; tubular construction, braiding<br />
7½" x 5"<br />
Note: This object is cut in <strong>the</strong> center.<br />
275
295<br />
Motifs from a Garment<br />
Double-Headed Snake or Worm<br />
Central Coast culture (Chancay?)<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; plain weave (traces), embroidery<br />
2½" long (each)<br />
These individually embroidered motifs would have embellished a plain-woven<br />
garment (traces of <strong>the</strong> brown-and-red ground fabric are still evident). Each figure<br />
is patterned with a typical central coast scroll design, and although standardized, each<br />
reveals minute differences. Subtle shifts in <strong>the</strong> red/yellow/brown color scheme would<br />
have imparted a rhythmic quality to <strong>the</strong> overall design of <strong>the</strong> textile.<br />
The double-headedness of <strong>the</strong> serpentine creature is an ancient visual convention, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> shortened bodies are less common, and may represent ano<strong>the</strong>r type of legless reptile<br />
or invertebrate, such as a species of worm or caterpillar.<br />
276
296<br />
Woman’s Gauze Headcloth<br />
Marine Deity<br />
Chancay culture<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; square mesh or gauze weave, embroidery<br />
15" x 12½"<br />
Literature<br />
Amano Museum 1979b, figs. 155-172.<br />
Gossamer headcloths, woven on <strong>the</strong> loom in an openwork technique and overlaid<br />
with embroidered geometric and figural designs, represent a textile innovation<br />
unique to <strong>the</strong> late central coast cultures.<br />
These subtly patterned, sophisticated shawls were worn by women. But it is likely that<br />
<strong>the</strong> style evolved out of <strong>the</strong> practice of making fishing nets and cordage. Naturally, those<br />
specialized crafts were important to—and highly developed—among peoples who lived<br />
off <strong>the</strong> rich resources of <strong>the</strong> Pacific seaboard.<br />
Because of <strong>the</strong> elasticity of <strong>the</strong> overspun yarns, <strong>the</strong> lightweight fabrics tend to bunch<br />
into a crinkled mass when taken off <strong>the</strong> loom or <strong>the</strong> wearer’s head. As a result, any<br />
pattern (even one supplemented by embroidery) is only visible when <strong>the</strong> cloth is spread<br />
open and held taut.<br />
That quality of mystery and transparency supplies a suitable medium for <strong>the</strong> icon<br />
delineated in this fine example. Not only is <strong>the</strong> cat-headed personage surrounded by<br />
fish and set within a breaking wave/scroll framework, even <strong>the</strong> pointed shape of its head<br />
and ears cleverly describes <strong>the</strong> outline of a fish when <strong>the</strong> image is turned sideways (see<br />
detail). The transformative figure speaks of reverence for <strong>the</strong> ocean deities and marine<br />
life.<br />
278
279
297<br />
Shaped Votive Panel<br />
Duck<br />
Pachacamac-Rímac culture, Central Coast<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; tapestry weave, selvedged on all sides<br />
11" x 10"<br />
Literature<br />
Schmidt 1929, 502.<br />
Reid 1993, 276.<br />
The sanctuary of Pachacamac, named for <strong>the</strong> Lord of<br />
Earthquakes and <strong>the</strong> Lower World, dominated <strong>the</strong> central<br />
seaboard for at least 1000 years before <strong>the</strong> Spanish Conquest.<br />
This magnificent ceremonial complex housed a renowned<br />
oracle, drawing pilgrims and tribute (including textiles) from<br />
across a vast region of ancient Peru.<br />
This powerful cult center is also associated with an extraordinary<br />
series of votive panels woven in <strong>the</strong> form of specific fish<br />
and waterfowl, and o<strong>the</strong>r aquatic creatures that had special<br />
significance for local Rímac and Lurín Valley societies.<br />
The eccentrically shaped textiles are designed with harmonious<br />
combinations of blue, white, tan and brown hues. The colors<br />
were derived from dyed and natural shades of cotton, which<br />
was cultivated in this locality. The range of blues also reflects an<br />
expert knowledge of indigo dyeing.<br />
bird is depicted in courtship display, tail cocked, wings half<br />
open and raised—all <strong>the</strong> better to note <strong>the</strong>ir luminous swa<strong>the</strong><br />
of blue. The dense splattering of dusky spots is characteristic<br />
of female teals, but appears seasonally on male juveniles—a<br />
change that might have been meaningful or magical to <strong>the</strong><br />
pre-Hispanic peoples.<br />
While this game bird was undoubtedly hunted for food, duck<br />
and heron fea<strong>the</strong>rs were also offered to mountain deities,<br />
reflecting <strong>the</strong> sacred status of birds associated with water and<br />
<strong>the</strong> sea.<br />
Although entire tunics in a related style are known, <strong>the</strong>se<br />
singular tapestries were not necessarily applied to garments or<br />
hangings. They may have been intended as votive offerings to<br />
be bestowed on <strong>the</strong> temple’s priests or <strong>the</strong> deities enshrined<br />
within.<br />
The colors are particularly appropriate for this image, which<br />
represents <strong>the</strong> beautiful, small cinnamon teal, or ano<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong><br />
many species of river duck common to coastal habitats. The<br />
280
281
298<br />
Shaped Votive Panel<br />
Trambollo Fish<br />
Pachacamac-Rímac culture, Central Coast<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
10" x 22"<br />
Literature<br />
Taullard 1949, 144.<br />
Brinckerhoff 1999, fig. 54.<br />
Woven in <strong>the</strong> silhouette of a trambollo fish, this Pachacamac panel is a spectacular<br />
example of shaped weaving, dyeing and patterning. The unusual dimensions and<br />
contoured form (achieved with a scaffold weave technique) suggest <strong>the</strong>se extraordinary<br />
tapestries were made for display or tribute.<br />
Possibly <strong>the</strong> cloths were symbolic substitutions for <strong>the</strong> great quantities of live<br />
fish deposited daily in front of a cult idol installed in <strong>the</strong> main ceremonial plaza of<br />
Pachacamac. Most certainly, <strong>the</strong> weavings celebrated <strong>the</strong> abundance of fish found in <strong>the</strong><br />
cold Peruvian waters.<br />
The <strong>the</strong>me communicates <strong>the</strong> coastal Andean people’s dependence upon <strong>the</strong>se rich<br />
marine resources. This aspect found expression in ritual practice as well as in myth—<br />
one of <strong>the</strong> best known concerned <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> Andean female deity Urpay Huachac,<br />
who was widely venerated as <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong> fish and seabirds.<br />
Equally striking is <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>se are not renderings of generic fish. Details noted<br />
in each depiction actually pinpoint <strong>the</strong> specimen represented with uncanny accuracy<br />
(despite some visual overlapping with o<strong>the</strong>r closely related species).<br />
Here, for example, a medley of abstract motifs evokes <strong>the</strong> variegated markings of <strong>the</strong><br />
trambollo, a kind of blenny that is plentiful along <strong>the</strong> central and south coast. The fish’s<br />
most conspicuous features (facial spotting, a darkly outlined mouth, long pelvic fin rays<br />
in front of <strong>the</strong> pectoral fins, a paddle-shaped tail) are also delineated clearly. Though<br />
edible, <strong>the</strong> trambollo sometimes produces an effect of stupefaction or sleepiness in those<br />
who consume it—an attribute that likely had shamanistic application or connotations<br />
in <strong>the</strong> ancient context.<br />
282
283
299<br />
Shaped Votive Panel<br />
Pacific Bonito Tuna<br />
Pachacamac-Rímac culture, Central Coast<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Cotton; interlocking and slit tapestry weave<br />
7” x 18”<br />
Literature<br />
Reid 1993, 283.<br />
Stone-Miller 1992b, plate 58.<br />
The fish-shaped tapestry panels rank among <strong>the</strong> most innovative textiles developed<br />
by central coast weavers living in <strong>the</strong> vicinity of <strong>the</strong> Pachacamac shrine.<br />
Not surprisingly, <strong>the</strong> bonito tuna, which is highly noticeable in <strong>the</strong> offshore waters<br />
feeding on giant shoals of Peruvian anchovies and crustaceans, was a common source<br />
of artistic inspiration. This powerful fish was undoubtedly a prime symbol of oceanic<br />
vitality and abundance.<br />
With impressive powers of observation, <strong>the</strong> weavers deftly replicated <strong>the</strong> tuna’s conical<br />
head, large mouth, torpedo form, arrow-shaped tail and dark, slanted stripes on <strong>the</strong><br />
upper body. Smaller fish pictured in its belly acknowledge <strong>the</strong> voracious pursuit and<br />
consumption of its prey.<br />
The X-ray style of representation, which exposes <strong>the</strong> fish’s backbone, seemingly draws<br />
upon ancient shamanic art conventions.<br />
And although <strong>the</strong>re is no known cultural connection between <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>re is an<br />
intriguing visual, symbolic and technical resemblance between <strong>the</strong>se unique Pachacamac<br />
votive panels and <strong>the</strong> highland Pukara tradition of shaped weavings, such as <strong>the</strong> caimanfeatured<br />
staff-bearer seen in cat. 141. That earlier image similarly emphasizes <strong>the</strong> bony<br />
spine, which in Andean thought contained <strong>the</strong> very essence of life and regeneration.<br />
284
285
300<br />
Fragment from a Garment<br />
Interlocking Fish<br />
Ica culture, South Coast<br />
AD 1000-1476<br />
Camelid wool; interlocking tapestry weave<br />
7" x 19¾"<br />
The vibrantly patterned textiles worn by Andean nobility and state officials must<br />
have been a stunning sight. The visual impact could only have been intensified<br />
when such exquisite regalia was seen against <strong>the</strong> impressive backdrop supplied by<br />
<strong>the</strong> multicolored mural paintings and carved friezes adorning ceremonial and urban<br />
architecture.<br />
The synergy between <strong>the</strong> color and designs applied both to cloth and to temple and<br />
palatial structures is evoked by this fresco-like composition. The characteristic Andean<br />
fusion of figuration and abstraction yields an eye-dazzling, interlocking configuration<br />
based on a school of swimming fish (horizontally) and skates (vertically).<br />
Design compartmentalization, small-scale motifs, strong diagonals and black outlines<br />
define <strong>the</strong> Ica textile aes<strong>the</strong>tic. This culture encompassed a complex of affiliated societies<br />
that developed on <strong>the</strong> south coast during <strong>the</strong> 500-year period between <strong>the</strong> waning of<br />
Wari imperial influence and <strong>the</strong> advent of Inka domination.<br />
286
287
301<br />
Fragment from a Garment or Coca Bag<br />
Felines<br />
South Coast culture (Wari-related or post-Wari?)<br />
After AD 1000?<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave<br />
8" x 6½"<br />
The cultural origins of this weaving are difficult to determine. The vibrant color<br />
points to a south coast provenience (Nasca region?), while <strong>the</strong> stripes, banded layout<br />
and geometric modularity of <strong>the</strong> iconic feline motif indicate Late Wari or Tiwanaku<br />
influence.<br />
The figure is disjointed and abstracted, its powerful limbs and torso merely implied<br />
by an undulating element that could refer equally to an anthropomorphic body or to<br />
clothing (in keeping with <strong>the</strong> perpetual <strong>the</strong>me of feline/human symbiosis).<br />
288
INKA
292
Inka Culture<br />
The extraordinary phenomenon that drove and shaped<br />
Andean civilization over millennia––<strong>the</strong> periodic<br />
ascendance of a powerful highland culture that imposed<br />
its worldview, religious beliefs, mythical icons, and design<br />
aes<strong>the</strong>tic over a vast region and diversity of peoples––found its<br />
ultimate expression in <strong>the</strong> Inka Empire (AD 1400–1535).<br />
Because it is <strong>the</strong> sole pre-Conquest culture (apart from <strong>the</strong><br />
Chimú) for which a trove of somewhat contemporaneous<br />
written records exists, we have a better picture of Inka history,<br />
rule, society, religion, mythology, and ceremonialism––as well<br />
as of <strong>the</strong> ideas, people, and events that animated <strong>the</strong>m––than<br />
for any o<strong>the</strong>r Andean people.<br />
Inka lore, rites, and traditions also tend to be <strong>the</strong> lens through<br />
which anterior Andean societies, customs, and arts are<br />
considered and interpreted (as in this catalogue). Given <strong>the</strong><br />
lack of o<strong>the</strong>r sources of information besides archaeological<br />
context or later ethnohistorical and anthropological materials,<br />
this modern-day projection seems inevitable. However, this<br />
inclination undoubtedly assumes a greater continuity and<br />
consistency of meaning and symbolism throughout <strong>the</strong> pre-<br />
Columbian <strong>Andes</strong> than may be warranted.<br />
The Chronicles, comprising administrative and church records,<br />
commentaries, tracts, and histories produced by both colonial<br />
and native chroniclers, generally date to after <strong>the</strong> indigenous<br />
peoples’ cataclysmic encounter with <strong>the</strong> Spanish in <strong>the</strong> late<br />
15th/early 16th century. The narratives mirror a time of<br />
disintegration and transition (and are typically larded with<br />
<strong>the</strong> overt biases, distortions, and misunderstandings of <strong>the</strong><br />
Spanish priests, soldiers, administrators, and o<strong>the</strong>r observers<br />
who wrote <strong>the</strong>m). But fascinating information is embedded in<br />
<strong>the</strong> accounts. Among <strong>the</strong> most illuminating are those written<br />
by men of noble Inka ancestry, such as Huamán Poma (1613)<br />
and El Inca, Garcilaso de la Vega (1609). Those men had, if<br />
not immediate experience of an intact Inka world, certainly<br />
a profound historical memory, knowledge, and connection<br />
to it. And although he only arrived in <strong>the</strong> New World in<br />
1609, seventy-five years after <strong>the</strong> Conquest, <strong>the</strong> Spanish Jesuit<br />
Bernabé Cobo’s comprehensive work is ano<strong>the</strong>r invaluable<br />
source (especially for its description of <strong>the</strong> intricate network<br />
of sacred places and shrines that was essential to Inka religious<br />
cults).<br />
The manuscripts yield insight into <strong>the</strong> workings of Inka<br />
cultural and social institutions, as well as <strong>the</strong> strategies of state<br />
and economic organization that facilitated <strong>the</strong> rapid expansion<br />
(in less than 150 years) of a small society centered on Cusco<br />
in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn highlands of Peru to a multi-ethnic, multilingual,<br />
multi-faceted empire. At its maximum, <strong>the</strong> territories<br />
and peoples under Inka domination extended 2500 miles in<br />
four cardinal directions, to present-day Ecuador, northwestern<br />
Argentina, and central Chile, absorbing <strong>the</strong> Chimor Kingdom<br />
in <strong>the</strong> north-central coast, <strong>the</strong> fringe of tropical forest on <strong>the</strong><br />
eastern flanks of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>, and all o<strong>the</strong>r areas and cultures in<br />
between.<br />
The Inka state represented <strong>the</strong> last, great, syn<strong>the</strong>sizing cultural<br />
and economic force of <strong>the</strong> pre-Columbian era. The stony<br />
remains of Inka monumental cities, palaces, shrines, and<br />
ceremonial buildings still mark <strong>the</strong> landscapes of Peru and its<br />
neighboring countries. The most notable are concentrated<br />
in <strong>the</strong> sacred Urubamba and Cusco valleys where <strong>the</strong> royal<br />
temples, cities, and citadels, such as Cusco, Ollantaytambo,<br />
Sacsahuaman, and Machu Picchu, were built. But Inka<br />
293
structures are found throughout <strong>the</strong>ir historical realm, while<br />
<strong>the</strong> contours of Inka agricultural terraces still indent <strong>the</strong> steep<br />
slopes of <strong>the</strong> surrounding mountains, and many of <strong>the</strong>ir original<br />
roads and waterways still link scattered highland settlements<br />
and distant localities. And <strong>the</strong> Inka walls––<strong>the</strong>ir most abiding<br />
achievement––continue to awe us with <strong>the</strong>ir impeccable<br />
quality, <strong>the</strong> impossibly perfect fit of <strong>the</strong> polygonal stones, <strong>the</strong><br />
shadow play of <strong>the</strong> beveled edges and faceted surfaces.<br />
These surfaces are virtually devoid of cult imagery and<br />
figurative adornment, however (apart from some archaic site<br />
carvings). That aspect is conspicuous, since <strong>the</strong> Inkas and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir multifarious subject peoples worshipped an intricately<br />
organized, hierarchical pan<strong>the</strong>on of creator, cosmic, nature,<br />
mountain, and ancestral divinities of diverse local, regional, and<br />
imperial origins. Moreover, <strong>the</strong>y associated <strong>the</strong>mselves with<br />
<strong>the</strong> legendary past of <strong>the</strong> Tiwanaku civilization, whose ornate<br />
religious iconography was still partly in evidence among <strong>the</strong><br />
ruined walls, portals, and stelae of <strong>the</strong> ceremonial city near Lake<br />
Titicaca. Even <strong>the</strong> Staff Deity, which had such a prominent<br />
role in <strong>the</strong> preceding cultural horizons, and whose influence<br />
lingered faintly in <strong>the</strong> styles and iconography of coastal Chimú<br />
and Lambayeque, was vanquished by <strong>the</strong> overriding abstraction<br />
of Inka sculptural masonry and geometric reliefs.<br />
Instead, Inka architectonic structures, and <strong>the</strong> often stunning<br />
places in which <strong>the</strong>y were situated, reference nature and <strong>the</strong><br />
earth itself. Carved stones, stepped terraces and stairways,<br />
elevated platforms, massive trapezoidal walls, fountains and<br />
canals accentuate <strong>the</strong> beauty and invoke <strong>the</strong> inherent spiritual<br />
resonances of natural features such as springs, rivers, boulders,<br />
rocky outcrops, hills, mountains, chasms, and caves. In <strong>the</strong><br />
Andean and Inka cosmovision, <strong>the</strong>se sites were coursing with<br />
life and imbued with waka. The very landscape was sacrosanct,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> animate and animating forces within it were worshipped<br />
and propitiated.<br />
Above all, <strong>the</strong> Inkas are renowned for <strong>the</strong> genius and efficiency<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir systems: of administration; road building; labor, land,<br />
and water management; tribute, tax paying, and record keeping;<br />
and ceremonial, sacrificial, and ritual obligations. Their empire<br />
Tawantisuyo was conceived as being divided into unequal<br />
quadrants, each defined by a distinctive topography, ethnic<br />
character, and (pertinently) unique styles of dress and headgear.<br />
Most pre-existing local and regional expressions of art and<br />
architecture were assimilated and refashioned to conform to<br />
<strong>the</strong> imperial modes and models conceived in Cusco. That<br />
magnificent city was not only <strong>the</strong> “navel” of <strong>the</strong>ir universe,<br />
but also <strong>the</strong> seat of <strong>the</strong> emperor (<strong>the</strong> Sapa Inka) and <strong>the</strong> royal<br />
lineages––as well as of <strong>the</strong> mummies, entourages, and palaces<br />
of all <strong>the</strong> preceding Inka kings.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> “son” of <strong>the</strong> sun god Inti, <strong>the</strong> living ruler was a divine<br />
personage. The Inkas elevated this solar deity to <strong>the</strong> center<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir religious cosmos, establishing temples to <strong>the</strong> Sun<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong>ir empire alongside local oracle and waka<br />
shrines (many of which were ancient and formidable in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own right). Indeed, <strong>the</strong> Inka supernatural pan<strong>the</strong>on was<br />
inclusive, making room for <strong>the</strong> veneration of myriad cosmic<br />
powers and celestial beings, including Mama Quilla (<strong>the</strong> moon<br />
divinity), Illapa/Tarapaca (embodied by thunder and rain), and<br />
Viracocha (<strong>the</strong> Andean creator god). Each merited a temple<br />
and a priesthood (and <strong>the</strong> requisite rites and offerings) in <strong>the</strong><br />
Cusco ceremonial center.<br />
The Inka impulse to think geometrically and dualistically was<br />
manifest not only in <strong>the</strong>ir four administrative domains, but<br />
also in terms of cosmology and social hierarchy. In <strong>the</strong> Inka<br />
worldview, space, time, and human activity unfolded within a<br />
nested set of binary but complementary oppositions: upper/<br />
lower, above/below, highland/coast, left/right, male/female,<br />
royal/commoner, Inka/outsider, and so on.<br />
That thinking shaped <strong>the</strong>ir textile arts as well. Garments woven<br />
for individuals of elevated status tend to be abstract in aes<strong>the</strong>tic,<br />
geometric in pattern, standardized in format, and invariably<br />
superb in quality and execution. The tapestry weaves and<br />
alpaca wool (or vicuña for royal cloth) display an extraordinary<br />
refinement and luxury of technique and material. They invite<br />
comparison with <strong>the</strong> Wari tradition, which was undoubtedly<br />
influential.<br />
294
Although <strong>the</strong>re were many types of textiles for men and<br />
women, <strong>the</strong> two most iconic forms––<strong>the</strong> unku and <strong>the</strong> chuspa––<br />
embody core Inka <strong>the</strong>mes.<br />
The unku, <strong>the</strong> long, rectangular, sleeveless tunic or shirt worn by<br />
noble men and all officials, regional lords, warriors, priests, and<br />
high-ranking persons in <strong>the</strong> realm, encapsulates Inka focus on<br />
hierarchy, display, uniformity, and social cohesion. The tunics’<br />
rectilinear compositions, generated with repeat patternblocks<br />
arranged in horizontal bands, along diagonal axes, or in dynamic<br />
checkerboard grids, seem to echo <strong>the</strong> exquisite, interlocking,<br />
modular structure of <strong>the</strong> Inka walls––just as <strong>the</strong> open-weave<br />
textiles worn by <strong>the</strong> Chimú elite were a visual counterpoint to<br />
<strong>the</strong> openwork lattices and niches decorating <strong>the</strong>ir adobe walls.<br />
The multicolored squares (most famously <strong>the</strong> imperial tokapu<br />
patterns) manipulate a scintillating variety of geometric<br />
designs based on steps, keys, spirals, crosses, concentric<br />
squares, diamonds, and more eccentric shapes that appear<br />
to reflect artistic virtuosity and imagination. Yet <strong>the</strong> mix of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se geometries with <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r stylized motifs seemingly<br />
constituted a meaningful system of signs and symbols tied to<br />
fundamental Inka concepts.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> scope and content of this woven language has not<br />
been deciphered (or agreed upon), it is probable that <strong>the</strong><br />
emblems visually condensed or refracted ideas about Inka<br />
ethnic or mythic origin, descent and lineage, leadership and<br />
power, <strong>the</strong> sacred landscape, <strong>the</strong> ritual calendar, and <strong>the</strong> cycles<br />
of life. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> symbols likely referenced all aspects of Inka<br />
society, cosmology, and belief. Undoubtedly, certain designs<br />
had particular relevance or connotations in different regional<br />
contexts.<br />
As with <strong>the</strong> tunics, superb woven bags or chuspas were<br />
distributed and exchanged as official gifts and tribute or<br />
created as offerings for <strong>the</strong> ancestral dead. Inka ceremonialism<br />
was orchestrated through an elaborate annual sequence of<br />
ritual sacrifices, agricultural, astronomical and calendrical<br />
celebrations, communal festivals, processions and dances, and<br />
sanctified rites focused on ancestor veneration and water and<br />
mountain cults. The chewing, offering, and burning of coca<br />
leaf were an essential aspect of ritual practice (as much as <strong>the</strong><br />
plant was vital to human existence at high altitudes). Thus<br />
small, shaped bags made especially for storing, carrying, and<br />
offering coca, as well as llipta (<strong>the</strong> balls of powdered lime used<br />
as a catalyst), had a ceremonial as well as utilitarian purpose.<br />
Despite a propensity for abstraction in textile styles and <strong>the</strong><br />
paucity of animal figuration in textile patterning, <strong>the</strong> animal<br />
archetypes retained <strong>the</strong>ir significance as rich sources of<br />
myth and metaphor in Inka thought and life. Inka leadership<br />
ingeniously tapped <strong>the</strong> symbolism of <strong>the</strong> feline (puma/jaguar),<br />
bird of prey (falcon, eagle, condor), and snake, along with o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
creatures, in <strong>the</strong> service of both imperial power and personal<br />
charisma.<br />
Cusco itself was said to be laid out in <strong>the</strong> shape of a mountain<br />
lion, its tail delineated by <strong>the</strong> confluence of two streams that<br />
were regularly propitiated with sacrifices during rain rituals.<br />
Similarly, a wea<strong>the</strong>red rock hewn in <strong>the</strong> form of a seated<br />
puma was venerated at <strong>the</strong> Kenko shrine just outside <strong>the</strong> royal<br />
city. The rock formations upon which that early temple was<br />
constructed were carved with serpentine zigzags and grooves<br />
for channeling life-enhancing and fertilizing fluids such as<br />
water, urine, and blood.<br />
The llamas that supplied much of this potent sacrificial blood<br />
are also extensively represented in votive imagery. Indeed,<br />
one of <strong>the</strong> most poignant and evocative losses to <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
plundering was a ritual installation in <strong>the</strong> gold-filled Temple of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sun in <strong>the</strong> Coricancha (Qoricancha), which <strong>the</strong> chroniclers<br />
described as a garden filled with marvelous, life-like figurines<br />
of animals, butterflies, and plants fashioned from gold and<br />
silver—among <strong>the</strong>m fields of leafy gold corn plants and llamas<br />
grazing on clods of gold.<br />
Gold was <strong>the</strong> essence of <strong>the</strong> sun, as silver was <strong>the</strong> essence of<br />
<strong>the</strong> moon. So <strong>the</strong> entire tableau suggests a paean to fertility,<br />
to <strong>the</strong> vitality conferred by <strong>the</strong> celestial deities, and to <strong>the</strong><br />
riches and resources of <strong>the</strong> empire. A short-lived empire soon<br />
to be decimated by <strong>the</strong> arrival of Pizarro and <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
conquistadores in 1532, bringing to a close <strong>the</strong> pre-Columbian<br />
era and its magnificent artistic achievements.<br />
295
302<br />
Band from a Tokapu Tunic<br />
Butterflies and Flowers<br />
Inka culture<br />
AD 1470–1532<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking<br />
tapestry weave, selvedged on one side<br />
5½" x 6½"<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Inka period, tunics of <strong>the</strong> finest-quality<br />
tapestry weave—known as qompi or cumbi—were made<br />
exclusively for <strong>the</strong> emperor. Several classes of specialist weavers<br />
(including cloistered young women dedicated to <strong>the</strong> ruler as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> wives of regional and local lords) were obligated to<br />
produce such high-status cloth for tribute, tax payments and<br />
royal attire. In turn, <strong>the</strong> Inka bestowed imperial-style textiles<br />
on <strong>the</strong> nobility and administrators of regions that had come<br />
under Inka domination.<br />
Certain styles—notably <strong>the</strong> famous checkerboard-design<br />
tunics—were worn by <strong>the</strong> Inka's battalions and guards. These<br />
magnificent garments played an important role in promulgating<br />
Inka cultural and aes<strong>the</strong>tic values, weaving diverse peoples into<br />
<strong>the</strong> unity of <strong>the</strong> vast Tawantisuyo Empire.<br />
These emblematic textiles were standardized in size, format<br />
and composition (although <strong>the</strong> archaeological record has also<br />
yielded unique examples in addition to provincial styles). The<br />
tunics with <strong>the</strong> greatest prestige were patterned with single<br />
bands or multiple rows containing abstract, geometricized<br />
motifs. Known as tokapu, <strong>the</strong>se designs were configured in<br />
squares or rectangles, and repeated in sequences that give <strong>the</strong><br />
appearance of a visual code or language. 1<br />
The understanding of <strong>the</strong> significance of <strong>the</strong> tokapu emblems<br />
has continued to evolve from initial, more conservative<br />
speculation that such patterns at best represented a sort of<br />
"heraldic" device conveying information about rank, lineage,<br />
royalty or place of origin. Today, however, <strong>the</strong>re is growing<br />
recognition that <strong>the</strong> icons must have been pictorial and abstract<br />
signs that probably encoded sacred, esoteric or cultural ideas<br />
and knowledge, particularly relating to <strong>the</strong> mythic history and<br />
worldview of <strong>the</strong> Inkas and <strong>the</strong>ir royal dynasties. 2<br />
Two of <strong>the</strong> tokapu motifs incorporated into this design<br />
are rendered with soft, fluid lines that suit <strong>the</strong>ir naturalistic<br />
sources, i.e., <strong>the</strong> butterfly and <strong>the</strong> bell-shaped kantu flower. In<br />
Inka iconography both motifs are sometimes conflated with<br />
depictions of noblewomen wearing mantles draped like wings.<br />
Butterfly imagery was also painted on <strong>the</strong> walls of sacred<br />
shrines and ceremonial beakers. The elements are juxtaposed<br />
with a stepped form that evokes mountains or Inka structures<br />
such as ritual platforms and water fountains.<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> highly ritualized conceptions of landscape, water and<br />
seasonal cycles, it is probable that this juxtaposition alluded to<br />
a specific place or time (surely spring or summer). The lushly<br />
forested eastern slopes of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> (called Antisuyo) held great<br />
symbolic significance to <strong>the</strong> Inkas. Not surprisingly, this region<br />
swarms with one of <strong>the</strong> richest diversities of butterfly species<br />
in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
1 John H. Rowe, “Standardization in Inca Tapestry Tunics,” in The Junius B. Bird<br />
Textile Conference 1973, ed. Ann Pollard Rowe, Elizabeth Benson and Anne-Louise<br />
Schaffer (1979): 239-264.<br />
2 Ibid., 239-264.<br />
296
297
303<br />
Fragment from a Checkerboard Tunic<br />
Jaguar Motif<br />
Inka culture<br />
AD 1470–1532<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; interlocking<br />
tapestry weave<br />
7" x 4½"<br />
A<br />
purple and red checkerboard supplies a vivid background for a dramatic jaguar<br />
motif. The insignia decorated a tunic probably designated for an Inka official or<br />
military leader. Evidently a royal emblem, <strong>the</strong> same figure is also represented among <strong>the</strong><br />
tokapu symbols carved on Inka ceremonial beakers.<br />
Jaguars were synonymous with Antisuyo, <strong>the</strong> wild, unconquered tropical forest located<br />
nor<strong>the</strong>ast of Cuzco. Indeed this graphic icon may well commemorate a mythicohistorical<br />
event or personage associated with Inka conquest of those territories. The<br />
colonial-era historian Huamán Poma (1613), an Andean native, recounts <strong>the</strong> tale of a<br />
son of <strong>the</strong> sixth emperor, Inka Roca, who was said to have transformed himself into a<br />
jaguar in order to defeat <strong>the</strong> Chuncho inhabitants of Antisuyo.<br />
But while <strong>the</strong> ferocious mouth and hefty claws depicted here clearly connote power<br />
and domination, <strong>the</strong> organic, rootlike shape of <strong>the</strong> paw, as well as <strong>the</strong> adjacent bud or<br />
fruit (also seen in <strong>the</strong> butterfly image of cat. 302), imply something more organic and<br />
life-sustaining.<br />
298
299
300
304<br />
Coca Bag (chuspa)<br />
Chuquibamba style, Far South Coast<br />
Possibly Inka period<br />
AD 1470-1532<br />
Camelid wool; tapestry weave,<br />
complementary-weft weave<br />
7½" x 6"<br />
Cultivated in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong> for at least 4000 years, coca<br />
(Erythroxylum coca) was invaluable to Andean societies for<br />
its ability to alleviate <strong>the</strong> physical stress of high-altitude living,<br />
as well as its myriad religious and ceremonial uses.<br />
As with o<strong>the</strong>r sacro-magical plants employed by Andean<br />
cultures, its symbolic significance inspired <strong>the</strong> making of<br />
specific types of ritual paraphernalia. However, coca was<br />
uniquely associated with <strong>the</strong> textile arts. There was a widespread<br />
tradition of weaving small bags and pouches (chuspas) from<br />
camelid and cotton fibers expressly for carrying or making<br />
offerings of coca leaf, as well as for storing <strong>the</strong> chunks of lime<br />
needed to catalyze its stimulant properties.<br />
This slightly tapering, elegant pouch epitomizes <strong>the</strong> capacity<br />
of this small-format textile to convey <strong>the</strong> essence of <strong>the</strong><br />
pre-Columbian aes<strong>the</strong>tic, and to showcase <strong>the</strong> consummate<br />
virtuosity and artistry of <strong>the</strong> Andean weaver.<br />
A distinctive cluster of design features place <strong>the</strong> bag within <strong>the</strong><br />
highland Chuquibamba style. This major tradition, centered in<br />
<strong>the</strong> upper Majes-Camaná, Sihuas and Ocoña Valleys located<br />
northwest of Arequipa, both predates and overlaps <strong>the</strong> period<br />
of Inka domination and influence in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
Chuquibamba textiles are typically executed from a combination<br />
of interlocking tapestry and complementary-weft techniques,<br />
and display standardized color schemes. Red, green, gold and<br />
blue squares (here substituted by a more uncommon purple)<br />
are organized in diagonal or checkerboard grids that reflect<br />
various systematic approaches to ordering visual space and<br />
establishing repetition. 1<br />
Many Chuquibamba weavings are prominently emblazoned<br />
with a multiplicity of eight-pointed “stars” offset by figurative<br />
or geometric patterning embedded within alternating color<br />
squares. The layout and number of motifs incorporated into<br />
this composition—quadruple frogs diagonally opposed to a<br />
block of interlocking fish—replicate Inka systems of dividing<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir world, settlements and communities into four quarters.<br />
The aquatic motifs, symbolizing water sources or riverine or<br />
ocean habitats, surely had cosmological significance. Possibly<br />
this juxtaposition of fish from <strong>the</strong> sea with frogs from mountain<br />
rivers reflects Andean concepts about <strong>the</strong> circulation of water<br />
within <strong>the</strong>ir universe. Certain ancient myths, for example,<br />
envision a cosmic ocean that is fed by such watercourses and<br />
drunk by a celestial llama to replenish <strong>the</strong> sky river of <strong>the</strong><br />
Milky Way. Completing <strong>the</strong> cycle, this water is returned to<br />
earth in <strong>the</strong> form of rain.<br />
The figures could also define <strong>the</strong> boundaries of <strong>the</strong><br />
Chuquibamba world, alluding to social and cultural ties<br />
between <strong>the</strong> inhabitants of different regions. Indeed, this idea<br />
is reflected in <strong>the</strong>se textiles, which were probably woven in <strong>the</strong><br />
highlands but were retrieved from burials in <strong>the</strong> lower reaches<br />
of <strong>the</strong>se coastal valleys.<br />
1 For an extensive discussion of <strong>the</strong> style see Mary Frame, "Chuquibamba: A Highland<br />
Textile Style," Textile Museum Journal 36/37 (1997/1998).<br />
301
305<br />
Coca Bag (chuspa)<br />
Inka culture, South Coast<br />
AD 1470-1532<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; doublecloth<br />
10½" x 7"<br />
The scope of Inka coca ritualism is amply documented<br />
in ethnohistorical accounts. Indeed, in <strong>the</strong> Andean<br />
highlands, <strong>the</strong> communal partaking of coca leaf solemnized<br />
most important social exchanges and ritual events—customs<br />
that have continued into modern times.<br />
The chewing, blowing and sharing coca leaf was integral to<br />
most activities focused on <strong>the</strong> supernatural and waka veneration.<br />
Coca was burned so that its fragrance and vitalizing power<br />
could "feed” <strong>the</strong> earth and ancestors. Divination and curing<br />
rites also entailed interpreting special configurations and<br />
scatterings of coca leaves.<br />
In its very totality of function, form and iconography, this<br />
beautiful purple and white chuspa registers <strong>the</strong> plant's essential<br />
place in religious ceremonies and festivals marking <strong>the</strong> Inka<br />
ritual calendar. Along with sacrificial llamas (or llama tallow),<br />
<strong>the</strong> leaf was burnt in huge conflagrations that were offered<br />
to <strong>the</strong> various divinities in <strong>the</strong> Inka pan<strong>the</strong>on. White llamas<br />
like those depicted in <strong>the</strong> lower band of this design were, for<br />
example, dedicated to Inti, <strong>the</strong> sun deity. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> row of<br />
linked human figures shown in <strong>the</strong> center may allude to <strong>the</strong><br />
long processions of ritual participants in such ceremonies—or<br />
even <strong>the</strong> human sacrifices that were <strong>the</strong> most sacred offerings<br />
of all.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> mountain-shaped, tiered format of <strong>the</strong><br />
design probably had multiple symbolic implications. The three<br />
bands not only mirror <strong>the</strong> three levels of <strong>the</strong> Andean cosmos,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir three different motifs (bird, human, animal) appear to be<br />
representative of different categories of being.<br />
Both llama and tinamou (a native, nearly flightless bird featured<br />
in <strong>the</strong> top row) had celestial counterparts in <strong>the</strong> Yakana and Yutu<br />
"dark cloud" constellations perceived in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn sky. In<br />
Andean lore, Yutu, <strong>the</strong> heavenly tinamou, is associated with <strong>the</strong><br />
solstices and, <strong>the</strong>refore, with certain events in <strong>the</strong> agricultural<br />
year. The conjunction of <strong>the</strong> two motifs here might have evoked<br />
particular times of <strong>the</strong> year when those constellations were<br />
most conspicuous or sacrifices and offerings most opportune. 1<br />
1 Gary Urton, At <strong>the</strong> Crossroads of <strong>the</strong> Earth and Sky (1981): 181-188.<br />
302
303
306<br />
Three Miniature Pouches<br />
Inka culture, South Coast<br />
AD 1470-1532<br />
Cotton, camelid wool; brocade<br />
(fringe in one example)<br />
3½" x 4½" (each)<br />
Conceivably, <strong>the</strong>se miniscule pouches might have held llipta,<br />
<strong>the</strong> balls compounded of lime and ash that are chewed<br />
with coca leaf to release its mildly euphoric compounds. But<br />
it is more likely that <strong>the</strong>y belong to <strong>the</strong> Andean tradition of<br />
miniature weavings and objects produced solely as devotional<br />
or symbolic offerings.<br />
Two of <strong>the</strong> bags display imagery similar to that of <strong>the</strong> standardsized<br />
chuspa shown in cat. 306. The anomalous example (bottom<br />
left) features a single stylized figure that is more related to<br />
antecedent south coast textile styles than to <strong>the</strong> imperial Inka<br />
one. Indeed, this bag’s trompe-l'oeil treatment of visual space<br />
is rooted in <strong>the</strong> much earlier Paracas-Nasca aes<strong>the</strong>tic. Small<br />
dots and scroll motifs inserted in key spots in <strong>the</strong> background<br />
suggest profile heads under <strong>the</strong> arms of <strong>the</strong> standing figure and<br />
a frontal face between his legs.<br />
In comparison to <strong>the</strong> more formal, refined execution of cat.<br />
306, <strong>the</strong>se linear motifs are all rendered in a spirit of quirky<br />
inventiveness. The idiosyncratic figures share <strong>the</strong> spontaneous<br />
expressive line of imagery created in rock art and earth<br />
drawings. The quadrupeds (llamas? foxes?) acquire spiraling<br />
tails (bottom bag), as do <strong>the</strong> torsos of several human figures.<br />
This geometric motif was similarly omnipresent in Nasca and<br />
Sihuas styles.<br />
Gesture is clearly significant in pre-Columbian figuration,<br />
although what exactly is being communicated is not<br />
understood. All but one of <strong>the</strong> figures depicted in <strong>the</strong>se puches<br />
hold both hands rigidly downward, three fingers spread. The<br />
sole exception (far right) adopts <strong>the</strong> exact pose displayed by one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> most ancient cult icons in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Andes</strong>—<strong>the</strong> Lanzón deity<br />
from <strong>the</strong> ceremonial center of Chavín de Huántar. This upand-down<br />
hand signal has been interpreted as a statement of<br />
cosmic balance.1 That it would reappear more than 2000 years<br />
later in a distant region is an extraordinary and inexplicable<br />
leap across time and space, but it suggests <strong>the</strong> longevity of<br />
Andean ritual practices and <strong>the</strong> continuity of artistic and<br />
symbolic thought.<br />
1 Richard Burger, Chavín and The Origins of Andean Civilization (1992): 136.<br />
304
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309
TIWANAKU • PUKARA • WARI<br />
MOCHE • HUARMEY • CHIMÚ<br />
LAMBAYEQUE • PACHACAMAC<br />
CHANCAY • ICA • INKA<br />
<strong>Shamans</strong>, <strong>Supernaturals</strong> and <strong>Animal</strong> <strong>Spirits</strong> is a unique compendium of extraordinary<br />
Pre-Columbian pictorial textile images. Encyclopedic in scope, it traces <strong>the</strong> aes<strong>the</strong>tic and<br />
symbolic evolution of <strong>the</strong> figure over a span of time, place and culture–from Chavín to<br />
Inka (500 BC-AD 1530), from north to south, coast to highland, and tropical forest to<br />
desert. Each society extracted its own set of symbols from <strong>the</strong>se environments to shape<br />
a singular style and formal language to portray <strong>the</strong>ir icons and evoke <strong>the</strong>ir essential<br />
cultural <strong>the</strong>mes. This remarkable assemblage of figures is tantalizing evidence of <strong>the</strong><br />
fascinating diversity, worldview, and superb and innovative artistry of <strong>the</strong> ancient Andean<br />
civilizations.