The Malayan Communist Party as Recorded in the Comintern Files

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Report to the FEB to invite a representative of the MCP to its transmission department. Without waiting for the final report from M [Malaya?], send a letter to the MCP. Request the CC of the CCP again to send a comrade to M. Choose a Chinese comrade of the Lenin School and prepare to send him to M. 3 (4) MCP’s English letter, dated 7 February 1931, sent from Malaya. The following is a summary: Cruxes are shown first: (1) Received the AAS’s letter on 30 January 1931. (2) This letter will be discussed among the comrades. After that, the Party conference, attended by “Malayan”, Chinese Indian and Javanese, will be called. (3) We had not practiced such wrong things as uprising and general strike as you criticized. (4) You might have been misinformed by comrade Soong [Ho Chi Minh]. Details are below: Dear Comrades, We have received your letter in English and in Chinese in (sic) 30 Jan. 1931. On the 4th Feb., we translated it into Malayan and Indian. We shall call a meeting to discuss the letter among the various national comrades. There will be one Chinese, one Malayan, one Javanese and one Indian (sic) comrade to attend. As (sic) regarding to the methods of work which [were] noticed in your letter, we thoroughly agree to. But we do not even in practice perform those wrong things which you find out in our work. The uprising of toiling masses and general strike etc. were not used as the methods. We have sometimes write and explain (sic) such ideas on our papers. But it is only with purpose of propaganda. The slogans for terrorism were never used by party, even talked never. There were something like that character done by the mass, but it is only non-organised mass motion. Maybe you were misinformed by comrades Soong or (?) [? is original mark] about the assault once played on a manager by the workers of Tan Kah Kee. 62
We are expecting, after the above meeting, to call the conference of party, with Malayan, Chinese, indian (sic) and Javanese attend, before the first of April. When the day and work of this conference is finally considered and discussed at the said meeting, we shall inform you with details and for instruction. 4 This letter, which refuted criticism that the MCP implemented terror, might have been a reply to the AAS’s letter which had reached the MCP on 30 January 1931. Unfortunately, the latter was not contained in available files. Nonetheless, we can conjecture that in that letter the AAS criticized the MCP’s radical political line expressed in its report, dated 2 January 1931, to the AAS (shown above). From a technical point of view, we can understand it took about a month for the MCP to receive a comment from the AAS. Another possibility is that the letter received on 30 January was the FEB’s letter to “Malayan Comrades”, dated 17 December 1930 mentioned above. When analyzing the contents, we can discern that while in January the MCP took a radical stand, in February, barely a month afterwards, it changed its stand to a moderate one. During this one month, the MCP might have known the change of strategies of the Comintern (see Chapter I). It is not recorded as to whether there arose internal disputes in the MCP or not. Nonetheless, it sounds rather strange that the author of this letter did not know what the MCP had reported in January. Meanwhile, it is interesting that the Party conference was not exclusively dominated by Chinese, but was represented by each ethnic group. Apart from a Malay representative, there was a Javanese representative. Their presence presumably reflected the MCP’s endeavor to extend its influence among the Malays. According to C. F. Yong, however, it was not until March 1935 that the MCP decided to establish a unification committee in Singapore with five members – two Chinese, one Tamil, one Javanese and one Annamite. 5 On the matter of an assault on Tan Kah Kee’s manager by his employees, C.F. Yong wrote that the fire which destroyed one of Tan’s rubber factories on 7 August 1928 was rumored to have been the work of his employees. In the early 1930s, the anti-Japanese movement was considered very important by the communists. As Tan, a very prominent member of the national bourgeoisie, was the preeminent leader of the anti-Japanese movement, an assault on his company’s manager might not have been considered a correct revolutionary act. 63
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2016 NO. 1 The Malayan Communist Pa
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ISSUE: 2016 NO. 01 CONTENTS Preface
Page 5 and 6:
I would also like to thank Professo
Page 7 and 8:
List of Tables Table 1 Membership o
Page 9 and 10:
Yong contended that the MCP’s ant
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While continuing my research at ISE
Page 13 and 14: 13. Nandao zhi Chun (Spring of Sout
Page 15 and 16: document, dated 15 January 1942, si
Page 17 and 18: 1. Establishment of the Nanyang Pro
Page 19 and 20: PC members, Wen Xin Ruo (Вень
Page 21 and 22: The CCP’s instruction was also sa
Page 23 and 24: In May 1930, under the guidance of
Page 25 and 26: (15) Tan Tiu-jeng, alias Tan Jui-se
Page 27 and 28: 6. Changes in the Comintern’s Str
Page 29 and 30: (1) Name of the Party: for several
Page 31 and 32: Presidium (GC). From the Comintern
Page 33 and 34: Notes 1. Nandao zhi Chun (Spring of
Page 35 and 36: 26. US National Archives & Records
Page 37 and 38: January 1931 (Ф. 495 оп.62 д.3)
Page 39 and 40: Soon after this conference [before
Page 41 and 42: Yong wrote that the MCP was founded
Page 43 and 44: imperialist can be driven out and t
Page 45 and 46: With regard to ((3)-(b)), “people
Page 47 and 48: and Indians, participated in a demo
Page 49 and 50: entitled “The principal demands o
Page 51 and 52: implemented. It is indispensable to
Page 53 and 54: conditions than the native workers.
Page 55 and 56: The MCP’s resolutions quoted abov
Page 57 and 58: 4. Letter from Wang Yung Hai to the
Page 59 and 60: October 1929. In April 1931, the Co
Page 61 and 62: (4) Wang Yung Hai wrote in December
Page 63: and workers and peasants’ uprisin
Page 67 and 68: they had no connections with the Co
Page 69 and 70: It seemed rather strange that the u
Page 71 and 72: code; it was neither translated nor
Page 73 and 74: Details are below: (1) Socio-econom
Page 75 and 76: vii) Create opposition groups in th
Page 77 and 78: quotation marks] of the CCP and rem
Page 79 and 80: 6. Sophie, op., cit., p.169. This p
Page 81 and 82: CHAPTER V THE MCP AND THE COMINTERN
Page 83 and 84: 1932, demonstrations against the Bi
Page 85 and 86: We already have considerable organi
Page 87 and 88: Membership has not changed since si
Page 89 and 90: ecorded the arrest on 22 June 1934
Page 91 and 92: organisations should also participa
Page 93 and 94: Cruxes are shown first: (1) One del
Page 95 and 96: As to MCP’s delegates in Shanghai
Page 97 and 98: Extraordinaire: Lai Teck, Secretary
Page 99 and 100: CHAPTER VI THE MCP AND THE COMINTER
Page 101 and 102: was founded in early 1928, 11 the M
Page 103 and 104: (2) Shanghai Municipal Police Files
Page 105 and 106: The most important decision taken a
Page 107 and 108: workers were mobilized, the Chinese
Page 109 and 110: to “cooperate with Britain”. Th
Page 111 and 112: We should eliminate the danger of r
Page 113 and 114: turn favorable. Even though they ha
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of North Malaya insisted that only
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9. Ф. 495 оп.62 д.30. / In its
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CHAPTER VII THE MCP AND THE COMINTE
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assembly, organisation, belief and
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(2) Characteristics of present stru
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(2) Middle-level cadres: Chi Cheng?
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Even among the overseas Chinese, th
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8. Ф. 495 оп.62 д.28. 9. C.F. Y
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Conclusion of the Third Congress of
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MCP and the so-called “Comintern
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the Japanese Army. Immediately afte
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when Lai Teck could not convince th
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Appendix List of Documents of the R
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Table 1. Membership of Trade Unions
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Wang Yung Hai (no Russian) 王永
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Table 3 Membership of the Communist
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Table 5 Leaders of the NPC & the ea
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1-1 From the Comintern Table 6 Exch
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24) 13 Jun. 1939 SC, MCP Resolution
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The Malayan Communist Party as Recorded in the Comintern Files

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