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Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies Núm. 7 / 2016 2008 the topic was successfully brought to the attention of this body once more and, under a general item of its agenda about the ‘Maintenance of international peace and security’, a new sub-topic was incorporated with the heading ‘strengthening collective security through general regulation and reduction of armaments’. There then followed an open debate and a presidential declaration was approved. 33 On this occasion, the Security Council reiterated its belief that it was a ‘necessity to strengthen international peace and security through, inter alia, disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control’ as well the importance of ‘the regulation and reduction of armaments and armed force’ to promote international peace and security. 34 In a subsequent Security Council resolution on the matter, the body once again stresses the importance of the NPT, as well as its key role: indeed, its Resolution 1887 (2009) underlines the aspirations of the Council to achieve a world without nuclear weapons and reaffirms the importance of the NPT as it describes it as the cornerstone of the non-proliferation regime. All in all, it proclaimed its commitment to ridding the world of nuclear weapons and encouraged the creation of the conditions required for the objectives outlined in the NPT in order to promote international stability. 35 This Resolution 1887 (2009) was the first to really explore the issue of nuclear proliferation in depth. In the document, the Security Council aimed to renew its commitment in the area, as well as to set out its policies concerning all existing international instruments and to undertake an assessment of states’ conduct. The aforementioned resolution welcomed initiatives to create nuclear weapons free zones and also gave its backing to the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material and Nuclear Facilities, the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty. Additionally, this Security Council resolution expressed concern about the nuclear programmes of Iran and North Korea. Plus, finally, it required that all states reduce the use of highly enriched uranium as far as possible, alongside the strengthening of measures to control the export and financing of the proliferation of nuclear armaments. In parallel to these measures, the permanent members of this body –presided by the United States– have sought to boost the political prominence of the Security Council by organising official summits on the matter. It is in these formal meetings where the nuclear powers establish strategies and guidelines to ensure that they retain exclusive legitimacy vis-à-vis the possession of nuclear weapons, as well as encouraging the adoption of resolutions in the Security Council aimed at gaining greater control over other states. In fact, on 24 September 2009, the United States, in their capacity as President of the Security Council, convened a presidential debate on nuclear non-pro- 33 Statement by the President S/PRST/2008/43, 19 November 2008. 34 In this regard, see STOIBER, Carlton. ‘The United Nations Security Council and Nuclear Law’ in OECD, International Nuclear Law: History, Evolution and Outlook, Paris, 2010, p. 113. 35 Resolution 1887 (2009) of the Security Council, of 24 September 2009, operative paragraph 5. 256 http://revista.ieee.es/index.php/ieee
Alfonso Iglesias Velasco and Anass Gouyez Ben Allal The role of the United Nations... liferation and disarmament. The convening of this debate showed once more that there has been a significant shift in the way the Security Council has shouldered its responsibilities in the field of disarmament in recent years. For example, in April 2009, the President of the United States, Barack Obama, gave a speech in Prague in which he already committed himself to work towards an ultimate goal, that of a world without nuclear weapons. Obama considered the existence of thousands of nuclear weapons to be the most dangerous legacy of the Cold War and stated that, paradoxically, while the threat of a global nuclear war had diminished, the risk of a localised attack had increased. This is how the nuclear powers with seats in the Security Council have managed to consolidate these powers through this UN body as the only states in the world with the legal and legitimate authority to examine, coordinate and give effect to the efforts they deem appropriate to nuclear non- proliferation, thus diminishing the importance of international treaties in this regard and ignoring the disarmament objective provided for in the NPT. Its initiatives demonstrate the capacity and the potential of the Security Council and its members to increase control in this area, as they issue decisions that are binding for the entire international community –practically all countries of the world are members of the UN, and as such agree to comply with Security Council decisions-, 36 thus widening the scope of the obligations laid down in the treaties and multilateral agreements, including those states which are not parties thereto. 37 In this sense, the resolutions of the Security Council have primarily been adopted to bolster the privilege afforded to its permanent members by the NPT, since it recognises the legitimacy of their possession of nuclear weapons and at the same time banning the remaining states from acquiring them. In practice, these resolutions really guarantee the members of the Council the right to control and supervise the other countries. The Security Council resolutions were criticised by various states, above all by the Non-Aligned, as they considered these matters to be general ones and that they should be dealt with within the United Nations General Assembly or in the Conference on Disarmament, and not within the Security Council. Moreover, some countries have decried the fact that the initiative to adopt these resolutions came primarily from the United States and its allies, with the aim of having more room for manoeuvre and control in the area of non-proliferation. Furthermore, some states have expressed their disagreement with the existence of pro- 36 Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations. 37 STOIBER, Carlton. ‘The United Nations Security Council and Nuclear Law’ in OECD, International Nuclear Law: History, Evolution and Outlook, Paris, 2010, p. 112 and ff. http://revista.ieee.es/index.php/ieee 257
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Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies Núm. 7 / 2016<br />
2008 the topic was successfully brought to the attention of this body once more and,<br />
under a general item of its agenda about the ‘Maintenance of international peace and<br />
security’, a new sub-topic was incorporated with the heading ‘strengthening collective<br />
security through general regulation and reduction of armaments’. There then followed<br />
an open debate and a presidential declaration was approved. 33 On this occasion,<br />
the Security Council reiterated its belief that it was a ‘necessity to strengthen international<br />
peace and security through, inter alia, disarmament, non-proliferation and<br />
arms control’ as well the importance of ‘the regulation and reduction of armaments<br />
and armed force’ to promote international peace and security. 34<br />
In a subsequent Security Council resolution on the matter, the body once again<br />
stresses the importance of the NPT, as well as its key role: indeed, its Resolution 1887<br />
(2009) underlines the aspirations of the Council to achieve a world without nuclear<br />
weapons and reaffirms the importance of the NPT as it describes it as the cornerstone<br />
of the non-proliferation regime. All in all, it proclaimed its commitment to ridding<br />
the world of nuclear weapons and encouraged the creation of the conditions required<br />
for the objectives outlined in the NPT in order to promote international stability. 35<br />
This Resolution 1887 (2009) was the first to really explore the issue of nuclear proliferation<br />
in depth. In the document, the Security Council aimed to renew its commitment<br />
in the area, as well as to set out its policies concerning all existing international instruments<br />
and to undertake an assessment of states’ conduct. The aforementioned resolution<br />
welcomed initiatives to create nuclear weapons free zones and also gave its backing to the<br />
Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material and Nuclear Facilities, the<br />
International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism and the Comprehensive<br />
Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty.<br />
Additionally, this Security Council resolution expressed concern about the nuclear<br />
programmes of Iran and North Korea. Plus, finally, it required that all states reduce the<br />
use of highly enriched uranium as far as possible, alongside the strengthening of measures<br />
to control the export and financing of the proliferation of nuclear armaments.<br />
In parallel to these measures, the permanent members of this body –presided by the<br />
United States– have sought to boost the political prominence of the Security Council<br />
by organising official summits on the matter. It is in these formal meetings where the<br />
nuclear powers establish strategies and guidelines to ensure that they retain exclusive<br />
legitimacy vis-à-vis the possession of nuclear weapons, as well as encouraging the<br />
adoption of resolutions in the Security Council aimed at gaining greater control over<br />
other states. In fact, on 24 September 2009, the United States, in their capacity as<br />
President of the Security Council, convened a presidential debate on nuclear non-pro-<br />
33 Statement by the President S/PRST/2008/43, 19 November 2008.<br />
34 In this regard, see STOIBER, Carlton. ‘The United Nations Security Council and Nuclear Law’<br />
in OECD, International Nuclear Law: History, Evolution and Outlook, Paris, 2010, p. 113.<br />
35 Resolution 1887 (2009) of the Security Council, of 24 September 2009, operative paragraph 5.<br />
256<br />
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