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The San Juan Daily <strong>Star</strong> Monday, March 21, 2016 15 Mainland<br />
As Hillary Clinton Sweeps States, One Group Resists: White Men<br />
By PATRICK HEALY<br />
White men narrowly backed Hillary<br />
Clinton in her 2008 race for president,<br />
but they are resisting her candidacy<br />
this time around in major battleground states,<br />
rattling some Democrats about her generalelection<br />
strategy.<br />
While Mrs. Clinton swept the five major<br />
primaries on Tuesday, she lost white men in<br />
all of them, and by double-digit margins in<br />
Missouri, North Carolina and Ohio, exit polls<br />
showed — a sharp turnabout from 2008, when<br />
she won double-digit victories among white<br />
male voters in all three states.<br />
She also performed poorly on Tuesday<br />
with independents, who have never been<br />
among her core supporters. But white men<br />
were, at least when Mrs. Clinton was running<br />
against a black opponent: She explicitly<br />
appealed to them in 2008, extolling the Second<br />
Amendment, mocking Barack Obama’s<br />
comment that working-class voters “cling to<br />
guns or religion” and even needling him at<br />
one point over his difficulties with “working,<br />
hard-working Americans, white Americans.”<br />
She could not sound more different today,<br />
aggressively campaigning to toughen guncontrol<br />
laws and especially courting black and<br />
Hispanic voters.<br />
Her standing among white men does not<br />
threaten her clinching the Democratic nomination<br />
this year, or preclude her from winning<br />
in November, unless it craters. Mr. Obama lost<br />
Dennis Bertko, a construction manager in<br />
Youngstown, Ohio, said that Hillary Clinton<br />
“could have a broader message.”<br />
the white vote to Mrs. Clinton, after all, but<br />
still won the presidency.<br />
But what is striking is the change in attitudes<br />
about Mrs. Clinton among those voters,<br />
and her struggle to win them over again.<br />
In dozens of interviews in diners, offices and<br />
neighborhoods across the country, many<br />
white male Democrats expressed an array<br />
of misgivings, with some former supporters<br />
turning away from her now.<br />
Many said they did not trust her to overhaul<br />
the economy because of her wealth and<br />
her ties to Wall Street. Some said her use of<br />
private email as secretary of state indicated<br />
she had something to hide. A few said they did<br />
not think a woman should be commander in<br />
chief. But most said they simply did not think<br />
Mrs. Clinton cared about people like them.<br />
“She’s talking to minorities now, not really<br />
to white people, and that’s a mistake,”<br />
said Dennis Bertko, 66, a construction project<br />
manager in Youngstown, Ohio, as he sipped a<br />
draft beer at the Golden Dawn Restaurant in a<br />
downtrodden part of town. “She could have a<br />
broader message. We would have listened.”<br />
“Instead, she’s talking a lot about continuing<br />
Obama’s policies,” he said. “I just don’t<br />
necessarily agree with all of the liberal ideas<br />
of Obama.”<br />
Mr. Bertko said that he rarely crossed party<br />
lines but that he voted for Donald J. Trump,<br />
who is making a strong pitch to disaffected<br />
white men by assailing free-trade agreements<br />
that Mrs. Clinton once supported. “I know a<br />
lot of guys who are open to Trump,” he said.<br />
The fading of white men as a Democratic<br />
bloc is hardly new: The last nominee to carry<br />
them was Lyndon Johnson in 1964, and many<br />
blue-collar “Reagan Democrats” now steadily<br />
vote Republican. But Democrats have won<br />
about 35 to 40 percent of white men in nearly<br />
every presidential election since 1988. And<br />
some Democratic leaders say the party needs<br />
white male voters to win the presidency, raise<br />
large sums of money and, like it or not, maintain<br />
credibility as a broad-based national coalition.<br />
To win a general election, Mrs. Clinton<br />
would rely most heavily on strong turnout<br />
from blacks, Hispanics, women and older voters.<br />
Though she won among white men in Arkansas,<br />
Alabama and Tennessee, and tied in<br />
Texas, some Democratic officials and pollsters<br />
say they fear that without a stronger strategy,<br />
Mrs. Clinton could perform as poorly among<br />
white men as Walter Mondale, who drew just<br />
32 percent in 1984, or even George McGovern,<br />
who took 31 percent in 1972.<br />
“Her most serious relationship problem<br />
is with white men, on a policy issue front but<br />
also stylistically, and she is at real risk for running<br />
worse than the average Democrat with<br />
white males,” said Peter Hart, a veteran Democratic<br />
pollster.<br />
Bill Richardson, former governor of New<br />
Mexico and energy secretary under President<br />
Clinton, said Mrs. Clinton needed to focus<br />
more on economic issues and job creation and<br />
to deploy her husband on her behalf. “Priority<br />
needs to be given to stopping the erosion of<br />
the white male voter and Reagan Democrats<br />
to Republicans,” he said.<br />
Mrs. Clinton’s advisers expressed confidence,<br />
saying her economic policies and<br />
national security experience would appeal<br />
strongly to white men in a general election.<br />
They said she regularly won among those over<br />
45 and argued that Senator Bernie Sanders’s<br />
appeal among younger white men reflected<br />
his popularity with young people generally.<br />
Joel Benenson, Mrs. Clinton’s strategist and<br />
pollster, predicted she would win at least 35<br />
percent of white men nationally — the share<br />
Mr. Obama took in 2012 — and even more in<br />
battleground states like Ohio and Pennsylvania.<br />
But he insisted that focusing on white<br />
men overlooked the breadth of her support.<br />
Trump Intermingling Business<br />
With Politics as He Campaigns<br />
Republican presidential front-runner<br />
Donald Trump appeared to be wrapping<br />
up a victory speech at his sprawling<br />
Mar-a-Lago club last week when he<br />
turned to the negative ads flooding the airwaves<br />
against him.<br />
Trump recalled being at a professional<br />
golf tournament held at his Miami golf course<br />
recently. Everything was going smoothly, he<br />
said, until one of the ads started playing on<br />
TV as he schmoozed with tournament sponsors.<br />
“I’m with these wonderful people from<br />
Cadillac and all these top executives, and I’m<br />
saying, ‘Look over there! Look! Don’t watch<br />
it! No, you don’t want to watch it!’ “ Trump<br />
said, re-enacting how he tried to distract<br />
them. “I’m saying, ‘Isn’t the grass beautiful?<br />
Look, look. Don’t watch!’ “<br />
It was a rare light moment in an oftenheated<br />
campaign that offered a glimpse into<br />
the way the billionaire businessman’s campaign<br />
has transformed his day-to-day life. But<br />
it also underscored something deeper: As he<br />
crisscrosses the country delivering speeches<br />
at rallies and calling into cable news shows,<br />
Trump’s business ventures are never far from<br />
his mind and have been playing an increasingly<br />
prominent role in his campaign.<br />
In recent weeks, Trump has held election<br />
night parties at three of his Florida properties:<br />
golf clubs in Jupiter and West Palm<br />
Beach, Florida, and twice at his sprawling<br />
Mar-a-Lago club nearby. Each evening, members<br />
of Trump’s clubs have been invited to observe<br />
the festivities, followed or preceded by<br />
lavish dinners or cocktail parties. Reporters<br />
have also been invited to transmit images of<br />
Trump’s particular brand of opulence to the<br />
world.<br />
From the beginning of his campaign,<br />
Trump has pointed to his business success<br />
as his fundamental qualification for the job<br />
of president. He likes to say his “whole life”<br />
has been about making money, and now he<br />
wants to make money for the United States.<br />
He often references his assets and projects —<br />
from the skating rink in Manhattan’s Central<br />
Park, which he rebuilt, to his many skyscrapers<br />
— as evidence of what distinguishes him<br />
from what he describes as the “all talk, no action<br />
politicians.”<br />
Trump’s financial disclosure form released<br />
in July listed nearly 500 business entities<br />
owned at least partially by Trump, according<br />
to the campaign, as well as income<br />
from a web of sources ranging from royalties<br />
from his books to stocks and speaking fees.<br />
But Trump often sounds like he’s promoting<br />
products he profits from, such as the<br />
WGC-Cadillac Championship. Of particular<br />
pride in recent months has been his transformation<br />
of Washington, D.C.’s Old Post Office<br />
Pavilion into a hotel.<br />
“We’re building a magnificent hotel,”<br />
Trump bragged to the crowd gathered at a<br />
Tampa convention center for a town hall-style<br />
event this week. “I don’t even like to say that<br />
I’m two years ahead of schedule. I am actually<br />
two years ahead. I don’t like to say it.<br />
You know why? You know why? Because it<br />
doesn’t sound believable.”<br />
Trump’s business ventures have also left<br />
him open to attack from his rivals. Lawsuits<br />
filed against Trump’s now-defunct “Trump<br />
University” business course program by<br />
former students accusing him of fraud, for<br />
instance, have been featured in attacks ads<br />
and the issue has been raised on the debate<br />
stage. And Trump, who is synonymous with<br />
his brand, has been fighting back, at one<br />
point having staff set up displays of various<br />
Trump-branded products at a recent event<br />
to try to prove that the products were still in<br />
existence. (The steak on display in fact came<br />
from a local distributor.)