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The San Juan Daily <strong>Star</strong> Monday, March 21, 2016 15 Mainland<br />

As Hillary Clinton Sweeps States, One Group Resists: White Men<br />

By PATRICK HEALY<br />

White men narrowly backed Hillary<br />

Clinton in her 2008 race for president,<br />

but they are resisting her candidacy<br />

this time around in major battleground states,<br />

rattling some Democrats about her generalelection<br />

strategy.<br />

While Mrs. Clinton swept the five major<br />

primaries on Tuesday, she lost white men in<br />

all of them, and by double-digit margins in<br />

Missouri, North Carolina and Ohio, exit polls<br />

showed — a sharp turnabout from 2008, when<br />

she won double-digit victories among white<br />

male voters in all three states.<br />

She also performed poorly on Tuesday<br />

with independents, who have never been<br />

among her core supporters. But white men<br />

were, at least when Mrs. Clinton was running<br />

against a black opponent: She explicitly<br />

appealed to them in 2008, extolling the Second<br />

Amendment, mocking Barack Obama’s<br />

comment that working-class voters “cling to<br />

guns or religion” and even needling him at<br />

one point over his difficulties with “working,<br />

hard-working Americans, white Americans.”<br />

She could not sound more different today,<br />

aggressively campaigning to toughen guncontrol<br />

laws and especially courting black and<br />

Hispanic voters.<br />

Her standing among white men does not<br />

threaten her clinching the Democratic nomination<br />

this year, or preclude her from winning<br />

in November, unless it craters. Mr. Obama lost<br />

Dennis Bertko, a construction manager in<br />

Youngstown, Ohio, said that Hillary Clinton<br />

“could have a broader message.”<br />

the white vote to Mrs. Clinton, after all, but<br />

still won the presidency.<br />

But what is striking is the change in attitudes<br />

about Mrs. Clinton among those voters,<br />

and her struggle to win them over again.<br />

In dozens of interviews in diners, offices and<br />

neighborhoods across the country, many<br />

white male Democrats expressed an array<br />

of misgivings, with some former supporters<br />

turning away from her now.<br />

Many said they did not trust her to overhaul<br />

the economy because of her wealth and<br />

her ties to Wall Street. Some said her use of<br />

private email as secretary of state indicated<br />

she had something to hide. A few said they did<br />

not think a woman should be commander in<br />

chief. But most said they simply did not think<br />

Mrs. Clinton cared about people like them.<br />

“She’s talking to minorities now, not really<br />

to white people, and that’s a mistake,”<br />

said Dennis Bertko, 66, a construction project<br />

manager in Youngstown, Ohio, as he sipped a<br />

draft beer at the Golden Dawn Restaurant in a<br />

downtrodden part of town. “She could have a<br />

broader message. We would have listened.”<br />

“Instead, she’s talking a lot about continuing<br />

Obama’s policies,” he said. “I just don’t<br />

necessarily agree with all of the liberal ideas<br />

of Obama.”<br />

Mr. Bertko said that he rarely crossed party<br />

lines but that he voted for Donald J. Trump,<br />

who is making a strong pitch to disaffected<br />

white men by assailing free-trade agreements<br />

that Mrs. Clinton once supported. “I know a<br />

lot of guys who are open to Trump,” he said.<br />

The fading of white men as a Democratic<br />

bloc is hardly new: The last nominee to carry<br />

them was Lyndon Johnson in 1964, and many<br />

blue-collar “Reagan Democrats” now steadily<br />

vote Republican. But Democrats have won<br />

about 35 to 40 percent of white men in nearly<br />

every presidential election since 1988. And<br />

some Democratic leaders say the party needs<br />

white male voters to win the presidency, raise<br />

large sums of money and, like it or not, maintain<br />

credibility as a broad-based national coalition.<br />

To win a general election, Mrs. Clinton<br />

would rely most heavily on strong turnout<br />

from blacks, Hispanics, women and older voters.<br />

Though she won among white men in Arkansas,<br />

Alabama and Tennessee, and tied in<br />

Texas, some Democratic officials and pollsters<br />

say they fear that without a stronger strategy,<br />

Mrs. Clinton could perform as poorly among<br />

white men as Walter Mondale, who drew just<br />

32 percent in 1984, or even George McGovern,<br />

who took 31 percent in 1972.<br />

“Her most serious relationship problem<br />

is with white men, on a policy issue front but<br />

also stylistically, and she is at real risk for running<br />

worse than the average Democrat with<br />

white males,” said Peter Hart, a veteran Democratic<br />

pollster.<br />

Bill Richardson, former governor of New<br />

Mexico and energy secretary under President<br />

Clinton, said Mrs. Clinton needed to focus<br />

more on economic issues and job creation and<br />

to deploy her husband on her behalf. “Priority<br />

needs to be given to stopping the erosion of<br />

the white male voter and Reagan Democrats<br />

to Republicans,” he said.<br />

Mrs. Clinton’s advisers expressed confidence,<br />

saying her economic policies and<br />

national security experience would appeal<br />

strongly to white men in a general election.<br />

They said she regularly won among those over<br />

45 and argued that Senator Bernie Sanders’s<br />

appeal among younger white men reflected<br />

his popularity with young people generally.<br />

Joel Benenson, Mrs. Clinton’s strategist and<br />

pollster, predicted she would win at least 35<br />

percent of white men nationally — the share<br />

Mr. Obama took in 2012 — and even more in<br />

battleground states like Ohio and Pennsylvania.<br />

But he insisted that focusing on white<br />

men overlooked the breadth of her support.<br />

Trump Intermingling Business<br />

With Politics as He Campaigns<br />

Republican presidential front-runner<br />

Donald Trump appeared to be wrapping<br />

up a victory speech at his sprawling<br />

Mar-a-Lago club last week when he<br />

turned to the negative ads flooding the airwaves<br />

against him.<br />

Trump recalled being at a professional<br />

golf tournament held at his Miami golf course<br />

recently. Everything was going smoothly, he<br />

said, until one of the ads started playing on<br />

TV as he schmoozed with tournament sponsors.<br />

“I’m with these wonderful people from<br />

Cadillac and all these top executives, and I’m<br />

saying, ‘Look over there! Look! Don’t watch<br />

it! No, you don’t want to watch it!’ “ Trump<br />

said, re-enacting how he tried to distract<br />

them. “I’m saying, ‘Isn’t the grass beautiful?<br />

Look, look. Don’t watch!’ “<br />

It was a rare light moment in an oftenheated<br />

campaign that offered a glimpse into<br />

the way the billionaire businessman’s campaign<br />

has transformed his day-to-day life. But<br />

it also underscored something deeper: As he<br />

crisscrosses the country delivering speeches<br />

at rallies and calling into cable news shows,<br />

Trump’s business ventures are never far from<br />

his mind and have been playing an increasingly<br />

prominent role in his campaign.<br />

In recent weeks, Trump has held election<br />

night parties at three of his Florida properties:<br />

golf clubs in Jupiter and West Palm<br />

Beach, Florida, and twice at his sprawling<br />

Mar-a-Lago club nearby. Each evening, members<br />

of Trump’s clubs have been invited to observe<br />

the festivities, followed or preceded by<br />

lavish dinners or cocktail parties. Reporters<br />

have also been invited to transmit images of<br />

Trump’s particular brand of opulence to the<br />

world.<br />

From the beginning of his campaign,<br />

Trump has pointed to his business success<br />

as his fundamental qualification for the job<br />

of president. He likes to say his “whole life”<br />

has been about making money, and now he<br />

wants to make money for the United States.<br />

He often references his assets and projects —<br />

from the skating rink in Manhattan’s Central<br />

Park, which he rebuilt, to his many skyscrapers<br />

— as evidence of what distinguishes him<br />

from what he describes as the “all talk, no action<br />

politicians.”<br />

Trump’s financial disclosure form released<br />

in July listed nearly 500 business entities<br />

owned at least partially by Trump, according<br />

to the campaign, as well as income<br />

from a web of sources ranging from royalties<br />

from his books to stocks and speaking fees.<br />

But Trump often sounds like he’s promoting<br />

products he profits from, such as the<br />

WGC-Cadillac Championship. Of particular<br />

pride in recent months has been his transformation<br />

of Washington, D.C.’s Old Post Office<br />

Pavilion into a hotel.<br />

“We’re building a magnificent hotel,”<br />

Trump bragged to the crowd gathered at a<br />

Tampa convention center for a town hall-style<br />

event this week. “I don’t even like to say that<br />

I’m two years ahead of schedule. I am actually<br />

two years ahead. I don’t like to say it.<br />

You know why? You know why? Because it<br />

doesn’t sound believable.”<br />

Trump’s business ventures have also left<br />

him open to attack from his rivals. Lawsuits<br />

filed against Trump’s now-defunct “Trump<br />

University” business course program by<br />

former students accusing him of fraud, for<br />

instance, have been featured in attacks ads<br />

and the issue has been raised on the debate<br />

stage. And Trump, who is synonymous with<br />

his brand, has been fighting back, at one<br />

point having staff set up displays of various<br />

Trump-branded products at a recent event<br />

to try to prove that the products were still in<br />

existence. (The steak on display in fact came<br />

from a local distributor.)

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