Population, territory and sustainable development

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79 It is tempting to think of migratory flows towards these sparsely populated areas as being into unoccupied land; this impression is highly influenced by historical images of colonizers migrating to lands granted by the government or migrants seeking their fortune in mining (or activities connected with extractive industries), whether private or public. But even under the colonization programmes based on the granting of land rights, people tended to settle in towns and cities. This has been seen to an even greater extent since the decline and disappearance of colonization schemes. Although land continues to be the most abundant resource in these areas, their cities seem to have more appeal. The numbers of migrants flocking to these areas are resulting in rapid urbanization, as shown in table V.3, with the only exception being the lowpopulation-density major administrative divisions in Guatemala (although they are expanding in line with the country’s overall rate of urbanization) and, to a lesser extent, those in Ecuador. The term “protourbanization” has been applied, even to this last case. Indeed, the settlement process in the northern Amazon region, where a large part of the oil industry is located highlights the increasingly intense interrelationship between the urban and rural environments (Barbieri, Monte-Mór and Bilsborrow, 2007). Table V.3 LATIN AMERICA (9 COUNTRIES): POPULATION LIVING IN URBAN AREAS AND POPULATION GROWTH RATES IN MAJOR ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS, 1950-2000 (Per 100 inhabitants, percentages) Country Major administrative division Percentage of the population living in urban areas Urban population growth rate 1950- 1960- 1970- 1980- 1990- 1950- 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2000 Argentina Tierra del Fuego 0.0 63.0 73.8 82.5 97.2 97.1 ... 4.9 7.4 9.7 3.6 ... Bolivia (Plurinational Santa Cruz 36.9 … 52.7 … 72.0 76.2 ... 4.9 ... 6.1 4.9 5.3 State of) Brazil Rondônia 37.4 43.3 53.6 46.5 58.2 64.1 7.7 6.8 13.4 9.6 3.3 8.3 Brazil Roraima 28.3 42.9 42.8 61.6 64.7 76.1 8.5 3.6 10.2 9.6 6.3 7.7 Brazil Amapá 37.1 51.4 54.6 59.2 80.9 89.0 9.0 5.8 5.1 7.4 6.7 6.8 Chile Aysén 44.5 52.9 64.0 77.0 71.8 80.5 6.2 4.8 4.1 1.2 2.4 3.7 Ecuador Sucumbíos 11.1 4.4 3.9 19.8 26.6 38.9 -4.1 11.4 33.2 11.4 8.1 10.7 Ecuador Zamora Chinchipe 15.1 16.4 11.1 22.7 24.6 35.6 8.0 6.2 12.0 5.4 4.7 7.1 Ecuador Galapagos 0.0 0.0 58.4 73.4 81.9 85.4 ... ... 7.6 7.2 6.2 ... Guatemala Petén 10.1 46.4 33.1 24.1 26.7 30.1 14.6 6.1 5.0 4.9 7.1 8.0 Mexico Quintana Roo 26.9 31.4 36.5 59.1 73.9 82.5 7.8 7.1 14.3 10.3 6.9 9.3 Paraguay Alto Paraná 20.3 8.1 18.3 41.6 56.7 66.3 0.0 21.8 16.3 10.1 4.8 10.1 Peru Loreto 33.9 38.4 49.5 54.9 58.0 65.4 3.4 5.5 4.1 4.1 2.7 3.8 Peru Madre de Dios 26.4 25.4 39.9 48.4 57.4 73.3 5.0 7.4 6.9 7.3 5.2 6.1 Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) - Population Division of ECLAC, Spatial distribution and urbanization in Latin America and the Caribbean (DEPUALC) database [online] http://www.cepal.org/ celade/depualc/default_2011.asp. A prime example of this urbanization process in low-population-density major administrative divisions —as well as the difficulty experienced by politicians, the general public and even analysts in assimilating it— is the case of the Brazilian Amazon, where the urban network has expanded and the cities are gaining ground in demographic, economic and political terms (Saint-Clair Cordeiro da Trindade, 2011). In other areas, the territory, though wild, was hospitable, and migrants quickly formed rapidly expanding urban centres which developed along relatively typical lines for urban and even metropolitan growth. Of course, the original expansion of these cities was instigated by public policy —including the
80 creation of tax-free zones, the construction of infrastructure and large productive facilities (such as power plants, foundries and refineries), and trade and enterprise facilitation (the promotion of industry)— but the process subsequently gained impetus and the cities ceased to rely on special programmes to attract new migrants. That is, they became attractive in their own right and in some cases (such as Santa Cruz in the Plurinational State of Bolivia and Ciudad del Este in Paraguay) they began to vie for economic and demographic prominence with the areas that have historically been the most populated. One special case is the rapidly growing sparsely populated major administrative divisions whose appeal is tourism, especially international tourism. As this industry relies upon the environment, the scenery and natural and historical attractions, there is, in theory, a symbiotic relationship between environmental preservation and thriving economic activity. Although this should, in theory, promote a more favourable relationship between the population and the host ecosystem, experience shows that often the impact has been more negative than expected. This situation is attributable, above all, to the international reach and mass scale of some enterprises, which have a huge impact on the ecosystem and lead to a demographic explosion, owing both to the tourists and to the workers in the industry, which is highly labour-intensive. Furthermore, many of the sites where mass tourism complexes have been set up are relatively fragile. The different types of tourism companies and entrepreneurs are widely documented in recent studies (Helmsling and Ellinger Fonseca, 2011). There is a clear distinction between megaprojects with a global scope, such as the complexes built on many beaches in the Caribbean, Central America and Mexico, and local businesses that, while still involved in international tourism, operate on a much smaller scale and with infrastructure that seeks explicitly to maintain the characteristics, charm and natural areas of the region in which they are situated. These smaller-scale enterprises can be elitist and exclusive, in which case environmental preservation and the privacy of their clients tend to be intrinsic concerns; however, they can also target a broader public without the need for radical changes to the landscape or environment that existed prior to the tourism boom. The revenues of such businesses usually go to the entrepreneurs and local workers, closing an imperfect virtuous circle, but one that offers great opportunities to whole communities. Tourism megaprojects operate in a very different manner. For a start, they involve a hefty investment and tend to lead to a dramatic and profound transformation of the area in which they are built. Such megaprojects are almost irresistible to central authorities who associate them with foreign currency, economic growth and job creation. For these very reasons, they are normally welcomed by the population; however, that perception can change rapidly as the host community is usually the first to feel the adverse effects of the new industry and its associated infrastructure. These adverse effects go far beyond environmental damage, and include issues associated with health, security, violence, vulnerability, congestion and exclusion, and can even lead to the displacement of the population. 6 While this does not detract from the economic contribution of these large-scale enterprises, it does draw attention to the complex processes that they unleash, which call for greater regulation and prevention measures precisely to avoid any irreversible damage that would make tourist activities unsustainable in the long term. In short, these settlements springing up as a result essentially of global 6 The environmental damage has probably been the most studied. For example, in the Dominican Republic, it has been recently recognized that tourism development is taking place in ecologically fragile zones. As a result, large areas of the coast have been damaged by activities such as the reconditioning of beaches, which causes sediment damage. Hotel infrastructures have systematically been built in violation of the limits established by law, which prohibits construction within 60 metres of the shore, or in filled wetlands. Coral removal for hotel construction has been observed in Puerto Plata and Samana. The World Bank also warns that the announced construction of new container ports will lead to the destruction of even more coral reefs (UNDP, 2005).
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Alicia Bárcena Executive Secretary
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4 Chapter VII Regional inequalities
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6 Table V.3 Latin America (9 countr
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8 Figure IV.10 Latin America (selec
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10 Map VII.5 Plurinational State of
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12 This document is therefore divid
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15 Chapter II CONCEPTS, DEFINITIONS
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17 which guarantee comparability. C
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19 social inclusion, with improveme
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21 The above description is clearly
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24 Table III.1 LATIN AMERICA AND TH
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26 Table III.3 LATIN AMERICA (19 CO
Page 29 and 30: 28 While the rural population of La
Page 31 and 32: 30 Box IV.1 (concluded) In addition
Page 33 and 34: 32 As a result of the absolute and
Page 35 and 36: 34 The sustained decline in the rur
Page 37 and 38: 36 Country Table IV.2 LATIN AMERICA
Page 39 and 40: 38 Country Table IV.5 LATIN AMERICA
Page 41 and 42: 40 Box IV.3 THE AGEING OF THE RURAL
Page 43 and 44: 42 Rodríguez and Meneses (2011) co
Page 45 and 46: 44 The classification outlined in t
Page 47 and 48: 46 An analysis of the results obtai
Page 49 and 50: 48 Although the inhabitants of some
Page 51 and 52: 50 Non-agricultural employment has
Page 53 and 54: 52 C. PRODUCTION PATTERNS AND THE R
Page 55 and 56: 54 Box IV.5 IMPACTS OF SOYBEAN PROD
Page 57 and 58: 56 A recent study entitled Inserci
Page 59 and 60: 58 Table IV.11 LATIN AMERICA: POOR
Page 61 and 62: 60 Figure IV.7 POVERTY IN RURAL HOU
Page 63 and 64: 62 Box IV.6 (concluded) These and o
Page 65 and 66: 64 combine a number of factors of w
Page 67 and 68: 66 Figure IV.10 LATIN AMERICA (SELE
Page 69 and 70: 68 The data in figure IV.11 also sh
Page 71 and 72: 70 Figure IV.12 LATIN AMERICA: AVER
Page 73 and 74: 72 Box IV.8 ADOLESCENT FERTILITY IN
Page 75 and 76: 74 Map V.1 SOUTH AMERICA: POPULATIO
Page 77 and 78: 76 Prime examples of this include t
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Page 83 and 84: 82 Box V.2 (concluded) State polici
Page 85 and 86: 84 In any case, only once the infor
Page 87 and 88: 86 It is not possible to draw direc
Page 89 and 90: 88 studies was conducted recently b
Page 91 and 92: 90 C. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT AND MOB
Page 94 and 95: 93 Chapter VII REGIONAL INEQUALITIE
Page 96 and 97: 95 Map VII.2 LATIN AMERICA AND THE
Page 98 and 99: 97 Some of these programmes were su
Page 100 and 101: 99 D. TERRITORIAL EQUITY, REGIONAL
Page 102 and 103: 101 Map VII.3 CHILE: CLASSIFICATION
Page 104 and 105: 103 In Mexico, most of the chronica
Page 106 and 107: 105 Figure VII.3 ECUADOR: POVERTY R
Page 108 and 109: 107 However, internal migration can
Page 110 and 111: 109 Table VII.5 LATIN AMERICA (SELE
Page 112 and 113: 111 Table VII.7 PERU (SIERRA DEPART
Page 114 and 115: 113 Lastly, in the case of Ecuador,
Page 116 and 117: 115 Chapter VIII SUSTAINED URBANIZA
Page 118 and 119: 117 This chapter presents the most
Page 120 and 121: 119 Busso, 2009; and ECLAC-UN-HABIT
Page 122 and 123: 121 estimate of the urban populatio
Page 124 and 125: 123 Figure VIII.2 LATIN AMERICA AND
Page 126 and 127: 125 First, the region’s economy i
Page 128 and 129: 127 urbanized; the rural population
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129 rural areas. According to the s
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131 the absence of a strategic visi
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133 The need to design ad hoc inter
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135 settlements with low-income pop
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137 Figure VIII.4 LATIN AMERICA AND
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139 At the same time, decentralizat
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142 The rest of the system of citie
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144 Table IX.1 LATIN AMERICA: NUMBE
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146 First is the demographic scope
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148 Basing the same series on towns
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150 Table IX.2 LATIN AMERICA: PROSP
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152 The data emerging from 2010 cen
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154 City size Table IX.6 LATIN AMER
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156 Figure IX.5 LATIN AMERICA (1,73
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158 For unemployment, the picture i
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160 rate differential among the dif
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162 individuals valued cultural fac
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164 that draw migrants, due precise
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166 Table IX.10 LATIN AMERICA AND T
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169 Chapter X TRENDS, MUTATIONS AND
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171 Table X.2 LATIN AMERICA: EVOLUT
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173 1. Demographic evolution of lar
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175 As table X.4 shows, during the
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177 comparison. But the most convin
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179 in recent years, which are desc
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181 Map X.2 MEXICO: INTERCENSAL GRO
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183 irregular settlements known as
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185 The third argument is based on
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187 Map X.4 MEXICO CITY: EXTENDED M
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189 more general social inequalitie
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191 5. Concluding remarks: the grea
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194 In view of lower internal migra
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196 familiarity with surroundings a
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198 connections; (ii) identify the
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200 The report casts light on an is
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202 Box XI.3 PROTECTING THE ECOSYST
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204 In view of the above, the prima
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206 overlap of functions and alloca
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208 Many of the programmes develope
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210 A breakdown of net migration by
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212 Box XI.8 (concluded) Case studi
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215 Bibliography Abba, Artemio Pedr
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217 Cecchini, S. and A. Madariaga (
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219 (2010a), Time for equality: clo
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221 Hiebert, Daniel and David Ley (
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223 Pendall, R., R. Puentes and J.
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225 Rodríguez, J. and M. Villa (19
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Population, territory and sustainable development

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