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Population, territory and sustainable development

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

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combine a number of factors of which agriculture is one, but operating as an element that brings effective<br />

traction to poverty reduction efforts. This operates alongside the <strong>development</strong> of other economic <strong>and</strong><br />

social activities that support self-employment (tourism, crafts, <strong>and</strong> so forth), as well as migration,<br />

remittances, rural employment (agricultural <strong>and</strong> non-agricultural) <strong>and</strong> social transfers which also generate<br />

a poverty-reduction impact. Box IV.7 looks at a number of conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes,<br />

which countries have implemented as part of their efforts to reduce rural poverty.<br />

Box IV.7<br />

CONDITIONAL CASH TRANSFER PROGRAMMES AND RURAL POVERTY<br />

Conditional (or co-responsibility) cash transfers (CCTs) have become established in the region as a particularly effective<br />

policy instrument for combatting poverty. According to the database on non-contributory social protection programmes in<br />

Latin America <strong>and</strong> the Caribbean maintained by ECLAC, 18 of the region’s countries now operate CCTs, benefiting over<br />

25 million families (around 113 million people), which represents 19% of the population of Latin America <strong>and</strong> the<br />

Caribbean. Some of the better known among these schemes are Ecuador’s Human Development Grant, the CCT with the<br />

largest percentage of population covered (44%), while Brazil’s Bolsa Família, Mexico’s Oportunidades <strong>and</strong> Colombia’s<br />

Families in Action have the largest numbers of beneficiaries in absolute terms. CCTs consist of monetary <strong>and</strong> nonmonetary<br />

resources which are provided to poor or extremely poor families with minor children, upon certain conditions<br />

which families must meet. These conditions have to do with human-capacity-building <strong>and</strong> are an important step in<br />

bringing poor <strong>and</strong> indigent families with children into contact with broader <strong>and</strong> more integrated social protection systems.<br />

CCTs are aimed at the poor <strong>and</strong> so by definition should cover both the urban <strong>and</strong> the rural poor, although certain<br />

programmes target particular vulnerable groups: indigenous peoples (Argentina, Colombia), displaced populations<br />

(Colombia) <strong>and</strong> the rural population (in its early years Oportunidades in Mexico targeted the rural population, as does Peru’s<br />

Juntos scheme now). There is very little information on CCTs in the rural population <strong>and</strong> it is not easy to isolate their impacts<br />

on rural poverty as compared to total poverty. Very few studies envisage analysis of CCT impacts on rural populations.<br />

Nevertheless, there are data on some CCTs. One of these in the Human Development Grant in Ecuador, which<br />

provides immediate benefits for the low-income population <strong>and</strong> is aimed at vulnerable groups (mothers, disabled persons <strong>and</strong><br />

older persons). When it started, targeting errors occurred with this programme <strong>and</strong> it developed a markedly urban bias, since the<br />

first targeting system <strong>and</strong> means of entry <strong>and</strong> exit hindered access by the rural population, particularly the inhabitants of<br />

Amazonia. In Colombia, the Families in Action programme offers conditional transfers to poor families in municipalities with<br />

under 100,000 inhabitants, treating the population of these districts as essentially rural even though they have municipal seats. An<br />

assessment of the programme’s impact conducted between 2002 <strong>and</strong> 2006 showed differentiated impacts by area of residence<br />

<strong>and</strong> found that in rural areas the scheme was meeting most of its objectives. In view of this evaluation <strong>and</strong> of the fact that in 2010<br />

Families in Action covered over 2 million families in a country whose rural population st<strong>and</strong>s at 21%, over half of it poor, it may<br />

be supposed that the programme is well targeted <strong>and</strong> largely reaches the rural poor. In Mexico, meanwhile, Oportunidades<br />

(formerly Progresa) targeted rural areas until 2002, covering 60% of the extremely poor according to the household survey<br />

conducted that year. The scheme later changed name <strong>and</strong> its targeting shifted to both urban <strong>and</strong> rural areas.<br />

There is no full picture with respect to the impact of CCTs in rural areas, specifically in relation to rural poverty,<br />

since programme assessments do not always distinguish area of residence. As noted earlier, some schemes are directed<br />

exclusively at the rural poor or specific groups which tend to inhabit rural areas, such as Progresa in its early years. In this<br />

light, the findings of studies on CCTs show a tendency towards better results in rural than in urban areas, as regards income,<br />

poverty <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong> for education services. This has much to do with the rural population’s much lower participation in<br />

education systems before entering programmes, which makes a relatively better performance more easily achieved. In terms<br />

of health no evidence is available to differentiate the urban from the rural population; all that may be concluded is that in both<br />

areas the results are less striking than in education. This may be because the education-related conditionalities are met day to<br />

day, whereas changes in relation to user health are more difficult to ascertain, since users come to health centres sporadically,<br />

rather than establishing routines of compliance.<br />

In sum, information on CCT coverage in the rural population is short, it is difficult to isolate their effects on rural<br />

poverty as opposed to total poverty, <strong>and</strong> few studies analyse the impacts of CCTs in rural populations except in cases where the<br />

target population is exclusively rural. Nonetheless, results tend to be better in rural than in urban areas, both in terms of income<br />

<strong>and</strong> poverty, <strong>and</strong> in terms of dem<strong>and</strong> for education. This is probably because the starting level for school attendance is much<br />

lower in rural than in urban areas, giving greater scope for better performance.<br />

Source: S. Cecchini <strong>and</strong> A. Madariaga, “Conditional cash transfer programmes. The recent experience in Latin America <strong>and</strong> the<br />

Caribbean”, Cuadernos de la CEPAL, No. 95 (LC/G.2497-P), Santiago, Chile, Economic Commission for Latin America <strong>and</strong> the<br />

Caribbean (ECLAC), 2011.United Nations publication, Sales No. E.11.II.G.55 <strong>and</strong> M. Rangel, “Pobreza rural y los programas de<br />

transferencias condicionadas en América Latina y el Caribe”, Documento de trabajo, No. 3, Proyecto conocimiento y cambio en<br />

pobreza rural y desarrollo, Santiago, Chile, Latin American Center for Rural Development (RIMISP), 2011.

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