Population, territory and sustainable development

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205 There are so many components (production, social and political) and new instruments on top of historical regional policy instruments that the focus is now on families of regional policies rather than a single regional policy (see box XI.5). An important point of this proposal and of the general discussion of territorial policies in the region is the difference between “regional” and “local”. The local sphere has been the focus of what has been called decentralization, with local (municipal) governments expanding their functions, competencies and resources (at times with imbalances between new tasks and resources). But regionalization has been a less well defined process with marked national specificities because in federal countries the rationale is far more political. Box XI.5 FOCUSING ON THE FAMILY OF TERRITORIAL POLICIES Territorial issues are now so heterogeneous and broad (unlike the strategies deployed in the twentieth century) that discussion centres on a “family of territorial policies” encompassing, “in addition to decentralization/federalism, local development and territorial competitiveness, land-use planning and the regionalization of cross-cutting and sector-based policies (promoting production and business development)” (ILPES, 2007). Although these policies are diverse, they may be grouped according to the common denominator of the challenges they involve: the need to make strides towards greater, more consolidated decentralization that amplifies the positive impacts and seeks to extend them beyond a sector-based, functional perspective in a participatory process that brings all relevant local actors together. This new concept (families of territorial policies in Latin America) has, moreover, shown that rising regional exports have not necessarily boosted regional development. Hence the need for sound political and institutional coordination between central and regional levels to reconcile and boost the benefits of economic growth on several scales. Such coordination has been enhanced recently by the new strategies for fighting poverty, with national programmes that also have decentralized functions and local programmes with national functions as well. The challenge then becomes how to coordinate different levels of government. There is, therefore, renewed emphasis on regional development policy design and implementation —undertaken by the State but aimed at goals on several scales— and their coordination with social, decentralization and land-use planning policies. Source: J.C. Ramírez, I. Silva and L.M. Cuervo, “Economía y territorio en América Latina y el Caribe: Desigualdades y políticas”, Libros de la CEPAL, No. 99 (LC/G.2385-P), Santiago, Chile, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2009. As a rule, territorial development policies favour both processes, which, in principle, empower subnational spaces. But after 20 years of decentralization current expectations are more tempered, above all because the resource base, which varies widely from one location to another, is decisive for local capacities and budgets: “In Latin America, decentralization is extremely difficult, given the high level of regional productive disparity that seriously limits the functioning and financing of decentralized services (especially where their provision affects equity) […]. This is why the result of reforms will depend on the accompanying system of financial transfers and the compensatory role played by central governments […]. However, even when the required financial resources are to hand, disparities will also affect the availability of human resources and, in general, the capacities for interjurisdictional management. This implies that the transfer of monetary resources must be combined with training and capacity transfer […]. The debate on decentralization has highlighted the role of subnational governments. Nevertheless, refocusing on the need to ensure a basic level of rights in relation to decentralized sectoral policies leads to the conclusion that much needs to be done to redefine the role of central governments in decentralized countries, while also consolidating fiscal sustainability. This also emphasizes the need to avoid the
206 overlap of functions and allocations among the various levels. This appears to be the ideal opportunity to analyse the combined impact on social cohesion and fiscal sustainability, taking account of the tensions between the above-mentioned policy objectives” (ECLAC, 2010a, p.145). This does not mean a return to centralized, vertical models but rather a broadening of the decentralization strategy so that it effectively empowers local governments and communities and compensates for baseline inequalities among municipalities. Population (and socioeconomic) urbanization continues, as chapter VIII of the report shows with population projections and the first findings of censuses conducted in the 2010s. Advancing urbanization is due exclusively to net transfer from the countryside; absent this, the region would ruralize because natural population growth in urban areas is slower. Because this process held even in times that were especially bad for cities (the 1980s and the early stages of the model based on openness, privatization and deregulation) the most likely medium-run scenario is that urbanization will go on despite the current high ratios that make Latin America the most urbanized developing region in the world. Policies aimed at curbing urbanization are debatable not only on technical and rights-based grounds but on practical ones as well because they would almost certainly fail. The key policy implication of this trend is that social demands and needs will not only concentrate in cities but will also raise their urban profile. Slowing urban population growth in the 2000s was coupled with a favourable combination of increased fiscal resources, a new appreciation of the urban setting and of cities in general and stronger political will to take action on cities. This was seen in public policies targeting the “urban deficits” that had been accumulating for decades (owing, among other reasons, to the urban population explosion between the 1940s and 1970s) in spheres such as housing, basic services, mass transit and community facilities. These initiatives have produced results; some of the deficits are receding, albeit at a modest pace and with variations among countries and at the subnational level. These policies are starting to incorporate new approaches to recognizing the rights of the population, the social function of urban property, integrated building and operating of a city, environmental sustainability and stewardship, citizen involvement in decision-making (including budgeting) and valuing diversity. A clear expression of this emerging urban policy spirit was The City Statute and the subsequent creation of the Ministry of Cities in Brazil. Article 2, paragraph I of the Statute provides that the purpose of urban policy shall be as set out in the following paragraph: The right to sustainable cities is understood as the right to urban land, housing, environmental sanitation, urban infrastructure, transportation and public services, to work and leisure for current and future generations. 3 All in all, this experience shows that moving from intent to effective change in how things are done is complicated, especially when there are many interests at stake (see box XI.6). 3 See [online] www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/LEIS_2001/L10257.htm.
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Alicia Bárcena Executive Secretary
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4 Chapter VII Regional inequalities
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6 Table V.3 Latin America (9 countr
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8 Figure IV.10 Latin America (selec
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10 Map VII.5 Plurinational State of
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12 This document is therefore divid
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15 Chapter II CONCEPTS, DEFINITIONS
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17 which guarantee comparability. C
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19 social inclusion, with improveme
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21 The above description is clearly
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24 Table III.1 LATIN AMERICA AND TH
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26 Table III.3 LATIN AMERICA (19 CO
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28 While the rural population of La
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30 Box IV.1 (concluded) In addition
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32 As a result of the absolute and
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34 The sustained decline in the rur
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36 Country Table IV.2 LATIN AMERICA
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38 Country Table IV.5 LATIN AMERICA
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40 Box IV.3 THE AGEING OF THE RURAL
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42 Rodríguez and Meneses (2011) co
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44 The classification outlined in t
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46 An analysis of the results obtai
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48 Although the inhabitants of some
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50 Non-agricultural employment has
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52 C. PRODUCTION PATTERNS AND THE R
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54 Box IV.5 IMPACTS OF SOYBEAN PROD
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56 A recent study entitled Inserci
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58 Table IV.11 LATIN AMERICA: POOR
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60 Figure IV.7 POVERTY IN RURAL HOU
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62 Box IV.6 (concluded) These and o
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64 combine a number of factors of w
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66 Figure IV.10 LATIN AMERICA (SELE
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68 The data in figure IV.11 also sh
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70 Figure IV.12 LATIN AMERICA: AVER
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72 Box IV.8 ADOLESCENT FERTILITY IN
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74 Map V.1 SOUTH AMERICA: POPULATIO
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76 Prime examples of this include t
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78 Table V.2 LATIN AMERICA (9 COUNT
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80 creation of tax-free zones, the
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82 Box V.2 (concluded) State polici
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84 In any case, only once the infor
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86 It is not possible to draw direc
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88 studies was conducted recently b
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90 C. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT AND MOB
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93 Chapter VII REGIONAL INEQUALITIE
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95 Map VII.2 LATIN AMERICA AND THE
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97 Some of these programmes were su
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99 D. TERRITORIAL EQUITY, REGIONAL
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101 Map VII.3 CHILE: CLASSIFICATION
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103 In Mexico, most of the chronica
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105 Figure VII.3 ECUADOR: POVERTY R
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107 However, internal migration can
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109 Table VII.5 LATIN AMERICA (SELE
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111 Table VII.7 PERU (SIERRA DEPART
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113 Lastly, in the case of Ecuador,
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115 Chapter VIII SUSTAINED URBANIZA
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117 This chapter presents the most
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119 Busso, 2009; and ECLAC-UN-HABIT
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121 estimate of the urban populatio
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123 Figure VIII.2 LATIN AMERICA AND
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125 First, the region’s economy i
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127 urbanized; the rural population
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129 rural areas. According to the s
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131 the absence of a strategic visi
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133 The need to design ad hoc inter
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135 settlements with low-income pop
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137 Figure VIII.4 LATIN AMERICA AND
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139 At the same time, decentralizat
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142 The rest of the system of citie
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144 Table IX.1 LATIN AMERICA: NUMBE
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146 First is the demographic scope
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148 Basing the same series on towns
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150 Table IX.2 LATIN AMERICA: PROSP
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152 The data emerging from 2010 cen
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Page 190 and 191: 189 more general social inequalitie
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Page 216 and 217: 215 Bibliography Abba, Artemio Pedr
Page 218 and 219: 217 Cecchini, S. and A. Madariaga (
Page 220 and 221: 219 (2010a), Time for equality: clo
Page 222 and 223: 221 Hiebert, Daniel and David Ley (
Page 224 and 225: 223 Pendall, R., R. Puentes and J.
Page 226 and 227: 225 Rodríguez, J. and M. Villa (19
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Population, territory and sustainable development

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