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Population, territory and sustainable development

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

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133<br />

The need to design ad hoc interventions for each settlement was brought to light by global<br />

programmes <strong>and</strong> studies that found substantial heterogeneity among slums. This is due not only to the<br />

nature of the population or its ties to the surroundings, but also to factors that would appear, by definition,<br />

to be common to all informal settlements: non-permanent structures, absence of services, irregular tenure,<br />

lack of facilities <strong>and</strong> roads, <strong>and</strong> so on (UN-HABITAT, 2008). This diversity arises because the<br />

settlements become consolidated over time as resources are accumulated, inhabitants are mobilized <strong>and</strong><br />

State actions are taken. In many cases, this process leads to integration with the formal city. The<br />

settlements thus cease to be areas of misery, exclusion <strong>and</strong> legal insecurity, although they usually remain<br />

poor <strong>and</strong> sometimes maintain their initial identity (or stigma) as a l<strong>and</strong> invasion or squatter settlement.<br />

In the late 1990s, census microdata began to be used to support innovative <strong>and</strong> comprehensive<br />

slum intervention programmes, such as the successful Chile Barrio programme. Some methodological<br />

studies in the mid-2000s enhanced these procedures, <strong>and</strong> slums in several Latin American cities were<br />

identified, quantified <strong>and</strong> classified (C<strong>and</strong>ia, 2005 <strong>and</strong> 2007; Rodríguez, 2003). The main conclusions of<br />

the empirical analysis carried out in these studies included confirmation of sociodemographic diversity<br />

among informal settlements <strong>and</strong> a change in the inhabitants’ place of origin to mostly city natives, not<br />

migrants as during the metropolitan boom (1950-1980).<br />

Table VIII.8<br />

WORLD (MAJOR REGIONS): URBAN POPULATION LIVING IN SLUMS<br />

(Percentages)<br />

Percentage of urban population living in slums a 1990 2000 2010<br />

Developing regions 46.1 39.3 32.7<br />

North Africa 34.4 20.3 13.3<br />

Sub-Saharan Africa 70.0 65.0 61.7<br />

Latin America <strong>and</strong> the Caribbean 33.7 29.2 23.5<br />

East Asia 43.7 37.4 28.2<br />

South Asia 57.2 45.8 35.0<br />

South-East Asia 49.5 39.6 31.0<br />

Western Asia 22.5 20.6 24.6<br />

Oceania 24.1 24.1 24.1<br />

Source: United Nations, The Millennium Development Goals Report 2011 [online] http://mdgs.un.org/unsd/mdg/Resources/<br />

Static/Data/2011%20Stat%20Annex.pdf.<br />

a<br />

Refers to the urban population living in households with at least one of the following four characteristics: (a) lack of access to<br />

improved sources of drinking water; (b) lack of access to improved sanitation; (c) overcrowding (three or more persons per<br />

room); <strong>and</strong> (d) dwellings made of non-durable material. These new slum figures are not comparable with estimates published<br />

previously where all households using latrines were classed as subst<strong>and</strong>ard. Here, households with pit latrines are classed as<br />

having improved sanitation.<br />

2. Basic services deficit<br />

The Millennium Development Goals include other targets related to habitability of living spaces: namely,<br />

access to potable water, sanitation <strong>and</strong> secure tenure, all of which are critical in urban areas, where the<br />

alternatives are unhealthy <strong>and</strong> dangerous. Census data for the 2000s show that in the 16 countries where<br />

data are available, over 90% of the urban population has access to electricity in their homes, <strong>and</strong> in<br />

several of the countries the figure approaches 100% (see table VIII.9). Access to potable water varies<br />

among the countries. Only in three countries (Chile, Costa Rica <strong>and</strong> Mexico) does over 90% of the

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