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Population, territory and sustainable development

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

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131<br />

the absence of a strategic vision <strong>and</strong> the lack of technical <strong>and</strong> administrative tools for designing <strong>and</strong><br />

applying appropriate city policies; <strong>and</strong> (ii) the 1980 debt crisis, which devastated the region’s economy<br />

<strong>and</strong> whose impacts were magnified in urban <strong>and</strong> metropolitan areas, resulting in years of lack of<br />

investment <strong>and</strong> a period during which problems such as poverty, unemployment, crime, pollution <strong>and</strong><br />

traffic congestion spun out of control <strong>and</strong> shook the foundations of city governance. The 1980s also saw a<br />

shift in the <strong>development</strong> model from State-led industrialization to market-led primary production, which,<br />

in principle, had a rural bias (or rather, a bias toward primary production, which is usually located in rural<br />

areas). Some of these urban deficits are briefly examined below.<br />

1. Living conditions, urban poverty <strong>and</strong> slums<br />

Latin America is the developing region that best exemplifies what is referred to as the “urbanization of<br />

poverty”, where a large share of the poor population lives in urban areas. This is not because the<br />

incidence of poverty is higher there (which is not the case in any country in the region, as explained in<br />

chapter IV on population, <strong>territory</strong> <strong>and</strong> rural <strong>development</strong>), but because of the composition effects of 80%<br />

of the population being urban.<br />

The fact that most persons in situations of poverty live in urban areas has quantitative <strong>and</strong><br />

qualitative implications for policies aimed at reducing poverty. The quantitative implications are<br />

associated with the location of resources, which must increasingly be allocated to cities even though they<br />

are not the areas that are most affected by poverty. This issue is politically sensitive, then, but populationtargeted<br />

programmes are unavoidable. Moreover, it is not a minor issue considering that the main<br />

innovation in poverty reduction policies in the twenty-first century in the region is conditional cash<br />

transfer programmes (ECLAC, 2009b). Since these programmes involve the direct transfer of money to<br />

the poor population (as identified through various mechanisms <strong>and</strong> in compliance with national<br />

procedures <strong>and</strong> criteria), the pressure to allocate them to urban areas will grow. According to some recent<br />

studies, this involves highly complex challenges. 11 Moreover, the starting point for many of these<br />

programmes was exclusively rural in focus, <strong>and</strong> some maintain that focus today. For example, the<br />

Tekopora programme in Paraguay is directed at the poorest districts of the country, which are typically<br />

rural. Consequently, the initial design may require adjustments before the programme can be deployed in<br />

urban areas. Besides, regardless of the scope of these challenges, the urban bias must be considered when<br />

designing programme eligibility rules, which will have to be tailored to the profile of poverty <strong>and</strong> urban<br />

life in general. In particular, it will be necessary to link eligibility to compliance with commitments that<br />

are compatible with the exercise of citizens’ rights <strong>and</strong> satisfactory social <strong>and</strong> economic performance on<br />

the part of cities.<br />

The qualitative implications, in turn, are related to the particular characteristics of urban poverty.<br />

While conditional cash transfer programmes address one of the key dimensions of urban poverty (namely,<br />

insufficient income), it is well documented that urban poverty has other components. This exp<strong>and</strong>s on the<br />

idea of the multidimensionality of poverty 12 in that it includes the territorial dimension, in particular the<br />

physical, infrastructural, social <strong>and</strong> culture aspects of the environment in which the poor reside. Some of<br />

these dimensions are addressed in this chapter (housing, connectivity <strong>and</strong> transport, exposure to<br />

11<br />

12<br />

“A recent review of the application of these programmes in urban Latin America showed that a significant set of<br />

obstacles has arisen in the application of conditional cash transfers in urban areas, which raises questions about<br />

the applicability of such programmes in cities” (Linn, 2010, p. 13).<br />

Although the issue is complex, some countries in the region have adopted official methodologies for the<br />

multidimensional measurement of poverty. Mexico is the most widely-known example (CONEVAL, 2011).

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