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Population, territory and sustainable development

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

The purpose of this document is to provide an overview of current trends, contexts and issues in the spheres of population, territory and sustainable development and examine their public policy implications. Three themes run through the report. The first two are laid out in the empirical chapters (III through X); the third is taken up in the closing chapter. Using the most recent data available (including censuses conducted in the 2010s), the first theme describes and tracks location and spatial mobility patterns for the population of Latin America, focusing on certain kinds of territory. The second explores the linkages between these patterns and sustainable development in different kinds of territory in Latin America and the Caribbean. The third offers considerations and policy proposals for fostering a consistent, synergistic relationship between population location and spatial mobility, on the one hand, and sustainable development, on the other, in the kinds of territory studied.

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Busso, 2009; <strong>and</strong> ECLAC-UN-HABITAT, 2001). All of this caused a proliferation of what are called<br />

urban problems (such as congestion, crime, pollution <strong>and</strong> inadequate infrastructure) in cities that were<br />

already hard to manage given their size <strong>and</strong> complexity. The weakening was symbolic in that the image of<br />

the cities, <strong>and</strong> especially the metropolises, was tarnished, <strong>and</strong> their prestigious st<strong>and</strong>ing in the social<br />

imaginary <strong>and</strong> public discourse gave way to a stigmatized view where living in the city was dangerous,<br />

chaotic <strong>and</strong> impoverishing. This experience <strong>and</strong> its consequences are examined more closely in chapter X,<br />

which focuses on large cities in the region.<br />

Nevertheless, this did not increase appreciation for the countryside or the rural environment as a<br />

way of life, largely because of the persistent inequality between the countryside <strong>and</strong> the city <strong>and</strong> the<br />

subst<strong>and</strong>ard living conditions <strong>and</strong> limited options available in the former. As previous studies (Pinto da<br />

Cunha <strong>and</strong> Rodríguez, 2009; Rodríguez <strong>and</strong> Busso, 2009) have shown, even during dark times for cities<br />

in the 1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s the urbanization process continued in Latin America, driven by a rural exodus that<br />

appears to continue today, as shown in chapter IV. 2<br />

C. BASIC TRENDS IN AND CURRENT STATUS OF URBANIZATION<br />

According to official statistics from the United Nations <strong>and</strong> CELADE-<strong>Population</strong> Division of ECLAC,<br />

the degree of urbanization in Latin America <strong>and</strong> the Caribbean is currently on the order of 80%. This is<br />

higher than the average for industrialized countries. Of all the major subregions of the world, only North<br />

America posts a similar level. 3 It is thus clear that rapid urbanization <strong>and</strong> the large urban population<br />

percentage are specific to the region. Given its demographic importance, continuity <strong>and</strong> socioeconomic,<br />

political, cultural <strong>and</strong> environmental consequences, urbanization is considered the main process of spatial<br />

redistribution in the region over the past 60 years.<br />

As figure VIII.1 shows, in the early twentieth century the region ranked between the currently<br />

developed regions (such as Australia/New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, Canada, the United States, Europe <strong>and</strong> Japan), which<br />

had a 40% urban population, <strong>and</strong> Africa <strong>and</strong> Asia, which had less than 10%. Continuing urbanization in<br />

the second half of the twentieth century consolidated the region’s position as the most urbanized in the<br />

developing world. Between 1950 <strong>and</strong> 2000, the number of urban dwellers grew from 69 million to 393<br />

million, <strong>and</strong> the urban share of the region’s total population rose from 41% to 75%. At the same time, the<br />

rural population only increased from 98 million to 128 million. By 2010 the urban population stood at<br />

469 million <strong>and</strong> accounted for 80% of the total population.<br />

These figures are often called into question because they are based on national urban population<br />

percentages that are measured according to different definitions. While the available data do not provide<br />

uniform objective criteria for making global comparisons, these criteria do exist for the countries of Latin<br />

America. The Spatial Distribution <strong>and</strong> Urbanization in Latin America <strong>and</strong> the Caribbean (DEPUALC)<br />

2<br />

3<br />

This point is further addressed below, to avoid confusion. Essentially, urbanization in the region (that is, the<br />

increase in the urban share) is due to positive net migration in urban areas in their exchange with rural areas<br />

(since there are only two categories, a positive balance in one necessarily implies a negative balance in the<br />

other), because natural growth in rural areas continues to be higher than in urban areas (so in the absence of the<br />

rural exodus, the region would be ruralizing). Thus, <strong>and</strong> this is the confusing point, with important policy<br />

implications, the growth of the urban population is mainly explained by its own natural growth <strong>and</strong> not by<br />

immigration from the countryside.<br />

See United Nations [online] http://esa.un.org/unpd/wup/index.htm.

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