TECHNOLOGY AT WORK
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78<br />
Citi GPS: Global Perspectives & Solutions February 2015<br />
Opportunities<br />
Productivity<br />
Productivity gains of the digital age have<br />
arguably not been as great as those<br />
associated with the switch to electricity or<br />
the steam engine<br />
The digital age has so far arguably failed to deliver the leaps in productivity<br />
associated with earlier general purpose technologies (GPTs) like electricity and the<br />
steam engine. This concern was raised as early as 1987, when Robert Solow<br />
remarked that “you can see the computer age everywhere but in the productivity<br />
statistics”. After the temporary surge in productivity growth of the late-1990s came<br />
to an end, the view that most of the benefits from the digital revolution have already<br />
been seen has gained in resonance.<br />
This has been forcefully argued by economists like Robert Gordon, examining<br />
trends in productivity in the United States. Between 1939 and 2000, average output<br />
per person grew at 2.7%; much faster than the period before from 1891 to 1939<br />
when average annual productivity growth was 1.5%. Since the turn of this century<br />
productivity has been even more sluggish. Over the period 2000 to 2013,<br />
productivity grew only at 0.9%. 119<br />
It could be that we’re not able to capture the<br />
increase in productivity that the digital<br />
economy has produced because many<br />
things the digital economy allows us to<br />
access are free<br />
The sluggish growth in productivity could<br />
just be that productivity only increases after<br />
long lags<br />
How does this square with the astounding technological advances in machine<br />
intelligence and robotics we are currently witnessing? Part of the answer may be<br />
that many of the things the digital economy allows us to access for free are not<br />
captured in the productivity statistics. Nevertheless, as Robert Gordon has pointed<br />
out, it has always taken time for official statistics to incorporate new technologies in<br />
productivity measurements. For example, between 1908 and 1929, the price of the<br />
Ford Model T declined from $900 to $265, but the automobile was not entered into<br />
the consumer price index until 1935.<br />
A more refined explanation for the sluggish growth in productivity over the last<br />
decade is that technological progress increases productivity only after long lags.<br />
According to research by Chad Syverson “productivity growth during the IT era echo<br />
those observed during electrification. […] a slowdown that in the electrification era<br />
was followed by a productivity growth acceleration.” 120 Crucially, productivity surged<br />
between 1996 and 2004 as corporations started to redesign their organisations to<br />
accommodate new technologies. In particular, business process re-engineering<br />
became common practice in most firms producing manufactured goods by the mid-<br />
1990s.<br />
The idea behind re-engineering was brought forward by Michael Hammer, arguing<br />
that: “Instead of embedding outdated processes in silicon and software, we should<br />
obliterate them and start over. We should 'reengineer' our businesses: use the<br />
power of modern information technology to radically redesign our business<br />
processes in order to achieve dramatic improvements in their performance.” 121 By<br />
the mid-1990s, about 60% of the Fortune 500 companies claimed to have done<br />
some re-engineering efforts or planned to do so, which involved economizing<br />
heavily on the middle-management workforce. 122<br />
More direct evidence for this surge in productivity stemming from organisational<br />
restructuring is provided by John Fernald, suggesting that the GPT characteristics<br />
of computers and complementary software technologies fostered business<br />
119 Gordon (2012)<br />
120 Syverson (2013).<br />
121 Hammer (1990).<br />
122 Rifkin (1995).<br />
© 2015 Citigroup