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February 2015<br />

Citi GPS: Global Perspectives & Solutions<br />

21<br />

It is easier for workers to ‘skill down’ the job<br />

curve but more difficult for them to ‘skill up’<br />

leading to an increase in wages on the top<br />

of the skill distribution<br />

What is the implication of job polarisation for wages? It is not immediately clear that<br />

wages should accelerate at both ends of the skill distribution. The reason is that<br />

while it may be possible for workers to quickly ‘skill down’ – namely, to give up an<br />

automated middle-skill job to take a lower-skilled job which is more heavily in<br />

demand in the labour market – it may not be as easy for them to ‘skill up’ to take<br />

higher-skilled jobs for which wages are accelerating. To skill up requires increased<br />

cognitive capacity, which tends to come about from education and job training –<br />

both slow moving processes. Indeed, this is why some have dubbed our era as a<br />

‘race between technology and education.’ The former occurs rapidly and<br />

disruptively; the latter very slowly. The end result is that additional labour supply<br />

keeps wage growth relatively muted at the bottom, while its absence causes wages<br />

to accelerate quickly at the top.<br />

This appears to empirically be the case when we examine the data on wage growth<br />

globally. In Figure 10, we aggregate the data on hourly wages from the World Input-<br />

Output Database to measure inflation-adjusted real wage growth for three<br />

occupational categories (low-, medium- and high-skill) on the basis of educational<br />

attainment. 41 The trends in Figure 10 do not point toward polarisation in wages.<br />

What does appear to be the case, in general, is that wages for higher-skilled<br />

occupations have grown faster than those for middle- or lower-skilled occupations.<br />

This trend is true for eight of the 15 countries shown in Figure 10, many of which<br />

are large (apart from Spain, Italy and France, where wages in higher-skilled<br />

professions have not fared well, perhaps due to policies limiting labour-market<br />

flexibility in those countries). The eight countries in which wages at the top of the<br />

skill distribution have grown faster than wages at the middle or bottom account for<br />

more than 75% of the GDP produced by all 15 countries in the sample. Growing<br />

wage inequality in these countries has important policy implications, as well as<br />

implications for financial markets, which we elaborate on in a later section of this<br />

report.<br />

Figure 10. Change in employment shares by occupation, 1993-2006<br />

4.0<br />

3.0<br />

2.0<br />

1.0<br />

0.0<br />

-1.0<br />

-2.0<br />

-3.0<br />

Annual Average Percent Change in Real Hourly Wages<br />

N/A<br />

Low Skill Medium Skill High Skill<br />

Portugal<br />

Ireland<br />

Finland<br />

Norway<br />

Netherlands<br />

Greece<br />

United Kingdom<br />

Sweden<br />

Source: Timmer (2012) Note: The hourly wage rate is calculated as total labor compensation divided by total hours worked. We deflate the reported nominal data using national<br />

consumer indexes.<br />

Germany<br />

Spain<br />

Belgium<br />

Denmark<br />

France<br />

Austria<br />

Italy<br />

United States<br />

41 The WIOD data counts jobs requiring lower secondary or primary education as “low<br />

skill,” those requiring post or upper secondary education as “medium-skill,” and those<br />

requiring first or second stage tertiary education as “high-skill.”<br />

© 2015 Citigroup

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