TECHNOLOGY AT WORK
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February 2015<br />
Citi GPS: Global Perspectives & Solutions<br />
21<br />
It is easier for workers to ‘skill down’ the job<br />
curve but more difficult for them to ‘skill up’<br />
leading to an increase in wages on the top<br />
of the skill distribution<br />
What is the implication of job polarisation for wages? It is not immediately clear that<br />
wages should accelerate at both ends of the skill distribution. The reason is that<br />
while it may be possible for workers to quickly ‘skill down’ – namely, to give up an<br />
automated middle-skill job to take a lower-skilled job which is more heavily in<br />
demand in the labour market – it may not be as easy for them to ‘skill up’ to take<br />
higher-skilled jobs for which wages are accelerating. To skill up requires increased<br />
cognitive capacity, which tends to come about from education and job training –<br />
both slow moving processes. Indeed, this is why some have dubbed our era as a<br />
‘race between technology and education.’ The former occurs rapidly and<br />
disruptively; the latter very slowly. The end result is that additional labour supply<br />
keeps wage growth relatively muted at the bottom, while its absence causes wages<br />
to accelerate quickly at the top.<br />
This appears to empirically be the case when we examine the data on wage growth<br />
globally. In Figure 10, we aggregate the data on hourly wages from the World Input-<br />
Output Database to measure inflation-adjusted real wage growth for three<br />
occupational categories (low-, medium- and high-skill) on the basis of educational<br />
attainment. 41 The trends in Figure 10 do not point toward polarisation in wages.<br />
What does appear to be the case, in general, is that wages for higher-skilled<br />
occupations have grown faster than those for middle- or lower-skilled occupations.<br />
This trend is true for eight of the 15 countries shown in Figure 10, many of which<br />
are large (apart from Spain, Italy and France, where wages in higher-skilled<br />
professions have not fared well, perhaps due to policies limiting labour-market<br />
flexibility in those countries). The eight countries in which wages at the top of the<br />
skill distribution have grown faster than wages at the middle or bottom account for<br />
more than 75% of the GDP produced by all 15 countries in the sample. Growing<br />
wage inequality in these countries has important policy implications, as well as<br />
implications for financial markets, which we elaborate on in a later section of this<br />
report.<br />
Figure 10. Change in employment shares by occupation, 1993-2006<br />
4.0<br />
3.0<br />
2.0<br />
1.0<br />
0.0<br />
-1.0<br />
-2.0<br />
-3.0<br />
Annual Average Percent Change in Real Hourly Wages<br />
N/A<br />
Low Skill Medium Skill High Skill<br />
Portugal<br />
Ireland<br />
Finland<br />
Norway<br />
Netherlands<br />
Greece<br />
United Kingdom<br />
Sweden<br />
Source: Timmer (2012) Note: The hourly wage rate is calculated as total labor compensation divided by total hours worked. We deflate the reported nominal data using national<br />
consumer indexes.<br />
Germany<br />
Spain<br />
Belgium<br />
Denmark<br />
France<br />
Austria<br />
Italy<br />
United States<br />
41 The WIOD data counts jobs requiring lower secondary or primary education as “low<br />
skill,” those requiring post or upper secondary education as “medium-skill,” and those<br />
requiring first or second stage tertiary education as “high-skill.”<br />
© 2015 Citigroup