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February 2015<br />

Citi GPS: Global Perspectives & Solutions<br />

15<br />

How the benefits of innovation are<br />

distributed is key to whether the innovation<br />

will be socially accepted<br />

2. Technology at Work<br />

The concern over technology rendering the skills of the workforce redundant<br />

is hardly a recent one. To be sure, the type of creative destruction Joseph<br />

Schumpeter famously argued was at the heart of long-run growth and<br />

prosperity has increased the living standards of many over more than two<br />

centuries. Nevertheless, technological progress has also created undesired<br />

disruptions. Historically, it was not so much the lack of innovation and<br />

entrepreneurial spirit that had hindered progress, but rather powerful<br />

interests promoting the technological status quo. The great Roman writer,<br />

Pliny the Elder, nicely illustrates this with a story from the reign of the<br />

Emperor Tiberius, where an inventor had discovered a way of manufacturing<br />

unbreakable glass. In anticipation of a reward he approached the emperor to<br />

display his invention. Fearing the creative destruction that would follow the<br />

diffusion of this technology, however, the Emperor had the man sentenced to<br />

death. 23<br />

This story is not an isolated example. Indeed, it is illustrative of a broader tendency<br />

of how the ruling elite often blocked technological progress in the past. Under<br />

Emperor Vespasian, who ruled Rome between AD 69 and 79, the inventor of a<br />

machine for transporting columns to the Capitol was denied the use of his invention,<br />

with the Emperor declaring: “How will it be possible to feed the populace?” 24 Even<br />

as late as 1589, when William Lee invented the stocking frame knitting machine,<br />

Queen Elizabeth I argued that: “Thou aimest high, Master Lee. Consider thou what<br />

the invention could do to my poor subjects. It would assuredly bring to them ruin by<br />

depriving them of employment, thus making them beggars.” 25<br />

The combination of central government controlling progress and the lack of<br />

incentives to promote creative destruction thus held innovation and<br />

entrepreneurship back for a long time. In fact, to understand events like the<br />

Industrial Revolution, we need to understand the political economy of technological<br />

progress.<br />

The Political Economy of Technological Change<br />

The economic historian Joel Mokyr has persuasively argued that unless all people<br />

in a society accept the verdict of the market, innovations are likely to be resisted<br />

through political activism. In other words, the balance between job conservation and<br />

creative destruction reflects the balance of power in society, and how the benefits<br />

from innovation are being distributed.<br />

The British Industrial Revolution provides a case in point for how new institutional<br />

frameworks can lay the foundations for long-run growth and prosperity. As<br />

Parliamentary supremacy was established over the Crown, following the Glorious<br />

Revolution of 1688, the craft guilds in Britain lost most of their political power. 26 With<br />

merchants and inventors gaining political influence, legislation was passed in 1769<br />

making the destruction of machinery punishable by death. 27 The shifting sentiment<br />

of the government towards the destruction of machinery was explained by a<br />

resolution passed after the Lancashire riots of 1779, stating that: “The sole cause of<br />

great riots was the new machines employed in cotton manufacture; the country<br />

23 Acemoglu and Robinson (2012)<br />

24 ibid<br />

25 ibid<br />

26 Nef (1957).<br />

27 Mokyr (1990).<br />

© 2015 Citigroup

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