PhD thesis Title Page Final _Richard Juma - Victoria University ...

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Figure 19: Interpretation of the causes of drought Problems 3 Declining powers of the Emuron (diviner) Source: Fieldwork 2007 DROUGHT AND FAMINE The first explanation is that Turkana people broke an important cultural taboo regarding welfare. They declared tribal war on their ‘elder brother’ the Ngijie of Uganda. Informants stated as follows: Tradition handed down to us from our ancestors told us that we never (and do not) fight or kill a Ngijie. It is a taboo. All our roots are found there. Stock marks are to be found there. But now they fight. No one knows who started the feud, but it is now bloody war fought with guns. It is stocks that have been bought with tears and blood of our kin that have brought a curse on us. It has burnt all our stock wealth (Household Interview 12 th April 2007, Morulem village; Household Interview 18 th June 2007, Lokichar Village). The key informants believe strongly that it is the curse from their elder brother Ngijiye that accounts for the recurrent scourges. They think these calamities are not due to purely climatic changes. Informants stressed that there are good pastures all along the Turkana borders, but that they cannot use them due to warfare and poor relations, even with their own kin the Ngijiye. To illustrate their claim, the informants pointed out that after any bloody encounters with the Ngijie resulting in the death of a 193 1 Breaking cultural taboo regarding welfare 2 Curse of Turkana elders
Turkana, the Ngijie would always return home (Uganda), kill a bull and perform a ‘‘mock’’ burial ceremony as though the dead Turkana were a Ngijie. The significance of this in their religious practices is that they look on the Turkana not as an ‘enemy’ but as “kinsmen” who must be buried according to custom. The Turkana, on the other hand, do not observe a corresponding burial ceremony when they kill a Ngijie in such bloody encounters. The informants believe that this phenomenon has had cultural effects of transferring ‘blood guilt’ on to the Turkana: an evil spell which has caused their doom. Informants thought that in order to be prosperous again, the Turkana must make peace with the Ngijie and plead with them to lift the curse. Informants maintained as follows: We have to live in peace with the Ngijie if we are to survive as a people. It is only when there is peace that we can regain our economic prosperity of the past (Household Interview 10 th July 2007, Morulem village; Household Interview 30 th June 2007, Lokichar Village). The second explanation by informants is that the recurrent drought and famine predicament has been caused by a curse of Turkana elders due to intergenerational conflict in the community. They told a long story which cannot be retold here in full. I shall summarize its basics. It sounds partly factual and partly myth; but as myths are part of a culture they are therefore cultural data subject to analysis and interpretation. The traditional rule by elders (gerontocracy) (Spencer 1965) had the unchallenged powers of moderating cattle raids so as to make them a kind of sport rather than war. Thus raids and counter raids had to be blessed and sanctioned by elders. About four generations ago the elders refused to bless or sanction an anticipated raid because the people to be raided lived in a distant land, and to elders, it was a risky experience. The warriors, however, defied the orders of the elders not to undertake the raid. The elders tried to restrain them, but the warriors rebuked them and told them to return home. The elders felt insulted and cursed themselves, and the 194
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Turkana livelihood strategies and a
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Abstract Drought and famine in Sub-
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Acknowledgement This work was carri
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Table of contents Abstract ........
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4.7 demographic considerations ....
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CHAPTER 8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION OF
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Figure 22 Percentage loss in livest
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Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Historic
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settlers and indigenous farmers. Si
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esults in increased deterioration o
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prolonged droughts as herders 3 los
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disease infection as they became vi
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Figure 1: Map of Turkana the study
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temporary assistance to impoverishe
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local patterns of adjustment to dro
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stress (Soja 1968). The ability to
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strategies 19 and achievement of su
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Therefore, the main goal of this st
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Devereux and Naeraa (1996); Hussein
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neighbours, such as the Samburu, an
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occupation of the poor (Robinson 19
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are aimed to directly reduce pressu
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1.6 Justification for the study. Th
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placed on the contribution of socia
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CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1
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2.2 Emergence of the sustainable li
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livelihood to cope with and recover
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change and development. Here, it im
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Figure 3: A framework for micro-pol
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draw when pursuing different liveli
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2.3 Symbolic interaction theory and
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egging, and the pawning of women an
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to stress, especially to rapid popu
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climate, and socio-economic conditi
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livelihood security and sustainabil
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somewhat overlooked by the liveliho
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and the degree of variations (or ho
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The reasons for choosing Morulem as
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Figure 5: Total households in each
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Sampling key informants: There was
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Library research was carried out at
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Once I had found somewhere to live
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interviews (nine days for Morulem a
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constituted changes in response to
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interviewing the Turkana pastoralis
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directly and gave me the reasons wh
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a vehicle could bring to a rural pa
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with my 3 rd wife. Obviously, it wa
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interviews and/or interviewees. The
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in reciprocal claims and social net
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to thorough analysis to eliminate a
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me for a period of two years to ass
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CHAPTER 4 THE TURKANA REGION: HISTO
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4.2 Brief historical background of
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group rapidly expanded and migrated
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Pokot. East of the Pokot and in the
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The Turkana know their environment
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July. Precipitation is somewhat cor
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Figure 7 Population projections by
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normally get access to graze their
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and Suguta. According to Norconsult
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forming a canopy forest with little
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capital, and the material culture o
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Kenya and Sudan. There are shortfal
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secondary schools, as compared to b
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the medical services and end up dea
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stock, greatly depends on the avail
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Traditionally, livestock ownership
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The importance of livestock in the
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informants, relatives, neighbours a
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to pay bridewealth (Key Informant I
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For instance, Apthorpe (1986) estab
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the same clan, and to avoid giving
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Figure 13: Married Turkana women. 9
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Informants argued that when a widow
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has made visible efforts to develop
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people overtime. It is argued here
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stems from arguments raised by hist
Page 158 and 159: the history of the Turkana, drought
Page 160 and 161: also lead to conflict with other he
Page 162 and 163: 5.2.2 History of Negative Policy En
Page 164 and 165: an ideological justification for co
Page 166 and 167: mobilisation of young men into well
Page 168 and 169: the British administration in Turka
Page 170 and 171: of northern West Kenya. The colonia
Page 172 and 173: fishing (Turkana Development Annual
Page 174 and 175: The project failed due to lack of s
Page 176 and 177: Similar problems hampered other dev
Page 178 and 179: influence of irregularly - and some
Page 180 and 181: uild shelters, the satellite camps
Page 182 and 183: neighbourhoods in an area of about
Page 184 and 185: As discussed previously, the Turkan
Page 186 and 187: Figure 17: Territorial sections in
Page 188 and 189: Each age-set has distinct character
Page 190 and 191: cutting of these species of trees f
Page 192 and 193: considerable period of time. He wou
Page 194 and 195: unsustainable costs. The Turkana lo
Page 196 and 197: CHAPTER 6 THE 2005-2006 DROUGHT IMP
Page 198 and 199: drought as compared to the 1979-198
Page 200 and 201: also foot and mouth disease which a
Page 202 and 203: informants explained that camels, u
Page 204 and 205: On the defence of pastures during p
Page 206 and 207: Crude computation of the data gives
Page 210 and 211: ebellious warriors and their genera
Page 212 and 213: partly help to explain why not many
Page 214 and 215: interviews. It represented a consen
Page 216 and 217: asking for assistance is not only a
Page 218 and 219: able to maintain a fairly steady su
Page 220 and 221: limits. In 2006, the 10 public prim
Page 222 and 223: Number of students enrolled 90 80 7
Page 224 and 225: than group solidarity. 142 However,
Page 226 and 227: Table 11: Gifts exchanged by Turkan
Page 228 and 229: iii) Gift exchanges in Turkana duri
Page 230 and 231: Another respondent narrated how he
Page 232 and 233: when to give, sell or slaughter an
Page 234 and 235: that emerged during the 2005-2006 d
Page 236 and 237: passively, but ventured out creativ
Page 238 and 239: CHAPTER 7 FACTORS THAT IMPINGE ON A
Page 240 and 241: According to Table 14, the two stud
Page 242 and 243: To appreciate the analysis in Table
Page 244 and 245: estimating global income poverty fi
Page 246 and 247: it was clear that respondents were
Page 248 and 249: ‘poor’ category though reduced
Page 250 and 251: Notes: • Households in each categ
Page 252 and 253: environment became quite marked. Ap
Page 254 and 255: Notes: I) The food sources were arr
Page 256 and 257: 7.5 Chapter summary The major focus
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strategies in one approach. How pas
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the puzzling problem with numbers.
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The sustainable livelihood model ha
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that Turkana people are passive and
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nation is usually caught unaware of
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Baker, M. J., and Lovenbury, H. T.
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Chambers, R. (1995). Poverty and Li
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Dietz, A. J., and Salih, M. A. M. (
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Goldschmidt, W. (1969). Kambuya's C
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Kabeer, N. (2000b). Resources, Agen
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McCabe, J. T. (1990). Success and F
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Pennings, J. M. E., and Smidts, A.
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Soja, E. (1968). The Geography of M
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Von Hohnel, L. (1894). Discovery of
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Appendices Appendix 1: Household Pr
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3………………………….. 1
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Appendix 3: Key Informants Schedule
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Appendix 5: Gender and the Division
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Appendix 7: Introductory Letter fro
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Appendix 9: Pre and Post the 2005-2
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Appendix 10: Pre and Post the 2005-
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285
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287
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