The Ahikuntaka
A publication documenting the lives and livelihoods of the Ahikuntaka or gypsy community in Sri Lanka. A collection of vibrant photographs and a baseline survey on the current socio economic status of the Ahikuntaka conducted by the Colombo University complement this timely publication.
A publication documenting the lives and livelihoods of the Ahikuntaka or gypsy community in Sri Lanka. A collection of vibrant photographs and a baseline survey on the current socio economic status of the Ahikuntaka conducted by the Colombo University complement this timely publication.
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Traditional Communities in Sri Lanka<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 1
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation
Dilmah Conservation<br />
DS
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Declaration of Our Core<br />
Commitment to Sustainability<br />
Dilmah owes its success to the quality of Ceylon Tea. Our business was founded therefore on an enduring<br />
connection to the land and the communities in which we operate. We have pioneered a comprehensive commitment<br />
to minimising our impact on the planet, fostering respect for the environment and ensuring its protection by<br />
encouraging a harmonious coexistence of man and nature. We believe that conservation is ultimately about people<br />
and the future of the human race, that efforts in conservation have associated human well-being and poverty<br />
reduction outcomes. <strong>The</strong>se core values allow us to meet and exceed our customers’ expectations of sustainability.<br />
Our Commitment<br />
We reinforce our commitment to the principle of making business a matter of human service and to the core values<br />
of Dilmah, which are embodied in the Six Pillars of Dilmah.<br />
We will strive to conduct our activities in accordance with the highest standards of corporate best practice and in<br />
compliance with all applicable local and international regulatory requirements and conventions.<br />
We recognise that conservation of the environment is an extension of our founding commitment to human service.<br />
We will assess and monitor the quality and environmental impact of its operations, services and products whilst<br />
striving to include its supply chain partners and customers, where relevant and to the extent possible.<br />
We are committed to transparency and open communication about our environmental and social practices.<br />
We promote the same transparency and open communication from our partners and customers.<br />
We strive to be an employer of choice by providing a safe, secure and non-discriminatory working environment for its<br />
employees whose rights are fully safeguarded and who can have equal opportunity to realise their full potential.<br />
We promote good relationships with all communities of which we are a part and we commit to enhance their quality<br />
of life and opportunities whilst respecting their culture, way of life and heritage.
© Ceylon Tea Services PLC<br />
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
This publication may be produced in whole or in part and in any form for<br />
educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the<br />
copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is cited. No<br />
use of this publication may be made for resale or any commercial purpose<br />
whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the copyright holder.<br />
Disclaimer<br />
<strong>The</strong> contents and views in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views or<br />
policies of the copyright holder or other companies affiliated to the copyright holder.<br />
Works cited<br />
Gankanda, N. & Abayakoon, A. (2013). Traditional Communities in Sri Lanka -<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Ceylon Tea Services PLC.<br />
Printed and bound in Singapore<br />
ISBN: 978-955-0081-08-0<br />
Ceylon Tea Services PLC<br />
MJF Group<br />
111, Negombo Road<br />
Peliyagoda<br />
Sri Lanka<br />
Contact<br />
info@dilmahconservation.org<br />
May 2013.<br />
<strong>The</strong> images for this publication were sourced from Darrell Bartholomeusz (DB), Alan Benson (AB), Dhanush De Costa (DD), Dimithri Cruze (DC), Dharshana Jayawardena (DJ), Bree Hutchins (BH), Namal Kamalgoda<br />
(NK), Sarath Perera (SP), Malaka Premasiri (MP), M. A. Pushpakumara (PK), Devaka Seneviratne (DS), Julian Stevenson (JS), Dilhan C. Fernando (DCF), Nuwan Gankanda (NG), Asanka Abayakoon (AA), Dilmah<br />
Graphics (DG)
Traditional Communities in Sri Lanka<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
An introduction<br />
<strong>The</strong> memory of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> walking through my village<br />
is as fresh today as it was sixty years ago. Many a time have<br />
I wondered what has befallen those mystifying and colourful<br />
people, as I realised that over time, their presence in many parts<br />
of the country has dwindled.<br />
With the growth of Dilmah, I was determined to do something<br />
for the people of this country. <strong>The</strong> MJF Foundation and Dilmah<br />
Conservation were founded with the vision of sharing our<br />
bounty with those in need of care and protection. In memory<br />
of those colourful visions of my childhood, I wanted to extend<br />
that care and protection to the fast vanishing <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
(Nomadic) community. With this in mind, a project to preserve<br />
and protect their cultural identity was planned and launched<br />
through Dilmah Conservation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> culture of any given country is made up of the sub cultures<br />
that exist within that country. If, at any given time, the sub<br />
cultures that exist within a country are found to be collapsing,<br />
the ripple effect it would have on the ‘larger’ culture of the<br />
country will be a negative one. <strong>The</strong>refore, the preservation of<br />
sub cultures is of utmost importance to any civilisation. <strong>The</strong><br />
Lankan civilisation is no exception to this phenomenon. <strong>The</strong><br />
culture and the identity of a Lankan is the harnessing of all sub<br />
cultures that exists within the Lankan community.<br />
<strong>The</strong> coming together of the Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim and<br />
Burgher communties that are grounded by religious traditions<br />
of Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity have all<br />
contributed to the larger cultural identity of a Sri Lankan.<br />
In the midst of such rich diversity, the Nomadic community,<br />
though not large in their numbers, take pride of place, adding<br />
colour and value to the Lankan family. I believe that the colour<br />
and value that this Nomadic community adds to the cultural<br />
diversity of Sri Lanka has not been appreciated enough. Through<br />
ignorance and non-appreciation of their different lifestyles, a<br />
great historical injustice has befallen this community. We forget<br />
that the gypsy who is seen roaming the streets with a monkey<br />
and a snake is a sight that is captured by almost every tourist<br />
who visits our island nation. Thus, the gypsy becomes a cultural<br />
ambassador of this country.<br />
Just as much as biodiversity plays the most pivotal part in the<br />
workings of Mother Nature, cultural diversity is considered an<br />
essential guiding factor in the process of human civilisation and<br />
evolution. Indigenous people enrich and enhance the cultural<br />
diversity of the society we live in. I believe it is our duty to help<br />
them live their lives with honour and integrity.<br />
I believe living with dignity is our birthright; and not a<br />
privilege bestowed to us by a societal hierarchy. My wish is for<br />
the dawn of that day when men of all shape, caste and creed<br />
accept this as a basic human truth. I am happy that Dilmah is<br />
able to contribute towards preserving the cultural diversity of<br />
Sri Lanka and thereby help the country take a few steps towards<br />
embracing the beauty that this diversity brings.<br />
Merrill J. Fernando<br />
Founder – Dilmah Conservation<br />
8 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
Dilmah Conservation <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 9<br />
AB
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Foreword<br />
Among the many clans and communities that reside in this<br />
beautiful nation, the Nomadic or gypsy communities have with<br />
them practices that are unique to their community. <strong>The</strong> gypsies<br />
live a lifestyle of a tourist moving from one place to another<br />
together with their props and this itself provides an extreme<br />
example of the unique traditions and practices the gypsies, as<br />
a community, possess. Despite this unique contribution it is<br />
sad to note that there is little or no research conducted on this<br />
community. <strong>The</strong> main criticism against the handful of research<br />
studies that have been conducted on this community is the<br />
fact that it lacks depth both on an angle of human interest and<br />
social science. <strong>The</strong> studies that have been conducted to this day<br />
on this community has either been confined to research done<br />
on a academic platform at a university or a study conducted<br />
by individuals who are enthralled by the nomadic lifestyle.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se studies though small in number, I believe, have been the<br />
guiding lights for further study on the inner workings of this<br />
community.<br />
<strong>The</strong> research work of the renowned Indian human scientist<br />
M.D. Raghavan on the early cultural beginnings of the<br />
nomadic community and the tourist lifestyle of the members<br />
of this community takes pride of place in the handful of<br />
research that has been conducted on the gypsies. <strong>The</strong> work<br />
of Sunil Kularathne (1982) Chandra Shree Ranasinghe, Sepala<br />
Amarasinghe and Nadeera Jayathunga (2009) have all been<br />
illuminating in this regard. <strong>The</strong> constant articles and stories that<br />
have been published both, in news papers and magazines have<br />
also been contributory factors for the further study of the gypsy<br />
community.<br />
However all of the above research work lacks clarity simply due<br />
to the reason that they were not carried out to encompass the<br />
entire system of the Nomadic lifestyle and culture. <strong>The</strong>refore,<br />
the subtleties and differences that exist within the community<br />
have failed to be highlighted. Studies are yet to be conducted<br />
on the historical evolution of the community from the ‘clan’<br />
mentality to what it is today and this I believe is an area that<br />
needs indepth study discussion. <strong>The</strong> Christianisation of the<br />
community spearheaded by the visiting missionaries has directly<br />
resulted in the erosion of traditional beliefs, rituals and practices.<br />
<strong>The</strong> younger generation of the community has lost interest in<br />
continuing with their forefathers beliefs thus endangering the<br />
unique attributes that were a part and parcel of the nomadic<br />
lifestyle.<br />
<strong>The</strong> knowledge of the traditional workings of the community<br />
today is confined to a few members of the older generation,<br />
which if not preserved, would be lost to the world. <strong>The</strong>refore<br />
the very fact that Dilmah Conservation have taken the initiative<br />
to preserve the knowledge on the cultural significance and value<br />
that the gypises possess should be commended. I believe that<br />
Dilmah Conservation has taken this initiative at the most crucial<br />
juncture believing it to be the last chance for any comprehensive<br />
work on the community. <strong>The</strong> task that Dilmah has sought to<br />
complete I believe will be priceless in terms of the value it would<br />
add to the big mix of the Lankan family.<br />
<strong>The</strong> gypsies are a community that prefers living away from<br />
traditional society. <strong>The</strong>ir lineage is traced back to India and<br />
parts of this large gypsy family are scattered in different parts of<br />
the globe. <strong>The</strong> traditional homeland of all these communities is<br />
believed to be India. I believe that the Sri Lankan gypisies should<br />
be considered a part of this larger gypsy community scattered in<br />
10 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
many parts of the world and must be connected with them.<br />
This will result in the much needed infusion into the culture<br />
and lifestyle of the Sri Lankan gypsy community.<br />
I take this opportunity to thank Dilmah Conservation for<br />
taking the initiative to support and document the lives of<br />
traditional communities in Sri Lanka. It is a timely and<br />
necessary intervention.<br />
Professor Ranjith Bandara<br />
Department of Economics<br />
University of Colombo<br />
SP<br />
Dilmah Conservation <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 11
Contents<br />
Introduction to Nomadic Communities<br />
Snake charming exhibition methods<br />
exhibition meth<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> caste system in Sri Lanka<br />
Deities and gods of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community<br />
<strong>The</strong> Court system<br />
Traditional methods of medication<br />
A vanishing community Maddili<br />
Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank<br />
Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition<br />
<strong>The</strong> story of Rengasamige Masanna<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Varigasabha<br />
Kudagama Charter<br />
Preserving their cultural identity<br />
A Baseline Survey of Sri Lankan Nomads<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
18<br />
20<br />
24<br />
28<br />
32<br />
38<br />
40<br />
42<br />
44<br />
48<br />
54<br />
56<br />
60<br />
64<br />
112
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
14 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
“W<br />
ith pride we mention that, even though we are a minority community,<br />
our contribution towards nourishing Sri Lankan cultural diversity is<br />
significant. Our cultural identity plays a major role in that context. For a slight<br />
elaboration of our cultural identity, we are pleased to make mention of the snake<br />
charming and monkey performing, fortune telling and gypsy lifestyle which<br />
distinguishes the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community from others.”<br />
This is an excerpt from the Kudagama Charter which was ratified on the banks of the Rajangana Tank, in Kudagama,<br />
Thambuttegama during the Dilmah Conservation sponsored <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Varigasabha held on January 28 th 2011.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Charter was signed by five leaders the of community, Nadarajah of Kudagama, Egatannage Masanna of<br />
Andarabedda, Anawattu Masanna of Kalawewa, M. Rasakumar of Aligambe and Karupan Silva of Sirivallipuram who<br />
represented different clans within the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community.<br />
DS<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
15
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
DCF<br />
16 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
DCF<br />
DCF<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
17
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Introduction to Nomadic Communities<br />
Many South Asian countries have clans or tribes that<br />
specialise in ‘snake charming’. In Sri Lanka, they are<br />
known as ‘<strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>’ or ‘Kuthadi’ who engage in snake<br />
charming as a traditional method of livelihood. <strong>The</strong>se clans<br />
have within them the skill to charm a number of snakes<br />
including the most dangerous cobras and vipers; species they<br />
have charmed hereditarily. <strong>The</strong>se charmers make use of a ‘flute’<br />
like instrument which exudes music to which the snake swiftly<br />
responds. India is home to many snake charming clans while<br />
they are also found across Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand,<br />
Malaysia and Sri Lanka.<br />
<strong>The</strong> type of snakes that are charmed by these men differ<br />
from region to region; the Indians specialise in charming the<br />
Indian cobra, Russell’s viper, Indian and Burmese pythons and<br />
mangrove snakes. <strong>The</strong> African tribes that practice this art make<br />
use of the Egyptian cobra, Puff Adder, Carpet viper and the<br />
Desert Horned viper, all of whom are extremely venomous.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ‘Abrahmic’ religious traditions which include the three<br />
main religions of the world - Judaism, Christianity and Islam<br />
consider the ‘snake’ to be the embodiment of evil. <strong>The</strong>refore<br />
those who follow these religious traditions believe snake<br />
charmers to be extremely dangerous due to the belief that a<br />
snake charmer has the ability to even charm the devil or satan.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Indians have a very unique culture of snake charming.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y seldom consider a snake to be the embodiment of evil<br />
and many even go as far as giving the snake spiritual status.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, the charming of a snake is considered holy and done<br />
purely for entertainment. Like their relatives in Sri Lanka, many<br />
of the nomadic or gypsy tribes practices their trade by migrating<br />
from one city to another, stopping at requests and showcasing<br />
18 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Introduction to Nomadic Communities
their exhibits. <strong>The</strong>se men, more often than not, are known to<br />
sell herbs that can be used as anti-venom and some of them are<br />
even skilled at treating snake bites.<br />
<strong>The</strong> most ancient and informative readings regarding snake<br />
charmers are found in ancient Egyptian texts. <strong>The</strong> snake<br />
charmers of that era were considered magicians and even<br />
doctors, and are ranked among the most influential in society.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y were known to be literate and had learnt the art of<br />
snake charming as a part of their education. <strong>The</strong> present day<br />
Indian tribes, who practice this art, are intertwined with the<br />
Hindu religious inclination towards the ‘snake’ or ‘nagaya’.<br />
According to this religious ideal, the ‘nagaya’ is considered a<br />
holy and sacred animal and during ancient times these snake<br />
charmers were considered ‘blessed beings’. Ancient Indian snake<br />
charmers were also known to have had the power of healing.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir guru or guardian saint to this day is ‘Baba Gulabir’<br />
who is considered to be an avatar of the snake gods. He was<br />
instrumental in preaching love towards the snake and was<br />
very vocal about the need for snake conservation. Countless<br />
legends about his ‘miraculous powers’ have been woven<br />
around him and it was at the temple dedicated to him at<br />
Charkhi Dadri, that the snake charmers’ conference was held.<br />
‘Babaji was a reincarnation of Nag Devata,’ informed<br />
Mohinder Pal, a snake charmer from Bhiwandi. ‘He took the<br />
human form to stop people from killing snakes out of fear. He<br />
taught them to love snakes and keep them as their protectors.<br />
It is that legacy we have inherited and are carrying forward.’<br />
DG<br />
Introduction to Nomadic Communities<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
19
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Snake charming<br />
exhibition methods<br />
Snake charmers use various types of small boxes, or<br />
pouches to carry their snakes. Customarily, the box in<br />
which the snake is kept is inserted into a pouch made of<br />
cloth and is carried on one arm. <strong>The</strong>y use an instrument<br />
which exudes the sound of a flute and move from place to<br />
place exhibiting their wares.<br />
Snake charmers take many precautions against an attack<br />
from the snake they carry. <strong>The</strong> most obvious being the<br />
removing of the venomous teeth. <strong>The</strong> African tradition is<br />
known as ‘sewing’ the mouth of the snake or serpent, which<br />
curtails the jaw movement of the reptile. This restricts the<br />
snakes ability to spit venom and its ability to capture prey.<br />
However, many animal rights activists are up in arms against<br />
this practice as it results in the snake not being able to have<br />
regular food, which could also result in the development of<br />
various infections in the mouth and subsequent death.<br />
20 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Snake charming exhibition methods
BH<br />
Snake charming exhibition methods<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
21
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
DCF<br />
22 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DCF<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
23
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> caste system in Sri Lanka<br />
<strong>The</strong> entire gypsy population of the country, despite<br />
being limited to around 1000 families have within<br />
them a unique caste hierarchical system. During previous<br />
generations, the caste system was considered important<br />
and had an enormous bearing on marriages, similar to<br />
that of rural Sri Lankan society. However, the present day<br />
gypsies seems to have broken the shackles that had them<br />
restricted even within themselves, with social and economic<br />
factors taking more central roles in their lives. Nevertheless,<br />
to date, the ‘high’ or ‘low’ caste differentiation exists within<br />
the community, when deciding on vital matters. <strong>The</strong> origins<br />
of this caste hierarchy can be traced back to their relatives in<br />
India who pay great emphasis to this factor.<br />
Speaking to us during the research, a member of the gypsy<br />
community Andarabedde Masanna Arachchila, explained<br />
that the caste system had two distinct differences, namely<br />
‘Dugudoru’ and ‘Thapaloru’ which translates as ‘high’ and<br />
‘low’. <strong>The</strong> Dugudorus have four sub clans and the Thapalorus<br />
have five sub clans into which the entire community is<br />
divided. <strong>The</strong>se sub clans are divided according to their<br />
hereditary professions, much like the rural Sinhala folk. <strong>The</strong><br />
higher castes have the more prestigious duties, as cultivation<br />
and decoration of marriage festivals and brides. <strong>The</strong> lower<br />
castes have relatively less prestigious duties including washing<br />
clothes or cutting the hair of community members. <strong>The</strong><br />
laundry and barber duties being considered low are common<br />
among the neighboring Sinhala folk as well.<br />
Upon inspection, the roots of these castes seems to have<br />
been divided based somewhat on their profession and their<br />
appearance. This however is a general view and cannot be<br />
used as an indication for all castes. One strain emanates from<br />
the hereditary profession of the members and the other, is<br />
the physical appearance of a set of members of a certain caste.<br />
Band playing and dancing at weddings is exclusively the duty<br />
of the ‘Burakaya Dugadoru’ tribe, while decorating weddings,<br />
jewellery making are the responsibility of the ‘Kunchammaru<br />
Dugadoru’ caste. Members of the Yaara Thapaloru caste<br />
are known as gypsies with ‘red skin’. However, whether this<br />
distinction is actually based on the colour of their skin or<br />
whether it is based on their profession – dealing in animal<br />
skins – is yet to be determined.<br />
Many older members of the gypsy community would swear<br />
by the fact that they were exclusively nomadic, moving from<br />
one village to another, with no permanent residence. Except<br />
for migrating from village to village, exhibiting their snakes,<br />
there is no evidence to suggest that the gypsies took refuge<br />
in a certain place and practiced another craft. According to<br />
many elders, the caste hierarchy was strongly prevalent until<br />
the early 1990’s and subsequent to the Christian missionary<br />
involvement which resulted in conversions; the impact of the<br />
caste system seems to have dwindled.<br />
24 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> caste system in Sri Lanka
JS<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> caste system in Sri Lanka<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
25
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
26 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
During previous generations, the caste<br />
system was considered important and had<br />
enormous bearing on marriages similar to<br />
that of rural Sri Lankan society<br />
BH<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
27
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Deities and gods of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community<br />
Angates Sami<br />
This is a male god worshipped mainly by the ‘Burakaya’ caste.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are records of an annual offering made to this Sami<br />
for protection. <strong>The</strong> offering included a clay prototype of the<br />
god into which various ingredients, including rice and sugar,<br />
are mixed. After the offering is made, the members present<br />
during the pooja are said to have shared the offering amongst<br />
themselves.<br />
Kanamma Sami<br />
A female deity worshipped and revered by those of<br />
the ‘Burakaya’ caste. According to a community elder,<br />
Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, this deity is looked upon<br />
for good health and wealth. <strong>The</strong> offering includes milk and a<br />
concoction of fruits which mainly includes plantains which<br />
the followers offer as pooja.<br />
Masamma<br />
According to Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, ’Masamma’<br />
is the community’s version of the much revered and feared<br />
‘Kali Amma’, a deity who is looked upon with reverence and<br />
fear by the Sinhalese and Tamils even today. <strong>The</strong> offering<br />
includes a prototype of the god made out of clay onto which a<br />
concoction of rice and sugar is mixed. A red hen is also offered<br />
to the deity. <strong>The</strong> pooja ends with the red hens’ blood being<br />
poured over the prototype. According to community elders,<br />
the last pooja of this nature had taken place in 1953 at of<br />
Thalgaswewa.<br />
Sallapuramma<br />
This deity is worshipped for her healing powers. According<br />
to Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, Sallapuramma is the<br />
<strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> version of ‘Paththini Amma’, a goddess much<br />
revered and respected by local Sinhalese and Tamils. <strong>The</strong> last<br />
pooja offered to this deity was held in Kudagama in 1990.<br />
Pullayar<br />
One of the main gods of the Hindu religious tradition, the<br />
<strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community also worships this god. Despite<br />
being converted to Christianity, many community members<br />
still revere and worship this deity. During the dawn of the<br />
traditional New Year on January 1 st , <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> families boil<br />
milk as an offering to him. Once the offering is made, the<br />
community uses the milk to prepare ‘milk rice’ which is shared<br />
with all present. This is seen as a direct result of the Sinhalese<br />
and Tamil communities’ influence upon the gypsies.<br />
Madu Meniyo<br />
According to Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, the<br />
forefathers of this community have also worshipped ‘Madu<br />
Meniyo’, a saint who is looked upon with great respect by all<br />
communities in the country. However, what can be seen is<br />
that the Madu Meniyo the gypsies worship is different to the<br />
saint that all Christians hold in high esteem. According to our<br />
source, the deity they worship is actually ‘Paththini Amma’<br />
who has a temple dedicated to her in the vicinity of the<br />
original Madu Temple in Mannar.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is also evidence to suggest that these folk paid homage<br />
to Lord Kataragama (Skanda) and a majority of gods revered<br />
in the Hindu tradition.<br />
28 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Deities and gods of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community
DS<br />
Deities and gods of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
29
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
30 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DCF<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
31
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> Court system<br />
During the years gone by, with the community solely living<br />
a nomadic lifestyle, moving from one place to another, the<br />
community developed a unique system to decide on disputes that<br />
arose amongst them. It can be safely assumed that the system<br />
was a result of a mixture of customs and traditions that existed<br />
within the community and the influence of the neighboring<br />
communities. Rules and regulations were imposed upon the<br />
community by the will of the majority and where a set of elders<br />
well versed in the laws, decided on disputes. This system is similar<br />
to the ‘Panchayath Sabha’ practiced in rural India. <strong>The</strong> head of the<br />
council is the head of the ‘Kuppayama’ (village) and in the event<br />
of a dispute, the aggrieved party complains to the ‘Arachchila’<br />
(head of the village) who in turn decides on a date for the hearing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> most important feature at this hearing, much to the surprise<br />
of many a civilised person, is the pride of place given to alcohol.<br />
<strong>The</strong> plaintiff, prior to the hearing has to entertain the respondents,<br />
the council and those present at the hearing with alcohol. Both the<br />
complainant and the respondent, in addition to providing alcohol,<br />
are obliged to pay the council a fee for the hearing and this fee in<br />
turn is also used to purchase some form of alcohol. Due to this,<br />
a hearing of a dispute is a much looked forward to event by the<br />
villagers.<br />
In the event one party does not agree with the decision arrived at<br />
by the council, there is the remedy of an appeal. For the appeal,<br />
the party disagreeing with the decision has to bear the cost of the<br />
alcohol. If a decision cannot be reached despite the appeal, then<br />
the hearing is shifted to another location.<br />
According to Thimmannage Engatana, if there is no agreeable<br />
decision at the appeal, the parties and those interested in the<br />
outcome, shift locations most often to a land close to a dam. <strong>The</strong><br />
same procedure regarding the distribution of alcohol is strictly<br />
adhered to even during the second appeal. In the event that no<br />
proper judgment is arrived at, the parties then move to another<br />
gypsy village and can complain to the ‘Koralama’ who is considered<br />
as a regional head of a few villages.<br />
Finding the culprit<br />
If in the case of a hearing, the wrongdoer does not agree with<br />
the decision, the community has devised their own method<br />
of ‘swearing’ which involves deities and other transcendental<br />
aspects the community believes in. <strong>The</strong> method of swearing their<br />
innocence is similar to those of the Sinhala swearing methods used<br />
during the times of the kings.<br />
If the council decides that there has to be a swearing, the<br />
community adopts a very customary approach to the ceremony.<br />
<strong>The</strong> swearing is always scheduled to the day after the disputed<br />
decision is given. During that time the accused is kept under<br />
house arrest and held under the watchful eyes of the members of<br />
the council. Prior to the swearing, the accused has to bathe and<br />
cleanse himself. One of the main methods of swearing adopted<br />
by the community is the ‘burning oil’ method. Accordingly, the<br />
accused has to move around a pot of burning oil thrice and then<br />
put his thumb into the pot. If his thumb burns that is taken as an<br />
assurance of his guilt. Another method is making the accused hold<br />
a heated iron bar. If there is no burn on the accused, he is absolved<br />
of the crime. <strong>The</strong> community believes that the gods that be, protect<br />
the innocent during these trials. <strong>The</strong>se trials by torture are not<br />
alien to the Ahikunatakas and have been used time and time again<br />
during Greek and Roman civilisations.<br />
If there are two suspects being accused of the same offence, there is<br />
a somewhat different method used to decide on the culprit. Both<br />
the accused are given similar amounts of rice, water and heat to<br />
boil a pot of rice. <strong>The</strong> first person to have boiled the pot of rice is<br />
considered innocent.<br />
32 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> Court system
Rules and regulations were imposed upon<br />
the community by the will of the majority<br />
and where a set of elders well versed in the<br />
laws, decided on disputes<br />
DS<br />
<strong>The</strong> Court system<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
33
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
DS<br />
34 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DS<br />
DCF<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
35
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
36 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
JS<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
37
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Traditional methods of medication<br />
Both rural and urban Sri Lankans have strong belief that<br />
the gypsies have with them supernatural powers which<br />
include healing, taming of devils and casting of spells and<br />
charms. <strong>The</strong>refore, the community makes a considerable<br />
income practicing the above. Many of the present day gypsies<br />
possess herbal remedies and stones which are said to suck out<br />
poison. However, there is no scientific basis with regard to the<br />
results that these herbs and stones are said to bring about.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ‘Visha Gala’ or the stone to suck out poison can be<br />
seen as the communities “main product”. <strong>The</strong>re are many<br />
conflicting theories that have emerged with regard to the<br />
preparation of this stone. John Steele in his book Jungle Tide<br />
describes that the stone is made out of animal bone.<br />
However, Andarabedde Masanna Arachchila gave quite<br />
an elaborate description about the making of the stone.<br />
According to him, the stone includes rare herbs found in the<br />
forests and chemicals including mercury. <strong>The</strong> mixture is then<br />
bathed in human urine and lime. This concoction is then<br />
placed in the sun to harden and the resulting product is the<br />
Visha Gala.<br />
According to the gypsies, the stone is placed on the exact<br />
location of the snake bite, and it is said to suck in all the venom<br />
from the blood stream of the victim. Once all the poison has<br />
been sucked, the stone automatically falls off from the body of<br />
the victim. <strong>The</strong> stone is then put into a pot full of milk, to drain<br />
the poison within. <strong>The</strong>reafter it is kept to dry under the sun<br />
which brings the stone back to a usable condition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> use of White Elavara roots<br />
White elavara roots are used as a ‘Kema’ or a local non-scientific<br />
method of healing. It consists of traditional methods of<br />
treatment that appear to be unrelated to the ailment but strongly<br />
believed to be effective. <strong>The</strong> community believes that if you<br />
have the roots planted within the precincts of your dwelling, no<br />
serpent will visit the abode. For this Kema to be effective, the<br />
gypsies believe that the uprooting of the root must be done in<br />
a very holy and sacred manner. <strong>The</strong>y have their unique rituals<br />
when practicing this Kema.<br />
<strong>The</strong> community also uses parts of the Madara tree to ward off<br />
serpents. <strong>The</strong>y use parts of the tree as a cure for headaches and<br />
other bodily ailments alike.<br />
38 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Traditional methods of medication
DG<br />
Traditional methods of medication<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
39
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
A vanishing community Maddili<br />
Within the Galgamuwa Giribawa electorate, in<br />
Maduragama, resides a special nomadic clan known as<br />
‘Maddili’. <strong>The</strong> clan comprises of 60 families and they live in<br />
land that is owned by the Giribawa Veheragala Purana Raja<br />
Maha Viharaya. <strong>The</strong>y seem to have moved away from their<br />
traditional nomadic lifestyle, and completely intertwined with<br />
the local Sinhalese lifestyle.<br />
To an outsider, the gypsies and Madillis would be one<br />
and the same. Both clans used <strong>The</strong>lingu as their language<br />
of communication and lived the usual nomadic lifestyle,<br />
migrating from one place to another. However, the disparity<br />
between the two groups is such that there was no evidence of<br />
even a marriage taking place between the two communities.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Maddili exhibit ‘Rilawa’- the Macaque , a local version of<br />
the monkey while the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> are snake charmers. This is<br />
the main difference between the two groups. <strong>The</strong> forefathers<br />
of the two clans were proud of their respective livelihood<br />
and believed that one was below the other in the hierarchical<br />
structure and vice versa, therefore there was seldom an<br />
interconnection between the two exhibits. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
would never exhibit a Rilawa just as the Maddili would never<br />
charm snakes. However, economic constraints mitigated this<br />
disparity within both communities when they realised that<br />
they could earn more money by having two exhibits. Today, a<br />
majority of gypsies, carry both a snake and a monkey as props.<br />
<strong>The</strong> senior most citizen of Maduragama is known as Somasiri.<br />
However, he told us that his original name was Thangayya,<br />
which he later changed in order to integate with the new<br />
environment. According to him, his father migrated to this<br />
area during the 1940’s from a place called Variyapola Bandara<br />
Koswaththe. Upon arrival they have lived in a place called<br />
‘Hambogama’ in the vicinity of a lake. <strong>The</strong>y moved from<br />
place to place exhibiting Rilaw and were engaged in palm<br />
reading. Once they earn their wages, the men always came<br />
back to Hambogama. <strong>The</strong> reason for the shifting of residence<br />
from Hambogama to the current Maduragama was explained<br />
by the chief incumbent of the Raja Maha Viharaya, Ven.<br />
Maradankadawala Nandarama. ‘<strong>The</strong>re was an incident with<br />
a village head during the 1960s, where some traders refused<br />
to sell him palm trees because they were being transported<br />
to the Madillis. This wasn’t taken well by that arachchi. He<br />
called for a council meeting and it was unanimously decided<br />
to chase away these people. <strong>The</strong>y were given notice that<br />
evening to leave the environs of Hambogama. <strong>The</strong>y had left<br />
the place and the next day they were found in the vicinity of<br />
the temple with no place to go. <strong>The</strong> villagers were very angry<br />
with the fact that the order had not been obeyed; they were<br />
insisting that the Madillis should leave the area for good. This<br />
issue was brought to the notice of the then chief incumbent<br />
of the temple who told the Madillis to live in land owned by<br />
the temple. To this day, this is where they live. <strong>The</strong> high priest<br />
did not change his decision despite so many threats from the<br />
villagers.’<br />
<strong>The</strong> chief incumbent of the temple at the time was Ven.<br />
Weehenegama Dharmapala who then sought to transform<br />
this community. Subsequently, they gave up the practice of<br />
palm reading and exhibiting and got into other trades and<br />
industries in order to make a living. <strong>The</strong>y have erased their<br />
original identity completely, with almost all members of the<br />
clan changing their names to local Sinhalese names.<br />
40 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
A vanishing community Maddili
DS<br />
A vanishing community Maddili<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
41
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank<br />
Situated on the bank of the Mahakanadarawa tank, within<br />
the jurisdiction of the Mihintale Urban Council, the<br />
Mahakanadarawa <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> village bears the interesting<br />
postal address - New Telingu village, Seepukulam, Mihintale.<br />
Currently, the village is made up of 34 families amounting to<br />
over 200 inhabitants. <strong>The</strong> village has fairly recent beginnings,<br />
with former Minister S.M. Chandrasena taking measures to<br />
provide the community with permanent housing in 1999.<br />
This resulted in the construction of nearly 30 village houses<br />
on ten perch blocks of land.<br />
Prior to their migration to the present location, the<br />
inhabitants resided in Velangamuwa, also situated in close<br />
proximity to the Mahakanadarawa tank, which is an integral<br />
part of their day to day life.<br />
Among Sri Lanka’s migrating <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> clans, two reside<br />
within this village. A majority of villagers identify themselves<br />
as ‘Lankan Telingu’ people and trace their ancestral beginnings<br />
to a community residing in Puttalam. <strong>The</strong>ir livelihoods are<br />
centered on fishing while the females exercise their traditional<br />
mode of livelihood – palm reading in public places around the<br />
sacred city of Anuradhapura.<br />
Some six families residing within the village derive their<br />
identity from the original gypsy community, tracing their<br />
beginnings to the village of Thambuththegama. <strong>The</strong> men<br />
engage in snake charming and training performing monkeys<br />
as a mode of livelihood while the women continue the<br />
tradition of palm reading.<br />
Despite living in relatively close proximity to one another,<br />
these two clans give attention and priority to preserving their<br />
separate identities. Each clan professes superiority over the<br />
other. However, it also seemed that both groups were guilty of<br />
breaking some of their traditions along the way.<br />
When probed about their religion, many inhabitants told<br />
us that traditionally they have been Buddhists but have now<br />
moved towards the religion of the Bible. Some, mentioned<br />
that they were devotees of Kali Amma. However they didn’t<br />
seem to know which strand of the ‘religion of the Bible’ they<br />
belonged to.<br />
When asked why they converted, their reasoning was very<br />
simple.<br />
‘A big party is held every Christmas and the children are<br />
showered with gifts. <strong>The</strong>y also pray for our sick and the<br />
needy’ they said. Still, many families send their children to the<br />
Buddhist temple for Sunday school.<br />
When we visited the village, the leader of the clan Aloysius,<br />
was cohabiting with a Telingu woman named Thangavelu<br />
Kamalawathie. It is worth to mention that, Aloysius claims he<br />
is a Sinhalese. Both the leader and his partner have children<br />
from separate marriages and there is no record of them being<br />
legally married to each other although they are currently living<br />
together.<br />
42 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank
<strong>The</strong> villagers are burdened with many hardships. Of them,<br />
the constant lack of water is identified as the main issue. ‘<strong>The</strong><br />
closest well is situated around a quarter of a mile away from<br />
the village’ they say. <strong>The</strong>y are also challenged by the herds<br />
of wild elephant who roam the area. We were also made to<br />
understand that they were not welcome on public transport<br />
services in that area. ‘<strong>The</strong> busses don’t like to take us. <strong>The</strong>y say<br />
that we are unclean and that we smell bad’.<br />
DG<br />
Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 43
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition<br />
While walking towards the partially built hut of Kali Amma, who<br />
resides on the banks of the Mahakanadarawa tank with others from<br />
her community, we heard what seemed like an ongoing session of<br />
prayer.<br />
‘Pray to god to take out the devil that lies within you, Jesus Christ<br />
suffered on the cross because of your sins and he was only 33 years<br />
old. What a young age is that to go through such trauma? I’m<br />
35 now, he was younger than me at the time’ we heard someone<br />
preach.<br />
When we peered into the house we saw a young man conducting<br />
the sermon. Behind him was a picture of Jesus Christ and in front<br />
was what looked like a replica of the holy bible. <strong>The</strong> man was<br />
seated on a chair while a small group of people, including children,<br />
congregated around him. It was within this mini congregation that<br />
we found Kali Amma.<br />
<strong>The</strong> predominantly Telingu speaking population in this village<br />
had migrated to this location an year before the dawn of the new<br />
millennium. When we inquired about their lives, we were told that<br />
the new village had very little infrastructure or facilities to live a<br />
comfortable life.<br />
<strong>The</strong> villagers had sheltered themselves within a few ‘cadjan huts’<br />
and faced threats from marauding herds of wild elephant. Wild<br />
elephants are generally feared by villagers as they raid crops and<br />
cause damage to life and property.<br />
It was during this period that ‘Kali Amma’ rose to fame, speaking<br />
on behalf of the villagers who faced a multitude of obstacles in<br />
continuing their day-to-day lives. She used her eloquence to openly<br />
appeal to the authorities through both the print and electronic<br />
media in order to draw attention to the plight faced by her people.<br />
She was, for a while, representing her village as its sole leader.<br />
<strong>The</strong> moment she knew that we had come to meet her she moved<br />
out of the sermon and greeted us. However she seemed weary of<br />
talking to us, reasons which none of us had any idea about.<br />
‘I have spoken on behalf of our villagers many times and I have<br />
had to face many problems, created not by outsiders who were<br />
supposed to, but by the very people I spoke on behalf of. <strong>The</strong>refore<br />
I decided to move away from this and not to speak again. <strong>The</strong><br />
leader now is a man called Aloysius’ she said.<br />
We were fascinated by her story and intended to pursue it. We<br />
continued with what is normally termed as ‘small talk’ in order to<br />
familiarise with her and after a while she seemed to want to talk.<br />
‘We are Buddhists and our children attend Sunday school at the<br />
temple. However we also receive a lot of help from the Church.<br />
<strong>The</strong> pastor visits us every Sunday and pray for us. He teaches us<br />
the intricacies of the religion itself and pray for those who are<br />
incapacitated. But some villagers do not participate in these prayer<br />
sessions. <strong>The</strong>re is a child who is paralysed below his waist and<br />
despite many appeals to his parents to bring the child for prayers,<br />
they are yet to come’ she said lamenting at the fate that has befallen<br />
the child.<br />
We figured that this confession was indeed a good start to continue<br />
our conversation. It was interesting to note that she didn’t seem to<br />
know if she was a follower of Christianity and simply referred to<br />
her faith as the ‘religion of the Bible’.<br />
We asked her about the traditions and culture surrounding the<br />
society that she is a part of. She was at first reluctant to speak about<br />
it as was evidence by her long silence, and then again she opened<br />
up.<br />
44 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition
‘<strong>The</strong> only things I know about their traditions are the ones that<br />
I have learnt by observing them. <strong>The</strong>re is nothing more that I<br />
know’. This was a strange confession. How could someone be<br />
part of a clan or tribe and know nothing about their traditions<br />
and culture, other than what she has witnessed?<br />
She seemed to be contemplating about what to say next and after<br />
a while she began to speak again. This time she said that she is<br />
about to share something that she has not told anyone. We were<br />
excited and tense at the same time.<br />
‘I haven’t told this to anyone but I don’t see any point in<br />
continuing to hide this fact. I am a Sinhalese from Madatugama,<br />
Kurunegala. My mother passed away when I was a little child<br />
and so did my sister. My father died a little while later and I was<br />
orphaned with no hope. I lived with some of my relatives but had<br />
to undergo many hardships in that house. I was fed up with life.<br />
In April 1974, a trader who sold incense sticks visited our village<br />
and I decided to run away with him. He was a Telingu national<br />
and from that day onwards I decided that I’m going to be one of<br />
them’ she recalled with a sense of nostalgia.<br />
We asked her how she became the leader of the clan and why she<br />
was named Kali Amma.<br />
‘At the time there was no one to speak on behalf of the villagers,<br />
so I decided to take it upon myself to voice the hardships faced<br />
by them. This is how an outsider like me ended up being the<br />
de-facto leader of the clan. Currently many villagers use Sinhala<br />
names. However, when I came here nearly four decades ago, a<br />
Sinhala name was unheard of among them, so I called myself Kali<br />
Amma’ she said. She politely declined to share her real name with<br />
us.<br />
NG<br />
Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 45
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
46 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DG<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
47
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> story of Rengasamige Masanna<br />
When we first went to meet the head of the Andarabedda<br />
village, Rengasamige Masanna, we were told that he had<br />
gone to the lake beside, in order to fish. <strong>The</strong> house was made<br />
of cement and had only two chairs which could be termed<br />
as furniture. <strong>The</strong>re was a statue of the Buddha and a picture<br />
of the deceased Ven. Gangodawila Soma. We were told that<br />
the picture of the latter was kept in the premises due to the<br />
fact that this house was built and donated to Masanna as an<br />
offering to the venerable thero.<br />
Upon hearing of our arrival Masanna proudly showed us his<br />
wealth in the form of three snakes. We were told that Masanna’s<br />
livelihood was dependent upon the wellbeing of these three<br />
animals. ‘<strong>The</strong> snakes have four castes, namely, Raja, Bamunu,<br />
Weda and Govi. Snakes of the Raja caste are very rare and<br />
I have with me snakes of the other three castes as well’ he<br />
explained.<br />
When we visited him for the second time, he had an addition<br />
to his wealth, a python. He had removed the teeth from the<br />
serpent and now uses it when exhibiting his animals. ‘I was<br />
born when the gypsies were actually migrating from place to<br />
place, with no permanent abode that was back in 1939. I spent<br />
my childhood just like my forefathers did moving from place to<br />
place with our snakes.’<br />
Apparently, he did not know his year of birth until the year<br />
1973. ‘In 1973 I had to get myself a national identity card and<br />
for that I needed my birth date, which I had no clue about.<br />
But, I knew my place of birth which was a village by the name<br />
of Pothasiyambalawa. During my birth, I heard that a healer<br />
by the name of Appuhami attended to my mother’s needs. I<br />
went in search of him. By the time I found his residence, he<br />
was dead and gone but there was a book that he had written<br />
about his healing. This book which was also used as a diary<br />
had a note regarding my birth. It was in the year 1939. That is<br />
how I have a rough idea about my age.’<br />
‘Our group consisted of about 10 to 12 families. We carried<br />
our goods on the backs of donkeys. We also had around thirty<br />
to forty goats with us. We had a few hunter dogs as well.<br />
I spent my childhood looking after the goats and hunting<br />
with my father.’ According to Masanna, he was one of the<br />
first members of the community to have formal schooling.<br />
‘My father could not read or write, but he knew the value of<br />
education. During one of our migrations, my father decided<br />
to stop at a place in Galgamuwa. <strong>The</strong>re he sent me to a<br />
Sinhala teacher who taught me Sinhala for six months. Later<br />
on he enrolled me at the Thalagaswewa School for formal<br />
education.’<br />
Due to his son’s schooling, Masanna’s father decided to make<br />
Thalgaswewa their permanent residence. Both mother and<br />
father would go out in the morning and ply their trade and<br />
then come back home at dusk. ‘My father, after about five<br />
years of living had an altercation with the owner of the land<br />
we lived on and that was the end of my schooling.<br />
48 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> story of Rengasamige Masanna
<strong>The</strong> story of Rengasamige Masanna <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 49<br />
DS
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
My father could not read or write, but he<br />
knew the value of education<br />
We started migrating from place to place again’. After a brief<br />
sojourn, the clan decided to stay in a place near Nikerawatiya.<br />
‘I was put into the eighth grade at the local school. I was a good<br />
runner and won prizes. Both Prime Minister Bandaranaike<br />
and Sir John Kotelawala visited the school and awarded prizes<br />
to me’, boasts Masanna. His education was short-lived and he<br />
stopped schooling that year.<br />
Subsequently, he tells us ‘I had to find a way to make ends<br />
meet. I didn’t know how to charm snakes because I was<br />
attending school, while the rest learnt the art. But this was my<br />
forefather’s trade, so I started moving about with one of my<br />
elders in order to master the art. One day, when walking along<br />
the paddy fields in Veyangoda, my companion saw a snake. I<br />
watched how he caught it and then removed the poison teeth<br />
from it. <strong>The</strong>n he gave me his old snake and took the new one. I<br />
started walking alone with his snake’ recalls Masanna.<br />
His ‘first catch’ also brings out and interesting story. “Once<br />
I was walking on the roads in Homagama, suddenly a set of<br />
people saw me and shouted, ‘here is a gypsy, here is a gypsy.’ I<br />
had no clue as to why they shouted, until one man approached<br />
me and told me that there was a snake inside the house. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
wanted me to get hold of it. I started sweating because I’ve<br />
never caught a snake in my life. I felt very embarrassed and used<br />
my ‘Dutch courage’. I told myself that it doesn’t matter even if<br />
the snake bites me, I will try and tame it.<br />
Fortunately, the snake was an old one and since I acted exactly<br />
how my companion did the other day. I was able to tame it<br />
and since that day I have had no fear. I have now caught over<br />
1500 snakes” he says.<br />
Masanna married a relative of his and they lived temporarily<br />
in Medawachchiya. <strong>The</strong> whole clan was of the opinion that<br />
they needed to find permanent residence in order to provide<br />
their children with an uninterrupted education. Accordingly,<br />
the state, after many requests resettled them in the year 1969,<br />
giving them land in the District of Vavuniya at a village by<br />
the name of Nochchikulam. This clan, for the first time<br />
in its history, found solace in making a livelihood through<br />
cultivation.<br />
‘On the 17 th of August 1985, the Tamil Tigers attacked our<br />
village. All the Sinhalese people and we left Vavuniya for<br />
Anuradhdapura. We had to live in refugee camps for a few<br />
days and then we moved to Kudagama. Kudagama was also<br />
a place where many of our kind lived. We lived there till<br />
1992. But many of us didn’t like living with them. <strong>The</strong> place<br />
I call home and I know very well is Galgamuwa. <strong>The</strong>refore I<br />
requested land from Galgamuwa. A minister at the time gave<br />
us land from the area. Initially there were some families who<br />
joined me and later on five more joined us. It was in 1996<br />
that we got permanent land in Andarabedda.’ Masanna is very<br />
keen to keep the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> tradition alive; making sure his<br />
clan adheres to all the rules and regulations.<br />
50 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> story of Rengasamige Masanna
<strong>The</strong> story of Rengasamige Masanna <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 51<br />
DCF
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
52 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DCF<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
53
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Varigasabha<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Community in Sri Lanka was able to hold a tribal<br />
meeting or Varigasabha for the first time in six decades with the<br />
support of Dilmah Conservation. This event took place on the banks<br />
of the Rajangana Tank in Kudagama, Thambuttegama on January 28,<br />
2011. Gypsies from all corners of Sri Lanka met as one community and<br />
spoke to each other about their lives, changing times, concerns and the<br />
need to preserve their unique identity that is disappearing in the face of<br />
modernisation.<br />
Dilmah Conservation supported the Varigasabha to enable the<br />
community leaders to come together and discuss issues that are affecting<br />
the very existence of the community and the ways in which to address<br />
them. <strong>The</strong> meeting was preceded by an elaborate cultural ceremony that<br />
commenced with flute playing and a traditional dance by the womenfolk.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Varigasabha brought together five community leaders to one<br />
platform where they discussed the problems they faced. <strong>The</strong> discussions<br />
among these leaders, K. Nadrajah of Kudagama, Enkatenna Masanna<br />
of Andarabedda, M. Rasakumara of Aligambe, Karupan Silva of<br />
Siriwallipuram and Anawattu Masanna of Kalawewa paved the way<br />
for better understanding among the communities. <strong>The</strong> community<br />
leaders discussed their core issues including the lack of infrastructure<br />
development in their respective villages; lack of employment<br />
opportunities for community members and the need to ensure that their<br />
traditional forms of livelihood are secured in the years to come.<br />
<strong>The</strong> leaders made a pledge to unite in order to strengthen and save<br />
their unique cultural identity. <strong>The</strong> first Charter of the Ahinkuntaka<br />
community, the ‘Kudagama Charter of the Sri Lanka <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Community’ was brought forward endorsed by the five community<br />
leaders on behalf of their communities. This is regarded as a landmark<br />
event not only for a minority community in Sri Lanka but also for the<br />
worldwide Gypsy community at large.<br />
54 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Varigasabha
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Varigasabha <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 55<br />
DG
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Kudagama Charter<br />
We belong to the clan called Ahikuntika, and we do hereby issue this<br />
statement on the banks of the Rajangana Tank of Thambuttegama in<br />
the historically acclaimed city of Anuradhapura on this day of 28th<br />
January 2011. First and foremost we take pleasure in elucidating of<br />
our clan which is less exposed to publicity.<br />
We are commonly known as Ahikuntika at present, although we<br />
were called by various other names in the past such as Nai Panikkiyo<br />
and Nai karayo (cobra charmers). Different communities have their<br />
own names for us. To mention a few, people of the Vanni address us<br />
as Kuthandi, while Kurawan, Kuravar, Vahakkuravan or Kattuvasi<br />
are the Tamil names for us. Our culture and identity are based<br />
chiefly on our traditional profession- snake charming and our life<br />
style which is one that is not stagnant at a particular place. It is a<br />
known fact that we have lived a gypsy life. <strong>The</strong> language we speak is<br />
Telungu which is the state language of Andra Pradesh in India. That<br />
fact provides evidence of our tourist life style and the fact that we<br />
arrived in Sri Lanka from another state.<br />
Our mode of transport in the past was carrying goods on donkeys.<br />
We used to travel around the country to engage in our professions.<br />
It is noteworthy to mention that during the middle of the previous<br />
century, the Sri Lankan government took several measures to<br />
settle our community in colonies. As a result of that at present the<br />
Ahikuntika community is settled in Kudagama of Thambuttegama,<br />
Kalaweva, Aligambay, Sirivallipuram of Akkaraipattu in Ampara<br />
and Andarabedda of Kurunegala. Although the highest density<br />
of Ahikuntika people is living in the aforementioned areas, the<br />
population is scattered on a small scale throughout the country. We<br />
are a minority group of people in Sri Lanka of which the number of<br />
families does not exceed thousand.<br />
With pride we mention that, even though we are a minority<br />
community, our contribution towards nourishing Sri Lankan<br />
cultural diversity is significant. Our cultural identity plays a major<br />
role in that context. For a slight elaboration of our cultural identity,<br />
we are pleased to make mention of the snake charming and monkey<br />
performing, fortune telling and gypsy lifestyle which distinguishes<br />
the Ahikuntika community from others.<br />
We are confident that our community is strong enough to live on its<br />
own and in nowhere in history is it mentioned of our conditional<br />
protests against the majority community in Sri Lanka.<br />
Unlike at present, there were lesser amusement oriented events in<br />
the past. It will not be pretentious if our community alone bags that<br />
pride of being the one and only entertainer of the nation during the<br />
past.<br />
We do not deny the fact that our community too has been affected<br />
by the social, religious and economic upheavals during the past<br />
few decades. <strong>The</strong> fact that our community has been unpleasantly<br />
affected by the aforementioned conditions should not be omitted<br />
though the space does not warrant pinning them all down. We can<br />
still cite some examples; due to the rapid urbanization taking place,<br />
we are facing the threat of losing sterile lands which we use to put up<br />
our temporary tents during our tours around the country. As a result<br />
of this, we are compelled to give up our gypsy life style which is one<br />
of our major means of living. This has also adversely affected our<br />
economic status. Moreover it resulted in the erosion of our traditions<br />
and culture.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main purpose of this gathering of the Ahikuntika leaders<br />
from all five villages, on the banks of the Rajangana Tank of<br />
Thambuttegama today is to put forward and address our problems<br />
and grievances. It is also expected to draw the attention of every<br />
potential philanthropist who could assist us in solving our problems.<br />
56 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Kudagama Charter
We strive towards re-establishing our diminishing culture.<br />
We affirm that we will continue our peace-loving lifestyle with<br />
no involvement in uprisings of any kind against anybody or any<br />
authority.<br />
With this affirmation, we enclose herewith a document consisting<br />
of the issues we are currently facing. It is our sincere hope that the<br />
relevant authorities would pay serious attention to them.<br />
Finally, we put forward our humble request - assist us in preserving<br />
our precious traditions and culture while going hand in hand with<br />
modernization.<br />
We offer our sincere and heartfelt gratitude and honor to Dilmah<br />
Conservation which extended a liberal hand in organizing this<br />
Variga Sabha after a lapse of over sixty years which was a long felt<br />
need. Last but not least, the staff of the Divisional Secretariat of<br />
Thambuttegama is highly appreciated for their hard work towards<br />
the success of our program.<br />
Thank You.<br />
This charter has been discussed and ratified on the banks of the<br />
Rajangana Tank of Kudagama, Thambuttegama at 7.30 pm on<br />
28.01.2011 by our community and signed by the following leaders<br />
on behalf of their communities.<br />
1. Nadarajah of Kudagama<br />
2. Egatannage Masanna of Andarabedda<br />
3. Anawattu Masanna of Kalawewa<br />
4. M. Rasakumar of Aligambe<br />
5. Karupan Silva of Sirivallipuram<br />
DS<br />
Kudagama Charter<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
57
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
58 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DG<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
59
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Preserving their cultural identity<br />
As a result of the Varigasabha and subsequent discussions<br />
with the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community, Dilmah Conservation<br />
undertook to support the preservation of this unique<br />
communities’ cultural identity. As part of these efforts, the<br />
<strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Resource Centre was built in Kudagama in<br />
Thambuttegama. <strong>The</strong> Centre has an open air theatre and a<br />
museum to house traditional arts and crafts. All these efforts<br />
are aimed at making Kudagama into a tourist hub visited by<br />
locals and foreigners alike. Dilmah Conservation envisages<br />
that the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Resource Centre will not only lead to<br />
the preservation of their identity and culture but it will also<br />
lead to the general upliftment of their social conditions.<br />
<strong>The</strong> design and construction of the Centre is handled by the<br />
Department of Architecture of the University of Moratuwa<br />
while the Divisional Secretariat of Thambuttegama is<br />
working in collaboration with Dilmah Conservation to<br />
complete the project.<br />
60 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Preserving their cultural identity
An architect’s impression of the<br />
Kudagama <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Resource Centre<br />
Preserving their cultural identity <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 61
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
62 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DG<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
63
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
A Baseline Survey of Sri Lankan Nomads –<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gypsies in Sri Lanka by Professor Ranjith Bandara<br />
Conducted from March to August 2011.<br />
<strong>The</strong> study was conducted as result of the request made by Dilmah Conservation to the University of Colombo to carry out a<br />
comprehensive study on the socio economic aspects of the Ahikuntika Community in Sri Lanka. It was done as part of Dilmah’s<br />
Culture & Indigenous Communities Programme, which aims to collate information on traditional communities in Sri Lanka and<br />
publish the findings in a series of publications.<br />
Executive Summary<br />
This report is based on a baseline survey of Sri Lankan nomads - “the gypsies in Sri Lanka” carried out by the researcher on all<br />
gypsy families in a government settlement in the village of Kudagama in the North Central Province adopting stratified random<br />
sampling tech¬niques. Baseline information with reference to four main sectors - ethnographic analysis, current socio-economic<br />
condition of the community, issues concerning the upliftment of the socioeconomic conditions of the community without hindering<br />
the cultural heritage of the gypsies and measures to empower them were obtained. In the process of data collection three data collecting<br />
instruments, namely: semi-structured questionnaires, focus group discussions and interactive group sessions were used to elicit the<br />
desired information. As such the research survey is a comprehensive analysis of the Sri Lankan gypsy community with reference to their<br />
culture and society in the chang¬ing world, encompassing all aspects of the life of a gypsy.<br />
<strong>The</strong> researcher has dealt with heads of households with relation to gender and age, the type of abode (residence), family size,<br />
distribution of individuals in the community with relevance to age, level of education and educational attainment, type of occupation,<br />
civil status, gender distribution, number employed in a family, nature of employment, total monthly family income, monthly<br />
expen¬diture as a percentage of the income, borrowing and purpose of borrowing, lending sources, satis¬faction in the socio-economic<br />
status, characterisation of their culture, their opinion with regard to the uniqueness of their culture, whether they feel there is a threat<br />
to their culture, if so why and if not why they feel so. <strong>The</strong>ir reaction to the proposal by the Dilmah conservation in collaboration with<br />
the Sri Lanka Tourism Authority, their expectations of possible further integration into the mainstream society, the extent to which they<br />
have adopted cultural aspects of the mainstream society, their inte¬gration to mainstream society as individuals and as a community<br />
and why they feel they are well integrated into the mainstream society, their access to public amenities, public utilities and their cultural<br />
remnants which could be preserved for the next generation.<br />
It may be concluded that the research has been comprehensively carried out using methods and techniques vital to an investigation<br />
of this nature and the conclusions arrived at through the research not only gives a correct insight into the culture and society of Sri<br />
Lankan gypsies but also provides information to plan out and implement programmes addressing two vital issues confronted by the<br />
gypsy community: Firstly their integration into the mainstream society with full civic rights and the right to preserve their cultural<br />
heritage. Secondly they should be settled with full and equal human rights, particularly social cultural and religious rights.<br />
64 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Introduction to Survey<br />
<strong>The</strong> people of Sri Lanka are divided into ethnic groups. <strong>The</strong> four major ethnic groups are the Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and<br />
Burghers. Historical circumstances have favoured more groups at different times. However, at present the absolute majority is<br />
constituted of the Sinhalese who are concentrated in the southern, western, central, and north-central parts of the nation. In the rural<br />
areas of the Wet Zone lowlands more than 95 % of the population is Sinhalese. Sinhalese make up about 74% of the Sri Lankan<br />
people. <strong>The</strong> language they speak is Sinhala, which is the social language, and the majority of them are Buddhists. A small number are<br />
Christians (8%). <strong>The</strong> Sri Lankan Tamils are concentrated in the Jaffna Peninsula and in the nearby districts of the northern lowlands<br />
as well as the eastern littorals. <strong>The</strong>y make up about 18 percent of Sri Lankan people. Most of them are Hindus. <strong>The</strong> Muslims consist<br />
of 7% and the main concentrations of this group occur mainly in the eastern lowlands and southern areas. <strong>The</strong>y form a small but<br />
noteworthy valuable portion of the urban and suburban population in other areas like Colombo, Kandy, Puttalam, and Gampaha. <strong>The</strong><br />
agglomeration of the Indian Tamils, a majority of whom are plantation workers transported by the British, is in the higher areas of the<br />
Central Highlands. <strong>The</strong> Veddhas the Indigenous inhabitants of Sri Lanka preserve a direct line of descendants from the island’s original<br />
Neolithic community and have a different culture and dialect of their own.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sri Lankan nomads, gypsies, known as Ahikuntikas are a minority community in the country, slowly disappearing in their<br />
numbers. Threatened by the change and technology advancements, many find it hard to fit into the common culture even though<br />
some of them have successfully integrated into the mainstream society, resulting in a drastic change in their traditional lifestyle and<br />
customs. <strong>The</strong> gypsies are believed to be descendants of populations originating in Northern India, although, exactly when it is not<br />
known, and some of them still speak Telegu whilst being fluent in Sinhala and Tamil. <strong>The</strong> gypsies are, almost, a forgotten community.<br />
In most cases, there are no records of them, such as births, marriages and deaths, and even addresses. <strong>The</strong>refore, they were not<br />
given the opportunity to enjoy most of the basic human rights, including the right to vote in the past. <strong>The</strong> lack of documentation<br />
makes it difficult to admit gypsy kids to schools. <strong>The</strong> lack of records of these communities and the information gap has resulted in<br />
creating a great vacuum in understanding their socio-economic condition and identifying their issues. As a result, they have been<br />
highly victimized and this has become a major problem. <strong>The</strong> gypsy community is scattered in Puttalam, Moratuwa, Anuradhapura,<br />
Galgamuwa and few other parts of Sri Lanka.<br />
Gypsies in general all over the world, are a small community living peacefully, surrounded by nature, moving from place to place. <strong>The</strong><br />
Gypsies are also called Nomads since they travel from place to place. In Sri Lanka, they make a living by using snakes and monkeys<br />
for tricks and palm reading or fortune telling. Most women and men enjoy illicit liquor and smoking ganja which are some of their<br />
common practices. <strong>The</strong> Gypsies are a happy group of people cherishing a human right of their own – ‘Born free and live as the wind<br />
blows’. <strong>The</strong> gypsy communities have a rich cultural and historic heritage and a value system. In the recent past there had been a few<br />
initiatives to improve their lifestyle, but this does not suffice to fully cater to their welfare. Although they still depend on their endemic<br />
occupations, permanent settlements have also been used by this group. <strong>The</strong>ir uniqueness needs to be preserved whilst enhancing their<br />
livelihoods. To facilitate this, as aforesaid it is important to have baseline information of them, which is currently lacking. <strong>The</strong> purpose<br />
of the study is to provide an information base to identify the issues as at hand and against which to assess and monitor developmental<br />
activities, progress and effectiveness during implementation and follow up once the activity is completed. Consequently, this study<br />
concentrates on gathering and later establishing baseline information of the gypsy community in Kudagama, a small village in<br />
Anuradhapura district.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
65
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> Objective of this study<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sri Lankan gypsy community has a rich cultural heritage. However, due to lack of records this community has become a<br />
neglected minority. Furthermore, this information gap has led to poor interventions towards upliftment of their socio-economic<br />
conditions. <strong>The</strong> proposed study would enable the establishment of an empirical account of ethnographic analysis of the gypsy<br />
community living in Kudagama, in addition, this would facilitate the introduction of development activities which will provide<br />
solutions to their issues while preserving the culture. Thus, this study provides baseline data on the Sri Lankan Gypsy community<br />
in the context of a changing world order. Furthermore, this study also establishes an empirical account of ethnographic analysis<br />
encompassing their composition, resettlement, social welfare characteristics, as well as their material and spiritual culture, i.e. gathering<br />
empirical data on gypsy community and culture.<br />
This study also aims at achieving the following specific objectives:<br />
• To identify the existence and current status of the cultural inheritance of the gypsy community, the likelihood of carrying forward<br />
these inheritances and the transferability of these from one generation to the other.<br />
• To understand the extent to which the cultural heritage can be utilized to improve their livelihood activities and also to identify the<br />
impediments in doing so,<br />
• To examine their willingness to integrate into the mainstream society and the probable hindrances.<br />
• To identify the main concerns of the gypsy community in order to suggest possible policy alternatives to improve their livelihood.<br />
Research Questions to be Tested and Answered<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is little doubt that gypsies are gradually changing as a result of evolving economic and social factors, although the change<br />
cannot be marked as a radical change towards total social and economic integration. It is also a high probability that at least some<br />
(if not all) within the clan would like to integrate with society so that they could enjoy the lifestyle of the average citizen. Thus, this<br />
research builds on the view that a baseline study will enable us to better understand the needs and issues of the gypsy communities<br />
whilst identifying development interventions needed to uplift their socio-economic conditions. Research questions will be presented<br />
to generate information to assess composition, resettlement, social welfare characteristics, as well as their material and spiritual culture,<br />
furthermore, the likelihood of carrying forward these inheritances and the transferability from one generation to the other, the extent<br />
to which the cultural heritage can be utilized to improve their livelihood activities, identification of impediments in doing so, the<br />
willingness to integrate into the mainstream society and what the hindrances are in this process and identification of the main concerns<br />
of the gypsy community.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se concerns call for a concerted national and global strategy at settlement of the Gypsy community that would address two issues.<br />
Firstly, their integration into society should be accompanied by full civic rights while their right to their own cultural heritage should<br />
be preserved. What this means is that the Gypsies, like any other community in society, should be entitled to the respect and legacy<br />
of physical artefacts and intangible attributes of their own society, no matter how they are settled. <strong>The</strong>y should also have the right<br />
to citizenship, the right to political representation and the right to vote. What they have inherited from past generations should be<br />
maintained in the present and bestowed for the benefit of their future generations. Secondly, their settlement should be with full and<br />
equal human rights, in particular social, cultural and religious rights. As a final gesture of democracy, and taking into consideration<br />
their traditional proclivity of moving from place to place, they should have the freedom of choice to move their abode and should not<br />
be tied down to a particular settlement for any length of time. It should be noted that there have been instances where the government<br />
had made attempts at settling groups of the Gypsy community. For example, a group of Ahikuntikas were given houses in the North<br />
Central province in a village called Kudagama. <strong>The</strong> current study was based on investigations of the community living in this village.<br />
It is also reported that a community of 25 Gypsy families with a population of about 100 persons speaking the <strong>The</strong>lingu language<br />
encamped on the banks of the Mahakanadarawa tank at Mihintale during the New Year season.<br />
66 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Method of Data Collection and Analysis<br />
Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to gather baseline information. <strong>The</strong> methodology was designed to gather<br />
information with regard to four main sectors, ethnographic analysis, existing socio-economic conditions, issues in the upliftment<br />
of the socio-economic conditions without disturbing the cultural heritage of the gypsy community, and measures to empower them.<br />
Face-to-face surveys were conducted for with respect to all the 380 families currently residing in Kudagama.<br />
In order to provide all possible baseline information of the community, a sample of households was selected from Kudagama by<br />
adopting stratified random sampling techniques. <strong>The</strong> emphasis was given to select respondents for this study by considering gender,<br />
type of occupation as stratum and sub stratum respectively. In view of the objectives set forth for the study, three data gathering<br />
instruments were employed to collect sufficient data needed to assess the objectives stated above. <strong>The</strong>se data collection instruments<br />
were: (i) a semi-structured questionnaire used to interview respondents/ households selected for the sample while (ii) focus group<br />
discussion and (iii) interactive group sessions were held to solicit information from the respondents especially qualitative information<br />
that would be useful to supplement the results drawn from descriptive and more inferential statistical analysis. Face-to-face surveys<br />
have many advantages apart from the fact that trained interviewers can actually interact with respondents, and can clarify respondents’<br />
doubts, thereby minimising non-response rates. In addition, relevant documents and secondary data sources were also explored to<br />
supplement as well as to check authenticity of the data gathered. Wherever necessary, observations were made to assess the physical<br />
improvements made to the household and the income generating activities that this community is engaged in.<br />
In line with the research objectives, a comprehensive and structured questionnaire consisting of nine sections was developed as listed<br />
below.<br />
1. Demographic features of the Household<br />
2. Household Assets (Land, vehicles, building, electronic appliances, etc)<br />
3. Income generating activities of the Household<br />
4. Condition of house (structure, water supply, electricity, sanitary facility and communication facility)<br />
5. Source of income and expenditure pattern of the Household<br />
6. Savings/borrowing<br />
7. Social interactions<br />
8. Ability to utilize their cultural heritage to improve their livelihood activities<br />
9. Identification of impediments in order to use the culture as a source of generating livelihood<br />
10. <strong>The</strong>ir willingness to integrate into the mainstream society<br />
11. Identification of the main concerns of the gypsy community<br />
<strong>The</strong> questionnaire was administered by two experienced interviewers to fifty respondents randomly selected from the group who had<br />
settled down in Kudagama. <strong>The</strong> questionnaire was then modified according to the results of the pre-test. Ten interviewers were hired<br />
and trained by the principal researcher and were directed to conduct the field survey. After the initial field survey was completed, 7%<br />
of the sample drawn for the field survey was selected to conduct an in-depth study as cases to verify the information collected through<br />
the structured questionnaire. In addition, four Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were also held to get respondents’ perception, attitude<br />
and expectation on the survey undertaken. While conducting the focus group discussion, investigators were individually responsible<br />
for moderating, observing and recoding the information. Each focus group consisted of six respondents and sufficient care was taken to<br />
record the representative’s views of each group. Respondents were facilitated by the researchers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
67
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Results and Discussion<br />
Tables 1 and 2 elaborate the distribution of the heads of households in the sample in relation to gender and age respectively. It is<br />
evident from Table 1 that the majority (58.26%) of the households are headed by male respondents. Table 2 indicates that out of<br />
this majority of male heads of households, 30.28% belong to the age group of 34 - 41 years, followed next by age group 41 - 50 years<br />
(19.71%) while only a very small percentage (7.69%) belongs to the age group of above 60 years. In contrast in the case of households<br />
headed by females 38.25% are headed by the age group over 60 years followed by 30.87% falling within the age group 51 - 60 yrs<br />
while a very small almost insignificant percentage of 1.34 is headed by the age group 18 - 25 yrs of age. Thus it is revealed that males in<br />
this community take over the family responsibilities at a relatively younger age by being the head of the family than females who may<br />
be compelled to take on family responsibilities at a comparatively older age due perhaps to the loss of their husbands or separation from<br />
the husband or the lack of a male able to handle the responsibilities<br />
Table 1: Distribution of the heads of households in the sample in relation to their gender<br />
Gender Frequency % of total<br />
Male 208 58.26<br />
Female 149 41.74<br />
Total 357 100<br />
Table 2: Distribution of the head of the household in the sample in relation to their gender and age<br />
Age (in years) Male Female<br />
Frequency % of total Frequency % of total<br />
18 - 25 years 32 15.38 2 1.34<br />
26 - 33 years 37 17.79 9 6.04<br />
34 - 41 years 63 30.28 11 7.38<br />
42 - 50 years 41 19.71 24 16.10<br />
51 - 60 years 19 9.13 46 30.87<br />
More than 60 years 16 7.69 57 38.25<br />
Total 208 100 149 100<br />
68 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 3: Distribution of the respondents in the sample in Kudagama in relation to their residency<br />
Nature of the residency Frequency % of total<br />
Permanent 258 72.2<br />
Temporary 14 3.92<br />
Permanent yet nomadic for the occupation 85 23.8<br />
Total 357 100<br />
Table 3 above indicates the distribution of the nature of the respondents abodes (dwellings) in the sample in Kudagama. According<br />
to this sample, 72% of the respondents reside in permanent houses while 23.80% live in permanent houses but are nomadic relevant<br />
to their occupations. Only a very small percentage (3.92%) live in temporary abodes (houses). Although 23.80% are nomadic with<br />
relevance to their occupations they sill have permanent abodes indicating a total of 96.00% owning permanent houses, while a very<br />
small percentage of 3.92% only still occupy temporary houses. It may therefore be concluded that as far as permanency of housing is<br />
concerned the condition is satisfactory.<br />
Table 4: Distribution of the households in relation to their family size<br />
No of members in the family Frequency % of total<br />
Less than 3 87 24.37<br />
4 - 6 217 60.78<br />
7 and above 53 14.85<br />
Total 357 100<br />
Table 4 indicates the breakdown of households according to the number of members in the household. According to the data, the<br />
majority of households belong to the average family size of 4 - 6 members in the family, which constitutes 60.78% of the families<br />
surveyed. This is followed by the group which recorded 1 - 3 members in a family amounting to 24.37%. Only 14.85% of the<br />
respondents recorded a family of 7 and above. <strong>The</strong> average family size (4 - 6) in this community therefore may be larger than the<br />
average family size in an urban area which is between 2 - 4 in a family.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
69
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 5: Distribution of the sample under survey in relation to their ages<br />
Age (in years) Frequency % of total<br />
Less than one year 12 0.79<br />
1 - 5 49 3.23<br />
6 - 11 64 4.22<br />
12 - 17 224 14.76<br />
18 - 24 296 19.15<br />
25 - 34 387 25.51<br />
35 - 44 293 19.31<br />
45 - 54 117 7.71<br />
55 - 64 59 3.89<br />
65 - 74 16 1.05<br />
Total 1517 100<br />
According to data in Table 5 the age group 25 - 34 records a percentage of 25.51% which is the highest for the sample followed by<br />
a percentage of 19.31% for the age group 35 - 44. <strong>The</strong> over 45 group has the lowest percentage of 1.05 for the 65 - 74 group. <strong>The</strong><br />
sample shows a decline in the population with age. At the same time there is also a very low concentration between the ages 1 - 11 years<br />
the least being in the case of those below 1 year of age 0.79. <strong>The</strong> indication is that the current birth rate of the community is low while<br />
at the same time the life span also is short; may be due to lack of access to proper medical and health facilities and also perhaps due to<br />
ignorance and malnutrition.<br />
Table 6: Distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their educational<br />
attainments<br />
Education attainments Frequency % of total<br />
Never attended school 379 24.98<br />
Grade 1 - 5 567 37.38<br />
Grade 6 - 10 487 32.10<br />
Completed O/L 62 4.08<br />
Grade 11 - 12 13 0.85<br />
Completed A/L 9 0.59<br />
Basic degree 0 0<br />
Other qualifications 0 0<br />
Total 1517 100<br />
Table 6 indicates the distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their educational attainments. According to the<br />
data collected, the majority of the family members have gone through primary education (grade 1 - 5). A slightly lower percentage<br />
32.10% have studied from grade (6 - 10) and a very low percentage of 4.08% have completed their O/L and an almost insignificant<br />
percentage of 0.59% has completed A/L.<br />
70 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
No member in the community has had access to higher education or further education. Education has been limited to the primary<br />
and secondary grades in a formal school. This is an indication that the community lacks facilities for higher and further education.<br />
A considerable 24.98% has never attended school which indicates educational deprivation in the community. Taken as a whole, the<br />
educational attainment in the community reveals to a large extent the lack of facilities and provision for higher education within the<br />
community and also a lack of general interest in education among the members in the community.<br />
Table 7: Distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their occupation<br />
Occupation Frequency % of total<br />
Snake charmer 192 22.6<br />
Animal handler 264 31.32<br />
Palm reader 317 37.33<br />
Carpenter 5 0.588<br />
Tailor 1 0.12<br />
Mason 5 0.588<br />
Small business 2 0.23<br />
Trishaw driver 6 0.71<br />
Mechanic 3 0.35<br />
Farmer 22 2.59<br />
Blacksmith 0 -<br />
Electrician 0 -<br />
Welder 1 0.12<br />
Watch repairer 0 -<br />
Barber 2 0.23<br />
Any other occupation 29 3.42<br />
Total 849 100<br />
Table 7 above describes the distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their occupations. According to the data<br />
collected and compiled, it shows that the vast majority in the community practice palm reading occupations. Among the traditional occupations,<br />
palm reading takes first place with 37.33% followed closely by animal handling 31.32% and 22.6% snake charming. A few<br />
have broken away from these traditional occupations and taken to other non traditional occupations. Of these 2.59% have resorted to<br />
farming as their main occupation. Only a very few were recorded outside the realm of traditional occupation, which included 1 tailor<br />
and 1 welder, 6 trishaw drivers, 5 masons and 5 carpenters and 2 barbers, 3 mechanics and 2 engaged in small scale business and the<br />
rest engaged in various odd jobs. <strong>The</strong> study reveals that there is to some extent a tendency slow and gradual to break away from traditional<br />
occupations provided there is opportunity to do so.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
71
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 8: Distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their civil status<br />
Civil status Frequency % of total<br />
Underage 576 37.96<br />
Unmarried 152 10.01<br />
Married 686 45.22<br />
Separated / living apart 87 5.73<br />
Divorced 16 1.05<br />
Total 1517 100<br />
<strong>The</strong> table above indicates the civil status of the respondents’ family members. According to the findings, majority of the respondents<br />
who fall within the eligible age for marriage are married (45.22%) while a small percentage are either living apart, separated from<br />
their spouses (5.73%) or divorced (1.05%). However, 10.01% of those within the marriageable age remain unmarried while 37.96%<br />
are below marriageable age. According to data marriages in this community appear to be more stable than in urban areas where the<br />
percentage living apart or divorced is generally higher.<br />
Table 9: Distribution of the sample under survey in relation to their gender<br />
Gender Frequency % of total<br />
Male 638 42.05<br />
Female 879 57.94<br />
Total 1517 100<br />
Table 9 above indicates the gender of the family members of the sample under survey. According to recorded data it is shown that the<br />
majority are females amounting to 57.94% of the total population under survey while males constitute 42.05% of the total indicating a<br />
female dominated community.<br />
72 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 10: Distribution of number of persons employed per family and the nature of employment<br />
(income generation)<br />
Source of income 1 2 - 3 3 - 4 5 and above Total<br />
Traditional Employment 157 81 39 2 279<br />
Non traditional employment 4 2 - - 6<br />
Farming 18 2 - - 20<br />
Self employment/ business 8 - - - 8<br />
Samurdhi benefits 15 - - - 15<br />
Other income source 26 3 - - 29<br />
Total 228 88 39 2 357<br />
Table 10 indicates the number of people employed in a family which varies from one person per family to 5 or more, although only a<br />
couple of families fall under the second category 0.56%. Majority of the families have one person employed, 63.86% which is followed<br />
by the families where 2-3 people are employed 24.64%. <strong>The</strong>ir sources of income generation too vary from traditional employment to<br />
non-traditional employment as well as those who live on Samurdhi benefits. A clear majority of those surveyed adhere to traditional<br />
employment as their main source of income generation amounting to 78.15%. <strong>The</strong> second most common source of income generation<br />
falls within other income sources which constitutes 8.12%, while 5.6% of the sample under survey has taken up farming as their main<br />
source of income generation. Samurdhi beneficiaries in the community amount to 4.2% an extremely small percentage of 2.24 engage<br />
in self employment.<br />
<strong>The</strong> analysis reveals that a significantly large section of the community still are engaged in their traditional occupations and that<br />
the tendency to break away from traditional occupations is slow either due to their reluctance to do so or due perhaps to the nonavailability<br />
of opportunities to do so.<br />
Table 11: Distribution of the respondents’ surveyed in relation to their average total family income<br />
per month<br />
Average monthly income (LKR) Frequency % of total<br />
Less than 5000 26 7.28<br />
5000 - 10000 68 19.04<br />
10001 - 15000 161 45.09<br />
15001 - 20000 70 19.61<br />
20001 - 25000 11 3.08<br />
25001 - 30000 9 2.52<br />
30001 - 35000 7 1.96<br />
35001 - 40000 2 0.56<br />
40001 and above 3 0.84<br />
Total 357 100<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
73
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 11 (on previous page) shows that the majority of the respondents 45.09% have an average monthly family income between<br />
LKR10001-15000. An almost equal percentage (19.41% and 19.04%) falls within the monthly income range of LKR 15001-20000<br />
and LKR 5000-10000 respectively. A very small percentage of 0.84% belongs to the category having a monthly income of LKR40001<br />
and above while the percentage having a monthly income between LKR 25000 and LKR40000 is 5.04, the percentage below the<br />
LKR5000 is 7.28%. It is observed that a percentage of 64.70% fall within the income group between LKR 10001 – 20000 which<br />
may be considered just above the poverty level depending on the needs of the households in a hamlet of this type. A small percentage<br />
of households 3.36% come above the range of LKR 30001 – 40000 which may be considered affluence in this community, while a<br />
still smaller percent of 1.40% have the highest income of between LKR 35001 – 40001 and above and may be considered very affluent<br />
within the community.<br />
Table 12: Distribution of the responses of the families in relation to their average monthly<br />
expenditure as a percentage of the total family income<br />
Expenditure<br />
Category<br />
Children’s<br />
education<br />
Number of families / Percentage of total income<br />
Table 13: Distribution of the families surveyed in relation to their purpose of borrowing and the<br />
lending source<br />
Purpose<br />
Construction/<br />
Purchase of house<br />
Number of families / Percentage total<br />
Purchase of land<br />
Purchase of<br />
motor bicycle<br />
or Vehicle<br />
Purchase<br />
jewellery/<br />
white<br />
goods<br />
To meet<br />
wedding/<br />
funeral<br />
expenditure<br />
Meeting<br />
day-to-day<br />
expenditure<br />
Source<br />
Bank 2 3 12 - - - 17/357<br />
(4.49)<br />
Corporative<br />
society<br />
Samurdhi<br />
bank<br />
Community<br />
organization<br />
Total<br />
3 2 1 - - - 06/357<br />
(1.68)<br />
6 - 2 - - - 08/357<br />
(2.24)<br />
- - - - 19 15 34/357<br />
(9.52)<br />
Relatives - - - 3 - 48 51/357<br />
(14.28)<br />
Local money<br />
lenders<br />
Other<br />
sources<br />
- - - - 13 89 102/357<br />
(28.57)<br />
- - - - 13 28 41/357<br />
(11.48)<br />
Table 13 – <strong>The</strong> study reveals that 28.57% of the population under survey borrows money from the local money lender, followed by<br />
14.28% from relatives and 11.48% from other sources and 9.52% from community organizations. Borrowing from Banks including<br />
the Samurdhi Bank shows a very low percentage of 4.49% and 2.24% respectively. <strong>The</strong> local money lender seems to be the most<br />
popular source for borrowing probably because he is easily accessible. Moreover, the process of borrowing is quick and immediate while<br />
borrowing from banks and other registered institutions is much more time consuming. It also involves paper work which perhaps the<br />
respondents find it difficult to go through thus making them to rely more on the local money lenders.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose of borrowing ranges from borrowing for day to day expenses, for weddings and funerals, purchase of land or house,<br />
purchase of vehicles and jewellery. <strong>The</strong> pattern of borrowing indicates clearly the socio economic condition of the sample. <strong>The</strong> majority<br />
50.42% borrowing for day to day living followed by 12.60% borrowing for funerals and weddings show that the community is living<br />
under difficult economic conditions.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
75
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 14: Distribution of the families surveyed in relation to their current status of average<br />
borrowing with respect to source of lending<br />
Amount borrowed<br />
(LKR)<br />
Lending source<br />
Less than<br />
5,000<br />
Table 15: Distribution of the respondents’ reactions to their satisfaction in relation to the prevailing<br />
status of socioeconomic conditions<br />
Respondents reaction<br />
Number of respondents’ / Percentage of total<br />
Not satisfactory<br />
at all<br />
Satisfactory<br />
to some extent<br />
Satisfactory<br />
Much<br />
satisfied<br />
Highly<br />
satisfied<br />
Aspects of socio-economic condition<br />
Main source of income 129(36.13) 208(58.27) 17(4.76) 03(0.84) - 357<br />
Living condition 210(58.82) 67(18.76) 59(16.53) 21(5.89) - 357<br />
Social status 261(73.10) 54(15.12) 40(11.20) 02(0.56) - 357<br />
Social acceptance 237(66.39) 116(32.49) 04(1.12) - - 357<br />
Acceptance by the mainstream<br />
271(75.92) 29(8.12) 57(15.96) - - 357<br />
society mainstream society<br />
Opportunities to interact and integrate<br />
28(7.85) 68(19.05) 261(73.1) - - 357<br />
with the mainstream society<br />
Other source of income 93(25.49) 260(72.85) 06(1.68) - - 357<br />
Education 95(26.61) 219(61.34) 37(10.37) 06(1.68) - 357<br />
Health 169(47.33) 117(32.77) 58(16.26) 13(3.64) - 357<br />
Public amenities 218(61.06) 119(33.34) 17(4.76) 03(0.84) - 357<br />
Total<br />
When questioned about their level of satisfaction in the prevailing status of socio-economic conditions, the respondents reacted in<br />
varying degrees of both satisfaction and dissatisfaction. <strong>The</strong>ir reactions are indicated in Table 15. <strong>The</strong> table indicates that a majority<br />
of 58.27% are satisfied to some extent in the main source of their income. A majority of the respondents have indicated that the<br />
opportunities to interact and integrate with the mainstream society are satisfactory (73.1%). Most of the respondents have stated that<br />
they are satisfied to some extent with their other sources of income (72.85%) and also the facilities available for education (61.34%).<br />
However the study revealed a high degree of dissatisfaction with reference to social acceptance by the main stream society – 75.92%,<br />
social status 73.10%, general social acceptance 66.39%, public amenities 61.06%, living conditions 58.82% and health 47.33%.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is therefore in the community under survey a general dissatisfaction of the prevalent socio economic status with reference to<br />
social acceptance by the mainstream society, social status, general acceptance, public amenities, living conditions and health.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
77
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 16: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to possible<br />
characterization of their culture<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
A small and primitive tribe 124 34.73<br />
Special behavioural patterns and customs 38 10.64<br />
Local culture distinctly separate from contemporary 19 5.32<br />
Depend on traditional occupations 117 32.77<br />
Present or historical reliance upon subsistence-based production - -<br />
Distinctive mixed dialect 24 6.72<br />
Predominantly non-urbanized society - -<br />
Settled in a given locale/region or exhibit a nomadic lifestyle 35 9.8<br />
Total 357 100<br />
When the respondents were asked about the characterization of their culture, as shown in Table 16, a majority of the respondents<br />
amounting to 34.73% indicated that they would characterize their culture as a small and primitive tribe, while 32.77% stated that they<br />
would depend on traditional occupations. A small number of respondents amounting to 5.32% characterized it as a culture distinctly<br />
separate from the contemporary. When asked for their opinion on the uniqueness of their culture, as indicated in table 17, over 70%<br />
of the respondents felt that their culture was unique while only 26.89% felt that it was no so. <strong>The</strong> sample under survey with regard<br />
to characterization of their culture, as accepted by the majority is a small and primitive tribe depending on traditional occupations,<br />
exhibiting special behavioural patterns and customs and leading a nomadic life in a given region. <strong>The</strong> greater majority 73.10% accept<br />
that their culture is unique, while only 26.89 feel that their culture is not unique. <strong>The</strong> sample under survey considered themselves<br />
to be having a unique culture as they feel and accept they are a small and primitive tribe engaging in occupations traditional to their<br />
community and having special behavioural patterns and customs and living in aprimitive non-urbanised area, exhibiting a nomadic life<br />
style.<br />
Table 17: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question in relation to their opinion on<br />
the uniqueness of their culture<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Yes 261 73.10<br />
No 96 26.89<br />
Total 357 100<br />
78 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 18: Distribution of the respondents’ response about why they feel they are enjoying a unique<br />
culture<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
A small and primitive tribe 77 29.51<br />
Special behavioural patterns and customs 29 11.11<br />
Local culture distinctly separate from contemporary 13 4.98<br />
Depend on endemic occupations 42 16.09<br />
Present or historical reliance upon subsistence-based production 2 0.76<br />
Distinctive mixed dialect 13 4.98<br />
Predominantly non-urbanized society 54 20.68<br />
Settled in a given local /region or exhibit a nomadic lifestyle 31 11.87<br />
Total 261 100<br />
Table 19: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question asked whether they feel that<br />
their culture is at a threat<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Yes 329 92.15<br />
No 28 7.84<br />
Total 357 100<br />
As indicated in Tables 18 and 19, when asked why they felt they were enjoying a unique culture, the highest number of respondents<br />
77 amounting to 29.51% felt it was because they were a small and primitive tribe, while a relatively smaller number 54 amounting to<br />
20.68% felt it was because they were a predominantly non-urbanized society. When asked if this culture of theirs is at a threat, a vast<br />
majority of over 92% replied in the affirmative while an insignificantly low number of 28 (7.84%) indicated that they did not feel so.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
79
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 20: Distribution of the respondents’ response as to why they feel their culture is currently at a<br />
threat<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Traditional lifestyle is changed with modernization 149 45.28<br />
<strong>The</strong> culture, value system and customs are integrated with the mainstream<br />
114 34.65<br />
society diluting the uniqueness<br />
Negative and stereotypical association with the culture has made things to alter 13 3.95<br />
Human expansion and development leading to migration, relocation and forced<br />
21 6.38<br />
resettlement<br />
Language, norms, values, practices, lands and traditional territories<br />
30 9.11<br />
encroachment upon<br />
Traditional lifestyles damaged due to climate changes related to floods,<br />
2 0.61<br />
contamination and pollution of water and lands<br />
Total 329 100<br />
Table 20 indicates the response of the respondents when asked why they felt their culture was at a threat, corresponding to the<br />
response given in Table 19. A majority 149 (45.28%) of the respondents felt this was due to the traditional lifestyle being changed<br />
with modernization. A second high percentage 34.65% representing 114 in number responded by stating that this was due to the<br />
culture, value system and customs being integrated with the mainstream society which contributes to the elimination of its uniqueness.<br />
Encroachment of traditional territories (9.11%) relocation and forced resettlement were also reasons given by very few as a threat to<br />
their culture.<br />
Table 21: Distribution of the respondents’ responses as to why they do not feel their culture is at a<br />
threat<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Have been able to conserve the traditional lifestyle in the changing world 4 14.28<br />
<strong>The</strong> culture, value system and customs are kept solid and unique<br />
5 17.85<br />
preserved even with the integration to the mainstream society<br />
Able to still practice endemic occupations without any hindrance 15 53.57<br />
<strong>The</strong> traditional and indigenous knowledge is passed down to the<br />
2 7.14<br />
future generations to a great extent ensuring the existence in future<br />
<strong>The</strong> cultural aspects of the community, the traditions are commonly practiced 2 7.14<br />
Total 28 100<br />
80 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Out of the 357 respondents, 28 felt that their culture was not at a threat (ref. table 20). Out of these, over 53% of the respondents<br />
cited the fact that they were able to still practice traditional occupations without any hindrance as the reason for their answer (Table 21)<br />
A minority of 7.84% of the sample under survey, fell their culture was not at a threat giving the following as main reasons – ability to<br />
maintain their culture, value system and customs stable and unique even with integration to the mainstream society (17.85%) and also<br />
the ability to conserve the traditional life-style in the changing world (14.28%) as the main reasons while a small percentage 7.14%<br />
felt that they still practice the cultural aspects of the community and other traditions, while another 7.14% felt that the traditional<br />
indigenous knowledge is to a great extent passed on to the future generation.<br />
Table 22: Distribution of the respondents’ responses in relation to their assessment of the aspects of<br />
the culture that they currently practice<br />
Respondents’ response<br />
Not at all in<br />
existence in its<br />
original form<br />
Frequency / % of total<br />
<strong>The</strong> original<br />
form is slightly<br />
in existence<br />
<strong>The</strong> original<br />
form exists to<br />
an extent<br />
<strong>The</strong> original<br />
form is in<br />
existence<br />
<strong>The</strong><br />
original form<br />
greatly<br />
exists<br />
Cultural aspects - - - - - -<br />
Language 252(70.58) 69 (19.32) 31(8.68) 05(1.40) - 357<br />
Literature, arts, theatre and music 269(75.35) 54(15.12) 28(7.85) 06(1.68) - 357<br />
Indigenous knowledge 51(14.29) 196(54.90) 67(18.77) 43(12.04) - 357<br />
Social values and norms 42(11.76) 96(26.89) 189(52.94) 22(6.17) 08(2.24) 357<br />
Customs and traditions 12(3.36) 132(36.99) 167(46.77) 34(9.52) 12(3.36) 357<br />
Religion and religious beliefs 53(14.84) 162(45.37) 102(28.58) 23(6.45) 17(4.76) 357<br />
Ethnicity 132(36.97) 150(42.01) 59(16.53) 12(3.37) 4(1.12) 357<br />
Lifestyle 238(66.67) 94(26.33) 16(4.48) 9(2.52) - 357<br />
Traditional occupation 34(9.52) 77(21.57) 216(60.50) 19(5.33) 11(3.08) 357<br />
Mobility 133(37.25) 173(48.45) 38(10.64) 13(3.64) - 357<br />
When the respondents were questioned as to their assessment of the culture they currently practice, they responded in various ways<br />
as indicated in Table 22. A vast majority over 70% felt that their language, literature, arts, theatre and music, as well as their present<br />
lifestyle were not at all in existence in its original form. In terms of their indigenous knowledge, religion and religious beliefs, ethnicity<br />
and mobility, a majority of the respondents felt that the original form is still slightly in existence. As far as social values and norms,<br />
customs and traditions and traditional occupations were concerned, majority of the respondents stated that the original forms exist to<br />
an extent.<br />
<strong>The</strong> greater majority believed that their uniqueness did not exist at all in its original form while a small percentage felt it was existing<br />
to a very slight degree, a still smaller percentage felt it was existing to some extent while a very insignificant percentage felt that the<br />
original form greatly exists.<br />
Total<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
81
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 23: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question whether they wish to preserve<br />
their culture<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Yes 284 79.55<br />
No 73 20.44<br />
Total 357 100<br />
When the respondents were asked if they wished to preserve their culture, a 79.55% majority stated that they wished to do so (Table<br />
23) while only a small percentage of 20.44% responded in the negative. As indicated in Table 24, a majority of the respondents<br />
45.07% who felt their culture should be preserved, felt so for the purpose of showcasing a unique and dying culture. <strong>The</strong> second largest<br />
group29.57% felt so for the purpose of passing on the traditional knowledge to the future generation. Out of the 357 respondents, 73<br />
felt that their culture could not be preserved.<br />
Table 24: Distribution of the respondents’ responses in relation to why they feel that their culture<br />
should be preserved in the present form<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
In order to conserve the culture, value system and customs 54 19.01<br />
With the intention of practicing the unique endemic occupations 18 6.33<br />
With the aim of passing on the traditional knowledge to the future generations 84 29.57<br />
With the purpose of showing a unique and dying culture 128 45.07<br />
Total 284 100<br />
Reasons given as to why they feel the culture should be preserved (Table 24) ranged from their desire to conserve their culture, value<br />
system and customs practising the endemic occupations passing a traditional knowledge to future generations and also to showcase a<br />
unique and dying culture.<br />
82 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 25: Distribution of the respondents’ response about why they feel that their culture could not<br />
be preserved<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Negative and stereotypical association with the community, leading to<br />
19 26.02<br />
discriminations, thus sensible to integrate to the mainstream society<br />
Finding it difficult to be in par with the modern world being nomadic and<br />
42 57.53<br />
practicing endemic occupations, thus find no reason to preserve the culture<br />
<strong>The</strong> uniqueness of the culture and value system is irreparably damaged hence<br />
12 16.43<br />
there is nothing left to conserve<br />
Total 73 100<br />
<strong>The</strong> small percentage (20.44%) that responded in the negative felt that their culture could not be preserved for the following reasons<br />
(Table 25) being nomadic, practising endemic occupations, find it difficult to be on par with modern society, hence not able to preserve<br />
the uniqueness of their culture (57.53%) discrimination by the mainstream society and stereo typical association with the community<br />
therefore sensible to integrate with the mainstream society (20.02%) and their belief that uniqueness and value systems have been<br />
irreparably damaged hence nothing left to conserve (16.43%).<br />
Table 26: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question whether they think that their<br />
culture could be utilized to generate a solid and continuous source of income<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Yes 301 84.31<br />
No 56 15.68<br />
Total 357 100<br />
As indicated in Table 26, the respondents were asked whether they think their culture could be utilized to generate a stable and<br />
continuous source of income. 84.31% of the respondents stated that they think this could be done while 15.68% felt it could not do<br />
so. When asked why they felt their culture could be utilized to generate a stable income (Table 27), 84% of the respondents felt this<br />
was due to the fact that they practice distinctive and traditional occupations. Only 5% felt this would be to showcase an endemic,<br />
dying culture. When asked those who responded in the negative in Table 26 why they felt their culture could not be utilized to generate<br />
an income, a majority of 62.5% responded by saying that the uniqueness of the culture and value system was irreparably damaged,<br />
hence leaving nothing to be conserved (Table 28), 23.21% responded by saying they could not earn a decent wage being nomadic and<br />
practicing traditional occupations and 14.28% gave as a reason the negative association with the community leading to discriminations<br />
and closer of opportunities.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
83
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 27: Distribution of the respondents’ responses as to why they feel that their culture<br />
could be utilized to generate a stable and continuous source of income<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Possessing a unique culture, value system and customs 31 10.29<br />
Practicing distinctive traditional occupations 254 84.38<br />
Showcasing a unique and dying culture 16 5.31<br />
Total 301 100<br />
Table 28: Distribution of the respondents’ response as to why they feel that their culture could not<br />
be utilized to generate a stable and continuous source of income<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Negative and stereotypical association with the community, leading to<br />
8 14.28<br />
discriminations and closure of opportunities<br />
Finding it difficult to earn a decent living being nomadic and practicing endemic<br />
13 23.21<br />
occupations<br />
<strong>The</strong> uniqueness of the culture and value system is irreparably damaged hence there is<br />
35 62.50<br />
nothing left to conserve<br />
Total 56 100<br />
Table 29: Distribution of the respondents’ reaction to the proposal by the Dilmah Conservation in<br />
collaboration with Sri Lanka Tourism Authority<br />
Respondents’<br />
response<br />
Frequency<br />
% of the total<br />
Very bad Bad Not bad Fair Good Very<br />
good<br />
Excellent<br />
Total<br />
- - 4 64 76 116 97 357<br />
- - 1.12 17.92 21.28 32.49 27.17 100<br />
When asked what they felt about the proposal by the Dilmah Conservation in collaboration with Sri Lanka Tourism Authority, 116<br />
of the 357 (32.48%) respondents felt it was a very good idea while 97 respondents (27.17%) felt it was an excellent idea. Not a single<br />
respondent stated that it was a bad or very bad idea (Table 29).<br />
84 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 30: Distribution of the respondents’ response in relation to their expectations of further<br />
possible integration to the mainstream society<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of Total<br />
Integration would facilitate better economic growth and financial stability 54 15.12<br />
It will enable better access to public amenities 76 21.28<br />
Enhancing the social status 122 34.17<br />
Curtail discrimination and social bias 64 17.92<br />
Better life for future generations 11.48 11.48<br />
Total 357 100<br />
Table 30 above indicates the respondents’ response in relation to their expectations of further possible integration to the mainstream<br />
society. 34% of the respondents felt such a move would enhance their social status, while 21% believed it would enable them better<br />
access to public amenities. 17.92% felt that it would curtail discrimination and social bias while 15,12% felt that it would facilitate<br />
better economic growth and financial stability.<br />
Although a majority stated in Table 30 that integration to mainstream society will enhance their social status, when asked to what<br />
extent they have adopted to certain cultural aspects of the mainstream society, their responses varied at different levels, as indicated<br />
in Table 31. As far as language and religion and religious beliefs were concerned, majority 65.26% and 60.78% of the respondents<br />
respectively stated that these were adaptable. In terms of social values and norms and lifestyle of the mainstream society, majority of<br />
the respondents between 45.09% and 55.18% felt these were adapted to an extent. While in relation to customs and traditions, the<br />
higher percentage 53.23% believed it to be slightly adapted, the majority felt that where literature, arts, theatre and music as well as<br />
employment were concerned, it was not at all adapted in relation to the mainstream society.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
85
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 31: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to the extent they<br />
have adopted the following cultural aspects of the mainstream society<br />
Respondents response Not at all adapted Slightly<br />
adapted<br />
Respondents’ response (frequency and % of total)<br />
Adapted to an<br />
extent<br />
Adaptable Adapted totally Total<br />
Socio-cultural aspects<br />
Language - 54(15.12) 38(10.64) 233(65.26) 32(8.96) 357<br />
Literature, arts, theatre and music 134(37.53) 128(35.87) 81(22.68) 11(3.08) 3(0.84) 357<br />
Social values and norms 11(3.08) 156(43.70) 161(45.09) 26(7.29) 3(0.84) 357<br />
Customs and traditions 34(9.52) 190(53.23) 118(33.05) 11(3.08) 4(1.12) 357<br />
Religion and religious beliefs 13(3.64) 21(5.88) 94(26.34) 217(60.78) 12(3.36) 357<br />
Lifestyle 5(1.40) 56(15.68) 197(55.18) 76(21.29) 23(6.45) 357<br />
Employment 272(76.19) 31(8.68) 27(7.56) 16(4.49) 11(3.08) 357<br />
When asked what they felt about their current overall integration to the mainstream society both as an individual and as a community,<br />
a majority of the respondents felt that it was not bad (43.41%), as indicated in Table 32. <strong>The</strong> overall majority fell within the range of<br />
not bad to excellent.<br />
Table 32: Distribution of the respondents’ reaction to their current overall integration to the mainstream<br />
society both as an individual and as a community<br />
Respondents<br />
response<br />
Frequency<br />
% of the total<br />
Very<br />
bad<br />
Not so<br />
good<br />
Not bad<br />
Good to<br />
an extent<br />
Good<br />
Very<br />
good<br />
Excellent<br />
Total<br />
14 51 155 59 17 42 19 357<br />
3.92 14.28 43.41 16.52 4.76 11.76 5.32 100<br />
86 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 33: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question why they feel that they are not<br />
integrated well with the mainstream society<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Finding it difficult to adapt to the new social order 12 18.46<br />
Negative and stereotypical association with the community, leading to<br />
42 64.61<br />
discriminations and closure of opportunities<br />
Rapid changes in the modern society 11 16.92<br />
Total 65 100<br />
Table 33 indicates why the respondents felt that they were not integrated well with the mainstream society. A 64.61% majority<br />
responded this was due to negative and stereotypical association with the community, leading to discriminations and closure of<br />
opportunities for them. A low percentage of 18.46% said it was difficult to adapt to a new social order and 16.92% attributed it to<br />
rapid changes in modern society.<br />
Table 34: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question why they feel that they are well<br />
integrated well with the mainstream society<br />
Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total<br />
Good understanding of the new social order 31 39.74<br />
Ability to break the barriers of negativism associated with the community 27 34.61<br />
Capability to transform to the rapid changes in the modern society 20 25.64<br />
Total 78 100<br />
Those who responded positively to integration with the mainstream society when asked as to why they felt they were well integrated<br />
with the mainstream society, a majority 39.74% responded saying this was due to good understanding of the new social order, while<br />
a close second (34.61%) stated this was due to their ability to break the barriers of negativism associated with the community, while a<br />
smaller percentage of 25.64% stated that they were able to transform to the rapid changes in modern society.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
87
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 35: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to their accessibility<br />
to public amenities<br />
Accessibility<br />
completely<br />
denied<br />
Respondents’ response (frequency and % of total)<br />
Accessibility<br />
considerably<br />
denied<br />
Accessible<br />
Relatively<br />
good<br />
accessibility<br />
Complete<br />
accessibility<br />
Education - - 287(80.39) 63(17.65) 7(1.96) 357<br />
Healthcare<br />
- 12(3.36) 216(60.50) 121(33.89) 8(2.25) 357<br />
facilities<br />
Public parks and<br />
- 31(8.68) 312(87.39) 14(3.93) - 357<br />
entertainment<br />
Law and order<br />
- 54(15.12) 289(80.95) 12(3.36) 2(0.57) 357<br />
institutions<br />
Public libraries - 98(27.45) 201(56.3) 57(15.97) 1(0.28) 357<br />
Total<br />
Table 35 indicates the responses of the respondents to their accessibility to public amenities. As far as education, public parks and<br />
entertainment, law and order institutions, and public libraries were concerned, the respondents stated that these amenities were<br />
accessible to them. In terms of health care facilities, a majority of the respondents stated that they have accessibility to this amenity.<br />
<strong>The</strong> level of complete accessibility to any of the public amenities listed in the table above were indicated as very low, based on the<br />
respondents’ answers.<br />
88 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Table 36: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question about their accessibility to<br />
public utilities<br />
Respondents’ response (frequency and % of total)<br />
Accessibility<br />
completely<br />
denied<br />
Accessibility<br />
considerably<br />
denied<br />
Accessible<br />
Relatively<br />
good<br />
accessibility<br />
Complete<br />
accessibility<br />
Telecommunication services - - 312(87.39) 34(9.53) 11(3.08) 357<br />
Electricity 37(10.36) 7(1.97) 288(80.67) 12(3.36) 13(3.64) 357<br />
Water and sanitary services - 357(100) - - - 357<br />
Transport 54(15.12) 82(22.96) 178(49.85) 23(6.47) 20(5.60) 357<br />
Postal - - 317(88.79) 24(6.73) 16(4.48) 357<br />
Other government services 67(18.77) 93(26.05) 174(48.74) 12(3.36) 11(3.08) 357<br />
As indicated in Table 36, the respondents were asked about their accessibility to public utilities and their responses indicated that a<br />
majority of the respondents had access to telecommunication services, electricity, postal services, and other government services and<br />
also transport. All 357 respondents had stated that accessibility was considerably denied to them as far as water and sanitation services<br />
were concerned. Access to postal services had the highest percentage of 88.79% followed by telecommunication services 87.39% and<br />
electricity 80.67% respectively. <strong>The</strong> table also shows that 10.36% is completely denied of access to electricity, while 15.12% have no<br />
access to transport and 18.77% no access to other governmental services<br />
Total<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
89
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Table 37: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to the cultural<br />
remnants left and which could be preserved for the next generation<br />
Respondents’ response<br />
(frequency and % of total)<br />
Leftovers of the cultural aspects Yes No Total<br />
Cultural and ritual artefacts 313 (87.67) 44 (12.32) 357<br />
Practice of black magic or the belief of practices of magic that draws on assumed 214 (60.50) 140 (39.49) 360<br />
malevolent powers<br />
Indigenous medicine and practices 49 (13.72) 308 (86.28) 357<br />
Photographs 31 (8.68) 326 (91.31) -<br />
Writings - 357 (100.00) 357<br />
Traditional knowledge passed down from generation to generation through 218 (61.06) 139 (38.93) 357<br />
word-of-mouth<br />
Traditions and rituals 267 (74.78) 90 (25.21) 357<br />
Table 37 indicates the respondents’ response to the question asked about their cultural remnants which are still left and which could<br />
be preserved for the next generation. <strong>The</strong>ir responses indicate that 88% of the respondents have stated that cultural and ritual artifacts<br />
could be preserved. 60.5% has stated that the practice of black magic or the belief of practices of magic that draws on assumed<br />
malevolent powers could be preserved for the next generation. A majority has stated that indigenous medicine and practices,<br />
photographs and writings could not be preserved for the next generation. <strong>The</strong>y also believe that traditional knowledge (61.06%,<br />
traditions and rituals (74.8%) could be preserved for the next generation.<br />
90 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Final Remarks and Policy Implications<br />
Gypsies represent a small community of people scattered all over the world, living peacefully having a common culture and historic<br />
heritage moving from place to place, hence referred to as nomads. <strong>The</strong> Sri Lankan gypsies belong to a minority in the country<br />
threatened by the fast development of technology making it difficult for them to fit into the common culture and integrate into<br />
mainstream society. <strong>The</strong>y show signs of gradual disappearance and are a forgotten and neglected community lacking any records<br />
pertaining to births, marriages, deaths and even residence – hence subject to gross deprivation of all human rights, which has<br />
victimized them to a very large extent causing a major problem.<br />
It is in this back drop that the researcher has conducted a baseline survey of 380 gypsy families(households) living in a gypsy<br />
community in a village settlement in Kudagama in the North Central Province.<br />
<strong>The</strong> researcher has made use of both quantitative and qualitative data gathering techniques like structured questionnaires, face to face<br />
interviews, focus group discussions and also interactive group sessions. <strong>The</strong> use of experienced and trained interviewers to administer<br />
the questionnaires and conduct interviews has facilitated the extraction of information minimizing the non responsive rates.<br />
This baseline survey eliciting information from 380 families residing in a gypsy community encom-passing all aspects of the life of a<br />
gypsy gives insight into the way of life of a Sri Lankan gypsy and provides an information base vital to understand and identify the<br />
needs and issues of the gypsy community and to assess, plan out, implement and monitor development activities to uplift the socio<br />
economic conditions of the gypsy community in Sri Lanka.<br />
Based on the finding of the research, the need for a very special programme of work to conserve (preserve) the cultural inheritances of<br />
the community is highly substantiated by the data collected. Such a programme of work while not isolating this community from the<br />
mainstream society will enable them to retain their identity as a cultural inheritance and also stabilise their base within the mainstream<br />
society. <strong>The</strong> pathetic situation is that although the need for such a programme of work has been highlighted there is no such systematic<br />
programme initiated either by the community, any institution or any other outside agency. Motivation for such a programme by the<br />
community has its limitations as the community moves from place to place throughout the island in small groups separated from each<br />
other engaged untiringly in the different modes of livelihood for their sustenance.<br />
<strong>The</strong> community leadership is not in a position to effectively implement and control such a programme of work. As observed by us the<br />
need for the uplift of the socio economic level of this community to a considerable extent can be found within the community itself.<br />
In order to highlight this the intervention by an external organisation is vital and there should be valuable guidance in a systematic<br />
manner. Development of a programme of work in this direction is vital and inevitable and an environment more conducive should be<br />
created for them to carry on their means of livelihood easily.<br />
<strong>The</strong> developing tourist industry may be utilised as an implement for this purpose. It is observed that in most developed countries in the<br />
world that the cultural inheritance of small community groups has been harnessed as an attraction in the tourist industry. In Sri Lanka<br />
too it is now seen that the socio cultural background of the veddhas is being used as an attraction in the tourist industry.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
91
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
This has resulted in the gradual absorption of this community into the mainstream society and also the enhancement of their socio<br />
economic status. As an example it is seen that a large number of graduates, teachers, journalists and social workers from the veddha<br />
community have entered the mainstream society. In this back drop it should be emphasised that in order to bring about social<br />
enhancement in the gypsy community the following suggestions have to be implemented without delay.<br />
1) <strong>The</strong> development of a special programme to preserve the culture of the gypsy community that is fast disappearing and the<br />
establishment of a community cultural centre.<br />
2) <strong>The</strong> commencement of a suitable programme of work for those who are willing to break off from traditional occupations.<br />
3) Enhancement of access to education and integration into the mainstream society.<br />
4) Provision of the freedom of movement from place to place to those who want to stick to the traditional modes of occupation and<br />
also provision of dwelling facilities to those moving to different parts of the island.<br />
5) A planned programme to change the social attitudes of the mainstream society and stabilise the community in the mainstream<br />
society.<br />
6) Conservation of the disappearing cultural factors in order to acquaint the future generations with a knowledge of their cultural<br />
traits.<br />
7) To find solutions to the problem of water, transport and other common amenities faced by the gypsies residing as a community in<br />
gypsy villages.<br />
8) As available written records of their cultural inheritance is very scanty an endeavour to extract vital information from elders in their<br />
community and to record such findings methodically.<br />
9) To create awareness in the tourism industry of the socio-cultural and economic inheritances of this community and to exhibit these<br />
inheritances to be used effectively and feasibly in the tourism industry.<br />
10) It is important to establish a centre to show case the socio-cultural inheritances of this commu-nity with the patronage of state and<br />
private organizations. This will eventually lead to the enhancement of their economic status as well as their family and social<br />
relationships.<br />
92 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
93
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
94 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
Many contributed<br />
towards the success<br />
of this publication,<br />
in numerous ways…<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
95
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
Our commitment to sustainability<br />
Dilmah Conservation is part of Dilmah’s core<br />
commitment to sustainability. It was initiated in 2007 to<br />
incorporate environmental conservation efforts into the MJF<br />
Charitable Foundation, which focuses on social justice. <strong>The</strong><br />
promise made by Dilmah Founder Merrill J. Fernando that<br />
business should be a matter of human service where the profits<br />
accrued are used for the benefit of the people and for taking<br />
care of the environment is deeply ingrained within the work<br />
programme of Dilmah Conservation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> significance of establishing a conservation extension<br />
to the existing Foundation became an absolute necessity<br />
in the wake of the 2004 Asian Tsunami. This cataclysmic<br />
event, not only destroyed lives and livelihoods; it also created<br />
environmental destruction of unimaginable proportions which<br />
needed to be addressed and remediated. In doing so, Dilmah<br />
Conservation carried out successful work in post tsunami<br />
rehabilitation and reconstruction of the lives, livelihoods and<br />
the environment.<br />
Up to date, Dilmah Conservation has partnered with many<br />
institutions, including the International Union for the<br />
Conservation of Nature (IUCN), Department of Wildlife<br />
Conservation, Universities of Colombo, Peradeniya, Moratuwa,<br />
and East, the Field Ornithology Group of Sri Lanka (FOGSL),<br />
Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science<br />
(SLAAS), Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation, Ocean Resources<br />
Conservation Association (ORCA) and the Sri Lanka Army to<br />
carry out successful work programmes island-wide.<br />
96 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
MP<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
97
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> initiatives carried out by Dilmah Conservation include<br />
ensuring sustainability in Dilmah tea gardens to improve<br />
its productivity, carrying out research on high yield food crops<br />
and biodiversity assessments to document the fauna and flora<br />
within Dilmah tea gardens. A dual purpose initiative was<br />
established to increase the green cover in Batticaloa through<br />
the planting of cashew trees and Dilmah Conservation<br />
hopes that this will translate into an income source for the<br />
communities in future. Education on peaceful coexistence<br />
with nature, environmental educations and awareness for<br />
healing rifts between communities are some of the activities<br />
that Dilmah Conservation has carried out successfully.<br />
Dilmah’s commitment to implementing the Montreal<br />
Protocol in Sri Lanka is evident in the change over from ozone<br />
depleting chemical fumigants to earth friendly substitutes in<br />
Dilmah tea gardens.<br />
This initiative has been recognised by the United Nations<br />
Environment Programme (UNEP) as one of the success<br />
stories in implementing the Protocol in their publication<br />
Goal Zero – Success Stories from Asia and the Pacific in phasing<br />
out ozone depleting chemicals, UNEP 2010. Additionally, to<br />
uphold the Protocol and to encourage environmentally sound<br />
transportation, Dilmah’s Small Entrepreneur Programme (SEP)<br />
supported nearly 50 bicycle repairmen from Batticaloa to<br />
upgrade their existing facilities in order provide better service to<br />
their customers.<br />
98 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
MP<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
99
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
<strong>The</strong> ongoing Reconciliation though Power of Nature<br />
initiative aims to heal the wounds of war using nature as<br />
a source. <strong>The</strong> first publication on birds in the Tamil language<br />
was published for the benefit of Jaffna’s school children while<br />
the Thondaimannaru Field Research Station, the pride and<br />
joy of Jaffna’s scientific community was rebuilt and vested on<br />
its hereditary custodians the Field Work Centre (FWC) under<br />
this initiative.<br />
100 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
JS<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
101
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Work in the Udawalawe National Park and adjacent<br />
communities are part of Dilmah Conservations’<br />
Terrestrial Habitat and Species Conservation initiative<br />
aimed at making Udawalawe into a model national park.<br />
Dilmah supports the Elephant Transit Home (ETH) while<br />
continuously upgrading the Elephant Information Centre.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mankada pottery centre in Udawalawe, set up by<br />
Dilmah Conservation produces world class pottery ware while<br />
providing livelihood opportunities for women from adjacent<br />
communities.<br />
102 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
SP<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
103
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
programme to support and uplift the lives and livelihoods<br />
A of indigenous Veddah’s and nomadic <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> people<br />
was launched by Dilmah Conservation under the Culture<br />
and Indigenous Communities Programme. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
community will benefit with the setting up of a cultural centre<br />
while the Veddah community will be supported to continue<br />
their traditional way of life. <strong>The</strong> lives of the Veddahs were<br />
documented in Indigenous Communities in Sri Lanka – <strong>The</strong><br />
Veddahs published in May 2012.<br />
104 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
Dilmah Conservation <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 105<br />
BH
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation is currently working closely with<br />
the Sri Lanka Army in Thoppigala, in eastern Sri Lanka<br />
to support social and economic progress of the communities<br />
while launching initiatives to regenerate the land scarred<br />
by 30 years of war. As part of the activities, 20,000 trees<br />
have been planted and a heritage centre has been established<br />
to promote the historical, cultural and environmental<br />
significance of the area.<br />
106 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
Dilmah Conservation <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 107<br />
DS
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation launched its Marine Habitat and<br />
Species Conservation Programme to address some of<br />
the salient issues affecting Sri Lanka’s marine habitats. Dilmah<br />
Conservation currently carries out work in several marine<br />
habitats that are home to some of Sri Lanka’s pristine coral<br />
reefs and important marine species. Research carried out<br />
includes status documentation of the reef as well as ongoing<br />
research on dugongs.<br />
108 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
DJ<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
109
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation believes that every individual<br />
and business has an obligation to ensure sustainable<br />
interactions with the environment where man and nature can<br />
coexist in harmony.<br />
110 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
For additional information visit our website at www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
SP<br />
Dilmah Conservation<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
111
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation deeply appreciates the contributions<br />
made by numerous individual and groups towards the<br />
successful completion of our publication Traditional<br />
Communities in Sri Lanka – <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>.<br />
We thank all 5 village leaders of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community<br />
and their clans for the relentless support and corporation<br />
extended to Dilmah Conservation during our research and<br />
subsequent search for the roots of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community.<br />
We also thank Professor Ranjith Bandara of the University<br />
of Colombo and his research team for their untiring efforts<br />
in conducting the first socio economic survey in Kudagama<br />
covering the entire community and producing a ground<br />
breaking analysis.<br />
We appreciate with deep gratitude the contributions<br />
and logistical support given by the Divisional Secretary<br />
Ranjani Perera, Grama Niladhari N.G Senevirathne,<br />
Samurdhi Niladhari Piyal Chandrasiri and D. Nimal during<br />
research carried out and for organising of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Varigasabha in Kudagama. We thank Krishantha Nandasena<br />
of Galgamuwa for giving guidance and providing insight<br />
to the Kudagama Community. We thank the former Chief<br />
Minister of the North Central Province Hon. Berty Premalal<br />
Dissanayake and Ajith Pushpalal of the Chief Minister’s office<br />
for releasing the land for the construction of the community<br />
centre and Lankathilaka Lebunahewa, Lakmal Bandara and<br />
Ananda Perera, Technical Officers of the Thambuttegama<br />
112 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation
Acknowledgements<br />
Divisional Secretariat for assistance in the construction work.<br />
We profoundly thank Professor Harsha Munasinghe and<br />
Prasad Boteju of the Department of Architecture, University<br />
of Moratuwa for organising the design competition to select<br />
the design for the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> Cultural Centre and the<br />
winner Fathima Rizna Arooz for her winning design. We also<br />
thank Upali Vidanagamage and Dishani Perera of Dilmah<br />
Engineering for their efforts during the construction of the<br />
Centre.<br />
We thank Hon. Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Minister of National<br />
Languages and Social Integration and Rev. Bulathkohupitiye<br />
Pemalankara for their advice and guidance. We also thank<br />
Hemanlin Karunaratne and the HTV crew for their efforts in<br />
documenting the community activities and support provided<br />
by all officers of the Thambuttegama Police Station on the<br />
Varigasabha day.<br />
This publication would not have been possible if not for the<br />
wealth of information gathered and compiled by writers as<br />
M.D. Ragavan, Sunil Kularatne, Chandra Sri Ranasinghe,<br />
Sepala Samarasekara and Nadeera Jayatunge who dedicated<br />
their valuable time to studying and documenting the lives of<br />
<strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community.<br />
This is a visual representation of the <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> community<br />
as it is informative. We take this opportunity to thank<br />
Darrell Bartholomeusz, Alan Benson, Dhanush De Costa,<br />
Dimithri Cruze, Dharshana Jayawardena, Bree Hutchins,<br />
Namal Kamalgoda, Sarath Perera, Malaka Premasiri, M. A.<br />
Pushpakumara, Devaka Seneviratne, Julian Stevenson, Dilhan<br />
C. Fernando, Nuwan Gankanda and Asanka Abayakoon for<br />
their efforts at capturing these stunning images.<br />
<strong>The</strong> English translation of the text was completed by Hafeel<br />
Farisz. We thank him for his clear and precise translation.<br />
We thank Professor Ranjith Bandara for the foreword.<br />
We thank the Chairman of the MJF Group<br />
Merrill J. Fernando and Malik J. Fernando - Director, the<br />
Dilmah Conservation Advisory Panel headed by<br />
Dilhan C. Fernando and members Professor S.W. Kotagama,<br />
Shiranee Yasaratne and Dr. Sumith Pilapitiya for guidance and<br />
support given during the entire exercise.<br />
Special appreciation is extended to the Dilmah Conservation<br />
research team comprising of Nuwan Gankanda (Principal<br />
Investigator) and Asanka Abayakoon for their work in remote<br />
corners of the country often under trying conditions.<br />
We thank the Brand Marketing Team of Dilmah for their<br />
contributions.<br />
We thank all the unnamed people who worked tirelessly to<br />
bring this publication out.<br />
Dilmah Conservation <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong> 113
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
114 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong>
DS<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
115
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
www.dilmahconservation.org<br />
Dilmah Conservation was initiated in 2007 by Dilmah to incorporate environmental<br />
conservation efforts into the MJF Charitable Foundation, which focuses on social justice. Dilmah<br />
Conservation works towards the sustainable use of the environment in partnership with other<br />
organisations including the International Union for Conservation of Nature - IUCN. <strong>The</strong> pledge<br />
made by Dilmah founder Merrill J. Fernando to make business a matter of human service is<br />
deeply ingrained in the work carried out by Dilmah Conservation. For additional information<br />
visit our website at www.dilmahconservation.org.<br />
ISBN: 978-955-0081-08-0<br />
116 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ahikuntaka</strong><br />
Dilmah Conservation