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Figure 2.8.4<br />

Changes releated to trust in government, Estonia and the reference states, from 2006 to 2012<br />

Estonia<br />

Czech Republic<br />

Slovakia<br />

Hungary<br />

Slovenia<br />

Finland<br />

Denmark<br />

Netherlands<br />

Greece<br />

Trust, percentage<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

2009<br />

2010<br />

2011<br />

2012<br />

75<br />

70<br />

65<br />

60<br />

55<br />

50<br />

45<br />

40<br />

35<br />

30<br />

25<br />

20<br />

15<br />

10<br />

5<br />

0<br />

75<br />

70<br />

65<br />

60<br />

55<br />

50<br />

45<br />

40<br />

35<br />

30<br />

25<br />

20<br />

15<br />

10<br />

5<br />

0<br />

Source: Eurobarometer<br />

a loss of trust among the Russian-speaking respondents;<br />

2009 – impact of the economic crisis; 2012 – Reform<br />

Party financing scandal).<br />

Estonia’s problem is the strong correlation between<br />

the trust assessments and the ethnic background of the<br />

respondents, which reflects the different attitudes of the<br />

Estonians and the Russian-speaking minority toward the<br />

Estonian state (Figure 2.8.3). It is also noteworthy that the<br />

Russian-speaking respondents demonstrated greater trust<br />

in the parliament than in the government, but the opposite<br />

is true of the Estonians, who trust the government more.<br />

However, when comparing the changes in the trust<br />

in Estonia’s government, with that in the reference states,<br />

we see clearly that, despite the economic crisis, some<br />

governments retain the trust of the people and some do<br />

not (Figure 2.8.4). In the old democracies, the trust in the<br />

government has been declining steadily in Greece, but, in<br />

the Baltic Sea area, which is of interest to us, Denmark has<br />

turned out to be the most vulnerable. On the other hand,<br />

the ratings of the governments in Finland and the Netherlands<br />

have turned out to be consistently high, regardless<br />

of the crisis. The trust level of Estonia’s government has<br />

remained higher than that of the other new EU Member<br />

States. Initially, the rapid recovery from the crisis raised<br />

the level of trust in the government, but in the autumn<br />

of 2011, this started to decline. It is worth observing how<br />

Slovenia and the Czech Republic, which, to date, have<br />

consistently outstripped Estonia in human and economic<br />

development, and have tried to maintain a “soft line” in<br />

their reform policies, have ended up in a serious crisis of<br />

trust, during and after the economic crisis.<br />

Simultaneously with trust in the government<br />

(Figure 2.8.5), a change has also occurred in the trust in<br />

political parties, which has been lower than the trust in<br />

the government, and which declined, in many states, to<br />

below 10%, during the crisis. After the crisis, the trust in<br />

political parties increased only in Finland and Denmark,<br />

and somewhat in Slovakia and Hungary, while, at the<br />

same time, the trust in the political systems of Slovenia<br />

and the Czech Republic were not able to recover, even by<br />

the end of 2012. In Estonia, the decline in the trustworthiness<br />

of the government, compared to 2010, has been<br />

faster and sharper than the reduction in the trustworthiness<br />

of the political parties, which, until 2011, remained<br />

higher than in the other Member States.<br />

However, it can generally be stated that, regardless<br />

of the increase in public criticism, Estonia’s political<br />

system, which is based on representative democracy, has<br />

become more stable than in the majority of the other<br />

Eastern and Central European states. However, if we compare<br />

all the other European Union Members States with<br />

the problem child, Greece, the question develops, whether<br />

trust in the government, parliament and political parties<br />

has been decimated by the economic crisis, or is the reason<br />

why Greece actually cannot cope with its problems<br />

is the existence of a great deficit in social capital, and a<br />

total lack of trust.<br />

2.8.2<br />

Satisfaction with the functioning of<br />

democracy<br />

Trust in political institutions is an indication of how<br />

well democracy functions in the given state. Or, in other<br />

words, to what extent people perceive that the state<br />

authorities are capable of finding solutions to problems,<br />

while also considering the interests of various societal<br />

groups, in the process.<br />

The following percentages of the citizens are satisfied<br />

with the functioning of democracy in their states:<br />

90% in Denmark, 78% in Finland, 75% in the Netherlands,<br />

and 70% in Austria. On the other hand, 76% of<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013<br />

97

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