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Lithuania, 61%; and in Russia, 69%. In the global corruption<br />

report compiled in 2004, a clearly more positive<br />

attitude toward public authority could be seen among<br />

the Estonian elite, as compared with Lithuania, Latvia<br />

and Russia. If 39% of the Estonian elite agreed with the<br />

statement that the representatives of public authority<br />

are dealing with their personal interests, in Russia, the<br />

respective indicator was 61%, in Latvia 55% and in Lithuania<br />

51% (Steen 2004).<br />

When we examine the changes in Estonia’s position<br />

based on the corruption perception for the last<br />

ten years, we see a somewhat different picture. Estonia’s<br />

ranking in the corruption perceptions index list<br />

has constantly deteriorated during the named period<br />

(see Table 2.5.1). Estonia’s highest position was achieved<br />

in 2006 (24 th place); then, we fell by three to four places;<br />

remained there; and declined again, during the last two<br />

years. During the last six years, Estonia’s position has<br />

worsened by eight places. Based on the corruption perceptions<br />

indicators, Estonia has not drawn closer to the<br />

Western and Northern European countries, but rather,<br />

decreased its gap with the former socialist states. A shift<br />

in the same direction is also occurring in the attitudes<br />

of the public toward the abuse of power in Estonia. The<br />

cases of political corruption, which have regularly been<br />

disclosed recently, have increased people’s concerns<br />

about political corruption and the transparency of<br />

governance.<br />

The last two GRECO reports dealt with political<br />

corruption in Estonia. In 2008, the report included<br />

several proposals for improving oversight over political<br />

party financing. As of the beginning of 2012, of the eight<br />

recommendations regarding the regulation of the criminalisation<br />

of corruption, five had not been implemented,<br />

two were partly implemented and one has been satisfactorily<br />

implemented. In its newest report, which deals with<br />

the prevention of corruption among parliament members,<br />

judges and prosecutors, GRECO made seven recommendations<br />

for improving the work of the Estonian Parliament<br />

(Riigikogu). Among other things, the report dealt<br />

with establishing rules for people who try to influence<br />

the drafting of legislation, for the establishment of codes<br />

of ethics, for subsequent job restrictions for members<br />

of parliament and for the declaration of their economic<br />

interests (GRECO 2012).<br />

2.5.2<br />

Summary<br />

As compared to the majority of the former Eastern bloc<br />

countries, the extent of the corruption in Estonia has<br />

been assessed as rather modest. Estonia’s anti-corruption<br />

strategy, are primarily concerned with simpler<br />

forms of corruption, the so-called “lower level” of<br />

corruption, i.e. activities which are mainly related to<br />

the honesty and transparency in business. If foreign<br />

companies, which represented the Western-style business<br />

and management culture, played a large role in<br />

the economic reorganisation, we were left, more or less,<br />

on our own, when it came to the development of the<br />

political culture.<br />

The international organisations have repeatedly<br />

indicated to the danger of political corruption, the<br />

negative impact of which on the Estonian development<br />

has become increasingly evident in recent years. An<br />

essential role has also been played by our inexperience<br />

and the lack of a consistent policymaking tradition. We<br />

are often not able to see the importance of stability and<br />

ethical values in institutional activities, compared to<br />

personal gain and interests. Self-criticism is inhibited<br />

by the wrong habit of hiding any shortcomings behind<br />

a shiny façade.<br />

References<br />

1. 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index – www.transparency.org/<br />

policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2012/results<br />

2. GRECO 2012 – http://www.korruptsioon.ee/greco<br />

3. Karklins, R. (2005). The System Made Me Do It: Corruption in<br />

Post-Communist Societies. Armonk, NY, London: M.E. Sharpe.<br />

4. Koch, A. (2012). Corruption Perceptions Index 2012 and the<br />

European Financial Crisis. http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2012/results<br />

5. Lipset, S., Lenz, G. (1999). Corruption, Culture, and Markets.<br />

Manuscript, George Mason University, Arlington, VA.<br />

6. Mauss, M. (2000/1924). The Gift: The Form and Reason for<br />

Exchange in Archaic Societies. New York: W.W. Norton.<br />

7. Nations in Transit 2012 – www.freedomhouse.org<br />

8. Sandholtz, W., Taagepera, R. (2005). “Corruption, Culture, and<br />

Communism,” International Review of Sociology, 15, 1, 109-131.<br />

9. Steen, A. (2004). “How Elites View Corruption and Trust in<br />

Post-Soviet States,” Global Corruption Report 2004: Special<br />

Focus: Political Corruption. London; Sterling, VA: Pluto Press /<br />

Transparency International.<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013<br />

85

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