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the cultural variations of values (see Figure 1.5.1). Survival versus self-expression has been found to be very closely related to Hofstede’s (1980) individualism versus collectivism, and Shalom Schwartz’s (1994) autonomy versus conservation of cultural value dimensions as all three deal with the common dimension of cultural variation – people’s aspiration toward greater autonomy and freedom of choice (Inglehart & Oyserman, 2004; Schwartz 2004). 1.5.2 Do values change and how? The main goal of Ronald Inglehart and his colleague’s approach to values (Inglehart 1997; Inglehart & Welzel 2005) is to explain cultural value change. The theory focuses on the socio-economic development of society (the so-called “modernisation” theory), which, on the one hand, is accompanied by considerable social, political and cultural changes, and, on the other hand, allows predictions to be made regarding how and in what direction values will develop. Socio-economic development starts from technological innovations, which increase labour efficiency, and this, in turn, is accompanied by greater specialisation in the division of labour, increased incomes and levels of education, diversification of human relations, and it shifts the focus from authoritarian forms of communication to market economy relations. In the long term, this development is accompanied by changes in gender roles, sexual norms, current attitudes toward the authorities, as well as the people’s increased political activism and involvement in activities related to civil society (Inglehart & Welzel 2005). According to Inglehart and Welzel’s theory (2005), the socio-economic development of a society increases people’s autonomy, creativity and freedom of choice through three important mechanisms. Firstly, socio-economic development increases people’s sense of material security, through which the impact of material limitations on people’s choices and decisions is reduced. Secondly, the increase in the educational level, the spread of the means of mass communications, and cognitively more demanding work tasks increase the people’s intellectual independence. Thirdly, greater specialisation in the division of labour as well as the reduction in the importance of traditional social relations and roles increase the people’s social autonomy – it is possible for people to create new social relations based on their own desires and needs, and not based on prescribed (e.g. inherent) and strictly defined roles. Therefore, it could be said that, by reducing limitations on the people’s freedom of choice and by increasing the people’s autonomy, modernisation and socio-economic development guide societies and the changes in the predominant values in a broadly predictable direction (Inglehart 2006; Inglehart & Welzel 2005). At the same time, Inglehart and his colleagues’ research (Inglehart 200e6; Inglehart & Baker 2000) shows that the development of values is path dependent – the dominant religious background of the society, be it Protestantism, Orthodoxy, Islam, Confucianism, etc., is clearly expressed in the development of cultural areas, which have characteristic value systems that persist even after economic development is taken into account. Therefore, although the value systems of various countries are moving in the same direction under the influence of modernisation, the development of the values of these societies are influenced, to a significant degree, by their cultural, historical and religious legacies. Thus, Inglehart describes the development of values based rather on a paradigm of multiple modernities (Eisenstadt, 2000). In Inglehart and his colleagues’ approach, a significant cultural shift has taken place during the last thirty to forty years in the developed industrial countries, where the people’s value preferences have shifted from values that stress a sense of material and physical security toward “post-modern” values, i.e. those that stress greater self-expression and quality of life. According to Inglehart (1990), the change is based on two important hypotheses, which complement each other. • The scarcity hypothesis: almost all people appreciate freedom and autonomy, although under conditions of economic hardship, people must first pay attention to the most important activities necessary for survival in order to ensure their material and physical security. As economic well-being increases, so does the importance of post-materialist, self-expressive values. • The socialisation hypothesis: the socio-economic development of society does not cause changes in the people’s value preferences overnight. People’s values are formed during the early years of their childhood and represent the economic conditions prevalent at that time. Thus, as the society becomes wealthier, values change gradually through generational turnover. In summary, it could be said that according to Inglehart and his colleagues, the development of values depends to a great extent on the socio-economic and technological development of the society, but also follows the historical-religious patterns that are typical of that society. However, cultural change that is caused by socio-economic development takes place in two stages: industrialisation (including the secularisation of both society and power) is accompanied by a growth in the importance of secular-rational values, while the emergence of values that stress self-expression and autonomy accompany post-industrialisation (Inglehart 1997; Inglehart & Welzel 2005). 1 1 Although Inglehart’s and his colleagues approach to value dimensions and value changes has warranted great interest and recognition among social scientists, this fame has inevitably been accompanied by an increased number of researchers that view Inglehart’s ideas and methods sceptically and critically. An overview of the criticism and counter criticism related to Inglehart’s work is provided by an article by Paul Abramson (2011), which can be downloaded from http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3f72v9q4. 50 Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013
Table 1.5.2 Estonia’s participation in the World Values Survey and the European Values Survey Survey period 01.06.1990– 30.08.1990 20.10.1996– 23.11.1996 01.10.1999– 31.10.1999 01.07.2008– 31.08.2008 18.11.2011– 02.12.2011 Survey Size of the sample Mean age (SD) Principal investigator EVS/WVS 1008 39.7 (14.8) Andrus Saar* WVS 1021 43.6 (15.3) Mikk Titma* EVS/WVS 1005 44.4 (17.6) Andrus Saar EVS 1518 50.1 (18.5) Andrus Saar WVS 1533 48.6 (18.5) Andrus Saar Note: EVS – European Values Survey; WVS – World Values Survey; SD = standard deviation. The given data comes from the surveys’ websites, see www.worldvaluessurvey.org and www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. *The survey was conducted in cooperation with Hans-Jürgen Klingemann. 1.5.3 Estonia’s participation in the World Values Survey Estonia participated for the first time in the World Values Survey in 1990, that is, while it was still part of the Soviet Union (see Table 1.5.2). Officially, this was the second wave of the European Values Survey, which was later replicated within the framework of the World Values Survey, in many different countries of the world. The next wave of the World Values Survey took place in Estonia five years after re-independence was declared, i.e. in the autumn of 1996. Thereafter, only three years later, in 1999, the survey was conducted again under the aegis of the European Values Survey. The fifth wave of the World Values Survey took place from 2005 to 2008, but unfortunately, Estonia did not participate in that wave of the survey. However, the next wave of data collection for the European Values Survey took place in Estonia in 2008 – since the survey questionnaires for the two surveys overlap to a great degree, the results from that survey can also be included in a comparative analysis. The latest World Values Survey, i.e. the sixth wave, began in 2010 and data in Estonia were collected in the autumn of 2011. The person responsible for conducting most of the surveys in Estonia has been Andrus Saar from the social and market research company Saar Poll. 1.5.4 The values of the Estonian population between 1990 and 2011 Estonia’s position on Inglehart and Welzel’s (1995) cultural map of the world, between 1990 and 1999, is shown in Figure 1.5.1. The vertical axis of the map contrasts traditional and secular-rational values and the horizontal axis the values stressing survival and self-expression. The positions of the countries on the map have been derived from the results of the factor analysis conducted at the cultural level, which is based on the ten indicators shown in Table 1.5.1. The higher a country’s factor score on either the vertical or horizontal axis, the more the secular-rational or self-expressive values are stressed in that country, in comparison to other countries. As can be seen from Figure 1.5.1, based on all three survey waves, Estonia is positioned in the upper left corner of the cultural map of the world, i.e. in both 1990 and 1996, as well as in 1999, compared to the other countries, people living in Estonian considered secular-rational as well as survival-related values to be important. In the comparison of the world’s countries, Estonian residents, on the one hand, stressed individualistic aspirations, did not support the superiority of authority (not God, state or family), expressed comparatively low level of nationalism and national pride, found that divorce, abortion and suicide are acceptable phenomena in society, and expressed great belief in the importance of scientific and technological progress (secular-rational values). On the other hand, the results of the surveys conducted in the 1990s show that people in Estonia have little trust in other people, a low levels of tolerance and subjective well-being, as well as meagre levels of political activism, environmental awareness and personal initiative (values that stress survival). According to Inglehart and his colleagues (Inglehart & Baker 2000; Inglehart & Welzel 2005), the strong focus on secular-rational values, but also on survival-related ones, is the direct achievement or legacy, depending on one’s viewpoint, of the 50 years of Communist rule. This argument is supported by the fact that a large number of those who shared Estonia’s fate (including our neighbours Latvia, Lithuania, Russia and many other former Soviet Republics) are positioned quite close to Estonia on the cultural map of the world, thereby forming a group of former Communist countries. Estonia’s position in the higher portion of the axis of secular-rational versus traditional values may also be affected by our Protestant religious legacy that has dominated in the historical perspective and, which acknowledges authority to a much smaller degree than in Catholic countries. During the aforementioned ten years, substantial changes did not take place in the significance of secular-rational values for Estonia’s population. However, a small shift toward even greater emphasis on the survival-related values did take place in the period from 1990 to 1996. A similar trend took place in the other Eastern European countries, which Inglehart and Baker (2000) have interpreted as a reaction to complex economic, social and political changes that took place after the fall of the Iron Curtain and the independence of those countries in the early 1990s. In 1999, Estonia’s position on the values dimension stressing self-expression (as opposed to stressing survival) was practically the same as three years earlier. What might Estonia’s position be on the cultural map of the world in 2011? An exact answer to this Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013 51
Page 1: ESTONIAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2
Page 4 and 5: Table of Contents 1 Human Capital /
Page 6 and 7: Dear Reader Since the moment when E
Page 9 and 10: 1Human Capital Estonian Human Devel
Page 11 and 12: the HDI’s content has also been h
Page 13 and 14: Figure 1.1.1 The human development
Page 15 and 16: Figure 1.1.7 The income sub-index:
Page 17 and 18: The results of the Princeton Projec
Page 19 and 20: the hypothetical generation. The to
Page 21 and 22: Figure 1.2.3 Life expectancy. Eston
Page 23 and 24: Table 1.2.2 also presents the most
Page 25 and 26: The new trends that are appearing i
Page 27 and 28: Figure 1.2.8 Components of populati
Page 29 and 30: New features were introduced into E
Page 31 and 32: Initiation of Voluntary Birth Contr
Page 33 and 34: Table 1.3.1 Best-known educational
Page 35 and 36: (OECD 2012b). Therefore a certain r
Page 37 and 38: The reciprocal dependence of the pr
Page 39 and 40: Figure 1.3.8 Percentage of students
Page 41 and 42: Table 1.3.4 The quality of educatio
Page 43 and 44: 1.4 Health Raul-Allan Kiivet Change
Page 45 and 46: Table 1.4.1 Usage of prescription m
Page 47 and 48: allude to the fact that approximate
Page 49 and 50: promote healthy lifestyles among th
Page 51: Figure 1.5.1 The World Values Surve
Page 55 and 56: Figure 1.5.3 The percentage of the
Page 57 and 58: Figure 1.5.5 Percentage of the Esto
Page 59 and 60: The fact that Estonia’s position
Page 61 and 62: Summary Mati Heidmets The global vi
Page 63 and 64: 2People and Society Estonian Human
Page 65 and 66: Table 2.1.1 Structure of the Bertel
Page 67 and 68: tioning market economies (15 states
Page 69 and 70: 2.2 Freedom and democracy Martin M
Page 71 and 72: Table 2.2.1 Democracy indicators Po
Page 73 and 74: Figure 2.2.2 The distribution of th
Page 75 and 76: would be something that none of the
Page 77 and 78: political participation are general
Page 79 and 80: strongest, while a very small perce
Page 81 and 82: is concerned, Estonia is one of the
Page 83 and 84: Figure 2.4.2 Average circulation of
Page 85 and 86: 2.5 Corruption Jüri Saar In accord
Page 87 and 88: Lithuania, 61%; and in Russia, 69%.
Page 89 and 90: 2.6.2 Intentional homicides in Esto
Page 91 and 92: crime. And thirdly, there was a wis
Page 93 and 94: References 1. Ahven, A. & Tabur, L.
Page 95 and 96: states included in the EU Kids Onli
Page 97 and 98: 2.8 Public assessments of the state
Page 99 and 100: Figure 2.8.4 Changes releated to tr
Page 101 and 102: of the state’s development are en
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Table 2.9.1 The positions of Estoni
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3. IEP (2011). Structures of Peace.
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3Welfare and the Quality of Life Es
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choices made, not what people say t
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Figure 3.1.5 Public social spending
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tion agreed upon the social contrac
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References 1. Aidukaite, J. (2006).
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hand, to the “inequality of acces
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and explanations of the extent of i
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5- much more than I deserve. Some d
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people in Estonia consider the inco
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Table 3.3.1 Experienced Well-Being
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at about 70%. In Latvia and Lithuan
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sign. It seems that the usual view
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3.4 Quality of life Anu Toots 3.4.1
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a uniform composite indicator has n
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3.4.6 The components of life qualit
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Figure 3.4.4c Perceived quality of
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Figure 3.4.5 Changes in the depriva
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3.5 Environment dimension of well-b
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Figure 3.5.1.b Estonia’s position
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3.5.4 Energy intensity The energy i
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productivity, which is defined as t
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perceive themselves as worse off th
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4The Economy Estonian Human Develop
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vide a valuable connection for maki
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Figure 4.1.3 Components of economic
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ule of law, the sub-indicators for
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References 1. Acemoglu, D.; Robinso
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Development Report employs generali
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and pasture land, and this was capi
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Basing the total and net savings re
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4.3 Labour market Reelika Leetmaa,
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The problems include the very limit
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• Expenditures for active labour
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who lose their jobs. These ensure i
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4.4 Productivity and the economic s
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labour costs at the company level r
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Table 4.4.4 Comparison of the produ
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Figure 4.4.1 Annual average increas
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4.5 Innovation Erik Terk, Katrin M
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Table 4.5.2 Comparison of innovatio
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Table 4.5.4 Comparison of the indic
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in order to make the R&D potential
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It is characteristic of the South K
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mechanisms for increasing their sta
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Globalisation and Policy Patterns 5
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When Estonia regained its independe
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5.2 The impacts of globalisation an
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Table 5.2.2 Support of the differen
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5.3 Development policies Erik Terk,
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• C -the “Estonia-centred” su
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Figure 5.4.1 Support for the possib
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Summary Erik Terk Estonia is part o
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ehavioural patterns. Therefore, it
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EDR 2012/2013 authors Clemens Buche
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EDR 2012/2013 authors Alari Purju i
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Editor-in-Chief: Mati Heidmets Prod
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