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1.5 Values Anu Realo The attention of many cultural researchers has been engaged, for several decades, by values that express cultural ideals and shared understandings about what is good and what is bad. Values are seen as a central theme or axis of culture around which shared beliefs, symbols, norms, and practices are centered, allowing us to compare different cultures (Hofstede 1980, 2001; Inglehart 1997, 2006; Schwartz 1994, 2004). Cultural values shape and justify individual and group beliefs, habits, goals and actions. Everyday practices and institutional functioning, in turn, reflect important cultural values. The dominant value orientations in the culture develop and change when societies are faced with fundamental problems or issues that regulate human activity (Schwartz 2004).This chapter will examine the development of values in Estonia during the last twenty years. The chapter is based mostly on the value theory of Ronald Inglehart and his colleagues (Inglehart 1997, 2006; Inglehart & Baker 2000; Inglehart & Welzel 2005). Also included are the results of the World Values Survey (WVS), which is presumably the world’s largest survey of attitudes, values and beliefs (Inglehart & Baker 2000). In cooperation with the European Values Survey (EVS), which was started in 1981, the project involves approximately 90 countries, and uses nationally representative samples for its research. The new wave of surveys for the World Values Survey is currently underway, and data was collected in Estonia in the autumn of 2011. This data provides a good opportunity to analyse whether and how much Estonia’s position on the “cultural map of the world” has changed during the last 20 years. 1.5.1 The Inglehart and Welzel’s dimensions of cultural values Based on Inglehart and Welzel’s (Ing lehart 1997, 2006; Inglehart & Welzel 2005) approach, one can speak about two large value dimensions: (1) traditional versus secular-rational, which contrasts the religious and traditional values typical of agrarian societies with the secular and rational values, which mainly predominate in urbanised and industrialised societies, and (2) survival versus self-expression, which reflects the shift from an emphasis on economic and physical security to the appreciation of self-expression, subjective well-being and the quality of life. These two dimensions make it possible to describe most of the cultural differences in value preferences (see Figure 1.5.1). The values dimension that contrasts traditional and secular-rational values reflects the “the contrast between societies in which religion is very important and those in which it is not” (p. 25); at the same time, obedience to authority – be it God, a government leader or head of a family – are all very closely related (Inglehart & Baker 2000). In societies that stress traditional values, religion plays an important role; people consider strong ties between children and parents to be important; as well as obedience to authority. In societies that stress traditional values, things that are viewed as “social anomalies,” such as divorce, abortion, suicide and euthanasia, are disapproved. In societies that emphasize secular-rational values, religion and religious authority is less important; instead, people consider their personal aspirations more important than social conformity. They have a rational belief in the progress of science and technology, and in an individual right to make important decisions regarding their own lives (incl. euthanasia, suicide, divorce and abortion) (Inglehart & Welzel 2005). In those societies where values related to selfexpression dominate, people have a better self-reported health; they also take more responsibility for their actions, are politically active, tolerant of differences, and knowledgeable and enthusiastic about issues related to nature conservation (Inglehart & Baker 2000). The peoples that stress self-expression are more sensitive about human rights issues, aware of technology-related dangers and risks, and more attentive when it comes to the discrimination of minorities. Societies where values related to survival predominate are characterised by a sense of low economic and physical security, and the prioritisation of material values. People that live in societies that stress survival do not trust each other, are not satisfied with life and do not tolerate having people who are different (e.g. foreigners, or people with different sexual orientations) around them. In these societies, people consider their own health to be relatively poor, and do not think that issues related to gender equality, nature conservation or sustainable living are important (Inglehart & Oyserman 2004). The aforementioned dimensions of cultural values have been confirmed empirically by the research of Inglehart and his colleagues (Inglehart 1997; Inglehart & Baker 2000), which summarises the data collected in the course of the fourth wave of the World Values Survey, based on 200 samples from 78 countries. If Inglehart (1997) initially computed the factor scores for the values dimensions based on 22 items, later analyses showed that ten indicators are sufficient (see Table 1.5.1) to describe the most important cultural differences in people’s value preferences (Inglehart & Baker 2000). The two values dimensions explain a total of 71% of the crossnational variation and enable the positions of every society to be charted on a global map showing 48 Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013
Figure 1.5.1 The World Values Survey Cultural Map of the World 1999–2004. -2,0 -1,5 -1,0 -0,5 0 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 Secular-Rational Values Traditional Values 1,5 1,0 0,5 0 -0,5 -1,0 -1,5 -2,0 -2,5 Sweden 1,5 Confucian East Germany Protestant Europe Estonia Estonia 1996 1990 Norway Estonia China Bulgaria Czech Republic Denmark West Germany 1,0 Russia South-Korea Belarus Lithuania Ukraine Slovenia Montenegro Finland Switzerland Netherlands Latvia Taiwan Greece Serbia Slovakia 0,5 Albania Moldova France Belgium Luxembourg Iceland Hungary Israel Macedonia Ex-Communist Italy Great Austria Britain Spain New Zealand 0 Croatia Bosnia Georgia Azerbaijan Catholic Europe Canada Armenia Uruguay Australia Romania -0,5 Poland North Ireland USA India Vietnam English speaking South Asia Turkey Portugal -1,0 Indonesia Chile Argentina Philippines Dominican Republic Ireland Bangladesh Iran Peru South Pakistan -1,5 Africa Brazil Uganda Zimbabwe Jordan Ghana Mexico Morocco Algeria Egypt Nigeria Venezuela Africa Tansaania Columbia Latin America -2,0 El Salvador Puerto Rico -2,0 -1,5 -1,0 -0,5 0 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 Survival Values Self Expression Values Japan -2,5 The figure is taken from the World Values Survey website (see www.worldvaluessurvey.org) and was originally published in a book by Ronald Inglehart and Chris Welzel (2005) titled Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy, published in New York by Cambridge University Press (p. 63). Estonia’s position on the values map, in 1990 and 1996, is indicated by the author of the sub-chapter, and is based on the data presented on the World Values Survey (WVS) website. Table 1.5.1 Indicators that form the basis for Inglehart and his colleagues’ cultural value dimensions Traditional values (Secular-rational values stress the opposite) Greater respect for authority is a good thing God is very important in respondent’s life In the family, it is more important to raise children to be religious and obedient than to be independent and determined, perseverant a The respondent has a high level of national pride Abortion is never justified Self-expressive values (Values related to survival stress the opposite) The respondent feels that protecting the freedom of speech and giving people more say in important government decisions are more important than fighting rising prices and maintaining order in the country b Most people can be trusted The respondent is happy Homosexuality is always justified The respondent has signed a petition Note: The table was compiled based on Table 2.1 in Inglehart and Welzel’s (2005) book (p. 49), a Autonomy Index; b Materialism-Postmaterialism Index. Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013 49
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Page 4 and 5: Table of Contents 1 Human Capital /
Page 6 and 7: Dear Reader Since the moment when E
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Page 85 and 86: 2.5 Corruption Jüri Saar In accord
Page 87 and 88: Lithuania, 61%; and in Russia, 69%.
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of the state’s development are en
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Table 2.9.1 The positions of Estoni
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3. IEP (2011). Structures of Peace.
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3Welfare and the Quality of Life Es
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choices made, not what people say t
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Figure 3.1.5 Public social spending
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tion agreed upon the social contrac
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References 1. Aidukaite, J. (2006).
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hand, to the “inequality of acces
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and explanations of the extent of i
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5- much more than I deserve. Some d
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people in Estonia consider the inco
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Table 3.3.1 Experienced Well-Being
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at about 70%. In Latvia and Lithuan
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sign. It seems that the usual view
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3.4 Quality of life Anu Toots 3.4.1
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a uniform composite indicator has n
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3.4.6 The components of life qualit
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Figure 3.4.4c Perceived quality of
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Figure 3.4.5 Changes in the depriva
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3.5 Environment dimension of well-b
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Figure 3.5.1.b Estonia’s position
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3.5.4 Energy intensity The energy i
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productivity, which is defined as t
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perceive themselves as worse off th
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4The Economy Estonian Human Develop
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vide a valuable connection for maki
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Figure 4.1.3 Components of economic
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ule of law, the sub-indicators for
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References 1. Acemoglu, D.; Robinso
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Development Report employs generali
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and pasture land, and this was capi
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Basing the total and net savings re
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4.3 Labour market Reelika Leetmaa,
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The problems include the very limit
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• Expenditures for active labour
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who lose their jobs. These ensure i
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4.4 Productivity and the economic s
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labour costs at the company level r
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Table 4.4.4 Comparison of the produ
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Figure 4.4.1 Annual average increas
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4.5 Innovation Erik Terk, Katrin M
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Table 4.5.2 Comparison of innovatio
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Table 4.5.4 Comparison of the indic
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in order to make the R&D potential
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It is characteristic of the South K
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mechanisms for increasing their sta
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Globalisation and Policy Patterns 5
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When Estonia regained its independe
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5.2 The impacts of globalisation an
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Table 5.2.2 Support of the differen
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5.3 Development policies Erik Terk,
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• C -the “Estonia-centred” su
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Figure 5.4.1 Support for the possib
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Summary Erik Terk Estonia is part o
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ehavioural patterns. Therefore, it
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EDR 2012/2013 authors Clemens Buche
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EDR 2012/2013 authors Alari Purju i
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Editor-in-Chief: Mati Heidmets Prod
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