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monitoring of teaching, the schools’ autonomy in the<br />

selection of teachers, and the determination of the<br />

study content. The referenced authors also find that<br />

national testing has a positive effect if the results are<br />

used only to compare schools, and not to group children<br />

into different tracks of study.<br />

However, assuming that impact of socio-economic<br />

deprivation will decline, one should carefully monitor<br />

whether the current good performance of Estonia’s<br />

education system will continue in the future. Possible<br />

risks are related to the liberal approach to the principle<br />

of school choice. Although the right of the parents to<br />

choose the school for their child is prevalent in many<br />

countries, Estonia is different because mechanisms are<br />

not utilised to balance the school choice model that has<br />

a segregating effect. Thus, an analysis of the children<br />

starting school in Tallinn from 2008 to 2011 showed<br />

that admission to the popular schools in the city centre<br />

was more probable if the child had completed a paid<br />

prep-school, his or her mother had a higher education,<br />

the father had a good income and they lived in the city<br />

centre (Põder, Lauri 2013). Therefore, several segregation<br />

mechanisms are simultaneously at work – an advantage<br />

based on residence in the city centre schools, admission<br />

testing, and the autonomy of the school director in<br />

deciding whether to admit a child – which intensify each<br />

other. Thus, several problems accompany the neoliberal<br />

education agenda that promotes competition. It has<br />

been discovered that it is more harmless to promote the<br />

principle of school choice in mature countries where the<br />

following preconditions exist: uniform school networks,<br />

parents who are experienced at making selections, and<br />

the ability and desire to consider collective interests<br />

experiences (Perry 2007).<br />

1.3.4<br />

The educational contribution<br />

to economic development<br />

The OECD and IEA surveys provide the answer to the<br />

question of which education systems are among the best<br />

in the world, but based on them, we cannot draw any<br />

direct conclusions about how education systems can<br />

satisfy economic needs. In its education sub-index, the<br />

Global Competitiveness Index, which is computed by<br />

the World Economic Forum, has focused on this topic.<br />

In order to measure the conformity of education with<br />

the needs of the economy, the experts used a scale of 1<br />

to 7 to evaluate the conformity of the following aspects<br />

of the education system with a free market economy: the<br />

quality of the teaching of the sciences in the schools; the<br />

quality of the schools of economics and management;<br />

the utilisation of the Internet in the schools; and the<br />

training opportunities for employees in the workplace.<br />

Unlike the PISA and IEA surveys, in which the respondents<br />

are stakeholders in the education system (students,<br />

teachers, school administrators), the World Economic<br />

Forum’s data reflects the positions of experts outside the<br />

education systems, i.e. the consumers of the education<br />

product, the educational outcome.<br />

Estonia is above average in all the indicators,<br />

however, it stands out for the relatively low satisfaction<br />

Figure 1.3.7<br />

Percentage of students with low and high levels of<br />

performance (%) in mathematics and the country’s<br />

average score, PISA 2009.<br />

Below the base level<br />

Percentage<br />

Singapore (562)<br />

Rep. of Korea (546)<br />

Finland (541)<br />

Switzerland (534)<br />

Netherlands (526)<br />

New Zealand (519)<br />

Belgium (515)<br />

Germany (513)<br />

Estonia (512)<br />

Denmark (503)<br />

Slovenia (501)<br />

Slovakia (497)<br />

France (497)<br />

OECD average (496)<br />

Austria (496)<br />

Poland (495)<br />

Sweden (494)<br />

Czech Republic (493)<br />

Great Britain (492)<br />

Hungary (490)<br />

Luxembourg (489)<br />

Portugal (487)<br />

Ireland (487)<br />

Italy (483)<br />

Spain (483)<br />

Latvia (482)<br />

Lithuania (477)<br />

Greece (466)<br />

Israel (447)<br />

Bulgaria (428)<br />

Uruguay (427)<br />

Romania (427)<br />

Chile (421)<br />

Percentage<br />

Source: OECD<br />

Top level<br />

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30<br />

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30<br />

with the level of the management schools and the conformity<br />

of the education to the needs of the free market<br />

as a whole. This reflects a greater concern about the<br />

insufficient link to the economy. The World Economic<br />

Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report states that the<br />

Estonian Employers Confederation considers the inadequate<br />

preparation of the workforce to be the main<br />

drag on Estonia’s economic development (WEF 2012).<br />

Since the given index is based on the assessments provided<br />

by local experts, the critical attitude of the local<br />

experts also affects the value of the index. By comparing<br />

the educational indicators of global competitiveness<br />

with the PISA results, it turns out that the Estonian<br />

experts are more critical than the others when assessing<br />

the level of the schools in their country. Thus, the<br />

performance of the Estonian students in mathematics<br />

and the sciences is higher than that of the Swiss and<br />

Belgian students, but the Estonian economic experts<br />

give the level of teaching in our schools a much lower<br />

36<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013

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