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County. From the viewpoint of the settlement system, the immigration resulted in the rapid growth of the urban population, despite modest intra-Estonian rural-to-urban migration. In the period of state socialism, the ruralto-urban migration was relatively small in most other Eastern European countries as well. This reflected the shortage of housing in urban areas, and the inefficient agricultural sector that required a lot of manpower. As a result, a system-specific phenomenon – under-urbanisation – occurred in the settlement system of Eastern European countries (Szelenyi 1996). The legacy of this phenomenon can also be discerned in contemporary international comparisons (Table 1.2.2). In the 1970s and 1980s, the changes in the ethnic composition of the urban population, the shortage of dwellings and apartment queues, the elitism of higher education and the increased importance of the agricultural sector, which was caused by problems with food supplies in the Soviet Union, attached the Estonians living in the countryside to their habitat, and attracted Estonians living in the cities to move to rural areas (Marksoo 2005). This resulted in a turnaround in rural-to-urban migration, and the first manifestations of suburbanisation, which got their start in the early 1970s in migration flows between Tallinn and Harju County (several wealthy agricultural enterprises were located around the capital). In the early 1980s, the turnaround in rural-to-urban migration expanded and became characteristic of Estonia as a whole. A similar shift in internal migration had also taken place in Western Europe in the 1970s, but within a different social setting (Champion 1989). In Eastern Europe, the turnaround in rural-to-urban migration never became widespread, besides Estonia it was also observed in Hungary (Brown, Schafft 2002). The described shift in migration flows resulted in the relatively dispersed settlement of Estonians across the country, on the one hand, and the strong spatial concentration of the immigrants into the urban areas in Northern Estonia, on the other hand. The restoration of Estonia’s independence was accompanied by yet more extensive changes in migration processes. Since the 1990s, the internal migration has mostly been in two directions: the long-distance migration into the larger cities for education and work, and suburbanisation caused by families in urban areas seeking a better living environment (Tammaru et al. 2009). The growth in education migration was stimulated, to a significant degree, by the replacement of elitist higher education by mass higher education. Education is the main reason why young people move to cities today. The concentration of the population in the cities and their suburbs was also promoted by the rapid growth of efficiency in agricultural production, and the disappearance of Soviet-era agricultural employment in collective farms, together with the increase in the service economy. In general, the changes that have taken place in internal migration in Estonia and elsewhere in Eastern Europe can be treated as lagged urbanisation, which is making up for the previous under-urbanisation, and bringing the settlement systems in the entire region closer to the Western countries. In international migration, the restoration of Estonia’s independence resulted in an extensive wave of return migration, primarily to Russia, in the early 1990s. The application of the balance method, reveals that the size of the population belonging to ethnic minorities decreased by more than 140,000, between 1989 and 2000, while the negative net migration of Estonians did not exceed 10,000. In relative terms, the return migration of other nationalities from Estonia (24% of the respective groups in 1989) was 50% less than the decline in ethnic minority populations projected for the former Soviet Republics in the early 1990s (Cole, Filatotchev 1992). Between the 2000 and 2011 censuses, the decrease in the size of the population belonging to ethnic minorities due to the negative net migration (more than 28,000) was significantly smaller than in the 1990s, and that of the Estonians was somewhat larger (more than 16,000). Considering the fact that Estonians comprise 70% of the total population, this means that the emigration of the ethnic minorities was more than three times as intensive as that of the Estonians. If we leave aside the return migration of Russians and other ethnic minority groups to their countries of origin, departures to other European countries have dominated the out-migration. In the last two decades, two major waves can be distinguished in the outmigration from Estonia. The first wave occurred in the early 1990s, and formed a part of the east-to-west ethnic migration in Europe that followed the fall of the Iron Curtain. During this period, extensive migration from Estonia to Finland took place for the first time in history (in 1991, there were very few Estonians living in Finland). Many of those who departed in the early 1990s were Ingrian Finns, who were treated by Finland as ethnic return migrants. The second and larger wave of migration began when Estonia joined the European Union, and accelerated during the economic crisis that broke out in 2008 (Anniste at al. 2012). The current scale of emigration from Estonia reflects the combined effect of several factors. Firstly, in the 2000s, the relatively large generations born in the 1980s reached the prime age of migration. The large generations born in the 1980s are characteristic not only of Estonia, but Eastern Europe in general; these generations carry a significant migration potential in the countries of this region which drives the east-west migration in today’s Europe. Secondly, in addition to the noticeable gap in the standard of living, which was a legacy of the Soviet era, a new factor was added in the late 2000s. This was the impact of the economic crisis, which struck Estonia considerably harder than it did Finland or the other countries in Northern and Western Europe. Emigration was also fostered by the opening up of the labour markets of the old EU Member Countries (the last countries opened up their labour markets to Estonia in 2011), which gave Estonian residents the right to work freely in the EU countries. As a result of these developments, in the 2000s, Finland became the most important destination for out-migration from Estonia; almost every other migrant in this decade has left for Finland. What’s more, in a relatively short time, Finland has replaced Russia as the foreign country with the largest Estonian community. 22 Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013
The new trends that are appearing in migration are not limited to work migration. A new type of migration that is growing rapidly is related to education. Saar Poll’s recent survey among the 2012 graduates of upper secondary schools shows that, especially the graduates of Russian-language schools do not view higher education in Estonia attractive, and prefer to continue their studies elsewhere in Europe. As far as the direction of migration is concerned, during the last few years, return migration has increased, in parallel with emigration. It is worth noting that return migration into Estonia is, currently, larger than emigration from Estonia was in the early 2000s. Based on the consideration of the aforementioned factors, some assumptions can be made about the future course of migration processes. First, although emigration from Estonia still continues to increase, the potential for emigration will presumably start to decrease in the next few years, as the small generations born in the 1990s arrive at the prime age of migration. Secondly, alongside, or instead of, permanent migration, a rapid increase is occurring in the other forms of spatial mobility, the tendency, which has been termed the new mobility revolution (Scheller, Urry 2006). Therefore, one can assume that ever more people, in the future, will live transnational lives, with one part connected to Estonia, and another part to some other country. In an integrating Europe, working, studying, or seeking new experiences abroad for a longer or shorter period will become increasingly common. The evidence from the European Social Survey shows that among Estonians the percentage of people who have experience working abroad is one of the highest in Europe (Mustrik 2011). This suggests that Estonia is on the forefront of these new developments. Thus, in summary, one can probably only agree with those authors who speak about the arrival of a new era — the migration era — in contemporary population development (Castles, Miller 2008) and a new mobility paradigm (Scheller, Urry 2006). All countries have to adjust to these new realities, and take into account the fact that today ever more frequently a person’s life crosses state borders, the same way it once started to cross the borders of birthplace and local community. When assessing the consequences of these changes, the rapid development of modern means of communication must not be overlooked – these new means have made cross-border communicating much simpler and less expensive, and enable to maintain daily contacts with one’s country of origin from any distance. 1.2.6 Population ageing Although population ageing is not included among the basic demographic processes, it is often regarded as major challenge for contemporary European societies (EC 2005). Despite the concerns that usually accompany any discussion of this phenomenon, population ageing must be considered to be a legitimate outcome of demographic modernisation. The cause for population ageing is the major change in the demographic regime mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, which, in time, Joonis 1.2.6 Proportion of elderly (65+). Estonia and the European regions 1960–2011 Proportion, % Estonia Northern Europe Western Europe Southern Europe Eastern Europe 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 transforms the shape of the age structure from pyramid to pillar (Martin, Preston 1994). This relationship, along with the variation in the onset of the demographic modernisation, generally determines the results of the international comparisons of ageing. In this chapter, the percentage of the elderly (65+) in the population has been used as a measure of ageing. Reflecting the early demographic modernisation, the proportion of the elderly in Estonia started to increase already in the last quarter of the 19 th century (Katus et al. 2003). Before World War II, people aged 65 and older comprised 10% of the population, whereby Estonia was among the four to five “oldest” nations in Europe. Although post-war immigration temporarily halted the ageing process, and even reversed it, the degree of population ageing in the 1960s was still comparable to the Northern and Western Europe (Figure 1.2.6). In the 1970s, the similarity to the latter regions comes to an end and the proportion of elderly in Estonia started to resemble that observed in the coun- 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013 23
Page 1: ESTONIAN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2
Page 4 and 5: Table of Contents 1 Human Capital /
Page 6 and 7: Dear Reader Since the moment when E
Page 9 and 10: 1Human Capital Estonian Human Devel
Page 11 and 12: the HDI’s content has also been h
Page 13 and 14: Figure 1.1.1 The human development
Page 15 and 16: Figure 1.1.7 The income sub-index:
Page 17 and 18: The results of the Princeton Projec
Page 19 and 20: the hypothetical generation. The to
Page 21 and 22: Figure 1.2.3 Life expectancy. Eston
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Page 27 and 28: Figure 1.2.8 Components of populati
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Page 33 and 34: Table 1.3.1 Best-known educational
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Page 37 and 38: The reciprocal dependence of the pr
Page 39 and 40: Figure 1.3.8 Percentage of students
Page 41 and 42: Table 1.3.4 The quality of educatio
Page 43 and 44: 1.4 Health Raul-Allan Kiivet Change
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Page 49 and 50: promote healthy lifestyles among th
Page 51 and 52: Figure 1.5.1 The World Values Surve
Page 53 and 54: Table 1.5.2 Estonia’s participati
Page 55 and 56: Figure 1.5.3 The percentage of the
Page 57 and 58: Figure 1.5.5 Percentage of the Esto
Page 59 and 60: The fact that Estonia’s position
Page 61 and 62: Summary Mati Heidmets The global vi
Page 63 and 64: 2People and Society Estonian Human
Page 65 and 66: Table 2.1.1 Structure of the Bertel
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Page 69 and 70: 2.2 Freedom and democracy Martin M
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would be something that none of the
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political participation are general
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strongest, while a very small perce
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is concerned, Estonia is one of the
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Figure 2.4.2 Average circulation of
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2.5 Corruption Jüri Saar In accord
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Lithuania, 61%; and in Russia, 69%.
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2.6.2 Intentional homicides in Esto
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crime. And thirdly, there was a wis
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References 1. Ahven, A. & Tabur, L.
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states included in the EU Kids Onli
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2.8 Public assessments of the state
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Figure 2.8.4 Changes releated to tr
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of the state’s development are en
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Table 2.9.1 The positions of Estoni
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3. IEP (2011). Structures of Peace.
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3Welfare and the Quality of Life Es
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choices made, not what people say t
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Figure 3.1.5 Public social spending
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tion agreed upon the social contrac
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References 1. Aidukaite, J. (2006).
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hand, to the “inequality of acces
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and explanations of the extent of i
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5- much more than I deserve. Some d
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people in Estonia consider the inco
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Table 3.3.1 Experienced Well-Being
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at about 70%. In Latvia and Lithuan
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sign. It seems that the usual view
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3.4 Quality of life Anu Toots 3.4.1
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a uniform composite indicator has n
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3.4.6 The components of life qualit
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Figure 3.4.4c Perceived quality of
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Figure 3.4.5 Changes in the depriva
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3.5 Environment dimension of well-b
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Figure 3.5.1.b Estonia’s position
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3.5.4 Energy intensity The energy i
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productivity, which is defined as t
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perceive themselves as worse off th
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4The Economy Estonian Human Develop
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vide a valuable connection for maki
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Figure 4.1.3 Components of economic
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ule of law, the sub-indicators for
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References 1. Acemoglu, D.; Robinso
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Development Report employs generali
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and pasture land, and this was capi
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Basing the total and net savings re
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4.3 Labour market Reelika Leetmaa,
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The problems include the very limit
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• Expenditures for active labour
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who lose their jobs. These ensure i
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4.4 Productivity and the economic s
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labour costs at the company level r
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Table 4.4.4 Comparison of the produ
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Figure 4.4.1 Annual average increas
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4.5 Innovation Erik Terk, Katrin M
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Table 4.5.2 Comparison of innovatio
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Table 4.5.4 Comparison of the indic
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in order to make the R&D potential
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It is characteristic of the South K
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mechanisms for increasing their sta
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Globalisation and Policy Patterns 5
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When Estonia regained its independe
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5.2 The impacts of globalisation an
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Table 5.2.2 Support of the differen
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5.3 Development policies Erik Terk,
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• C -the “Estonia-centred” su
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Figure 5.4.1 Support for the possib
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Summary Erik Terk Estonia is part o
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ehavioural patterns. Therefore, it
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EDR 2012/2013 authors Clemens Buche
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EDR 2012/2013 authors Alari Purju i
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Editor-in-Chief: Mati Heidmets Prod
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