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which groups of respondents dominated in the formation<br />

of one or another cluster.<br />

As a result of the analysis, three clusters were formed:<br />

• 1. This cluster formed around measures such as the<br />

strengthening of the social system, the strengthening<br />

of cultural identity, labour development and the<br />

promotion of industrial and technological policies.<br />

We called this the human capital-focused response<br />

pattern cluster.<br />

• 2. This cluster formed around measures such as the<br />

preservation of jobs, agricultural subsidies, barriers to<br />

prevent immigration as well as the strengthening of<br />

cultural identity and fighting crime. We called this the<br />

defensive-national-centred response pattern cluster.<br />

• 3. This cluster was the most diverse. On the one<br />

hand, it includes the main measures from the<br />

first cluster – the development of labour as well as<br />

industrial and technological policies. However, a<br />

number of other measures are also included, such<br />

as consolidation of the financial sphere; management<br />

of various non-economic risks; international<br />

cooperation for the prevention of crime and disease;<br />

and environmental conservation. We called this the<br />

cluster focused on institutional solutions for development<br />

and risk prevention. This cluster is characterised by a<br />

high percentage of measures related to international<br />

cooperation.<br />

Three measures play a formative role in two clusters<br />

simultaneously. These measures are the preservation of<br />

Estonia’s cultural identity, labour quality improvement as<br />

well as the development of industrial and technological<br />

policies. Emphases on national identity is connected to<br />

the first cluster with the means for strengthening Estonia’s<br />

potential in the international economy; in the second<br />

cluster, the same value is positioned in a protectionist<br />

context. It is understandable that the content and consequences<br />

of this aspiration may be different for different<br />

respondents. For some people, valuing the national identity<br />

may be connected to a desire to close Estonia off to<br />

external influences and dangers; while for others, it may<br />

be connected to the aspiration of having Estonia create its<br />

own high-tech industry.<br />

The fact that the majority of the economic policymakers,<br />

based on their preferences, are classified as<br />

belonging to the third cluster, is quite understandable,<br />

because their own activities are (or at least have been to<br />

date) quite focused on institutions and regulations (here,<br />

Estonia’s EU membership also probably plays a role). The<br />

breakdown of the entrepreneurs between clusters differs<br />

from that of the economic policymakers – most of them<br />

are positioned in the first cluster, which is focused on<br />

human capital. Although one of the factors forming the<br />

first cluster is the strengthening of social policies, and the<br />

majority of entrepreneurs are not among its supporters,<br />

the affiliation of the majority of entrepreneurs with the<br />

first cluster is determined by their support for labour<br />

development, and the promotion of industrial and technological<br />

policies. In the case of the entrepreneurs a certain<br />

underestimation of the importance of international<br />

Table 5.2.4<br />

Breakdown of the different elite groups as to their<br />

response patterns, % of the group.<br />

Cluster types<br />

Human capital-focused<br />

response pattern<br />

Defensive-nationalcentred<br />

response pattern<br />

Response pattern focused<br />

on institutional solutions<br />

for development and risk<br />

prevention<br />

cooperation measures can be observed (see Table 5.2.4.).<br />

Unlike the economic policymakers, the human capital<br />

and social issues (along with international cooperation)<br />

are significant on the mental maps of the politicians,<br />

judging by their large percentage in the first cluster. The<br />

breakdown of the cultural figures is broadly similar to<br />

that of the general sample. The fact that defensive attitudes<br />

dominate in a relatively large portion of the recently<br />

graduated PhDs may be partly caused by the fact that<br />

there are more women among them than in the other<br />

clusters. It is assumed that protective attitudes are more<br />

typical of women than men.<br />

There are differences between opinions of people<br />

broken down in different clusters as to how well Estonia<br />

has succeeded, or has not, as do their attitudes toward the<br />

European Union. As for the assessment of the dynamics<br />

in Estonia’s affairs (see Fig. 5.2.1.) it turns out that the<br />

respondents, whose answers mainly relate to the defensive-national-centred<br />

cluster, display a noticeably more<br />

negative assessment of the dynamics of Estonia’s demographic<br />

situation, as well as the dynamics of security<br />

developments and the widening income gap . They have<br />

a more negative image of the European Union than the<br />

others, and most of them do not agree with the opinion<br />

that Estonia’s membership in the EU has mitigated the<br />

negative impacts of globalisation.<br />

In most cases, those affiliated by their preferences<br />

with the third cluster look at the developments<br />

in Estonia, through glasses that are much rosier than<br />

the others’. This does not only apply to topics like the<br />

competitiveness of the state, or the impact of foreign<br />

investments on Estonia, but also, for instance, to<br />

health, the sense of security, wealth inequality, and<br />

even demographic trends. At this point it could be<br />

speculated that, due to the nature of their professional<br />

activities, the representatives of this cluster may be<br />

less down-to-earth, especially when it comes to their<br />

perception of social problems.<br />

Judged by their degree of criticism, the respondents<br />

affiliated with the human capital-focused cluster are generally<br />

located between the two other clusters. At the same<br />

time, they are more critical than the others about the<br />

dynamic of Estonia’s economic competitiveness.<br />

Entrepreneurs<br />

Economic<br />

policymakers<br />

Politicians<br />

Cultural figures<br />

PhDs<br />

Total<br />

54 26 49 34 32 37<br />

15 12 16 26 36 22<br />

31 62 35 40 38 41<br />

200<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013

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