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The results of the Princeton Project place Estonia among<br />
the forerunners of demographic modernisation. Of all<br />
the remaining European countries – except for France,<br />
which was the only nation where the manifestations of<br />
family planning were clearly evident in the early 19 th<br />
century – Estonia belongs to the next group of countries,<br />
where the turn toward a modern demographic<br />
regime had gained momentum during the 1880s. The<br />
early onset of the demographic modernisation in Estonia<br />
is also confirmed by other comparative studies that are<br />
based on different methodology (Chesnais 1992; Reher<br />
2004). Considering the fact that the actual beginning<br />
of the changes preceded the moment when the 10%<br />
threshold was exceeded, and also that, of the two major<br />
components of population replacement, the reduction in<br />
mortality was initiated first, the start of Estonia’s demographic<br />
modernisation may have occurred in the 1860s<br />
(Katus 1994; 2000). This viewpoint is also supported by<br />
the time-series of the crude fertility and mortality rates<br />
that, in Estonia’s case, stretch back into the 18 th century<br />
(Palli 1997).<br />
In Estonia, the rapid and irreversible decline in<br />
mortality and fertility, which is characteristic of demographic<br />
modernisation, lasted until the 1930s. Similarly<br />
to the majority of Northern and Western European<br />
countries, and also Latvia and the Czech Republic,<br />
during the decade before World War II, Estonia’s fertility<br />
fell below the replacement level for the first time.<br />
The corresponding moment in time is often considered<br />
to be the border that marks the entry into a modern<br />
demographic regime. In the remaining Eastern European<br />
countries, as well as in Southern Europe, this<br />
milestone was generally not reached until the 1970s<br />
and 1980s. In the rest of the world, if we disregard the<br />
English-speaking countries with populations that originated<br />
in Europe, the change in the demographic regime<br />
came at a much later period. Based on the criterion of<br />
the Princeton European Fertility Project (the reduction<br />
of the marital fertility rate by 10%), Japan appears to be<br />
the only country where we can speak about the transition<br />
to controlled fertility starting before World War II.<br />
Most of the Latin America and the Asian countries did<br />
not enter the new developmental stage until the 1960s<br />
and 1970s. In Africa, the start of fertility transition was<br />
postponed until the 1970s to 1990s, making it the last<br />
region of the world where this occurred.<br />
The timeframe and pattern of change in the demographic<br />
regime remains the key to understanding the<br />
country’s demographic situation, even if the transition<br />
was completed long ago. Thus, the early timing of the<br />
transition and modest population growth during the<br />
transition, which is characteristic of most forerunners of<br />
the transition, has pre-determined a great deal of Estonia’s<br />
demographic development since the 1930s. Among<br />
other things, it is one of the reasons that Estonians are<br />
among the few peoples in Europe whose numbers have<br />
not reached pre-war levels.<br />
The very different timing of the demographic<br />
modernisation is also a reason why it is not possible to<br />
draw direct parallels between the current population<br />
situations in Estonia and the Asian and South American<br />
countries, which are included among the countries<br />
used for the comparison in this report. The demographic<br />
regime in South Korea, Singapore, Costa Rica and Chile<br />
started to change only after World War II, and in the<br />
late 1950s and early 1960s, there were still an average<br />
of 5.5 to 7.2 births per woman in these countries. The<br />
subsequent rapid modernisation reduced fertility to<br />
below the replacement level in the South Korea and<br />
Singapore in the course of 25 to 30 years, and in Costa<br />
Rica and Chile, in the course of 40 to 50 years. In all<br />
these countries, the largest generations of all time were<br />
born in the last quarter of the 20 th century, which has<br />
significantly contributed to their rapid economic and<br />
social development. In Estonia, a similar phase of development<br />
occurred in the late 19 th and early 20 th century;<br />
the achievements of our large generations include the<br />
establishment of statehood and success in the War of<br />
Independence.<br />
1.2.2<br />
Population development during<br />
the post-transition period<br />
Besides the timeframe of its demographic modernisation,<br />
another significant factor has also affected<br />
Estonia’s position in the international comparison<br />
– the discontinuity of country’s social and economic<br />
development. In Estonia’s case, the beginning of the<br />
modern demographic regime coincided with the loss<br />
of statehood. The impact that the societal discontinuity<br />
and a half century of occupation had on population<br />
development appeared extensive, and this legacy is also<br />
important for understanding the trends in the period<br />
following the restoration of independence and the contemporary<br />
situation.<br />
In order to cast light on these influences, in the<br />
next section of this chapter, the population trends in<br />
Estonia and the four major regions of Europe – Northern,<br />
Western, Eastern and Southern Europe -- have<br />
been compared. In addition to changes in Estonia’s<br />
position, this comparative perspective also highlights<br />
the transformations in the European populations since<br />
the early 1960s. To conserve space, statistical evidence<br />
is presented mainly in graphic form, the presentation<br />
of numerical data is limited to the most recent time<br />
period (Table 1.2.2). The publication date of the report<br />
allows us to present the results of the recent round of<br />
population censuses, and based thereon, to summarise<br />
the population changes in Estonia between 2000 and<br />
2011. A short explanation is also provided of the content<br />
of the dimensions used to characterise the population<br />
processes.<br />
1.2.3<br />
Fertility and family processes<br />
The total fertility rate, which summarises fertility<br />
level for the calendar year by means of the number<br />
of children, is presented in Figure 1.2.1. The total fertility<br />
rate indicates the average number of births per<br />
woman, based on the assumption that the age-specific<br />
fertility patterns characteristic of the specific calendar<br />
year continue throughout the reproductive years of<br />
Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013<br />
15