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Figure 4.1.2<br />

Components of Estonian competitiveness 2006-2013<br />

(ranking: the larger it is, the worse it is)<br />

2006—2007 2009—2010 2012—2013<br />

Innovation<br />

Business<br />

sophistication<br />

Size of the market<br />

Technological<br />

maturity<br />

Developement of<br />

financial markets<br />

Labour market<br />

efficiency<br />

Efficiency of<br />

the goods markets<br />

Higher education and<br />

in-service training<br />

Health and primary<br />

education<br />

Macro economy<br />

Infrastructure<br />

Basic institutions<br />

Source: World Economic Forum<br />

0 20 40 60 80<br />

0 20 40 60 80<br />

Estonia’s strengths included both technological readiness<br />

and macro economy (Figure 4.1.2). Meanwhile, the crisis<br />

caused a great decline in the assessment results, but<br />

now a position among the top twenty has been regained.<br />

Unfortunately, we have partially lost our technological<br />

advantage. However, according to the GCR, our newest<br />

strength is labour market efficiency, which the other indices<br />

do not always confirm.<br />

Apparently, we have to reconcile ourselves to the<br />

poor position achieved due to the size of our market.<br />

However, we should be worried about the poor rating for<br />

sophistication, and also its decline. This refers, primarily,<br />

to the low developmental level of business networks and<br />

clusters in Estonia, which is accompanied by a modest<br />

role in the value chain (see chapter 4.5 for details).<br />

As a whole, the favourable institutional base for<br />

economic development created by Estonia, and also its<br />

sufficiently good “marketing” to the international public,<br />

was reflected in the competitiveness indicators. This<br />

may be sufficient for development in the resource- and<br />

efficiency-based phase, but would, unfortunately, not be<br />

enough to rise to the level of the world’s top countries in<br />

the innovation-based stage of development.<br />

4.1.2<br />

Economic freedom<br />

The fact that the assessment of institutional development<br />

is often executed under the label of economic freedom<br />

results from the central role played by the guarantee<br />

of individual property rights and the rule of law in an<br />

effective market economy model. Without this, there<br />

is no hope of entrepreneurial activity, which presumes<br />

motivated individuals. Undoubtedly, there is a need for<br />

competences and capabilities, but without motivation,<br />

this is only (unused) potential. Without initiative and<br />

entrepreneurship, there is no innovation or development.<br />

Economic freedom does not mean that everything is<br />

permissible, but rather, that the environment for these<br />

activities is transparent and secure. We can also speak<br />

about real freedom when the economic agents do not<br />

need to fear attacks on their person or property (Gwartney,<br />

Lawson 2006: 5). This is the principal condition for<br />

avoiding all kinds of dilemma structures, or rationality<br />

traps, which inhibit development (Homann, Suchanek<br />

2012). At the same time, the risk of attack from both the<br />

state as well as private individuals must be precluded.<br />

Economic freedom is a complex phenomenon, in<br />

which the excessive development of one component can<br />

damage the others. In any case, the goal cannot be to<br />

minimise the size (spending) of the state, which may be<br />

detrimental to other aspects of economic freedom (for<br />

example, the rule of law). 7<br />

The measurement of economic freedom does not<br />

have a long tradition. The Fraser Institute (FI) started<br />

dealing with this concept in the 1980s, and compiled its<br />

first summarised comparative analysis in 1996. This analysis<br />

retrospectively assessed economic freedom back to<br />

1975. The Heritage Foundation (HF) has been compiling<br />

summaries of economic freedom since 1995. Before that,<br />

economists tried to examine the impact of institutional<br />

frameworks indirectly, by using indicators about the<br />

spread of democracy. Unfortunately, the empirical studies<br />

showed that the impact of democracy on economic<br />

development was far from unambiguous (Apolte, Peters<br />

2009). 8 On the other hand, the positive impact of economic<br />

freedom on the objective indicators of economic<br />

development – on both the level (GDP per capita) as well<br />

as the growth – has supposedly been confirmed empirically,<br />

including, by the author of this essay (Sepp 2006<br />

and Sepp, Eerma 2007).<br />

The last study by the Fraser Institute rated the economic<br />

freedom of 144 states in 2010, on a scale of 1 to 10,<br />

7 The descriptive factor and regression analysis conducted by us, as a background study, confirmed that the size of the state itself (if all the other<br />

conditions are equal) does not correlate with the economic development level.<br />

8 The current discourse on this topic is significantly shaped by Acemoglu and Robinson, with their book Why Nations Fail (2012), which<br />

analyses the importance of extractive and inclusive institutions in both the economy and politics, as well as the connection between these two<br />

spheres, whereas one of the central themes is the struggle related to the distribution of well-being in society. Essentially, this approach can be<br />

considered to be an elaboration of the concept of open and limited access societies (North et al., 2006).<br />

152<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013

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