DEVELOPMENT

indicators with those for women’s participation in the
labour market. The fewer women that there are in the
labour market, the more probable it is that working
women’s careers will follow a manly trajectory, and that
jobs and working conditions intended especially for
women will not be created. Instead, it will be assumed
that working women are orientated to their jobs and
careers, and therefore, will receive a “man’s wages”. This
rule could explain the small pay gaps in states like Italy,
Malta and Belgium, where a traditional gender regime
applies. On the other hand, in the countries where the
majority of women are in the labour market, jobs that
are intended for women have developed, along with
working conditions that are appropriate for combining
work and family life. Often, these areas of employment
have low wage levels, and therefore, women’s wages are
generally lower than men’s. This could explain why
the gender pay gap in Sweden, Norway, Denmark and
France is quite considerable.
If we turn our attention to the pay differences that
occur within the framework of the same occupation,
several factors must be considered. Wages are affected,
to a great degree, by the worker’s general competitiveness;
personal suitability for the job, including (appropriate)
preparation; sufficient efforts and dedication to
work. However, the working conditions offered by the
employer, for the specific work and position, are also
important.
In Estonia, the gender pay gap has been thoroughly
researched, and although some part of the pay gap can
be attributed to structural or individual factors, a large
part of the pay gap cannot be explained objectively (Anspal
et al., 2010). This provides a basis for asserting that
women’s unequal pay is the result of the prevalence of
old-fashioned gender roles, and the behavioural choices
based thereon.
How has the recent economic crisis affected the
gender pay gap? In Figure 3.2.7 we see that, although the
pay gap has not increased in Estonia between 2006 and
2010, the decrease is also marginal. We see a similar stability
in many other states, which once again confirms
that the differences in women’s and men’s wages are,
to a great extent, related to non-economic factors. For
example, it is evident that the states where the gender
pay gap has sharply decreased, during the last decade,
are Catholic and Greek Orthodox countries (Poland,
Slovenia, Ireland and Cyprus). Only in Portugal is the
development moving in the opposite direction. In the
European states generally, the developments in gender
inequality have moved in different directions, and therefore,
it is hard to indicate a general trend.
3.2.5
In conclusion
Based on the Gini coefficient, income inequality in Estonia
lags behind the best performers in Europe and is thus
close to the European average, and a slight decrease in
inequality is noticeable on favourable reading. A totally
different situation exists in regard to the assessments of
the population related to inequality, with the people in
Estonia being among the most critical. Two thirds of the
Figure 3.2.7
Changes in the gender pay gap in the European countries,
2006-2010.
Changes during the economic crisis, 2008-2010
Trend in the changes before the economic crisis, 2006-2008
Total change, 2006-2010
Percentage
Slovenia
Poland
Netherlands
Slovakia
Cyprus
Great Britain
Ireland
Luxembourg
Lithuania
Spain
Denmark
Estonia
Sweden
Austria
Finland
Germany
Norway
France
Latvia
Switzerland
Bulgaria
Greece
Belgium
Czech Republic
Romania
Italy
Hungary
Malta
Portugal
Percentage
-100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80
-100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80
Source: Eurostat, author’s calculations
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Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013