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choices made, not what people say they would do. Since<br />
the concept of subjective well-being or utility lacks an<br />
explicit definition, then the design of the surveys also<br />
differs. However, the measurement of well-being based<br />
on surveys is a popular method for assessing people’s<br />
feelings, satisfaction and emotional states. In psychology,<br />
well-being is understood to be a combination of<br />
good feelings and coping (see also sub-chapter 3.3).<br />
Sociology and economics define material and spiritual<br />
coping as a precondition for well-being, rather than as a<br />
component. This measure of well-being could be treated<br />
as being satisfied with one’s life. According to some<br />
assessments, (an overview is provided by Ferrer-i-Carbonell<br />
(2002)), the lack of a clear and unequivocal definition<br />
for subjective well-being does not prevent the<br />
measurement of the same.<br />
Figure 3.1.1 shows an association between the<br />
wealth of the state (GDP, per capita) and satisfaction with<br />
life – a unit increase in the wealth index is accompanied<br />
by a 3% increase in the satisfaction index. The wealthy<br />
Nordic countries – Finland, Sweden and Norway – are<br />
located above the regression line. The populations of<br />
these states are more satisfied than the average. Since<br />
this data dates from 2011, we see that the majority of<br />
the populations in the European states with economic<br />
difficulties (Greece, Italy and Portugal), as expected, are<br />
less satisfied, on average, than the wealth of the states<br />
would presuppose. Including these outliers, it shows that<br />
Estonia’s population, at its wealth level, is more satisfied<br />
than the average.<br />
In 1974, Richard Easterlin wrote an article, which<br />
attracted little attention at the time, indicating that in<br />
international comparisons, the average reported level<br />
of happiness did not vary much compared to national<br />
income per person. Wealth and happiness are related<br />
(rich people tend to be happier than the average), but in<br />
the long term, the sense of well-being does not increase<br />
along with income. This observation is called the Easterlin<br />
paradox. Recently, numerous attempts have been<br />
made, in happiness studies, to disprove this paradox<br />
(e.g. Stevenson and Wolfers 2008; Deaton 2008). Using<br />
individual-based data, Di Tella et al. (2001) show that, if<br />
other conditions are equal, rich, educated, married, students,<br />
self-employed, and retired have a greater sense of<br />
well-being, as do women, and those who are really young<br />
or quite old (in the age-related dimension, the well-being<br />
curve is U-shaped, where the bottom of the curve is<br />
reached when one is about 45 years old). Also the unemployed<br />
and divorced are unhappy, including those who<br />
live with teenagers. Therefore, there is a multiplicity of<br />
factors affecting happiness that are not related to material<br />
well-being.<br />
Figure 3.1.2 shows the association between unemployment<br />
and satisfaction: one percentage point increase<br />
in the unemployment rate decreases satisfaction with<br />
life by 2.3 percentage points. In the case of Estonia,<br />
relatively high unemployment has a negative impact on<br />
life-satisfaction. Di Tella et al. (2001) indicates that, in<br />
high-unemployment countries people are unhappier than<br />
average, even when they themselves are not unemployed –<br />
apparently, the feeling of happiness is affected by the fear<br />
of becoming unemployed.<br />
Figure 3.1.2<br />
Unemployment rate and life-satisfaction (% of the<br />
population that is satisfied with life)<br />
Satisfaction<br />
100<br />
90<br />
80<br />
70<br />
60<br />
50<br />
40<br />
30<br />
20<br />
10<br />
NED SWE DEN<br />
LUX<br />
FIN<br />
DEU GBR<br />
BEL<br />
SLO<br />
AUT<br />
CZE CYP<br />
FRA<br />
MLT<br />
POL<br />
EST<br />
ITA<br />
ROU<br />
Thus, both the proponents and opponents of the Easterlin<br />
paradox may be justified, i.e. the complexity of the<br />
concept of well-being that contains not only monetary<br />
measure; freedom, a stable job, good health, etc. are also<br />
important (Granham 2010). Unfortunately, the latter are<br />
endogenous, which means that the wealthier countries<br />
have means to affect non-monetary well-being.<br />
BUL<br />
SVK<br />
LTU<br />
HUN<br />
PRT<br />
IRL<br />
LVA<br />
GRC<br />
0 5<br />
10 15 20<br />
Unemployment<br />
Sources: Eurostat 2011 and Eurobarometer 76 (2011), authors’<br />
calculations<br />
Figure 3.1.3<br />
The relationship between income distribution (Gini coefficient)<br />
and satisfaction with life (% of the population<br />
that is satisfied with life), 2011<br />
Satisfaction<br />
100<br />
90<br />
80<br />
70<br />
60<br />
50<br />
40<br />
30<br />
SLO<br />
SWE<br />
CZE<br />
NED<br />
FIN LUX<br />
BEL<br />
AUT<br />
MLT<br />
SVK<br />
HUN<br />
DEN<br />
CYP<br />
DEU<br />
ITA<br />
FRA<br />
POL<br />
GBR<br />
EST<br />
GRC<br />
IRL<br />
LTU<br />
ROU<br />
PRT<br />
ESP<br />
BUL<br />
22,5 25 27,5 30 32,5 35<br />
Gini<br />
Source: Eurostat 2011 and Eurobarometer 76 (2011), authors’<br />
calculations<br />
ESP<br />
LVA<br />
Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013<br />
107