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choices made, not what people say they would do. Since<br />

the concept of subjective well-being or utility lacks an<br />

explicit definition, then the design of the surveys also<br />

differs. However, the measurement of well-being based<br />

on surveys is a popular method for assessing people’s<br />

feelings, satisfaction and emotional states. In psychology,<br />

well-being is understood to be a combination of<br />

good feelings and coping (see also sub-chapter 3.3).<br />

Sociology and economics define material and spiritual<br />

coping as a precondition for well-being, rather than as a<br />

component. This measure of well-being could be treated<br />

as being satisfied with one’s life. According to some<br />

assessments, (an overview is provided by Ferrer-i-Carbonell<br />

(2002)), the lack of a clear and unequivocal definition<br />

for subjective well-being does not prevent the<br />

measurement of the same.<br />

Figure 3.1.1 shows an association between the<br />

wealth of the state (GDP, per capita) and satisfaction with<br />

life – a unit increase in the wealth index is accompanied<br />

by a 3% increase in the satisfaction index. The wealthy<br />

Nordic countries – Finland, Sweden and Norway – are<br />

located above the regression line. The populations of<br />

these states are more satisfied than the average. Since<br />

this data dates from 2011, we see that the majority of<br />

the populations in the European states with economic<br />

difficulties (Greece, Italy and Portugal), as expected, are<br />

less satisfied, on average, than the wealth of the states<br />

would presuppose. Including these outliers, it shows that<br />

Estonia’s population, at its wealth level, is more satisfied<br />

than the average.<br />

In 1974, Richard Easterlin wrote an article, which<br />

attracted little attention at the time, indicating that in<br />

international comparisons, the average reported level<br />

of happiness did not vary much compared to national<br />

income per person. Wealth and happiness are related<br />

(rich people tend to be happier than the average), but in<br />

the long term, the sense of well-being does not increase<br />

along with income. This observation is called the Easterlin<br />

paradox. Recently, numerous attempts have been<br />

made, in happiness studies, to disprove this paradox<br />

(e.g. Stevenson and Wolfers 2008; Deaton 2008). Using<br />

individual-based data, Di Tella et al. (2001) show that, if<br />

other conditions are equal, rich, educated, married, students,<br />

self-employed, and retired have a greater sense of<br />

well-being, as do women, and those who are really young<br />

or quite old (in the age-related dimension, the well-being<br />

curve is U-shaped, where the bottom of the curve is<br />

reached when one is about 45 years old). Also the unemployed<br />

and divorced are unhappy, including those who<br />

live with teenagers. Therefore, there is a multiplicity of<br />

factors affecting happiness that are not related to material<br />

well-being.<br />

Figure 3.1.2 shows the association between unemployment<br />

and satisfaction: one percentage point increase<br />

in the unemployment rate decreases satisfaction with<br />

life by 2.3 percentage points. In the case of Estonia,<br />

relatively high unemployment has a negative impact on<br />

life-satisfaction. Di Tella et al. (2001) indicates that, in<br />

high-unemployment countries people are unhappier than<br />

average, even when they themselves are not unemployed –<br />

apparently, the feeling of happiness is affected by the fear<br />

of becoming unemployed.<br />

Figure 3.1.2<br />

Unemployment rate and life-satisfaction (% of the<br />

population that is satisfied with life)<br />

Satisfaction<br />

100<br />

90<br />

80<br />

70<br />

60<br />

50<br />

40<br />

30<br />

20<br />

10<br />

NED SWE DEN<br />

LUX<br />

FIN<br />

DEU GBR<br />

BEL<br />

SLO<br />

AUT<br />

CZE CYP<br />

FRA<br />

MLT<br />

POL<br />

EST<br />

ITA<br />

ROU<br />

Thus, both the proponents and opponents of the Easterlin<br />

paradox may be justified, i.e. the complexity of the<br />

concept of well-being that contains not only monetary<br />

measure; freedom, a stable job, good health, etc. are also<br />

important (Granham 2010). Unfortunately, the latter are<br />

endogenous, which means that the wealthier countries<br />

have means to affect non-monetary well-being.<br />

BUL<br />

SVK<br />

LTU<br />

HUN<br />

PRT<br />

IRL<br />

LVA<br />

GRC<br />

0 5<br />

10 15 20<br />

Unemployment<br />

Sources: Eurostat 2011 and Eurobarometer 76 (2011), authors’<br />

calculations<br />

Figure 3.1.3<br />

The relationship between income distribution (Gini coefficient)<br />

and satisfaction with life (% of the population<br />

that is satisfied with life), 2011<br />

Satisfaction<br />

100<br />

90<br />

80<br />

70<br />

60<br />

50<br />

40<br />

30<br />

SLO<br />

SWE<br />

CZE<br />

NED<br />

FIN LUX<br />

BEL<br />

AUT<br />

MLT<br />

SVK<br />

HUN<br />

DEN<br />

CYP<br />

DEU<br />

ITA<br />

FRA<br />

POL<br />

GBR<br />

EST<br />

GRC<br />

IRL<br />

LTU<br />

ROU<br />

PRT<br />

ESP<br />

BUL<br />

22,5 25 27,5 30 32,5 35<br />

Gini<br />

Source: Eurostat 2011 and Eurobarometer 76 (2011), authors’<br />

calculations<br />

ESP<br />

LVA<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013<br />

107

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