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3.1<br />

The concepts of welfare<br />

Kaie Kerem, Kaire Põder<br />

Welfare, as a concept, can be operationalized narrowly or<br />

more broadly. The narrower conceptualization is driven<br />

by personal perspectives, i.e. how we assess their situations<br />

(subjective well-being). This assessment depends<br />

on people’s circumstances and personality traits, as well<br />

as the bases of comparisons. The latter indicates that we<br />

tend to compare our situation with others, and perceive<br />

ourselves to be happy, when others are worse off, in<br />

comparison to us. The broader concept of welfare takes<br />

into account the state’s role as the mediator of a person’s<br />

welfare. In this case, the role of the state is measured<br />

based on its function as the provider of public services,<br />

especially as the creator of a sense of security, and as the<br />

guarantor of a minimal standard of living.<br />

Our aim is to introduce the theoretical backgrounds<br />

for both the narrower and broader approaches,<br />

and to reveal the interconnections between them. By<br />

applying individual welfare measure the problems start<br />

with underlying theoretical and empirical groundings<br />

Figure 3.1.1<br />

Satisfaction and wealth (wealth index is based on PPP<br />

per capita GDP, (EU27=100, satisfaction index is measured<br />

as the % of respondents who are “very satisfied”<br />

or “rather satisfied” with their lives.)<br />

Satisfaction<br />

100<br />

90<br />

80<br />

70<br />

60<br />

50<br />

40<br />

30<br />

ROU<br />

BUL<br />

LVA<br />

LTU<br />

POL<br />

EST<br />

HUN<br />

PRT<br />

CZE<br />

SLO<br />

MLT<br />

SVK<br />

CYP<br />

GRC<br />

BEL<br />

FRA<br />

ESP<br />

ITA<br />

GBR<br />

SWE<br />

NED<br />

DEN<br />

FIN<br />

40 60 80 100 120<br />

Wealth<br />

DEU<br />

IRL<br />

AUT<br />

Here and hereafter, the areas shown in blue indicate a 95% level<br />

of confidence.<br />

Sources: Eurostat (2011) and Eurobarometer 76 (2011), the<br />

authors’ calculations. Comment: Luxembourg was left out, since<br />

its income level is more than 50% higher than the EU average.<br />

of the concepts. In many sub-disciplines within social<br />

sciences historical and empirical evolution of the welfare<br />

measures don’t coincide, while mostly theoretical<br />

approach is prevalent in economics and mostly typology-building<br />

in political science. The increasing volume<br />

of national accounting time series, and the surveys based<br />

on micro-evidence of individual attitudes and behaviour,<br />

enable the modelling of individual welfare or running<br />

of comparative studies on social expenditures by states.<br />

One of the grounding functions of the contemporary<br />

state is the redistribution of goods (such as education<br />

or commonitures vel analysisow to measure?essed level<br />

of satisfaction.s by states.nu doktoritöö sissejuhatavast<br />

peatükistsocial protection) against the risks that are<br />

prevalent in market oriented systems. These redistributing<br />

states, which are focused on ensuring equal opportunities,<br />

are called welfare states.<br />

This chapter is structured as follows. First, we<br />

introduce the theoretical concepts behind welfare measurement.<br />

We operationalize the concept of welfare, and<br />

show the associations between individual satisfaction<br />

and statistical macro-indicators. In the second part, we<br />

introduce the recent welfare developments in Estonia concentrating<br />

on the period after the 2008 financial crisis,<br />

indicate the comparative perspective, and discuss future<br />

trends. In the third section, we examine the associations<br />

between the welfare regimes and individual self-assessed<br />

level of satisfaction.<br />

3.1.1<br />

Individual well-being and state level<br />

analysis: how to measure?<br />

Using consumption expenditures or income as welfare<br />

indicators is common, since historically poverty and<br />

low standards of living were the main challenges that<br />

were confronted. In mainstream economics, well-being<br />

is defined as the utility from consumption of certain<br />

bundles of goods, while later approaches also encompassed<br />

leisure. The concept of utility stresses the subjectivity<br />

of well-being, the utility functions depend on<br />

risk adverseness or inter-temporal preferences (patience)<br />

– for example, risk-averse and patient individuals are<br />

ready to shift consumption to the old age. However, others<br />

are more risk-loving, and prefer to consume today,<br />

rather than in the future. Therefore, it is imminent<br />

that under utility-based approaches people’s well-being<br />

measures cannot be aggregated into a uniform index,<br />

or indicator, which would adequately take account of<br />

the good characteristics of the individual utility functions.<br />

In addition, the critics who are against measuring<br />

subjective well-being (by surveys) indicate that the data<br />

can be trusted only if it depicts the information from<br />

106<br />

Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013

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