DEVELOPMENT
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Table 2.9.1<br />
The positions of Estonia and other states in the ranking<br />
of the Global Peace Index, 2007–2012<br />
2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007<br />
Iceland 1. 1. 2. 4. 1.<br />
Denmark 2. 4. 7. 2. 2. 3.<br />
New Zealand 2. 2. 1. 1. 4. 2.<br />
Canada 4. 8. 14. 8. 11. 8.<br />
Japan 5. 3. 3. 7. 5. 5.<br />
Austria 6. 6. 4. 5. 10. 10.<br />
Ireland 6. 11. 6. 12. 6. 4.<br />
Slovenia 8. 10. 11. 10. 16. 15.<br />
Finland 9. 7. 9. 9. 8. 6.<br />
Switzerland 10. 16. 18. 18. 12. 14.<br />
Belgium 11. 14. 17. 15. 15. 11.<br />
Czech Republic 13. 5. 12. 11. 17. 13.<br />
Sweden 14. 13. 10. 6. 13. 7.<br />
Germany 15. 15. 16. 16. 14. 12.<br />
Portugal 16. 17. 13. 14. 7. 9.<br />
Hungary 17. 20. 20. 27. 18. 18.<br />
Norway 18. 9. 5. 2. 3. 1.<br />
Singapore 23. 24. 30. 23. 29. 29.<br />
Poland 24. 22. 29. 32. 31. 27.<br />
Spain 25. 28. 25. 28. 30. 21.<br />
Slovakia 26. 23. 21. 24. 20. 17.<br />
Taiwan 27. 27. 35. 37. 44. 36.<br />
Netherlands 28. 25. 27. 22. 22. 20.<br />
Great Britain 29. 26. 31. 35. 49. 49.<br />
Chile 30. 38. 28. 20. 19. 16.<br />
Romania 32. 40. 45. 31. 24. 26.<br />
Uruguay 33. 21. 24. 25. 21. 24.<br />
Costa Rica 36. 31. 26. 29. 34. 31.<br />
Italy 38. 45. 40. 36. 28. 33.<br />
Bulgaria 39. 53. 50. 56. 57. 54.<br />
France 40. 36. 32. 30. 36. 34.<br />
Estonia 41. 47. 46. 38. 35. 28.<br />
South Korea 42. 50. 43. 33. 32. 32.<br />
Lithuania 43. 43. 42. 43. 41. 43.<br />
Latvia 45. 46. 54. 54. 39. 47.<br />
Greece 77. 65. 62. 57. 54. 44.<br />
USA 88. 82. 85. 83. 97. 96.<br />
China 89. 80. 80. 74. 67. 60.<br />
Georgia 141. 134. 142. 134.<br />
India 142. 135. 128. 122. 107. 109.<br />
Pakistan 149. 146. 145. 137. 127. 115.<br />
Israel 150. 145. 144. 141. 136. 119.<br />
North Korea 152. 149. 139. 131. 133.<br />
Russia 153. 147. 143. 136. 131. 118.<br />
Iraq 155. 152. 149. 144. 140. 121.<br />
Sudan 156. 151. 146. 140. 138. 120.<br />
Afghanistan 157. 150. 147. 143. 137.<br />
Source: http://www.visionofhumanity.org/gpi-data<br />
In some sense this approach is misleading, as are many<br />
other indicators based on GDP. Since the index reflects<br />
defence spending as a percentage of GDP, the U.S., which<br />
contributes the most in the world to this field of activity<br />
with a defence budget totalling US$698 billion, is only in<br />
30 th position in this table. China’s US$129 billion defence<br />
budget puts it in second place after the U.S., but in this<br />
index it is in 82 nd place.<br />
In the Global Peace Index ranking, Estonia’s rating is<br />
influenced positively by its participation in peacekeeping<br />
missions, the small percentage of heavy weaponry and<br />
lack of weapons export, as well as the good training of<br />
its armed forces. However, Estonia’s position is impacted<br />
negatively by a low defence capability and relations with<br />
its neighbouring states in the external security field.<br />
As is the case in all kinds of general indices, one<br />
should view these indicators with a bit of scepticism. If<br />
we look at the assessments in the indices related to military<br />
capability, we see that Estonia, Finland and Latvia<br />
have all merited an equal 3.0 points (the best is 1.0 and<br />
the worst is 5.0). However, for those familiar with the<br />
military capability of Finland, and for example Latvia,<br />
this assessment is definitely incomprehensible. True, Finland’s<br />
defence spending as a percentage of GDP is lower<br />
than Estonia’s, but the capability level of its regular forces<br />
and the existence of the largest reserve in the region have<br />
always been praised by military experts.<br />
If we assume that Estonia and Latvia rise to an equal<br />
level with Finland thanks to their NATO membership, then<br />
the recently compiled Baltic Sea Report sees large qualitative<br />
differences in the capabilities of Estonia and Latvia.<br />
It is also interesting to take a look at the assessment<br />
of the states’ relations with their neighbours. Estonia, Finland<br />
and Latvia all have Russia as their large neighbour. If<br />
in Finland’s case, relations with Russia get the best score<br />
(1.0), in Latvia’s case the rating is 2.0 and for Estonia 3.0.<br />
This understandably involves the quality of diplomatic<br />
relations. Therefore, in the case of this parameter, it is less<br />
the risk posed by the neighbour that is being assessed,<br />
and more the skill of the state to live securely next to this<br />
dangerous neighbour.<br />
In the 2007 index, Estonia was given an assessment<br />
of 2.0. This subsequently worsened as a result of the Bronze<br />
Night. It can be expected that the developments in upcoming<br />
years will not provide a reason to assess Estonian-Russian<br />
relations as being any worse than Latvian-Russians ones.<br />
With the size of its defence expenditures, regular<br />
armed forces and prepared reserves, Estonia is clearly<br />
positioned in the group of Nordic countries, which have<br />
rather large reserve forces that supplement their small professional<br />
forces. Actually, when speaking about the sufficiency<br />
of defence capabilities, there is always the question<br />
– Sufficient for what? The expenditures and other efforts<br />
(size of the reserve, nature and quality of the weaponry,<br />
diplomatic activities related to improving relations with<br />
neighbours, etc.) depend to a significant degree on the<br />
region where the state is located, and the environment<br />
that it must cope with. It is a fact that in order to ensure<br />
external security, Estonia must do more than many other<br />
states that are located in “more secure regions”.<br />
Compulsory military service and a strong will to<br />
defend are factors that point, on the one hand, to strong<br />
Estonian Human Development Report 2012/2013<br />
101