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Estonian Human Development Report

Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu

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Table 4.4.3. Agreement of the Russian-speaking<br />

population with the statements regarding political<br />

influence and competence<br />

Ethnicity Citizenship Age<br />

<strong>Estonian</strong><br />

Russian-<br />

Estoniasian<br />

Russpeaking<br />

Stateless<br />

15–2930–49 50–74<br />

Voting 85:11 72:23 83:13 74:19 60:36 74:22 69:27 70:20<br />

Belonging to a<br />

political party<br />

Participating<br />

in voluntary<br />

organizations<br />

28:64 26:63 28:64 26:61 27:66 29:64 24:63 27:59<br />

68:25 57:33 66:26 55:35 56:36 60:32 52:39 59:29<br />

Participating in<br />

24:63 31:54 25:62 34:50 33:55 30:59 30:54 30:50<br />

strikes<br />

Participating in<br />

collecting signatures/signing<br />

45:45 43:44 46:44 43:47 36:51 45:46 45:43 39:44<br />

petitions<br />

Participating<br />

in demonstrations/pickets<br />

All<br />

Citizenship<br />

<strong>Estonian</strong><br />

Russian<br />

Stateless<br />

Table 4.4.4. Assessment of the importance of various<br />

forms of participation by ethnicity, citizenship<br />

and age (Percentage of respondents who thought it<br />

important: percentage of respondents who thought<br />

it unimportant)<br />

27:60 34:53 29:59 38:51 30:57 35:55 31:54 34:49<br />

Participating<br />

in Internet<br />

forums and 19:66 25:53 21:63 19:47 25:56 29:61 27:56 17:39<br />

writing Internet<br />

commentaries<br />

Source: Integration of <strong>Estonian</strong> Society: Monitoring 2008<br />

Age<br />

15–29 30–49 50–74<br />

The course of events in the country depends on the choices of the people,<br />

including myself and people like me<br />

… (tend to) agree 25 33 19 11 35 27 14<br />

I think that I am sufficiently competent in political matters that my<br />

positions could be of interest to others<br />

… (tend to) agree 26 31 21 17 29 27 21<br />

Source: Integration of <strong>Estonian</strong> Society: Monitoring 2008<br />

tal organizations than Russian-speaking respondents. The<br />

latter, in turn, place somewhat greater importance on participating<br />

in strikes and pickets. Of <strong>Estonian</strong> citizens, 83%,<br />

of Russian citizens 74% and of stateless people, 60% think<br />

it is important to vote. There are no significant differences<br />

among groups of respondents with respect to the perceived<br />

importance of belonging to political parties. Young people,<br />

similarly to their parents’ and grandparents’ generations,<br />

References<br />

1. Dalton, R. (2004). Democratic Challenges, Democratic Choices:<br />

The Erosion of Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies.<br />

Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

2. Easton, D. (1965). A System Analysis of Political Life. New York:<br />

Wiley.<br />

3. <strong>Estonian</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Development</strong> <strong>Report</strong> (2007), Chapter 3.7. “The<br />

infosphere and media use of <strong>Estonian</strong> Russians” pp. 77–81.<br />

favour conventional means of influencing politics – voting,<br />

participation in the work of nongovernmental organizations<br />

and collecting signatures. Unlike the older generation,<br />

young and middle-aged people think the Internet is a<br />

relatively important arena of political participation.<br />

The above findings show that Russian-speakers feel that,<br />

compared to ethnic <strong>Estonian</strong>s, they have considerably fewer<br />

opportunities to be engaged in politics. Russian-speaking<br />

respondents who are <strong>Estonian</strong> citizens assess their political<br />

influence and competence more highly than people without<br />

<strong>Estonian</strong> citizenship. However, the lack of <strong>Estonian</strong> citizenship<br />

is not only a cause of political passivity but also a result<br />

of it: the fact that stateless people place less importance on<br />

voting suggests that they may have been less motivated to<br />

make efforts to secure the right to vote.<br />

Summary<br />

Several important aspects regarding the patterns of political<br />

support and participation in Estonia differ from those<br />

found in the “old” democracies. These include the lack<br />

of a shared definition of the political community, indecisive<br />

support for democracy as a form of government,<br />

weaker trust in the parliament and political parties and<br />

lower voter turnout compared to the EU average. We share<br />

many of these traits with other Eastern European countries.<br />

Throughout the transition period, however, the people<br />

of Estonia have given the performance of their political<br />

and economic systems considerably higher ratings than<br />

the inhabitants of Latvia and Lithuania.<br />

In both Estonia and Latvia, there is a clearly evident<br />

ethnic gap in public attitudes towards the state and its institutions.<br />

Despite progress achieved in naturalization, almost<br />

half of the Russian-speakers in Estonia (many of whom are<br />

<strong>Estonian</strong> citizens) do not consider themselves to be part of<br />

the <strong>Estonian</strong> nation in the constitutional meaning of the<br />

term. Only a quarter of Estonia’s Russian-speakers trust<br />

the <strong>Estonian</strong> state and slightly more than a tenth trust its<br />

principal political institutions – the Riigikogu, the government<br />

and the president. The results of a survey study carried<br />

out in spring 2008 show that the crisis of trust that<br />

accompanied the “bronze events” turned out to be deeper<br />

and longer lasting than expected. Neither European values<br />

nor security considerations allow us to disregard a crisis of<br />

trust of such proportions. The somewhat greater support for<br />

political institutions, greater identification with the <strong>Estonian</strong><br />

people and higher assessment of their political influence<br />

and competence among young Russian-speakers offer<br />

some hope that ethnic differences in political attitudes may<br />

decrease over time. However, the current gap between the<br />

political assessments of the ethnic majority and the minorities<br />

is so large that we cannot rely on the slow process of a<br />

generational change to reduce it.<br />

4. <strong>Estonian</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Development</strong> <strong>Report</strong> (2007), Chapter 2.2.<br />

“Civil initiative and voluntary organizing”, pp. 32–39.<br />

5. Ehin, P. (2007). “Political Support in the Baltic States, 1993–<br />

2004” Journal of Baltic Studies 38 (1), 1–20.<br />

6. European Commission (2008), Eurobarometer 69: Public Opinion<br />

in the European Union, http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm<br />

(1.10.2008)<br />

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