Estonian Human Development Report
Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu
Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu
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References<br />
1. Bajekal, M.,; Blane, D., Grewal, I., Karlsen, S., Nazroo, J. (2004).<br />
“Ethnic Differences in Influences on Quality of Life at Older Ages:<br />
a Quantitative Analysis” – Ageing & Society, 24: 1, pp. 709–728.<br />
2. Kasearu, K., Trumm, A.(2008). “Eestlaste ja mitte-eestlaste<br />
aineline olukord ja eluga rahulolu”, Integration of <strong>Estonian</strong><br />
Society: Monitoring 2008. http://www.rahvastikuminister.<br />
ee/?id=12051<br />
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kontaktid ja meie-tunne. „Integratsiooni monitooring 2008”,<br />
http://www.rahvastikuminister.ee/?id=12051<br />
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of <strong>Estonian</strong> Society: Monitoring 2008. http://www.rahvastikuminister.ee/?id=12051<br />
6. Masso, A.(2009, being published). “Readiness to Accept<br />
Immigrants in Europe? Individual and Country Level Characteristics”<br />
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2.<br />
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4.3. Evaluation on social changes<br />
among <strong>Estonian</strong>, Latvian and<br />
Lithuanian ethnic majorities and<br />
Russian-speaking minorities<br />
Directed by Prof Richard Rose, regular public opinion surveys<br />
have been conducted in all Europe’s post-Communist<br />
countries since 1991, which include multi-faceted assessments<br />
of the social changes. The respondents have been<br />
asked to provide evaluations of the economic system and<br />
political regime under the former (Soviet-era) and current<br />
systems and the system that will exist in the future, probably<br />
in five years. These studies (the New Baltic Barometer)<br />
have been organized six times in Estonia, Latvia and<br />
Lithuania: September–October 1993, April 1995, November<br />
1996, March 2000, October 2001, November–December<br />
2004 (Rose & Maley 1994; Rose 1995, 1997b, 2000,<br />
2002, 2005b).<br />
The surveys show that <strong>Estonian</strong>s have assessed the<br />
changes in society significantly more positively than their<br />
southern neighbours. In 1993, the <strong>Estonian</strong>s gave the new<br />
economic system a lower rating than the Soviet-era system.<br />
In 1995, the assessments of the old and new system<br />
were equal, and since 1996, the new economic system has<br />
been clearly rated more positively than the former system;<br />
the new system received positive evaluations from 70–<br />
80% of <strong>Estonian</strong>s.<br />
Among Latvians, and especially Lithuanians, the<br />
number of people giving the new economic system positive<br />
assessments in 1993–2000 was many times smaller<br />
than the number of those who gave positive assessments to<br />
the Soviet-era economic system. In 2001, the assessment of<br />
Latvians, and in 2004, the assessment of Lithuanians equalized<br />
between the former and new economic systems.<br />
The assessment of the current economic system can at<br />
least partially be explained by economic results – in 1991–<br />
1994, there were great economic difficulties in the Baltic<br />
countries and other transition states; as of 1995 the situation<br />
started to improve. Although the growth of gross<br />
domestic product (GDP) has not been significantly greater<br />
in Estonia than in Latvia or Lithuania, the assessments of<br />
the new economic system were much higher in Estonia.<br />
As of 2004, the Lithuanians’ assessments were comparable<br />
to those of the <strong>Estonian</strong>s. At the same time, the Latvians’<br />
assessments of the new economic system remained quite<br />
modest even in 2004, after several years of successful GDP<br />
growth.<br />
The positive attitude prevailing in Estonia is all the<br />
more surprising since, compared to its southern neighbours,<br />
Estonia has been considered a country that carried<br />
out extreme liberalization, and a representative along<br />
with Poland of the most radical “shock therapy” in all of<br />
Eastern and Central Europe, i.e. rapid and radical market<br />
economy reforms (Aslund 2002, 2007).<br />
This highlights the fact that public opinion assessments<br />
are based not only on the so-called factual situation,<br />
but also on the interpretive schemes that dominate<br />
the society, including the media. Comparing the opinions<br />
and assessments that are popular in Estonia with those of<br />
other post-Communist societies, social scientists point to<br />
the widespread acceptance of the liberal success ideology,<br />
or the so-called post-Communist transition culture, not<br />
only by <strong>Estonian</strong>s but also by local Russian-speaking population.<br />
Transition ideology traditionally interprets the<br />
appreciation of personal and competitive success as a natural<br />
development characteristic of the new age (Kennedy<br />
2002). It is thought that the popularity of understandings<br />
promoting neo-liberalism and individual consumption<br />
among the population has been one of the important factors<br />
in Estonia’s rapid economic success (Feldmann 2007).<br />
The assessment of the new economic system shown in Figure<br />
4.3.1., as well as the significantly lower assessments<br />
for the former system, can be viewed as the widespread<br />
acceptance of success ideology.<br />
The assessments of Estonia as a successful reform country<br />
are also complemented by the <strong>Estonian</strong>s’ most positive<br />
assessment of the new political system (Figure 4.3.2.).<br />
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