Estonian Human Development Report

Table 4.2.2. shows the association between the indicators
of life satisfaction and social integration. When evaluating
social integration, the following individual and
aggregate variables have been used: political interest (How
interested are you in politics?), trust in institutions (How
much do you trust the country’s parliament / legal system /
police / political parties / European Parliament / UN?), perceived
discrimination (Is your group discriminated against
because of skin colour / race / nationality / religion / ethnic
group / language you speak?) and social capital (How often
do you socially meet with friends, relatives, colleagues? Is
there anyone you discuss intimate and personal matters
with? How often do you take part in social activities compared
to others of same age?).
The analysis of satisfaction dimensions and associations
is the same as the one in Table 4.2.1. It turns out
that the life satisfaction evaluations of Estonia’s ethnic
minorities are significantly related to the perception of
discrimination – the lower the level of perceived discrimination,
the greater the satisfaction with the performance
of the state and the personal sense of happiness.
It is noteworthy that in the majority of European
countries there is no significant relationship between
the perception of discrimination and satisfaction with
the performance of the state. At the same time, Estonia’s
ethnic minorities perceive discrimination more often
than the minorities in European countries on average
(see Annex 4.2.1.). Thus, for example, the perception of
minority discrimination in the United Kingdom, with
a relatively large and diverse ethnic minority, is almost
10% lower than in Estonia and even 20% lower than
Estonia in Denmark with a growing number of immigrants.
Estonia’s other important distinction compared to
the European average is the importance of the social
network as a shaper of satisfaction among ethnic minorities
– the closer the social network, the more satisfied
Estonia’s ethnic minorities are with the state. And vice
versa – estrangement from the state is related to greater
isolation in one’s close surroundings. This is especially
related to contacts with Estonians and other ethnicities
at work and during leisure time (see Korts & Vihalemm
2008). This relationship is probably bidirectional – on
the one hand, it is easier for individuals who are socially
active and have a wider social circle to become aware of
what is happening in the country and to adapt; however,
on the other hand, a positive social attitude promotes
involvement in work-related and other social networks.
At the same time, Annex 4.2.2. shows that compared
to European minorities Estonia’s ethnic minorities are
characterized by significantly lower social capital with
respect to the extent of the social network, participation
in nongovernmental organizations and trust. However,
differences in the social capitalization of majority and
minority groups are decreasing in younger age groups,
in Europe on average as well as in Estonia (see Annex
4.2.2.).
Summary
In Estonia, life satisfaction depends, to a greater degree, on
ethnic affiliation than it does in Europe on average. Estonia
is also differentiated in the general European scene by
larger gaps in the life satisfaction evaluations of the eth-
Table 4.2.2. Association of life satisfaction with
social integration among ethnic minorities in Estonia
and Europe (correlation coefficient in Estonia, average
for European minorities in parentheses)
Aggregate
satisfaction
index
* Political interest either high or very high.
** The social capital index is calculated on the basis of single variables:
meets frequently with friends, relatives, co-workers; has someone to
discuss personal affairs with; compared to contemporaries and participates
often in social activities.
*** The trust index is calculated on the basis of single variables: trust in
the parliament, legal system, police, politicians, political parties, European
Parliament and UN.
*** The discrimination index calculated on the basis of single variables:
has encountered discrimination based on skin colour or race, ethnicity,
religion, ethnicity or spoken language.
Source: European Social Survey 2006
Personal
mental
satisfaction
Personal
material
satisfaction
Satisfaction
with
the performance
of the state
Interest in politics* 0.172 (0.159) 0.130 (0.084) 0.073 (0.138) 0.215 (0.141)
Social capitalization** 0.207 (0.123) 0.176 (0.094) 0.094 (0.105) 0.238 (0.080)
Trust in institutions***0.483 (0.403) 0.351 (0.237) 0.377 (0.194) 0.475 (0.449)
Discrimination
rate****
-0.322 (-0.098) -0.286 (-0.086) -0.147 (-0.011) -0.361 (-0.119)
Average 0.296 (0.196) 0.236 (0.125) 0.173 (0.112) 0.322 (0.197)
nic majority and minorities – compared to the majority,
the members of ethnic minority groups are less frequently
satisfied, especially among the middle-aged and younger
generations.
While in the “old” EU member states the general satisfaction
of ethnic minorities is strongly related to evaluations
regarding the performance of the country’s economic
system and democracy, in Estonia, in a similar
manner to the majority of post-Communist transition
states, the satisfaction of ethnic minorities tends to be
shaped by subjective factors (primarily one’s personal
sense of happiness). At the same time, the subjective satisfaction
is quite strongly related to indicators of social integration
– the strength of personal social networks and the
perception or non-perception of discrimination. In Estonia,
one’s relationship with the performance of the state as
intermediated by the social network is also characterized
by the fact that critical evaluations regarding state policies
do not significantly differ between Russian-speakers
who are personally more or less successfully integrated
(see Lauristin 2008).
Conditionally one could say that unlike other European
countries, a “cultural capsule” is created in Estonia
upon defining oneself as an ethnic minority group. Ethnic
barriers in society do not disappear by themselves
since dissatisfaction with life compared to Estonians does
not decrease in younger generations. The relatively weak
social capital of Estonia’s minorities and its significance in
the shaping of life satisfaction leads to the conclusion that
investing in the growth of social capital for ethnic minorities
and their more effective involvement in the life of the
country do not jeopardize the performance of the nationstate.
Instead, such measures are the basis for shaping reliable
relations with the state.
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