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Estonian Human Development Report

Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu

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Figure 3.5.4. Percentage of respondents who characterized<br />

their family’s economic situation 17 as bad<br />

by country of residence (excerpt from countries that<br />

participated in the study)<br />

Lithuania<br />

Latvia<br />

Estonia<br />

Poland<br />

The Czech<br />

Republic<br />

Hungary<br />

Finland<br />

Germany<br />

France<br />

Denmark<br />

Sweden<br />

The United<br />

Kingdom<br />

Norway<br />

Source: Currie et al. 2008; 2004.<br />

8<br />

7<br />

9.2<br />

8<br />

4<br />

5.8<br />

12<br />

13<br />

13<br />

13.5<br />

17.8<br />

16.4<br />

16.1<br />

15.3<br />

29<br />

2005&2006<br />

2001&2002<br />

0 10 20 30 40 50 60<br />

their parents’ economic situation and the parents’ attitudes<br />

towards raising children. In the opinion of the children, the<br />

economic situation of families in Estonia has improved, i.e.<br />

in an international study of the health behaviour of schoolchildren<br />

the percentage of respondents who rate the economic<br />

situation of their families as bad has decreased during<br />

the last five years (Figure 3.5.4.). It is worth noting that<br />

the economic situation of families has improved at a significantly<br />

faster pace in the new EU member states, such as the<br />

Baltic countries and Poland, but remains considerably worse<br />

there than in Nordic and Western European countries.<br />

In the European context, <strong>Estonian</strong> children are relatively<br />

poor and only children in Lithuania and Latvia are poorer,<br />

while the median income of poor children in neighbouring<br />

Finland is just 10% below the poverty line (Polandkese & Reinomägi<br />

2008). In terms of the economic situation, the level<br />

of quality of life is lowest for children living with non-active<br />

parents, who constituted 8.2% of all people under 18 in 2006.<br />

The effect of the unemployment of a parent on children is<br />

especially conspicuous in times of general economic growth<br />

when differences between people living on social benefits and<br />

those living on an income grow quickly. The poverty risk of<br />

children with unemployed parents started growing sharply<br />

in 2002 concurrently with the economic growth experienced<br />

by the <strong>Estonian</strong> society. Tiit (2006) points out an important<br />

cause of this trend: unemployment insurance benefits did not<br />

keep pace with the rise of the relative poverty line.<br />

The socio-political decisions of recent years reflect a certain<br />

tendency of improvement in the material well-being on<br />

which children’s quality of life is based. Analyzing the effect<br />

of family benefits on the alleviation of poverty in Estonia,<br />

Võrk and Paulus (2007) found that national family benefits<br />

have reduced the number of children living in poverty<br />

by nearly a third. The effect was the greatest in the case of<br />

30<br />

33<br />

32<br />

32<br />

38<br />

40.1<br />

38.7<br />

43.1<br />

43.5<br />

53,1<br />

55.9<br />

families with many children and the smallest in the case of<br />

families with one child and single-parent families. According<br />

to Tiit (2006), the poverty risk of households has not<br />

been significantly raised in recent years (unlike before) by<br />

having a larger number of children under 14 in the household,<br />

although the poverty risk of children living with single<br />

mothers has increased during the same period.<br />

Effect of poverty on children’s quality of life. The results<br />

of a household income and expenditure study conducted<br />

by Statistics Estonia revealed that families differ greatly in<br />

terms of the percentage of the family’s total expenses spent<br />

on children. Tiit (2004) used data gathered in 2002 to compare<br />

households belonging to the five lowest (the poorer<br />

half) and five highest (the wealthier half) income deciles<br />

and found that the difference between these two income<br />

groups in terms of spending on children was nearly twofold.<br />

The structure of expenses of the wealthier half of the families<br />

showed that they spent, on average, 1.55 times more on<br />

food for children, 1.86 times more on children eating out,<br />

2.13 times more on children’s transport, 3.12 times more on<br />

children’s clothing and 3.25 times more on children’s recreational<br />

activities. The needs of children vary more than<br />

the needs of adults and change quickly as children become<br />

older. The analysis showed that expenses related to buying<br />

clothes and footwear for even preschoolers constituted 80%<br />

of the expenses related to satisfying the corresponding needs<br />

of adults, while in the case of 18-year-olds the expenses had<br />

grown 1.5 times higher than those related to adults.<br />

In addition to having their primary needs related to<br />

food, shelter and self-development met, children also have<br />

the need to belong to groups of their peers on an equal basis.<br />

Owning certain items (the “right” toys, clothes, mobile<br />

phone, computer, etc.) is an important external indicator of<br />

the fact that children share the standards and values of their<br />

peers and can therefore be accepted into a group of their<br />

peers. The lack of these indicators may, however, be reason<br />

enough to cause children to be rejected from participating<br />

in the cultural routines of their peers. Compared to their<br />

peers, children from poorer homes are more likely to experience<br />

economic deprivation – they have less pocket money,<br />

lack more of the items they need as well as opportunities<br />

to participate in the activities of their peers. They perceive<br />

themselves as having fewer friends than others and are less<br />

satisfied with themselves (Kutsar et al. 2004). Lack of wealth<br />

in itself does not destine children to social exclusion, but<br />

money can facilitate their inclusion, especially in activities<br />

that require the availability of financial resources.<br />

In fact, children are less likely to have negative experiences<br />

due to them lacking a certain item (economic deprivation)<br />

than due to their inability to be included in groups<br />

of their peers, i.e. deprivation of choices. Self-initiated activities<br />

are more important to children than organized activities.<br />

A small-scale survey of sixth graders by Viira (2005)<br />

showed that 27% of the respondents felt deprived of opportunities<br />

to participate in activities along with their peers. These<br />

respondents were most often children who had unemployed<br />

parents or parents with low incomes. The study also indicated<br />

that children from poorer families actively reduce their own<br />

needs, while being less active than children from wealthier<br />

families in finding opportunities to escape undesirable sit-<br />

17<br />

The assessment is based on a conventional score calculated as an index characterizing the extent of the family’s belongings as defined by the child<br />

(ownership of cars, computers, number of joint vacations, availability of a separate room for the child). The score varies from 0 to 9. Economic<br />

situation is bad: score 0–3; average: score 4–5; good: score 6–9 (Aasvee et al., 2007, Kooliõpilaste tervisekäitumise uuring 2005–2006).<br />

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