Estonian Human Development Report
Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu
Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu
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Figure 3.5.4. Percentage of respondents who characterized<br />
their family’s economic situation 17 as bad<br />
by country of residence (excerpt from countries that<br />
participated in the study)<br />
Lithuania<br />
Latvia<br />
Estonia<br />
Poland<br />
The Czech<br />
Republic<br />
Hungary<br />
Finland<br />
Germany<br />
France<br />
Denmark<br />
Sweden<br />
The United<br />
Kingdom<br />
Norway<br />
Source: Currie et al. 2008; 2004.<br />
8<br />
7<br />
9.2<br />
8<br />
4<br />
5.8<br />
12<br />
13<br />
13<br />
13.5<br />
17.8<br />
16.4<br />
16.1<br />
15.3<br />
29<br />
2005&2006<br />
2001&2002<br />
0 10 20 30 40 50 60<br />
their parents’ economic situation and the parents’ attitudes<br />
towards raising children. In the opinion of the children, the<br />
economic situation of families in Estonia has improved, i.e.<br />
in an international study of the health behaviour of schoolchildren<br />
the percentage of respondents who rate the economic<br />
situation of their families as bad has decreased during<br />
the last five years (Figure 3.5.4.). It is worth noting that<br />
the economic situation of families has improved at a significantly<br />
faster pace in the new EU member states, such as the<br />
Baltic countries and Poland, but remains considerably worse<br />
there than in Nordic and Western European countries.<br />
In the European context, <strong>Estonian</strong> children are relatively<br />
poor and only children in Lithuania and Latvia are poorer,<br />
while the median income of poor children in neighbouring<br />
Finland is just 10% below the poverty line (Polandkese & Reinomägi<br />
2008). In terms of the economic situation, the level<br />
of quality of life is lowest for children living with non-active<br />
parents, who constituted 8.2% of all people under 18 in 2006.<br />
The effect of the unemployment of a parent on children is<br />
especially conspicuous in times of general economic growth<br />
when differences between people living on social benefits and<br />
those living on an income grow quickly. The poverty risk of<br />
children with unemployed parents started growing sharply<br />
in 2002 concurrently with the economic growth experienced<br />
by the <strong>Estonian</strong> society. Tiit (2006) points out an important<br />
cause of this trend: unemployment insurance benefits did not<br />
keep pace with the rise of the relative poverty line.<br />
The socio-political decisions of recent years reflect a certain<br />
tendency of improvement in the material well-being on<br />
which children’s quality of life is based. Analyzing the effect<br />
of family benefits on the alleviation of poverty in Estonia,<br />
Võrk and Paulus (2007) found that national family benefits<br />
have reduced the number of children living in poverty<br />
by nearly a third. The effect was the greatest in the case of<br />
30<br />
33<br />
32<br />
32<br />
38<br />
40.1<br />
38.7<br />
43.1<br />
43.5<br />
53,1<br />
55.9<br />
families with many children and the smallest in the case of<br />
families with one child and single-parent families. According<br />
to Tiit (2006), the poverty risk of households has not<br />
been significantly raised in recent years (unlike before) by<br />
having a larger number of children under 14 in the household,<br />
although the poverty risk of children living with single<br />
mothers has increased during the same period.<br />
Effect of poverty on children’s quality of life. The results<br />
of a household income and expenditure study conducted<br />
by Statistics Estonia revealed that families differ greatly in<br />
terms of the percentage of the family’s total expenses spent<br />
on children. Tiit (2004) used data gathered in 2002 to compare<br />
households belonging to the five lowest (the poorer<br />
half) and five highest (the wealthier half) income deciles<br />
and found that the difference between these two income<br />
groups in terms of spending on children was nearly twofold.<br />
The structure of expenses of the wealthier half of the families<br />
showed that they spent, on average, 1.55 times more on<br />
food for children, 1.86 times more on children eating out,<br />
2.13 times more on children’s transport, 3.12 times more on<br />
children’s clothing and 3.25 times more on children’s recreational<br />
activities. The needs of children vary more than<br />
the needs of adults and change quickly as children become<br />
older. The analysis showed that expenses related to buying<br />
clothes and footwear for even preschoolers constituted 80%<br />
of the expenses related to satisfying the corresponding needs<br />
of adults, while in the case of 18-year-olds the expenses had<br />
grown 1.5 times higher than those related to adults.<br />
In addition to having their primary needs related to<br />
food, shelter and self-development met, children also have<br />
the need to belong to groups of their peers on an equal basis.<br />
Owning certain items (the “right” toys, clothes, mobile<br />
phone, computer, etc.) is an important external indicator of<br />
the fact that children share the standards and values of their<br />
peers and can therefore be accepted into a group of their<br />
peers. The lack of these indicators may, however, be reason<br />
enough to cause children to be rejected from participating<br />
in the cultural routines of their peers. Compared to their<br />
peers, children from poorer homes are more likely to experience<br />
economic deprivation – they have less pocket money,<br />
lack more of the items they need as well as opportunities<br />
to participate in the activities of their peers. They perceive<br />
themselves as having fewer friends than others and are less<br />
satisfied with themselves (Kutsar et al. 2004). Lack of wealth<br />
in itself does not destine children to social exclusion, but<br />
money can facilitate their inclusion, especially in activities<br />
that require the availability of financial resources.<br />
In fact, children are less likely to have negative experiences<br />
due to them lacking a certain item (economic deprivation)<br />
than due to their inability to be included in groups<br />
of their peers, i.e. deprivation of choices. Self-initiated activities<br />
are more important to children than organized activities.<br />
A small-scale survey of sixth graders by Viira (2005)<br />
showed that 27% of the respondents felt deprived of opportunities<br />
to participate in activities along with their peers. These<br />
respondents were most often children who had unemployed<br />
parents or parents with low incomes. The study also indicated<br />
that children from poorer families actively reduce their own<br />
needs, while being less active than children from wealthier<br />
families in finding opportunities to escape undesirable sit-<br />
17<br />
The assessment is based on a conventional score calculated as an index characterizing the extent of the family’s belongings as defined by the child<br />
(ownership of cars, computers, number of joint vacations, availability of a separate room for the child). The score varies from 0 to 9. Economic<br />
situation is bad: score 0–3; average: score 4–5; good: score 6–9 (Aasvee et al., 2007, Kooliõpilaste tervisekäitumise uuring 2005–2006).<br />
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