23.09.2015 Views

Estonian Human Development Report

Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu

Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Figure 3.5.1. Percentage of teenagers who find it<br />

easy to discuss their problems with parents, grandparents<br />

and friends (boys and girls aged 11, 13 and<br />

15)<br />

100<br />

90<br />

80<br />

70<br />

60<br />

50<br />

40<br />

30<br />

20<br />

10<br />

0<br />

Father Mother<br />

Source: Aasvee et al. 2007.<br />

Stepfather<br />

Stepmother<br />

Friend<br />

mother Grand-<br />

Grandfather<br />

may be able to cope with their insecurities and anxieties if<br />

they are accepted and recognized by a group of children.<br />

Trust and support provided by people their own age help<br />

increase children’s well-being – their own social capital<br />

which will support and protect them if they have to experience<br />

something bad or difficult in the future.<br />

Andrews et al. (2002) stress the importance of human<br />

and civil rights, social justice and participation in civil society<br />

in the lives of children. Children’s participation in civil<br />

society indicates that they are continuously communicating<br />

with both adults and their peers and that social justice<br />

determines the distribution of social benefits between various<br />

target groups. Children’s human and civil rights help<br />

them to be seen and heard in addition to giving them the<br />

right to actively participate in social affairs, including shaping<br />

their own quality of life to a certain degree. The level<br />

of realization of a child’s quality of life depends on how<br />

the society in question views children as a social category<br />

and to what extent children’s needs are generally taken into<br />

account, to whom the political measure is addressed and<br />

whether the society attempts to regulate the well-being of<br />

children through the well-being of adults.<br />

Solidarity between generations as<br />

a prerequisite for providing children<br />

with a high quality of life<br />

B11<br />

B13<br />

B15<br />

G11<br />

G13<br />

G15<br />

Children do not generate material wealth for the society.<br />

Their task involves the explanatory reproduction<br />

and transmission of knowledge from one generation of<br />

adults to another. Unlike in the case of adults, the work<br />

children do and the compensation they receive are separated<br />

in time, meaning that effective investment into<br />

knowledge and life skills as a child provides the basis for<br />

the ability to cope with life successfully as an adult. Children<br />

and adults form two separate social groups and represent<br />

differing and sometimes contradictory interests in<br />

political discourses. Children’s quality of life, however, is<br />

affected both by political decisions addressed to children<br />

and by decisions that regulate the well-being of adults and<br />

thereby the living environment of children.<br />

Poverty surveys conducted in Estonia have repeatedly<br />

outlined children as the group most vulnerable to the risk<br />

of poverty. The current social practice indicates that in making<br />

political decisions, authorities are quick to misuse the<br />

restraint of groups of adults who represent the interests of<br />

children as well as their limited ability to protect the wellbeing<br />

of children. As a result, the percentage of pension insurance<br />

expenses in the GDP have remained within the limits<br />

of six per cent in recent years, while the actual pension payments<br />

have grown nearly twofold. There has also been a moderate<br />

increase of family benefits in recent years as a result of<br />

the parental benefit introduced in 2004, despite the fact that<br />

the relative importance of family benefits (including those<br />

directed to children) in the GDP has actually decreased. Similar<br />

to other European countries, Estonia is an aging society:<br />

compared to 2000, the proportion of people aged 18 or<br />

younger in Estonia’s population has decreased and the proportion<br />

of people aged 65 or older has grown. If the size of the<br />

interest group that represents children’s needs (adults raising<br />

children) becomes smaller, the direct representation of children’s<br />

interests in political discussions will diminish further<br />

and the decisive role in the distribution of social wealth will<br />

be played by the solidarity of political interest groups.<br />

Children’s support network as a<br />

reflection of their quality of life<br />

Family members. Nowadays, children in Estonia face<br />

changes in social and biological bonds more frequently and<br />

at an earlier age than before, with the changing world of<br />

their own, half siblings and “obtained” brothers and sisters,<br />

parents, grandparents and other relatives. Children’s quality<br />

of life within the system of family relations is directly<br />

dependent on how well adults are able to cope within<br />

their larger family network. Who make up a child’s family<br />

and whom can they rely on? The results of an international<br />

health behaviour study of schoolchildren (Aasvee et<br />

al. 2007) showed that teenagers felt most comfortable discussing<br />

their problems with their mothers, while their least<br />

frequently preferred confidants included stepmothers and<br />

stepfathers (Figure 3.5.1.). Although the tendency to confide<br />

in adults decreases as children become older and they find<br />

new confidants among friends, it can be concluded that the<br />

increasing frequency of situations where children live with<br />

step-parents presents a risk in terms of children’s quality of<br />

life. The study indicated, however, that more children from<br />

economically well-to-do families confided in their parents<br />

compared to children from less wealthy homes.<br />

It is in the interest of children to have both parents and<br />

to be able to communicate with them. Communication with<br />

parents living separately is often rendered difficult by unresolved<br />

problems that persist between the parents, which in<br />

turn overshadow their readiness to understand the real needs<br />

of their children. Leeni Hansson (2004) demonstrated in<br />

her study that the likelihood of communicating with a parent<br />

who lives separately from the family and receiving support<br />

from grandparents on that parent’s side is greater if the<br />

parents have been married. If the parents have been living<br />

together outside wedlock, however, the support networks<br />

tend to be less developed and remain tenuous and ineffective<br />

in the case of a break-up. In the latter case, the ties between<br />

the parent living elsewhere and the child tend to be weaker.<br />

As a result, the wide informal network created around a child<br />

through variegated family structures does not necessarily<br />

provide them with more support or a higher quality of life.<br />

Belonging to a family provides children with a sense<br />

of security, while belonging to a group of their peers gen-<br />

| 70

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!