Estonian Human Development Report

Table 3.2.6. Agreement with statements expressing
alienation from society (responses “completely
agree” or “sooner agree than disagree” by ethnicity,
place of residence, and age group (%))
I do not look at the
future hopefully
My contribution is
not recognized
I feel that I am a second-rate
member of
the society
Place of
Ethnicity
residence
Total Estonian
Russian
City
Rural
area
Source: Integration of Estonian Society: Monitoring 2008.
Age group
15–2425–3940–59 60–75
21.1 18.6 26.1 23.8 15.5 9.5 12.6 24 40.3
23.5 19.3 32 25.9 18.6 20 19.8 23.9 32.4
26.3 22 35.1 28.8 21.3 15.8 19.8 28.2 42.4
People look down
on me due to my low 13.8 10.8 19.7 16.2 8.8 9.2 8.4 15.2 23.5
income or occupation
I feel that I have
“missed the boat”
I do not have the
opportunity to influence
society
I am unable to protect
my interests
22.5 18.9 29.4 23.8 19.6 6.4 14.5 28.6 39.4
63.3 57.8 72.3 65 59.8 44.6 55 70.8 79.2
25.7 16.4 44.5 30.2 16.3 13.2 18.1 27.3 53.3
although the percentage of those who are very interested
in politics is higher among Estonians.
General trust in national institutions has been steadily
low in 2004–2008. On a scale of 1–10 (1 meaning having no
trust at all and 10 meaning having full confidence), confidence
in the Riigikogu has fluctuated between 4.2 and 4.6
points during this period, while confidence in the judicial
system has increased over the years (4.9 in 2004 and 5.3 in
2008) and confidence in the police has remained the same
(5.6 points). Although the trust of Estonians in the national
institutions has grown in comparison with the overall
average, the opinions of the Russian-speaking population
have become increasingly negative when measured on the
same scale (Figure 3.2.5.), pointing to a polarization process
that is affecting the society (see also Trumm & Kasearu
2008). In 2004 and 2006, people with a higher education
expressed greater confidence in institutions, but the
differences have grown smaller by 2008. Trust also wanes
as people grow older (younger people have more trust in
institutions than older respondents). Younger respondents
also attribute more value to social cohesion and are ten per
cent less likely to think that society would function better
if everyone were to take care of themselves.
Subjectively perceived alienation (withdrawal) from society.
Previous surveys have shown that subjective assessments
of one’s economic situation and success are more
important as indicators of well-being than the actual situation
(see Kasearu & Trumm 2008). This allows us to consider
that subjective assessments of one’s situation may have
a more significant effect on the general quality of life than
the real situation itself. Dissatisfaction with one’s life, way
of life, living conditions and quality of life in general may
more likely be an outcome of perceived withdrawal from
society than an assessment of actual living conditions.
In 2006, 14% of Estonia’s population claimed that they
belong to a group that is discriminated against in the society.
Ethnicity and language were reported as the primary
bases for discrimination, meaning that discrimination
was experienced most frequently by Russian-speakers and
people with a higher education.
Perceived withdrawal from society was measured
through seven statements (Table 3.2.6.). The table provides
the percentages of respondents agreeing with the statements
by ethnicity, place of residence and age group. The absence
of opportunities and the resulting lower quality of life can
be viewed from the standpoint of future expectations. The
percentage of people pessimistic about their future has
decreased from 32% in 2006 to 24% in 2008. Estonians, residents
of rural areas, people with a higher education and
younger people tend to be more optimistic. The most significant
source of dissatisfaction for the residents of Estonia
is the absence of opportunities to influence social processes
and a quarter of the respondents feel that they are underpriviledged
members of the society and are unable to protect
their interests. Studies reveal that living in rural areas
decreases the likelihood of withdrawal: the number of people
who feel that they are unable to protect their interests
and that they are looked down upon due to their low income
is two times lower among people living outside of urban centres.
The feeling of being alienated is closely related to age
(Table 3.2.6.). Older people were considerably more likely to
agree with statements that measured alienation and nearly
80% of people aged 60–75 stated that they do not have
the opportunity to influence society. One fifth of younger
respondents were of the opinion that the society and fellow
citizens do not recognize their contributions but were
also quite optimistic, with less than 10% of young people
claiming to have “missed the boat”. Among middle-aged
people, however, there is a common fear of being a second-rate
person who has not been able to keep up with the
changes occurring in society. Comparisons between countries
(Böhnke 2008) have shown that among EU states, Baltic
countries exhibit the highest rate of perceived alienation
from society and the least connection between a people’s
withdrawal and their socio-economic position.
Compared to the Estonian-speaking population, a much
higher percentage of the Russian-speaking population feel
alienated, but the most important difference becomes clear
when we look at the perceived ability to protect one’s interests.
The fact remains that there are 28% more Russianspeakers
than Estonian-speakers who feel that they are
unable to protect their interests (Table 3.2.6.). At the same
time, the data of the 2006 European Social Survey indicate
that, surprisingly, the percentage of those who feel that they
are unable to manage their own life is higher among Estonians
compared to Russian-speakers. Thus, Estonians are
more likely to consider their lack of success a result of their
personal problems, while the Russian-speaking population
sees structural reasons related to the organization of the
society as one of the sources of their failures. For example,
22% of Estonians and 46% of Russian-speakers believe that
compared to the Russian-speaking population, Estonians
have better opportunities for self-expression and engaging
in creative processes, and 39% of the Russian-speaking population
agreed with the statement that they have very few
opportunities to show how capable they are, while among
Estonian respondents, the rate of agreement with this statement
was twice as low.
For further analysis related to perceived alienation
a composite alienation index was created by combin-
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