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Estonian Human Development Report

Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu

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Figure 6.4.5. Public expenditures on labour market<br />

policy supports in the EU countries in 2006 (% of GDP<br />

per one percentage point of the unemployment rate)<br />

0.6<br />

0.5<br />

0.4<br />

0.3<br />

0.2<br />

0.1<br />

0<br />

Denmark*<br />

The Netherlands<br />

Austria<br />

Finland<br />

Belgium<br />

Germany<br />

Ireland<br />

Spain<br />

Portugal<br />

EU15<br />

France<br />

EU27<br />

Cyprus<br />

Sweden<br />

Luxembourg<br />

Italy<br />

Slovenia<br />

Malta<br />

Poland<br />

Hungary<br />

Greece*<br />

Latvia<br />

Romania<br />

United Kingdom<br />

Czech Republic<br />

Slovakia<br />

Lithuania<br />

Bulgaria<br />

ESTONIA<br />

* 2004 data for Denmark, 2005 data for Greece<br />

Source: Eurostat, author’s calculations<br />

Public sector expenditures for social protection in<br />

Estonia are among the lowest in the European Union. In<br />

2006, social protection expenditures in Estonia constituted<br />

12.4% of GDP, while the EU27 average was 26.9%<br />

of GDP (Eurostat). In case of unemployment the benefits<br />

and assistance related to job loss are of primary importance,<br />

and these have been among the lowest in Estonia<br />

compared to other EU countries 43 . In the EU the expenditures<br />

on these benefits average nearly 1.2% of the GDP,<br />

while in Estonia the corresponding expenditures are only<br />

in the range of 0.08%, which is the lowest compared to the<br />

other EU countries. On the other hand, Denmark even<br />

spends 2.7% of GDP on unemployment benefits and Germany<br />

spends almost 2.1%. Estonia’s expenditures are the<br />

lowest even if we consider the differences in the unemployment<br />

rates of different countries (see Figure 6.4.5.).<br />

Therefore, one can conclude that generally social security<br />

during an unemployment period in Estonia is among the<br />

lowest compared to the rest of Europe.<br />

Estonia’s low social benefits generally encourage people<br />

to remain employed. Income earned from employment<br />

usually exceeds income from social benefits, since both<br />

unemployment and subsistence benefits are significantly<br />

lower than wages and the labour taxes paid by employees<br />

are not high. An international comparison also shows<br />

that in the <strong>Estonian</strong> tax and benefits system people have<br />

greater financial incentives to work than in the majority of<br />

other European Union states (Võrk et al 2007, Eurostat).<br />

However, the current social protection system could<br />

be made more supportive of employment. Firstly, the benefits<br />

system could do more to support those who only work<br />

part time. This would help to preserve or more quickly<br />

restore people’s connections to the labour market and<br />

would also increase families’ incomes. Currently in Estonia,<br />

we are sometimes dealing with a situation where parttime<br />

employment does not increase a person’s total income<br />

but rather reduces it since all social benefits are lost (see<br />

Võrk & Paulus 2006). For instance, people lose their entire<br />

unemployment insurance benefits even if they start working<br />

at jobs with very small workloads. People are also<br />

deprived of their early retirement benefits if they continue<br />

working before the official retirement age. In some cases,<br />

a person’s employment in a low-paying or part-time job<br />

can be inhibited by the subsistence benefits system, since<br />

subsistence benefit are reduced by an amount that equals<br />

the person’s wages. Although the opportunity to work and<br />

receive wages is partially built into the parental benefits<br />

system, studies point to fact that the speed of high-salaried<br />

women returning to the labour market has declined due to<br />

parental benefits (Võrk, Karu & Tiit 2009).<br />

Another example of how the system in Estonia lengthens<br />

the duration of unemployment is the simultaneous<br />

receipt of redundancy payment and unemployment insurance<br />

benefits. Research has shown (see Leetmaa & Võrk<br />

2004 and 2006) that the receipt of redundancy payment<br />

lengthens the duration of unemployment even when we<br />

take into account the impact of other factors with the help<br />

of statistical models (we account for age, gender, length of<br />

service in the company, previous salary, region, size of the<br />

layoffs). Therefore, a small portion of those who have lost<br />

their jobs, i.e. those who get both redundancy payments<br />

and unemployment insurance benefits (almost 0.3% of<br />

the employed in 2005) are well protected and the income<br />

they receive at the beginning of the unemployment spell<br />

as benefits exceeds wages by 1.5 times. Those laid off in the<br />

public sector can feel especially secure, since their redundancy<br />

payment can equal a year’s salary. However, the<br />

level of social security for the majority of unemployed is<br />

low. For instance, in 2007, only 23% of the newly unemployed<br />

people registered by the Labour Market Board<br />

received unemployment insurance benefits and approximately<br />

46% received unemployment assistance benefits.<br />

Almost a third of the registered unemployed did not<br />

receive any benefits, although they had the opportunity to<br />

apply for subsistence benefits.<br />

At the same time, the rapid employment growth in<br />

recent years and empirical research (see Võrk & Paulus<br />

2006) show that during the period of economic growth,<br />

the social benefits system as a whole has not reduced people’s<br />

motivation to go to work. However, there is reason<br />

to believe that the connection between work incentives<br />

and social benefits on the one hand and part-time employment<br />

on the other will become important again when<br />

wage growth starts to slow down significantly in the next<br />

few years and finding jobs becomes increasingly difficult<br />

again.<br />

As mentioned above, the reconciliation of work and<br />

family life plays an important role in the concept of flexicurity.<br />

The obligation of caring for children and other<br />

43<br />

Eurostat treats labour market policy (LMP) supports as out-of-work income maintenance and support (mostly unemployment benefits)<br />

and early retirement benefits that are paid due to reasons resulting from the labour market. The proportion of early retirement<br />

benefits that are paid based on reasons resulting from the labour market in relation to the entire expenditures on LMP supports is<br />

quite small (see Eurostat). In most countries, a more important role is played by early retirement benefits that are part of the pension<br />

system and are one of the most important reasons for older workers to leave the labour market. In Estonia to date early retirement<br />

benefits have also been part of the general pension system and been financed from pension insurance payments. Research conducted<br />

in Estonia has shown that the main reason for taking early retirement is already being unemployed (Leppik et al 2004).<br />

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