Estonian Human Development Report
Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu
Estonian Human Development Report - Eesti Koostöö Kogu
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Figure 6.4.5. Public expenditures on labour market<br />
policy supports in the EU countries in 2006 (% of GDP<br />
per one percentage point of the unemployment rate)<br />
0.6<br />
0.5<br />
0.4<br />
0.3<br />
0.2<br />
0.1<br />
0<br />
Denmark*<br />
The Netherlands<br />
Austria<br />
Finland<br />
Belgium<br />
Germany<br />
Ireland<br />
Spain<br />
Portugal<br />
EU15<br />
France<br />
EU27<br />
Cyprus<br />
Sweden<br />
Luxembourg<br />
Italy<br />
Slovenia<br />
Malta<br />
Poland<br />
Hungary<br />
Greece*<br />
Latvia<br />
Romania<br />
United Kingdom<br />
Czech Republic<br />
Slovakia<br />
Lithuania<br />
Bulgaria<br />
ESTONIA<br />
* 2004 data for Denmark, 2005 data for Greece<br />
Source: Eurostat, author’s calculations<br />
Public sector expenditures for social protection in<br />
Estonia are among the lowest in the European Union. In<br />
2006, social protection expenditures in Estonia constituted<br />
12.4% of GDP, while the EU27 average was 26.9%<br />
of GDP (Eurostat). In case of unemployment the benefits<br />
and assistance related to job loss are of primary importance,<br />
and these have been among the lowest in Estonia<br />
compared to other EU countries 43 . In the EU the expenditures<br />
on these benefits average nearly 1.2% of the GDP,<br />
while in Estonia the corresponding expenditures are only<br />
in the range of 0.08%, which is the lowest compared to the<br />
other EU countries. On the other hand, Denmark even<br />
spends 2.7% of GDP on unemployment benefits and Germany<br />
spends almost 2.1%. Estonia’s expenditures are the<br />
lowest even if we consider the differences in the unemployment<br />
rates of different countries (see Figure 6.4.5.).<br />
Therefore, one can conclude that generally social security<br />
during an unemployment period in Estonia is among the<br />
lowest compared to the rest of Europe.<br />
Estonia’s low social benefits generally encourage people<br />
to remain employed. Income earned from employment<br />
usually exceeds income from social benefits, since both<br />
unemployment and subsistence benefits are significantly<br />
lower than wages and the labour taxes paid by employees<br />
are not high. An international comparison also shows<br />
that in the <strong>Estonian</strong> tax and benefits system people have<br />
greater financial incentives to work than in the majority of<br />
other European Union states (Võrk et al 2007, Eurostat).<br />
However, the current social protection system could<br />
be made more supportive of employment. Firstly, the benefits<br />
system could do more to support those who only work<br />
part time. This would help to preserve or more quickly<br />
restore people’s connections to the labour market and<br />
would also increase families’ incomes. Currently in Estonia,<br />
we are sometimes dealing with a situation where parttime<br />
employment does not increase a person’s total income<br />
but rather reduces it since all social benefits are lost (see<br />
Võrk & Paulus 2006). For instance, people lose their entire<br />
unemployment insurance benefits even if they start working<br />
at jobs with very small workloads. People are also<br />
deprived of their early retirement benefits if they continue<br />
working before the official retirement age. In some cases,<br />
a person’s employment in a low-paying or part-time job<br />
can be inhibited by the subsistence benefits system, since<br />
subsistence benefit are reduced by an amount that equals<br />
the person’s wages. Although the opportunity to work and<br />
receive wages is partially built into the parental benefits<br />
system, studies point to fact that the speed of high-salaried<br />
women returning to the labour market has declined due to<br />
parental benefits (Võrk, Karu & Tiit 2009).<br />
Another example of how the system in Estonia lengthens<br />
the duration of unemployment is the simultaneous<br />
receipt of redundancy payment and unemployment insurance<br />
benefits. Research has shown (see Leetmaa & Võrk<br />
2004 and 2006) that the receipt of redundancy payment<br />
lengthens the duration of unemployment even when we<br />
take into account the impact of other factors with the help<br />
of statistical models (we account for age, gender, length of<br />
service in the company, previous salary, region, size of the<br />
layoffs). Therefore, a small portion of those who have lost<br />
their jobs, i.e. those who get both redundancy payments<br />
and unemployment insurance benefits (almost 0.3% of<br />
the employed in 2005) are well protected and the income<br />
they receive at the beginning of the unemployment spell<br />
as benefits exceeds wages by 1.5 times. Those laid off in the<br />
public sector can feel especially secure, since their redundancy<br />
payment can equal a year’s salary. However, the<br />
level of social security for the majority of unemployed is<br />
low. For instance, in 2007, only 23% of the newly unemployed<br />
people registered by the Labour Market Board<br />
received unemployment insurance benefits and approximately<br />
46% received unemployment assistance benefits.<br />
Almost a third of the registered unemployed did not<br />
receive any benefits, although they had the opportunity to<br />
apply for subsistence benefits.<br />
At the same time, the rapid employment growth in<br />
recent years and empirical research (see Võrk & Paulus<br />
2006) show that during the period of economic growth,<br />
the social benefits system as a whole has not reduced people’s<br />
motivation to go to work. However, there is reason<br />
to believe that the connection between work incentives<br />
and social benefits on the one hand and part-time employment<br />
on the other will become important again when<br />
wage growth starts to slow down significantly in the next<br />
few years and finding jobs becomes increasingly difficult<br />
again.<br />
As mentioned above, the reconciliation of work and<br />
family life plays an important role in the concept of flexicurity.<br />
The obligation of caring for children and other<br />
43<br />
Eurostat treats labour market policy (LMP) supports as out-of-work income maintenance and support (mostly unemployment benefits)<br />
and early retirement benefits that are paid due to reasons resulting from the labour market. The proportion of early retirement<br />
benefits that are paid based on reasons resulting from the labour market in relation to the entire expenditures on LMP supports is<br />
quite small (see Eurostat). In most countries, a more important role is played by early retirement benefits that are part of the pension<br />
system and are one of the most important reasons for older workers to leave the labour market. In Estonia to date early retirement<br />
benefits have also been part of the general pension system and been financed from pension insurance payments. Research conducted<br />
in Estonia has shown that the main reason for taking early retirement is already being unemployed (Leppik et al 2004).<br />
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