VIRTUES OF THE SERVANT OF GOD JOHN BAPTIST SCALABRINI

Explanatory Notes
1. The original Italian edition “Le virtù del Servo di Dio Giovanni Battista
Scalabrini”, pro manuscriptu, has been printed sometime before the Beatification of John
Baptist Scalabrini (no precise date is given). The beatification took place on the 9 th of
November 1997. For this reason, throughout the original Italian manuscript and also
throughout this English translation, John Baptist Scalabrini is being referred to as
"Servant of God" and not as "Blessed".
2. The translation from the original Italian into English has been done by Fr. Martino
Bortolazzo, c.s., a few years ago. He has kindly given us permission to make necessary
improvements and to print it. To him our sincere thanks. Our thanks also to Ms. Azucena
Lee who painstakingly proof-read the manuscript.
3. Following the original Italian edition, the whole book consists of small units
indicated by continuous numbers, from 1 to 150. Likewise, the numbering of the
footnotes in this English printing is continuous, from 1 to 245. In the original Italian
edition, instead, the numbering is not continuous and restarts a few times.
4. This printing of the Virtues of Blessed John Baptist Scalabrini, in English, comes
out during the 25 th anniversary of the presence of the Scalabrinian Missionaries (men) in
Asia (1982-2007). It is thus affectionately dedicated to all the Scalabrinian Missionaries,
priests, brothers, seminarians, in Asia, with heartfelt gratitude toward the whole
Scalabrinian Province of St. Frances Xavier Cabrini that, from Australia, has been
supporting the expansion of Scalabrini’s vision and initiative to Asia (Philippines,
Taiwan, Indonesia, Japan, Vietnam).
Fr. Joseph Visentin, c.s.
Scalabrini Theological House of Studies
New Manila, Quezon City - Philippines
Manila, January 1, 2007.
Note, added by Fr. Joseph Visentin and taken from the website of the Scalabrinian Congregation:
www.scalabrini.org
“The cause of Scalabrini’s beatification was introduced by Bishop Menzani at
Piacenza in June 1936. On March 16, 1987, Pope John Paul II promulgated a decree
recognizing that "J.B. Scalabrini exercised the Christian and other related virtues
to a heroic degree", and declared him Venerable. Scalabrini’s impressive pastoral
and moral record as Bishop of Piacenza, as Founder and as “prophet of the times to
come” (G. Toniolo) was formally recognized when Pope John Paul II beatified him
in St. Peter’s Square on November 9, 1997. His cause of canonization is under
consideration by the Vatican.”
2

CONGREGATION FOR THE CAUSES OF SAINTS
P. N. 312
CAUSE
FOR THE CANONIZATION
OF THE SERVANT OF GOD
JOHN BAPTIST SCALABRINI
BISHOP OF PIACENZA
FOUNDER
OF THE MISSIONARY BROTHERS AND SISTERS
OF ST. CHARLES BORROMEO
(July 8, 1839 – June 1, 1905)
__________________________________________________
INFORMATION
ON THE VIRTUES
CONTENTS
3

Explanatory notes 2
Information on the question (Informatio super dubio) 6
I. Historical Notes on the Cause 8
II. Content of the Informatio and criteria adopted in preparing it 12
III. An overall view of Bishop Scalabrini's times 15
IV. A chronological summary of the life of the Servant of God 26
V. Heroic practice of the virtues in general 51
a) Depositions at the diocesan process 51
b) Depositions at the process about his fame of sanctity 54
c) Hopes for his beatification 57
d) Testimonies given by personalities not interviewed at the process 58
VI. Heroic Practice of the Theological Virtues 63
1. Faith: a) Personal faith of the Servant of God 63
b) Defense and propagation of the faith 79
c) The Apostle of Catechism 80
d) Opposition to the enemies of the faith 82
e) His two trips to the Americas
and his Action for Migrants 82
f) The Apostle of the Deaf-mutes 84
g) Devotion to the Eucharist 85
h) Devotion to the Blessed Mother 87
i) Devotion to the Saints 89
2. Hope: a) Persevering trust in God 91
b) Holy boldness 92
c) Trust that did not stray into presumption 92
d) Hope rewarded by Divine Providence 93
e) Hope in the Imminence of Death 94
3. Charity: a) Love of God: 95
1) Hatred of sin 95
2) Striving for perfection 96
3) Prayer 97
4) Imitation of Christ Crucified 99
b) Love for one's neighbor 100
c) Forgiveness 103
VII. Practice of cardinal virtues and connected virtues 105
1. Prudence: a) Before taking important decisions
he prayed and sought advice 105
b) He consulted the Holy See 106
c) Prudence in government 108
d) His severe measures approved by the Holy See 111
e) Prudent Friendship with Bishop BonomelIi 112
2. Justice: a) Divine worship 113
b) Justice with his domestics 115
4

c) The question of favoritism 116
d) Disciplinary sanctions against certain individuals 116
t) Just Administration 117
3. Fortitude: 119
a) Funeral of Victor Emanuel II 120
b) Undue intrusions and detractions
to the detriment of Bishops 120
c) Against Heresies, Sects, Schism 127
d) Relations with civil authorities 130
e) The Founding of the Works for the Emigrants 133
4. Temperance: a) Abstinence, Sobriety, Forbearance 136
b) Meekness 137
c) Poverty 138
d) Humility 140
e) Chastity 143
5. Obedience: 146
a) Rosminianism 147
b) Liberalism 150
c) Political elections and love for his Country 153
d) His relations with the "Opera dei Congressi"
(Catholic Movement) 154
e) Divine authority of the Bishops 156
f) Criticism in regard to the Pope 159
g) Criticism of the Roman Curia 162
h) Criticism of Pius X 164
i) The judgment of Paul VI
and of the Theological Censors 166
l) His obedience to the Church confirms his practice
of the theological virtues 167
Conclusion 173
5

CAUSE OF CANONISATION
OF THE SERVANT OF GOD
JOHN BAPTIST SCALABRINI
BISHOP OF PIACENZA
AND FOUNDER OF THE MISSIONARY BROTHERS AND
SISTERS
OF SAINT CHARLES BORROMEO
compiled by Mario Francesconi, c.s., 1985
translated into English by Martino Bortolazzo, c.s.
and encoded by Joseph Visentin, c.s.
__________________________________________________________________
INFORMATION ON THE QUESTION
WHETHER THERE BE EVIDENT PROOF OF HEROICITY in the practice of the
Virtues of Faith, Hope, and Charity for God and Man, and also of the Cardinal Virtues of
Prudence, Justice, Fortitude, Temperance, and of those deriving thereof, in view of the
end intended here.
1. - THE SERVANT OF GOD JOHN BAPTIST SCALABRINI, on whose behalf
this INFORMATION is here given, was born at Fino Mornasco, Como, on July 8, 1839,
and consecrated Bishop of Piacenza on January 30, 1876, where he died on June 1, 1905.
He is best known as "The Apostle to the Migrants" (Pius XII), for whom he founded
two Religious Congregations which are still flourishing, The Missionary Fathers and the
Missionary Sisters of Saint Charles. Pius XII fittingly defined him as an "Apostolic Man
highly deserving of Church and Country." (Exul Familia). But he has many other titles
that call for our attention. First of all, he was an innovator in the field of the apostolic
care for souls, giving first priority to evangelization through catechesis. Already singled
out as the "Apostle of Catechism" by Pius IX, he is looked upon as a pioneer of the
modern catechetical movement.
Urged on by his pastoral zeal, he tackled all the ideological and social problems of
his time with a spirit of conciliation, waging a continuous struggle to remove all obstacles
to the re-christianization of the Italian people and to bridge the gap between the Church
and Modern Society, while making special efforts to heal the "calamitous breach"
between Italy and the Holy See. His stand was not always properly appreciated, but Saint
6

Pius X saw in him "the learned, meek, and strong Bishop, who even in the face of harsh
opposition has always upheld and loved the truth, and made it love; nor did he abandon
it because of either threats or flattery."
Benedict XV thought of him as of a "Bishop beyond compare", testifying to his own
"unbroken admiration for his exceptional virtues, above all for the one that was his
foremost, charity." Pius XI was pleased to bear witness "not only to the episcopal and
pastoral spirit of the saintly Bishop, but to his truly apostolic and missionary zeal, as
well", when he approved in 1936 the opening of the Diocesan ordinary Process of
Scalabrini’s Beatification "with an extraordinary and wholehearted blessing."
The farther away one moves from a tall mountain, the better can he appreciate its
height. Bishop Scalabrini is indeed one of those men who in the process of time not only
revealed himself ever more distinctly as a gifted organizer and forerunner, but also as an
exemplary Bishop because of the purity of intention and of the uniqueness of the moving
force of all his activities: zeal for the glory of God and the salvation of souls, nourished
by an undaunted love for Christ, the Church, and his fellow man, and sustained by an
uncommon exercise of all Christian virtues, so that we dare believe he may be publicly
and solemnly held up as an example for the men of the Church of our day.
7

I
Historical Notes on the Cause
2. - The intention to open the ordinary Process for the Beatification of Bishop
Scalabrini was first made public by Bishop Ersilio Menzani, second successor of the
Servant of God, on November 14, 1935. With a Decree from the Piacenza Diocese
Chancery office of May 5, 1936, Father Francis Prevedello, C.S, was named the
Postulator. The Diocesan tribunal was constituted on the 20th of June, and the first of the
185 sessions of the Process on the Fame of Sanctity, Virtues, and Miracles, that were to
continue through February 29, 1940, was celebrated on June 30, 1936.
The first session dealt with the Preliminary Question prescribed by Canon 2049, and
it was proven that there was no fraud, deceit, nor guilty negligence in the fact that the
cause had been started a year later than the 30 years required by Canon Law. The reasons
for this delay given then were precisely defined by the Patron of the Cause in his
Responses to the objections of the General Promoter of the Faith 1 . The delay must be
especially attributed to the crisis suffered after the death of the Founder by the
Scalabrinian Congregation postulating the Cause: a crisis that finally resolved in 1934
with the reinstatement of the religious vows in accordance with the Charism of the
Founder. To revive the congregation, a comprehensive biography was solicited, which
was actually published in the same year, 1934, by Msgr. Francis Gregori, and helped
strengthen a desire, generally experienced since after the death of the Servant of God, to
know better his works and virtues.
Besides the "Informative Process" of Piacenza, three "Rogatorial Processes" were
also held: two of them in Como from November 23 to December 10 1937, and on May 4,
1940; and the third one at Camerino, on September 26, 1939.
Of the 57 witnesses questioned, 39 were called in by the Postulator, 15 were
summoned ex officio, and 3 were co-witnesses, namely they each testified together with
another at the same session. Except for some extremely rare exceptions, their reliability is
proven by the Responsio Patroni quoted above 2 .All of them were eyewitnesses, although
obviously, for the early life of the Servant of God, only a few could be de visu, a situation
which was compensated, however, by the many who testified de auditu a videntibus,
having gained sure knowledge of those years from Bishop Scalabrini himself or from
those who had known him closely. No doubt can be raised concerning the reliability of
the witnesses (one excepted) in regard to the latter part of his life, which includes
practically the whole of his thirty years as Bishop. Supported by a most ample
documentation, as a whole, the various depositions give us a thorough picture of the life,
activities, and virtues of the Servant of God. The "Articolario" (a comprehensive report
in brief paragraphs), and the "Interrogatoria" (Questions) were so formulated as to
provide the witnesses with the opportunity to look into all the aspects of the life, action,
1
Placentina Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servi Dei Joannis Baptistae Scalabrini Positio super
Causae lntroductione, Responsio Patroni ad Animadversiones Promotoris Generalis Fidei, pp.3-5.
2 Ibid., pp. 5-12.
8

and thought of the Servant of God that had been the object of criticism or objection: all of
them drew exhaustive responses.
The Process of his Writings (scrutiny) was conducted in 1938, and that of the Non
Cultu in 1939. In March 1940, Bishop Menzani handed the "Acts of the Process" to the
Sacred Congregation of Rites that declared it open with Decree of March 30, 1940 by
Card. Carlo Salotti upon request of the then Postulator Father Giovanni Sofia, C.S. 3 The
Servant of God Card. Raffaele Carlo Rossi was named "Ponente" (mentor) of the Cause,
to be succeeded after his death by Card. Adeodato G. Piazza.
The two theologians charged with the examination of his writings, "Censors", each
one respectively on July 30 and October 24, 1941, submitted their ample positive
approval; but it was made public only on the 9th of September, 1970. Why this delay? On
April 29, 1942, the Sacred Congregation of Rites had applied for the "nihil obstat" from
the Sacred Congregation for the Faith, that gave its answer only 18 years later with an
obstat 4 .All this took place even though Card. R. C. Rossi had taken pains for a thorough
examination, the results of which were favorable. One can compare it in the Acts with the
"Vote" of the Consultor in charge as authenticated by the Chancellor Msgr. O. Cocchetti
on April 5, 1954:
The study of so many documents of the greatest importance have created in me the conviction
that such accusations and denunciations are due only to false assumptions of which even some of the
most worthy personalities were at times the victims, but more often to party passion, and to personal
resentment and grudge. As seen in the light of the most authoritative documents, of which indeed no
one can say to be a scarcity, the facts rule out all blemishes and all shadows of doubt. The figure of
the Servant of God shines in the full splendor of an unspotted purity, and of a zeal tempered by
patience, prudence, and a charity superior to all evidence: so that I do not think we should hesitate to
consider Bishop Scalabrini as a truly saintly, watchful, and upright shepherd." 5
Denunciations and accusations existed indeed at the Sacred Congregations of the
Council and of the Doctrine of Faith as also in the Secret Archives of the Secretariat of
State. From confidential hints of Pope John XXIII to Bishop Menzani of Piacenza and to
the Superiors General of the Scalabrinian Congregation, it was possible to gather that the
reasons for the obstat of the Holy Office had to be found in the stand taken by the Servant
of God in regard to the non expedit and the Conciliation; in his relationship with Bishop
Bonomelli; and in some expressions contained in Scalabrini’s confidential
correspondence with Bonomelli and regarded as of little respect for Pope Leo XIII and
the Roman Curia.
3. - To the end of sifting the soundness or less of such accusations, a new biography 6
was written, for which use was made of new documentations, above all of the depositions
of the "Ordinary Process" - something that had not been possible for the biographer
3
Prot: N. 44/4/490.
4 Prot. N. 44/4/490
5 N.N., Denunzie presso la S.C del Santo Uffizio, ecc. Authenticated Copy (Archivio Generale
Scalabriniano, 3060)
6 M.Caliaro-M.Francesconi. L'Apostolo degli Emigranti Mons. Giovanni Battista Scalabrini, Milano 1968.
English Translation: M. Caliaro - M. Francesconi, John Baptist Scalabrini, Apostle to Emigrants, New
York, 1977.
9

Gregori, personally too involved, besides, in the polemics of his day - and of the findings
of the vast historical investigations initiated on that period in the forties.
On the basis of that publication, a petition was presented in 1969 by the new
Postulator Bishop Caliaro of Sabina and Porto Mirteto to His Holiness Pope Paul VI, that
he might be pleased to have the question discussed again ex noviter adiunctis (on the
light of the new findings) by the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. As a
result, the Sacred Congregation of Rites (for the Canonization of Saints) informed on
August 29, 1969, that the procedatur (the go-ahead) had been granted.
Consequently to that decision, the responses on his writings of the Theologian
Censors were printed, and on February12, 1972’ the same Sacred Congregation issued
the Rescript: nihil obstat quominus ad ulteriora procedatur. (there is no obstacle to go
ahead through the next steps).
On February 10,1973, the lawyers Giulio and Enrico Dante presented the Positio
super Causae Introductione (Paper on the Introduction of the Cause), which included the
Summarium super dubio an signanda sit commissio Introductionis Causae (A summary
on whether a commission should be formed for the introduction of the cause), already
printed in March 1943. On March 4, the Informatio was published with a selection of the
most significant amongst the 81 Litterae Postulatoriae (Letters asking for the
introduction of the Cause) till then received.
On March 19, 1977, the Most Rev. General Promoter of the Faith, Father Gaetano
Stano, presented the Animadversiones super dubio an eius causa introducenda sit
(Objections on the opportunity to introduce his Cause), which were resolved by Lawyer
Giulio Dante with his Responsio Patroni (Rebuttal of the Patron) on the 26th of July,
1979.
On March 3, 1982, the Consultor in charge produced the favorable vote for the
introduction of the cause. At the "Congresso Ordinario" (Ordinary Meeting) of April 5,
1982, the Sacred Congregation for the Cause of Saints expressed the opinion that, should
the Holy Father approve of it for the purpose so intended, a dispensation be granted from
conducting the Apostolic Process on the virtues in particular of the Servant of God here
spoken of. The intended purpose is that: "Instead of the Apostolic Process on his virtues
in particular, a Position on his virtues be prepared, containing: 1) the summary of the
depositions already entered in the Acts; 2) the Documents critically collected and to be
collected". 7
At the same Congresso Ordinario of April 5, 1982, upon request of the present
Postulator, Father Mario Francesconi, C.S., the Most Eminent Cardinal Prefect posed the
question: "Whether the Cause of the Servant of God John Baptist Scalabrini should be
introduced. The Prelate Officials and the others with power to vote, together with the
same Cardinal Prefect, having thoroughly examined all things, answered giving an
affirmative response to the question, provided the Holy Father should be pleased to
approve it. A report of all these matters was presented to the Supreme Pontiff John Paul
II on May 11, 1982, who ratified and confirmed the response of the sacred Congregation,
that is: that the Cause of the servant of God John Baptist Scalabrini, Bishop of Piacenza
and Founder of the Missionaries of Saint Charles for Migrants, be introduced.”
7 Prot. 312-19/982.
10

On the same day, His Holiness John Paul II ratified and confirmed the response of
the Congregation for the Causes of Saints by which a dispensation was granted from the
Apostolic Process on his virtues and from the Process on a steady fame of sanctity. 8
8
Prot. N. 312-19/982.
11

Contents of the Informatio
and the criteria adopted in preparing it
4. - After a brief historical panorama of the religious, cultural, philosophical, and
political milieu in which the Servant of God lived and worked, having made a general
exposition on the widespread conviction of the heroicity of his virtues, we shall examine
one by one, his theological and cardinal virtues and those thereof, bringing forth the
arguments that testify their practice in an uncommon way and degree.
The evidence is eminently deduced from the depositions of the Ordinary Process.
One should notice, however, that the way the "Articolario" and the "Interrogatorii" were
formulated is by episodes and frequently reflects an apologetic intention. Those questions
and inquiries are conducted in better detail on points that take their cue from the criticism
and accusations directed at the Servant of God. The resultant picture dispels the clouds,
but does not let the splendor shine through as it should. In any case, it was not construed
on a preconceived thesis, such as the extolling of his sanctity at all costs. Its merit, in our
opinion, is found in not having neglected any research on the objections to the fame of
his sanctity: reason why there is no cause for doubt for accepting it "with the benefit of
inventory".
On the other hand, we repeat, such procedure did not give complete opportunity to
the witnesses to elucidate with due amplitude the positive practice of all single virtues.
Some questions implied too many points and the questions were posed in an incomplete
way. In regard to the virtue of faith in particular, for example, three questions dealing
with it are expressed as follows:
"28°. As to the virtue of Faith are you in a position to say whether and by what means the Servant of
God championed and defended it as Rector of the Seminary of Como, Pastor-of Saint Bartholomew at
Como, and later on, as Bishop of Piacenza? How did he earn the glorious title of "Apostle of Catechism"
from Pope Pius IX?
"29°. Was the propagation of the Faith the only reason for his trips to the Americas? Did he suffer
oppositions, physical pains, before, during, and after his two trips precisely because of the Faith? How did
he take them? In case, whom did he expect his reward from?
30°. Let the witness tell us whether he has knowledge that the faith of the Servant of God had burning
manifestations, 'that is, special and extraordinary', in regard to his devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, the
Saints, and in particular to the Most Holy Mary? 9
II
9 Copia publica Transumpti Processus Ordinaria Auctoritate constructi in Curia Ecclesiastica Placentina
super fama sanctitatis, virtutum, et miraculorum Servi Dei Joannis Baptistae Scalabrini, Episcopi
PIacentini, Fundatoris Piae Societatis Missonariorum a Sancto Carolo pro Italis emigratis - Sac. Adv.
Joannes Calvi, S.R.C. Notarius et Cancellarius -vol.I a fol. 1 ad fol. 489 - vol. II a fol. 490 ad fol. 967 -
Anno 1941, f. 943.
This act will be quoted with the abbreviation "Processo c. p.", distinguishing it from the "Summarium",
printed in 1943, and inserted in the Positio super Causae Introductione, respondent to the Copia Publica,
but, as said before, incomplete. We keep at our disposal a copy printed in cyclostyle of the entire Copia
Publica, with the omission of only the bureaucratic acts, edited by the Postulator with the title: Copia
integrale delle deposizioni dei Testi ai processo ordinario informativo per la Causa di Beatificazione del
Servo di Dio Giovanni Battista Scalabrini Vescovo di Piacenza, pro mns. Roma 1982.
12

Such methodological approach omits the specific questions on faith in itself: instead
of inquiring on the cause, they limited themselves to describe some of the effects and
manifestations. True as it may be that one can also very well deduce the degree of faith
from the external signs and manifestations, still the witnesses were not offered the
opportunity of telling us in a profound and direct manner their deposition on "the life of
faith" of the Servant of God, and on the eminent importance that his interior motivation
exercised in his spirit to urge him to carry out those works that were not anything else but
the result of a deeply lived faith much more than of an active zeal.
Another gap of the "Summarium" printed in 1943 is found in the scarcity of
documentations, reduced to a few pages titled Documenta Vitae Spiritualis 10 , and in the
incompleteness pointed out by the Censors: "as properly noted, as many as 27 depositions
have been omitted, some of them rather extensive and important for their content 11 . The
Censors themselves are of the opinion that such gaps had been corrected with the
biography by M. Caliaro-Mario Francesconi, but they express also the idea that "said
biography, though endowed with undeniable qualities of objectivity and of historical and
descriptive detail; does not sufficiently testify to the sanctity of the Servant of God.” 12
5. - To obviate these shortcomings we have employed two criteria suggested by the
mens mentioned before by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints, giving first a
Summary or an Information from the Depositions already entered in the Acts, not from
the Summary attached to the Position, but from the complete Public Copy of the
Documentation of the Process conducted by the Authority of the Ordinary, authenticated
in 1941 by Msgr. Giovanni Calvi, Notary and Chancellor of the same Congregation for
the Causes of Saints. 13
Then, as source of evidence we produce the most recent Biography written by the
Postulator Father Mario Francesconi. Though in the manner of a Biography, it responds
actually to the second criterion indicated by the Sacred Congregation: "documents
critically collected and to be collected" 14 It is, in fact, the fruit of the most complete
research possible of all the documents we could find, and of a critical evaluation of them
in the light of the most recent criteria adopted generally by Catholic historians, and
especially by the Sacred Congregation for the Causes of Saints itself.
Another way of presenting the documentation could have been that of publishing the
writings of Bishop Scalabrini: but one would have to deal with fourteen thick volumes,
and nobody knows how much of them would serve the purpose intended, also because of
the style used in his days. On the other hand, all this would have called for the
publication of all the documentation to the contrary ("ex adverso, from the other side"),
or concerning the matters in question, anyway. The biographic method, instead, has
allowed sorting out all the really important things -pertaining to the purpose, so that we
10 Positio super Causae Introductione. Summarium, pp. 878-889.
11 Ibid., Animadversiones. p. II. N. 24
12 Ibid., p. 13,N. 27
13 We will quote the depositions reporting the name of the Witness, adding: Processo c. p., and the number
of the page, together with the paragraph of the Summarium in all cases in which it has made them public.
14 M. Francesconi, Giovanni Battista Scalabrini Vescovo di Piacenza e degli emigrati, Roma 1985. This
Biography will be quoted with the only word: Biography. As yet, this Biography has not been translated
into English.
13

dare hope it can withstand all criticism as to objectivity, while supplying’ at the same
time’ all the indispensable data for a sure judgment on the personality of the Servant of
God, together with this Informatio.
We deemed it necessary, therefore, to support the depositions of the ordinary Process
with the documentation of his Biography, presenting, for practical reasons, two distinct
publications: 1) his Biography may well constitute, in our opinion, the Position on his
Life and Virtues; 2) this Informatio supplies the evidence of his virtues in particular,
providing an answer to the question on whether there be proof that he practiced in a
heroic degree the virtues of Faith, Hope, and Charity for God and men, and the cardinal
virtues of Prudence, Justice, Fortitude, and the others deriving thereof, leaving obviously
the theological judgment on the matter to the Sacred Congregation for the Causes of
Saints.
14

III
An overall view of Bishop Scalabrini's times
6. - The life span of the Servant of God extends throughout the pontificate of Pius
IX, Leo XIII, and Pius X, that is, during one of the hardest periods in the evolving history
of the Church, with the added burden coinciding with the course of development of the
conflict between the Holy See and the Italian State. The trouble took roots in the
illuminism and liberalism of the French Revolution. In the face of liberalism, except for
the condemnation of obvious heresies, Catholics did not present a united front. "Liberty,
Fraternity, Equality" were said to be words in line with the Gospel, but highly distorted
by ideological and political passions. Some Catholics, the so-called "Intransigents",
considering only the evils brought on the Church by liberalism, condemned it as a whole,
principles and all: There were others instead, known as "Transigents", who sought to
distinguish between its positive and negative aspects. Both currents, however, had to
cope with the coming into being of the modern State, which was centralizing and
jurisdiction minded; with the onset of freedom of initiative and commerce; and with the
birth of the industrial revolution, which, by the creation of capitalism, reinstated a
privileged and arbitrary class seemingly done away by the Revolution, thus provoking the
Marxist reaction with all the philosophical ideologies related to it.
Out of the uncontrolled spreading of equality and liberty, there developed the
individualism proper to the nineteenth century, the accumulation of riches in the hands of
a few, pauperism, and laicism. Within a context like this, quite different from that of our
day, one should not wonder that freedom of worship and speech would be used against
Catholicism and the Church. The State, proclaiming itself "morally competent" and
supported by rationalism and positivism, bore down heavily on the Church with its civil
laws. The Church lost a great part of its properties and temporal power, but not many saw
in this the opportunity for a deeper spiritual growth.
With the Quanta Cura and the Syllabus of 1864, Pius IX condemned the separation
between Church and State. The State retorted not only by the abolition of the Church's
privileges, but after declaring itself superior to all ethics, it began to meddle in the life of
the Church, multiplying the laws hostile to her, protecting any freedom that did not
present a threat to the State, pretending to monopolize the social life, subtracting from the
hands of the Church all institutions of charity lawfully entrusted to her by the will of the
faithful. The lay education took the place of the religious one, which was then confined to
the churches and families. All Church properties were confiscated, many religious
communities were suppressed, and various bishops and priests imprisoned. The evil
effects of all this were many and serious: the lack of restraint of the press, introduction of
civil marriage, provocatory anticlericalism, intimidation of many of the faithful who were
not well rooted in the faith, the poverty of the clergy in some areas. But some positive
results were not lacking, though not perceived at the time: the eradication of selfinterested
vocations, greater detachment from worldly power, a more trustful recourse to
the efficacy of grace and of the apostolate. These positive effects, however, did not result
in a restructuring of the pastoral care to counteract the new forms of anti-religious
expansion, and too much time was wasted in the defense of ancient privileges and rights.
7. - In Italy, laicization was closely interwoven with the "Roman Question" which
provoked, on one hand, the absolute intransigence of Pius IX, and on the other hand, the
15

multiplication of subversive and anti-clerical laws against Catholics, the "enemies of the
country". Thus, the gap between the Church and the modern world kept widening. New
discoveries supplied new pretexts for rationalism, while the Church looked with
suspicion at the progress of sciences and entrenched herself in fruitless prohibitions. The
apostasy of the intellectual upper middle classes of the "Risorgimento" was joined by the
apostasy of the proletariat, deluded about the "Risorgimento", distrustful of the Church
which had already been an ally of the management, and allured by socialism.
Deprived of human means, the Church began to strike back by reviving her trust in
the supernatural ones and in identifying herself with the suffering Christ, but for a good
part of the nineteenth century, she did not adapt her structures and activities to the new
historical and social reality, remaining on the defensive until the death of Pius IX. The
Church tightly rallied around the Pope. Ultramontanism, going beyond Gallicanism,
paved the way to "the movement towards Rome", to the Roman centralization, to a wider
uniformity of discipline, to the flourishing of the greatest variety of religious
congregations, to a deeper piety (even pietism and devotionism), to the preeminence
missionary action, of the schools and of the press, and finally, to the promotion of the
laity.
The new life of the lay associations and the birth of the "Congressi Cattolici"
("Catholic Rallies") fostered the formation of Catholic parties in a number of European
countries, with representatives in the various parliaments. In Italy, born under the
ambiguous star of the "Roman Question" and of the consequent intransigence against the
State, the "Opera dei Congressi" was committed, especially in the beginning, not so much
to the social problems of the changing world of the workers, but rather, to the political,
though theoretical, defense of the "rights" of the Pope, which had been usurped by the
unification of Italy and the occupation of Rome. This element, identified with the loss of
the temporal power, provoked a disgraceful confusion between religion and politics,
because of the intransigence of the two parties in conflict. Easy was the temptation to
impute all evils to liberalism, and more so for the reason that the unification of Italy had
in no way bettered the conditions of the people. This is why many Catholics grew
nostalgic for the "ancient regime", thus falling prey to a grave historical error. More
realistically instead, others sought to sort out "the wheat from the weeds", truth from
error. There developed amongst Catholics, therefore, two currents: on the one hand the
"intransigents" refused any compromise with "the modern world", fruit of the Revolution;
on the other, the properly so called "transigents", or better called "liberal Catholics",
sought a conciliation with liberalism.
To the "intransigents", modern freedom was one thing with liberalism, that is, with
sin and a betrayal of the faith. A corollary of this kind, however, could not always hide
motivations of a lower nature, such as the fear of losing ancient privileges, the power
sense of the "beati possidentes" (blessed landlords), and the "tranquility of order", which
did not always responded to the demands of justice. It did not hide, above all, the utopian
dream for the solution to all problems by means of Revelation and divine intervention,
thus excluding from the history of salvation the contingent situations of the times. Many
were imbued with a Manichean spirit that led them simply to consider as evil whatever
did not derive from the faith and the Church, often and readily confusing the religious
element with the political one, and so denying it even the autonomy which was on the
other hand taught by Catholic doctrine.
16

The radical Intransigents, whom Bishop Scalabrini identified as a "party", wanted in
fact to dictate a policy proper of a party in the name of religion: a party that felt offended
if referred to as conservative, while opposing the equality and the promotion of the lower
classes, the spreading of education, and democracy, at least in the years when the Servant
of God fought it so fiercely. It cannot be denied the merit, on the other hand, of having
waged a concerted campaign against the errors of liberalism that had made human reason
its only criterion of truth, ignored any supernatural order, proclaimed atheism and
systematic indifferentism, advocated freedom for the State and the citizen, but denied it
for the Church and the Christian.
The struggle of the intransigents in defense of Christian structures of society, against
the rampant laicization, was certainly aimed in their intention at the protection of the
lower classes, subtracted from the beneficent influence of the Church and neglected by
the State. But the tactics employed were questionable and anti-historical. To the
intransigents, the only form of Christian society, symbolized in the Christianitas of the
Middle Ages, was often identified, in fact, with that of the Ancient Regime: the Catholic
Faith had to be the only foundation of the State; the political and civil rights were
subordinated to the faith and to the religious practice and were entrusted to an authority
directly invested from above, that must be obeyed, in the alliance between church and
State.
8. - Ideological conflicts between Gallicanism and Ultramontanism in France, and
between Thomism and Rosminianism in Italy made things still worse. In France, the
leaders of intransigence were Joseph De Maistre, who hailed the Pope as the source of
any good-progress in society; Felicité De Lamennais, a traditionalist turned Catholic
liberal; Louis Veulliot, director of the "L'Univers", who led to the extreme the Manichean
distinction between good people (anti-liberals) and bad people (liberals), thus giving start
to that kind of witch hunting which had, in Italy, David Albertario, director of the
"Osservatore Cattolico", as its most famous representative.
Deeply wounded by the merciless and unfair campaigns against the pope conducted
especially by the liberal press, Pius IX and Leo XIII saw in journalists such as these the
fierce defenders of the "usurped" rights and the direct opponents of the anticlerical press.
And so, they always supported them in public, even though they could not always
approve, especially in private, their questionable ways of journalism and personal attacks,
too often disloyal, against persons of great respect, bishops included, even passing
judgment on their intentions. It looked as though the Church was directed in those years
more by these obnoxious polemists rather than by a solid theology and an enlightened
and positive program of pastoral care. The complaint of Bishop Scalabrini does not seem
unjustified that the Church was governed by the press rather than by both the Pope, who
was far from being suspected to compromise with such unchristian methods of combat,
and by the Bishops, whose action was often made the object of criticism and also of
contempt. Even in the exercise of their episcopal office, the Bishops were subjected to
every least suspicion that they lacked blind adherence to what they, the journalists,
defined arbitrarily the intention and the desire of the Pope. The only result of all this
criticism could only be a deadening immobility or an inextricable confusion; or still, in a
more general way, a curtailment of the legitimate autonomy of the local churches.
We want to point out that these remarks are aimed at the extreme wing of the
intransigents, at the journalists of the "Osservatore Cattolico" and of similar publications,
at the centralizing leaders of the "Opera dei Congressi" (Catholic Movement), such as
17

Father Sandri, Father Zocchi, Sacchetti, Paganuzzi, Giacomo Radini Tedeschi, Venturoli,
etc., who took it upon themselves even the right to give directives to the bishops on
political issues, that in reality were matters of conscience: so much so that Bishop
Scalabrini used to call them "Bishops in top-hats".
In reality, the intransigent group was made up of many branches; of many men,
rather. Under the slogan "With the Pope and for the Pope", there gathered also people
who knew how to combine an undaunted obedience to the Pontiff with an open mind
toward certain aspects of modem aspirations, and men who vehemently criticized the
principles of liberalism, but for a purpose free of any underlying motives. They intended
in fact to keep from deception the souls that are tempted not to evaluate the real dangers
of liberalism and inclined to be hesitant not just in the realm of facts but also in the realm
of principles. Even though the opposition to the liberal State was dictated especially by
motives of defense against the "usurpers", many went to the heart of the matter and
fought the erroneous and harmful principles, which they distinguished from the legitimate
aspirations of the new world of freedom. Many were those, above all, who took serious
pains to stem the unchristianizing of the people by means of Catholic associations, the
open profession of the faith, the social works of charity and cooperation, the scientific
study of the causes of the crisis. Be it enough to mention Toniolo, Rezzara, Medolago
Albani, Grosoli, Tovini, Montini, and under certain aspects, Cornoldi himself, though
immovably fixed in his anti-rosminianism.
9. - On the other side we find the "Catholic Liberals", that is, personally sincere
Catholics who openly sought an accord between the traditional faith and the "immortal
principles" of 1789.To them the absolute state was gone and buried, the future belonged
to the kingdom of liberty, equality, fraternity, and democracy. In the new irreversible
times, the mission of the Church had to turn to the re-christianization of society
temporarily deviated by the new ways, seeking an accord between the immutable
religious principles and the practical demands born of the new historical and political
situations. In his book the "Cinque Piaghe" (Five Wounds), Rosmini (who cannot be
numbered amongst the "Liberal Catholics", no matter if they considered him their source
of inspiration) had demonstrated how damaging the church dependence on the ancient
regimes had been for itself and for this reason, he opposed all privileges and alliance
between the throne and the altar, Church and State. National movements were legitimate
because they responded to the Christian and human demands of liberty and justice. The
two societies, religious and civil, had to remain distinct, each having its own fields of
action, its own ends and means to pursue them. Instead of concerning itself with
privileges and powers that had little to do with the Gospel, the Church had to busy herself
entirely about her spiritual mission, return to her original poverty, relinquish compulsive
measures and the temporal power, and resume her charismatic aspect as the mystical
Body of Christ.
Liberal Catholics, however, went far beyond the limits and began tampering with
Catholic principles. In affirming freedom, they disregarded the negative results of an
uncontrolled liberty; in defending one's conscience as the supreme rule, they neglected
the binding force of an objective superior norm; in advocating the lay nature of the State,
they supported a policy free of any religious concern and obedience to God. The calls for
reforms in the Church often reflected Jansenistic and Gallican tendencies. In the face of
such deviations, the Church did not even admit the most moderate positions such as
would have helped prevent unorthodox stands and concrete disobedience, and convinced
18

herself that any reform and concession would weaken authority and open the way for the
"revolution".
The liberal Catholic theories of the French were condemned by Gregory XVI with
the Mirari Vos. Condemned in particular were: separation of Church and State; absolute
freedom of conscience; freedom of the press that caused real great havoc in the mass of
traditional Catholics who were caught unaware and without the support of an effective
catechesis. In Italy, the fundamental problem tormenting Catholics was the conciliation
between freedom and national independence, on the one hand, and the freedom and
independence of the Pope on the other, because only by depriving the Pope of his
temporal power was it possible to reach national independence. Liberal Catholics
pretended to solve the problem by confining religion to an individual question of one's
conscience with no relation with political matters and by demanding the renunciation of
the temporal power. To this end, nine thousand priests signed in 1862 the Passaglia
address, the most notorious demonstration of the "patriotic clergy" that had taken part in
the "holy battles" of the "Quarantotto" (1848, First War of Italian Independence).
The group of Catholic Liberals deserves some credit. It insisted on the need of a
conciliation between the Church and the modem world, of a clearer distinction between
church and society, of a pastoral formation of conscience and of public opinion. But it
steadily wavered in practice between a pure instrumental concept of liberty in defense of
the rights of the Church and the acceptance of freedom as an absolute value of the human
person to be defended also against the claims of the ethic and lay State, to which too
many concessions were being made. Besides, it did not understand the seriousness of the
social problems, being contented as it was with a vague form of paternalism.
From what we just said of the "Catholic liberals", it is evident that they did not
understand the so called "transigents" and the Rosminians. We do not know whether,
consciously or unconsciously, the great fault of the liberal extremists was to confuse the
transigents with the Catholic liberals. According to Albertario, Rosminianism constituted
the philosophical basis for Catholic liberalism. This final judgment of his is nothing else
but one example of the polemically twisted interpretations of this journalist, who lumped
together whatever he liked. According to him and his associates, those who gave signs of
inclination to become "transigents" had to be put to scorn as "softies", "conciliators" of
things incompatible, "lovers" of sinners rather than of the "purist" ones, outright
"hybrids", that is, singled out and suspected as traitors of the Popes and of orthodoxy, and
accused of bargaining with error and with the enemies of the Church. Likewise, similarly
considered were those who were beginning in practice to adapt the pastoral action to the
new realities, to the historical and political demands of the people; beginning to accept
the irreversibility of certain historical events, though condemning their causes and
affirming the need for due reparation but concerned above all to imbue them with the
ever beneficial Christian yeast; beginning to solve the "Roman Question" by means of a
modus vivendi that would secure all the inalienable rights of the Pope without forcing the
impossible task of calling into question the de facto state of Italian unification; in one
word, all those who worked towards a dialogue between the Holy See and the Italian
State, and more so, between the Church and the people, in order to have freely a proper
pastoral action.
10. - We must say it again, the conflicts gained a bitter tone in Italy with the onset of
the Roman Question. Pius IX, after having been deluded by the events of 1848, 1849, and
1860, seemed to take refuge in the apocalyptic expectation of a divine intervention by
19

which God, the Vindicator, would do away with sinners, that is, the liberals. In1860 he
excommunicated the invaders of the Papal States. France defended Rome for political
reasons until the Prussian war of 1870, and on the 20th of September of that very year the
"excommunicated ones" occupied Rome. In 1871, the Italian government sought to close
the "breach" of Port Pia with the law of the "guarantigie" (guarantees), a unilateral act
that accorded the Pope, implicitly looked upon as an Italian citizen, the honors of a
sovereign, but no effective freedom, and conditioned the carrying out of purely
ecclesiastical provisions to the approval of the King by the exequatur. The Pontiff
retorted politically with the proclamation of the non expedit (it is not convenient),
demanding Catholics not to take active part in the political life of the Kingdom.
Pius IX continued to reclaim the temporal power, first of all because he did not trust
the guarantees granted by a liberal State, which was becoming more and more fiercely
laicized. The patriots of the "Risorgimento" demanded the renunciation of all kinds of
temporal power as incompatible with Italian sovereignty, and refused in principle any
concordatory regime. Pius IX spent the last years retreating ever more into an attitude of
intransigence and condemning all forms of liberalism.
The problem of survival and reintegration of the temporal power conditioned the
whole life of the Italian Church during the second half of the nineteenth century. There
was the meddling of French, German and Austrian Catholics, invited in by the Pope for
political support; but many Italian intransigents were calling for an intervention of
foreign armies. The stiffening of both sides added new fuel to anticlericalism; supported
by masonry, then enjoying its golden age. The historical "stockade" between Guelphs
(supporters of the Pope) and Ghibellines (supporters of the civil rulers) deepened. By
now, anything Catholic was looked upon as anti-Italian, while, on the other side,
whatever was stemming out of the lay field was simply considered as evil or at least
dangerous. The exploited conflicts between faith and reason, revelation and science, civil
progress and obscurantism of the Church, Religion and Country, were heightened on
purpose. The religion of the people paid the price of it all. They became easy prey to the
axiom that it was not possible to be good Catholics and good Italians at the same time.
Those liberal Catholics, who considered themselves Catholics though not totally
subjects of the Pope, wanted to prevent it. But it was not even easy for them to
distinguish between religious obedience and civil allegiance. Intransigents were more
outstanding than the transigents in defending the need for an effective safeguarding of the
independence of the Pope and in making it clear that it was due to him not because of a
condescending grant of a jurisdictionally minded state but by virtue of its very mission.
The transigents, however, were no less firm on this point, if not on all of them, thus
opening the way towards the final solution of the "Roman Question".
Meanwhile, by the persistence of endless and bitter polemics, the conflict of
conscience about one's allegiance to country and religion grew more acute. Pushing aside
all other considerations of lesser import, those Catholics became most concerned over
this situation who, though operating in different currents, distinguished themselves not
only for their obedience to the Pope and opposition to liberalism, but also for their only
intention of "saving souls" as well. Real wrong was done to these Catholics when they
were given other qualifications. In our opinion, the true and only criterion for
distinguishing them from one another must be sought in the diversity of the means used
in responding to this apostolic and pastoral concern of theirs.
20

Those Catholics were "intransigent" in the worst sense of the word who, no matter
how well intentioned they might have been, while defending the rights of the Church,
neglected the interior religious spirit of the people, confusing religion and politics. Those
Catholics were "transigents" in the worst sense of the word, who, with the intent of
eliminating the conflict that disturbed the consciences, pretended that the Pope should
renounce such inalienable rights as his independence from any civil authority and the
freedom to communicate with the whole people of God. Those Catholics were instead in
the right position, who sought such a solution to the Roman Question that, while keeping
intact the rights born of the papal primacy of jurisdiction and magisterium, might do
away with the obstacles to a pastoral action which had become by then critically urgent,
as all the Church documents of the time testify in principle. Many of these Catholics had
the courage to deplore also the evils present inside the community of the Italian Church:
immobility, inaction, fatalism, idle complaints, verbiage, pointless controversy,
inconsequential concerns, and above all, lack of unity, charity, and truthfulness.
11. - To this last group of Catholics belonged men that the traditional
historiographers divided under the two labels of "intransigents" and "transigents". But
they were actually all intransigents in questions of doctrine and of absolute obedience to
the Pope as well as in the work of the Christian rebuilding of society. They differed,
instead, as said before, in the choice of means. People singled out as "intransigents" were
of the opinion that "intransigence", in vindicating the rights of the Holy See, was the
mark and the surety for an uncompromising fidelity to the Pope and the Church. The socalled
"transigents", on the other hand, thought that they had to take into consideration
the reality of the situation, though not without condemnation of its causes, and so operate
within an irreversible historical state of things. A the same time they excluded all
contamination and compromise on principles; employed all energies in restoring a
Christian image in a society deformed by rationalism and laicism; operated within society
with the active participation of Catholics in the enacting of laws and in the political life of
Italy, then controlled by masonry; and above all, created a modus vivendi that might
remove all obstacles to the pastoral care and religious instruction of the people: in other
words, while arriving at the reconciliation between Church and State, that in the plans of
God were not meant for the destruction of each other, this last group is ceasing by now to
be unjustly labeled as "transigents" by historians, who are now adopting the more or less
precise terms of "conciliatorists", "conciliationists", "clerical moderates", or, of late,
"clerical constitutionals".
Among them we find Cardinals Franchi, Nina, Moretti, Mauri, Bausa, Capecelatro,
Battaglini, Svampa, the two Vannutelli, Jacobini, Alimonda, Cavagnis, Schiaffino. We
find Bishops like Bonomelli (with some intemperance and indeed with some streaks of
real transigence or compromise), Guindani, Reggio, Sanfelice, Foschi of Perugia,
Calabiana, Bersani Dossena, Bandi, Gastaldi, Riccardi; Blessed Contardo Ferrini and the
Servant of God Agostino Chieppi; etc.
Unfortunately, even these authentic "pastors" of souls, and occasionally the
moderately intransigents themselves, were fiercely attacked by the "purists" or "ultra"
intransigents, more "papal" than the Pope himself, with the disastrous result of a division
of the Catholic ranks in a moment in which unity was mostly needed, and, as Bishop
Scalabrini used to say, "when greatest was the need for the charity of a Samaritan who
would pour on the wounds wine and oil, rather than vinegar". The radical intransigents
enclosed the Church within a ghetto of defense and pressured the Holy See into an action
more political than pastoral, and so they left a free hand to the liberals for an undisturbed
21

pursuit of their goals in the legislative, cultural, and educational fields, thus giving a free
course to a laical and anticlerical indoctrination, whose consequences are still
experienced today.
The Syllabus of Pius IX had condemned en masse the basic tenets of modern society
and declared false the statement that "the Roman pontiff can and must accept progress,
liberalism, and modern civilization". Pope Leo XIII said that "the Church does not forbid
that the public authority may tolerate something not in conformity with truth and justice
in order to achieve a greater good or avoid a worse evil" 15 . We quote this statement to
prove that Leo XIII arrived at accepting the distinction between "thesis" and
"'hypothesis" (P. Curci), between the historical-philosophical context that had proclaimed
the "modern" liberties and the very substance itself of the same. We quote it because the
so called "transigents" like Bishop Scalabrini were inspired by no other principle. They
saw in the encyclicals of the early years of Leo XIII, Diuturnum illud, lmmortale Dei and
Libertas, a certain evolution not only as to their practical application (hypothesis), but
also in regard to the principles themselves (thesis). Leo XIII was thus giving the mark of
approval to the progress of science and technology, to elective political systems, and to
democracy. Times were moving little by little towards the distinction between a
liberalism accepted as the only principle of life and a liberalism accepted as a form of
government based on personal liberty and democracy. The distinction was reached
between philosophy and politics, even if one should not underestimate the influence
exercised toward this evolution by the concrete terror of the totalitarian State, before
which liberalism itself decided to curtail its extremist wings and to seek the support of
Catholics.
12. - During the early years of the Pontificate of Leo XIII, and precisely as a reaction
to his peaceful proposals, anticlericalism had reached the highest peaks of aggression: the
20 th of September 1870 celebrations, the shameful attack on the dead body of Pius IX; the
monument to Giordano Bruno, a monk condemned for heresy. Masonry took up a
decisive role of control over the policy of the government. The effort of laicization tried
to neutralize all pastoral action. Worried over such desecrating and culturally vile
outbursts, Leo XIII stiffened in his determination to have back at least the city of Rome.
The non expedit became a matter of principle, an ideal protest against the policy of the
accomplished facts, a concern for maintaining the integrity of the Catholic movement. On
the other hand, turning away from the "theory of the catastrophe" by which God would
remove the impious usurpers, Catholics rallied together in associations, not just
devotional ones, on a national scale. The "Opera dei Congressi" gave greater consistence
to the social action on behalf of the "real country", forgotten and deceived by the "legal
country", and prepared a generation of Catholics no longer submissive to the State and to
a liberalistic culture, out of which the "Popular Party" would be born later on.
As said before, it is true, however, that in the first years of his Pontificate, Leo XIII
was far from being determined to maintain the non expedit. Proof of this is found in
certain discreet approaches' in the attempt to give life to a conservative party in the
Campello residence in 1879; in the repeated consultations held privately with some of the
most influential Catholic exponents, like Luigi Galimberti, Father Liberatore, Scalabrini,
and Bonomelli. Besides, it can be indirectly seen in the concordatory policy and in the
arbitration diplomacy the Pope conducted with other States which were no less
anticlerical than Italy. The staunchest "intransigents" became frightened at such "liberal"
15 Leo XIII. Encyclical Libertas, 1888.
22

overtures of Pope Pecci, and one gets the impression that certain segments of the Roman
Curia and of the press strongly pledged themselves not to let him deviate from the course
followed by Pius IX in his latter years. But the conciliatorists did not remain idle either.
Bishop Scalabrini supplies a typical example of this.
"In 1885, an anonymous small book was published titled "lntransigenti e Transigenti",
substantially the work of Leo XIII, but made public in its final form by Bishop Scalabrini of Piacenza.
The "L'Osservatore Cattolico" violently attacked it, but Rome did not lift a finger, and Scalabrini,
perceiving the wish of the Pope and to avoid greater evils, kept quiet. The Pope was making use of his
most loyal ones to test public opinion, but leaving them to themselves should the move fail. This
episode shows, besides, what a great influence the "ultras" exercised in determining Vatican policy. 16
Leo XIII attempted his last approach with the allocution of May 23, 1887, expressing
hopes for the end of the "calamitous conflict". The Secretariat of State, however, was
quick in clarifying that there was no intention of surrendering Rome. The Italian Prime
Minister Crispi declared he had no need of conciliation. Masonry blocked all approaches.
Anticlericalism became increasingly vulgar and aggressive. Pope Leo XIII never actually
accepted a renunciation to the whole city of Rome. Italian politics, on the other hand,
never admitted a territorial sovereignty of the Pope, were it even of the size of the
republic of San Marino. Outwardly at least, all these events were signs of uncertainties
and contradictory positions. One must take account of such a confused situation and of
the respective din raised by the leaders and the supporters of the opposed fields in order
to get an idea of the enormous confusion that disturbed well-meaning people who were
interested only in "the glory of God and the salvation of souls".
Strange as it may seem, only one reason, actually foreign to all these polemics,
contributed in bringing together intransigents, moderate clericals, and moderate liberals:
opposition to the common enemy of Marxism. Following the suppression of "Comitati
Cattolici" (Catholic Associations) in1898, Albertario, Meda, Mauri, and others, began to
already prospect the hypothesis of an electoral alliance with the moderate liberals, thus
moving significantly closer to the ideas of Scalabrini. In 1904, Pius X, once a staunch
supporter of the most intransigent current, allowed Catholics in Bergamo to run for
parliament, multiplying later on such exceptions to the non expedit. We cannot say,
however, that the Popular Party was born out of this anti-socialist coalition deplored by
Murri and Sturzo. It had its source, rather, in the intransigent and anti-liberal current at
the time when it became clear that a political party could not be a confessional party; an
aspect on which Bishop Scalabrini would have been in perfect accord. There is no need to
recall that the Conciliation was achieved in1929 in the terms foreseen by the Servant of
God.
13. - One may ask what reasons, objective and external to his personal character
openly favorable to the conciliation, could have led the Servant of God to side with the
clerical constitutionalists, or better, to become a conciliatorist.
The Biography describes 17 the cultural and political environment, inspired by the
pragmatism and good common sense in which he received his formation in Como, rather
than by any political or philosophical set of ideas. It tells us, besides, that the only note
that distinguishes him in his initiatives, supported by his organizational genius, was the
priestly spirit of a minister of God and of the Church, interested only in the coming of the
Kingdom, and therefore concerned over the unchristianization of the people, made
16 G. Martina, La Chiesa nell'età del totalitarismo, Brescia 11979, pp. 12-13.
17 Cfr. Biography, pp. 47-52. 80-84.
23

quicker, in his view, by the "calamitous conflict", also because this conflict fostered the
free spreading of liberalism, indifferentism, and practical atheism.
His preeminent pastoral action, that is, his efforts in forming "one flock under one
Shepherd", courageously urged him to seek unity, beginning with unity in doctrine and
charity, of the various currents of his clergy; unity of priestly teachings and of Christian
education through the catechetical reform; and thus arriving at the promotion of unity
between clergy and people, between diocese and diocese, and between local Churches
and the Church Universa1 18 .
His spirit of mediation and conciliation was unfortunately publicized as liberalistic
and tainted with Rosminianism, only because of party passions represented by a meager
group of ultra-intransigents of Piacenza, which found a complacent resounding box in the
most intransigent and aggressive press, which was, in turn, repudiated by a number of the
intransigent bishops of Northern Italy (Lombardy and Veneto) alarmed by malicious
insinuations that turned even the legitimate and most just acts of government into
deviations from right doctrine and discipline 19 . His thought, instead, was "in perfect
conformity" with the ideas of Pope Leo XIII precisely in matters of the polemics 20 , until
the change of course that the Pope adopted in 1887. Since that change of course, Bishop
Scalabrini made a sacrifice of his own convictions, even of his good episcopal name in
order to obey 21 .
On the other hand, within the complexity of the thought, stands, and activities of the
Servant of God, the Biography emphasizes the arguments which prove that, beyond all
secondary political questions that he wanted altogether distinct from the great ones purely
religious and pastoral, he cannot be numbered in any way amongst the "transigents",
who, to a greater or lesser degree, compromised with liberalism. On the contrary, because
of his Catholic social action, his orthodoxy in studies and doctrine, his search for unity in
charity and truth, he could rightly define himself "not only intransigent, but most
intransigent", so much so that one would do him much injustice to even confuse him,
without the due distinctions, with Bishop Bonomelli, the closest friend of his hopes and
battles 22 .
18 Cfr. Biography. pp. 85-86.336-337.380,585-586.593-603,611-612, 678-680, 703-704, 788-793, 865-903,
1181-1184, 1220-1225, 1237.
19 Cfr. Biography, pp. 491-570. 719-737. The whole polemic between Scalabrini and the "L' Osservatore
Cattolico" was occasioned by the removal of Canon Savino Rocca from Rector of the "Urban Seminary" of
Piacenza made by the Bishop because of disciplinary and administrative reasons, not because of his stand
against the philosophy of Rosmini.
20 Cfr. Biography. pp. 579-586. Leo XIII explicitly told the Servant of God that freedom of opinion was to
be allowed in matters not yet condemned by the Church, especially in "philosophical questions" He insisted
on charity in the disputes and on unity when it was the question of action. In his early years, in fact, he gave
various indications of hope for a "modus vivendi" with the Italian State.
21 Cfr. Biography. pp. 666-676. The Servant of God more than once, as we will see, refrained from the
public defense of himself, even when faced with the slanderous accusations of the "intransigent" press, in
obedience to the will, and only to the wishes, at times, of Leo XIII who ordered him on various occasions
to keep quiet so as not to sharpen the disputes, or even to defend himself.
22
Cfr. Biography. pp. 738-786. Chapter XIV is entirely devoted to the relations between Scalabrini and
Bonomelli. The Servant of God never approved of the bold ideas of his Confrere of Cremona, especially on
the "Roman Question" and on the relations with the Italian State and with the House of Savoy.
24

IV
A CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY
OF THE LIFE OF THE SERVANT OF GOD
14. - Birth, early years, and studies (1839-1857). John Baptist Scalabrini was born in
Fino Mornasco, Como, on July 8, 1839, the third child of Aloysius and Colomba
Trombetta, and was baptized on the same day in the parish Church of Fino. He received
the sacrament of Confirmation at the hands of Bishop Carlo Romano on September 8,
1840, in the same church. He was formed by his "saintly mother" to a deep faith,
devotion to the Eucharist, Christ crucified, the Sorrowful Mother and the Saints, and to
charity for the poor. Upon completing his elementary courses in Fino, he attended high
school and two years of college at the Liceo Volta in Como, covering nine kilometers
back and forth on foot every week. Walking along with his fellow students and the
workers that followed the same road, he used to explain to them the catechism and to
repeat to them the religious instructions received in class, while sharing with the poorer
ones his lunch and the little money he had. At the Liceo Volta, he achieved the highest
marks and prizes every year, and gave clear signs of a vocation to the priesthood,
especially in his dedication to prayer and the apostolate. 23
15. - The Seminary (1857-1863). In the fall of 1857 Scalabrini entered the Minor
Seminary of Como for philosophy. In1859 he transferred to the Major Seminary for his
four-years of theology; during the first year he was also a "censor" (prefect of discipline)
at the Gallio College, a Catholic boarding school, where he had the Blessed Aloysius
Guanella as a student. Also in his philosophy and theology years, he always came out
first. He never let himself be distracted by patriotic ferments or become involved in the
disputes between professors and students, who were not immune to the ideological
effects of the Italian "Risorgimento" (Movement for the Unification of Italy into one
Nation).
He excelled, instead, in his studies, especially in Dogmatic, Patristic, and Catechesis,
besides his interest in science and foreign languages, and in the fraternal help he accorded
to his less gifted fellow students. He received the sacred tonsure on June 1, 1860, the first
two Minor Orders on December 21, 1860, the second two on May 24, 1861, the
Subdeaconate on June 14, 1862 at Bergamo, the Diaconate on September 12, 1862,
probably in Milan. 24
16. - Early Years in the Priesthood (1863-1868). He was ordained a priest by Bishop
Joseph Marzorati of Como on May 30, 1863. Determined to follow the missionary
vocation, he applied for the Institute of the Foreign Missions of Milan (PIME), but after
having already received the consent and blessing of his mother, the Bishop stopped him
saying: "Your Indies are in Italy". Bishop Marzorati had decided in fact to entrust into his
hands the task of the formation of his seminarians and named him professor and Vice-
Rector of the Minor Seminary. He brought a new breath of life both into the teaching
23 Cfr. Biography. pp. 29-45.
24
Cfr. Biography. pp. 46 -47. 52 -55.
25

methods and the opening to modem culture, instructing the students to think more by
themselves rather than simply memorize. Disregarding the dangers of the contagion, in
1867 he assisted the people afflicted with cholera in the community of Portichetto, a
hamlet in the township of Fino Mornasco. 25
17. - Rector of the Seminary of Saint Abbondio (1868-1870). On October 6, 1868, he
was appointed Rector of the Minor Seminary. He reorganized the courses, teaching how
to discern truth from error with love for progress; he trained the seminarians more by
love than by discipline; formed the future priests in the apostolic spirit such as would
help them to face with courage and determination the impact of a world set on a rapid
course toward secularization and laicism. His friendship with Bishop Bonomelli marks its
beginnings in 1868, an exemplary friendship that was to last all life. He was a disciple
and collaborator of Canon Serafino Balestra, inventor of the purely phonic method,
learning the art of teaching the deaf-mutes how to talk and making himself understood by
them. Some of his colleagues, who were older and of a conservative and intransigent
bend, did not approve of the new course of the young rector, and accused him of
ambition. The Bishop broke off the danger of discord and made him pastor. 26
18. - Pastor of Saint Bartholomew in Como (1870-1875). On July 17, 1870 he was
appointed Pastor of Saint Bartholomew, a parish of 6000 souls in the industrial district of
Como. He immediately devoted himself to preaching, the care of youth, and to the
visitation of the sick, soon winning the hearts of his parishioners whose collaboration he
could count later on in reforming the parish, considered the most difficult one in the
whole diocese because it was the most exposed to the dangers of socialism.
In the summer he was in church at three in the morning to administer the sacraments
to the textile workers. He founded the first mutual society and used to seek out the
employers and solicit from them the "pezze" (rolls of cloth) for work in the homes. He
secured help for the unemployed. But his prime concern was directed to the young: he
founded the first youth center for boys, gave life to the first kindergarten where he
experimented his catechetical method and for which he wrote Little Catechism for
Kindergartens, the first of its kind. The Bishop charged him with the task of preparing a
project of reform for the Schools of Christian Doctrine of the Diocese, named him a prosynodal
examiner, and chose him to be a member of various pastoral and apostolic
commissions. He spread devotion to Our Lady of Sorrows and promoted the Catholic
associations.
In 1872, he gave eleven lectures on the Vatican Ecumenical Council I (Conferenze
sul Concilio Vaticano I) in the Cathedral of Como, thus calling attention on the
soundness and equilibrium of his doctrine in times that were still experiencing the effects
of the disputes over the infallibility of the Pope. Printed in 1873, and reprinted in a
reduced form by the will of Saint John Bosco, the Conferenze made him known beyond
the boundaries of his diocese as a man of "a sure Roman line" and of a "zealous pastoral
spirit": the qualities Pius IX required in the appointing new Bishops. 27
25 Biography, pp. 56-61.
26 Biography, pp. 62-67.
27 Biography, pp. 68-69.
26

19. - His first year as a Bishop (1876). In spite of his young age, Pius IX named him
Bishop of Piacenza about the middle of December 1875, and officially invested him at
the secret consistory of January 18, 1876. On January 30, 1876, the Servant of God was
consecrated Bishop by Card. Alessandro Franchi in the chapel of the "Collegio Urbano di
Propaganda Fide" in "Piazza di Spagna", Rome.
In order to be able to preside the celebrations proclaimed by his predecessor Bishop
Antonio Ranza for the sixth centennial of the death of Pope Blessed Gregory X, a native
of Piacenza, he made his entrance into his diocese which was on February 13, 1876,
ahead of time.
His first acts concerned the good harmony of the clergy, the visitation of Catholic
schools and charitable institutions of the city, the Thomistic reform of church studies
(preceding by three years the reform enacted by the encyclical Aeterni Patris), the
thorough reorganization of catechesis, the revival of priestly discipline and spiritual life
(spiritual exercises and the gatherings for the study of cases of conscience), the
proclamation and opening of the pastoral visitation.
All these initiatives that reflect the great lines of Bishop Scalabrini's episcopate of
thirty years carry the date of 1876, and reveal from the very beginning a precise pastoral
strategy for the spiritual revival of the diocese, in imitation of the model he had picked
for himself, Saint Charles Borromeo. They are rooted in the essential points of priestly
holiness and of a catechesis meant as formation of the people in the faith. They show, at
the same time, his energy, constancy, and total commitment to the spiritual welfare of the
faithful with the active involvement of all the clergy. 28
By the summer of 1876 the new structuring of catechesis in the form of a school with
four different classes, one of them for adults, was already functioning throughout the
whole diocese. It had thousands of teachers and was supported by the founding of the
first Italian catechetical review, "II Catechista Cattolico". All the necessary structural
organisms were active, though only on an experimental basis in some places. 29
20. - First pastoral visitation and first synod (1887-1879). He began the first pastoral
visitation on December 8, 1876, with the Cathedral, and brought it to its conclusion on
August 28, 1880. In spite of all inconveniences, he visited in person all of his 364
parishes, including the 200 parishes that could not be reached except on horseback or
riding a mule, and not infrequently, only on foot. Many of them had never seen a bishop,
not even during the tenure of Blessed Paolo Burali, a contemporary and imitator of Saint
Charles.
The Servant of God gladly shared in the poverty of his priests and people, visited the
sick and prisoners, preached the Word of God five or six times a day, examined the
students of all the classes of catechism. He used to spend endless hours in confessional
till late at night, took notes and issued instructions even on smallest matters, consecrated
churches, blessed cemeteries and bells, administered confirmation, and comforted or
encouraged priests. He gave credit for the fruits of the pastoral visitations, however, to
the work of the "missionaries" who prepared the people beforehand with the preaching of
one or two week missions, thus leading almost all the faithful to the reception of the
28 Biography, pp. 90-176.
29 Biography, pp. 203-227.
27

Sacraments. His visitations were indeed "pastoral", not just canonical inspections or
administrative controls on the part of the diocesan government, as was done before. 30
He was not finished yet with the first visitation than he decided to codify his findings
into a diocesan synod, which was actually held in the days 2-4 of September, 1879. No
synod had been celebrated in the past 156 years! That extraordinary gathering of 400
priests marked also the beginning of the new and vigorous life brought to the Diocese. It
was rightly said that "he made the clergy to his own likeness". Considering the
temperament of the people of Piacenza, rather calm and resistant to change, the new fire
of the clergy must be numbered amongst the most successful achievements of the young
Bishop, who did not leave" anyone in peace", but gave first of all the example and sought
to instill in others his love for souls. The first objective of the synod was the preservation
of the faith by means of a systematic and constant catechesis, sound and frequent
preaching, availability for the needs of the faithful, and the catholic associations. The
government was decentralized by giving back due importance to the deans and by setting
up an organized structure as to make the bishop virtually present in every place at every
moment of the life of the diocese. 31
In 1877-1878, the Servant of God was the chief collaborator and executor of the
project for the reopening of the "Seminario Lombardo dei Santi Ambrogio e Carlo" in
Rome, intended as a means to strengthen the clergy of Northern Italy in doctrinal unity,
which then was in crisis because of the philosophic polemics underlying the pains of the
Church in her search for new ways of her presence in the so called "modern world". 32
21. - Endearment of the people (1879-1880). By the newness of the pastoral
visitation and the apostolic zeal with which he conducted it, the Bishop soon endeared the
people of the parishes in the plains and on the mountains. This task was more difficult in
the city because its citizens were more involved in politics and the masons sought all
means to obstruct the action of the Bishop, whom they looked upon as the enemy number
one of their organization. On April 24, 1877, the Servant of God was granted the
exequatur (the approval by the Italian government), and it seemed as though officially the
liberals had nothing left to say against him. But on January 17, 1878, a group of ruffians
attacked the coach of the Bishop and rudely threatened him for obeying the orders of the
Holy See prohibiting the solemn funeral Mass on occasion of the death of King Victor
Emmanuel II. Pius IX, who already on June 7, 1877, had honored him with the title of
"Apostle of Catechism", rewarded him with the gift of a precious chalice, probably the
last gift of the old Pontiff, who died on the following day. The firmness and patience of
the Bishop soon brought peace to the people. 33
But he completely gained the hearts of all in the winter of 1879-1880, when a famine
brought hunger to many people of Piacenza. The Bishop deprived himself of everything,
sold the carriage and the horses he made use of in his pastoral visitation, he even pawned
the chalice the Pope had given him, and also gave up his personal garments in order to
feed thousands of citizens through the distribution of 3000 warm meals every day. 34
30 Biography, pp. 258-280.
31 Cfr. Biography, pp. 292-295.
32 Cfr. Biography. pp. 167-176.
33 Cfr. Biography, pp. 108-116, 621-629.
34 Cfr. Biography, pp. 433-439.
28

In November 1879, he gave life to the "Istituto Sordomute" 35 (Institute for the Deaf-
Mutes) and in June 1880 he decided to complete the work of corporal and spiritual
charity for the integral promotion of his people by giving new vigor to their devotion
toward the "fathers in the faith" of the diocese of Piacenza by means of the solemn
verification and reposition of the relics of the Patron Saints Antonino and Vittore. 36
22: - Harmony amongst the Clergy (1881-1883). It was not that easy to gain the
hearts of all his priests, who for many years had been divided between thomists and
rosminians, intransigents and transigents, alumni of the Seminario Urbano (the diocesan
Seminary located in the city) and those of the Collegio Alberoni (located in the country at
San Lazzaro, a small suburb of Piacenza). The Servant of God adopted tactics of wise
moderation with which he sought to contain the doctrinal disputes within correct limits
and to prepare all of them to accept the decisions of the Pope. But there still remained a
small group of diehard intransigents who succeeded in stirring up trouble.
In August 1881, Scalabrini forcibly removes from the direction of the Seminario
Urbano Canon Savino Rocca, because unable to maintain discipline and to administer the
finances properly. The removal was vehemently denounced by the "Osservatore
Cattolico" of Milan as an attempt at doing away with thomism and introducing
rosminianism, that is liberal catholicism, into the diocese. Ill-informed by the canon and
by some of his fanatic supporters, the daily went so far as to incite the seminarians to
disobey the bishop under the motive of obedience to the Pope. The Bishop could not
allow such meddling in the government of the diocese, together with accusations of
liberalism and rosminianism against a great portion of his clergy. First amongst the
Italian bishops who were generally paralyzed by the climate of psychological
intimidation created by the extreme wing of the intransigent press, he dared publish a
solemn protest in defense of his episcopal ministry and the honor of his priests.
The ultra-intransigent daily kept insulting clergy and bishop, so that Scalabrini felt
compelled to seek justice from the Holy See; but the Holy See was contented at first with
half-measures, because it did not want to deprive itself of the fiercest defender of the
temporal power and of the most resolute opponent of liberalism, often only imaginary.
Bishop Scalabrini sought to show the pope the other side of the coin too: the style, not a
bit Gospel inspired, of the publicized defense of the Church, the scandal of irreverent and
resentful polemics, the dissensions of the clergy, and the suspicion aroused without much
scruple about the bishop's observance of the directives of the Pope. He sought to sensitize
the Pope about the damage that would derive from the crumbling of the principle of
authority of the bishops: a priest that had not received any official status from the
hierarchy pretended to pass judgment on the bishops and to direct the conscience of
priests. He considered it his right and duty, by virtue of the principle of collegiality, to
speak his mind openly to the Pope, though always in private, until the latter decided to set
up a commission of cardinals with the task of putting an end to the dispute. The Holy See
acknowledged the right of the Bishop and ordered Albertario to issue a public retraction
and disavowal of what he had written against Bishops Scalabrini and Bonomelli (June 17,
1883). 37
35 Cfr. Biography, pp. 467-482.
36 Cfr. Biography, pp. 394-40 I.
37 Cfr. Biography, pp. 491-570.
29

23. - Stricken by illness and attacked by anticlericals (1884). His sorrow for the
dissensions of clergy and Catholics, the sadness over aimless polemics, the toils of the
second pastoral visitation he had started on April 16, 1884, the struggle against a
corrupting atheism that brazenly attempted to come into the open (condemnation on
March 19, 1882 of the atheistic newspaper "Il Penitente"); and then his frequent
pilgrimages to the shrines of Our Lady, the excessive "abuse of the vocal cords" because
of incessant preaching, the organizing of the charitable and social institutions of the
diocese, the unrelenting action in support of catechesis; in a word, an activity that, judged
as incredible by all, took its toll over a physical constitution that was never too strong.
In June 1884, colics and exhaustion threatened the life of the Servant of God. While
recuperating at a slow pace, by the end of summer, masonry, or anticlericalism, for that
matter, unleashed a furious scandal mongering campaign in the press, accusing the
administrator of the diocese of embezzlement and abuses of all kinds. The evident
attempt of destroyng the Bishop did not achieve anything else but to arouse the indignant
reaction of clergy and people. The Bishop gratefully thanked God and the priests,
because the false accusations did not effect anything else but the strengthening of unity
amongst souls, and, as customary with him in similar circumstances, they offered him the
occasion to grant forgiveness. 38
Accusations of imprudent transactions in administration had also some bearing after
his death, but none could be proven, and the Holy See declared the recourses of his
successor Bishop Pellizzari to be groundless. Besides, the poverty in which he lived and
died, in spite of all the monies the benefactors had passing through his hands, and the
innumerable works that showed what they were invested in, supplied the most convincing
proof that no material interest ever entered the heart of the Bishop with "holes in his
pockets", as he himself used to say. 39
24. -.Scalabrini 's Intervention in the Case of Card. Pitra (1885). Urged by Pope Leo
XIII during the first decade of his pontificate, the Servant of God concerned himself with
the studying of ways that could help untie the intricate knot of the Roman Question. In
1882 he secured private authorization from the Sacred Penitentiary to grant exceptions to
the non expedit in view of avoiding greater evils. Men of the government, like Agostino
De Pretis, made use of his services of mediation, but the intransigents tenaciously insisted
on abstention from the polls. Card. Pitra assumed the position of being their spokesman
in defense of the "ultra-intransigents" Veuillot, Albertario, Nocedal, deploring the
slackening of the totally intransigent stand of Pius IX. Leo XIII reacted with a letter to
Card. Guibert, Archbishop of Paris, rebuking whoever pretended to place himself in
contradiction with the actual directive of the Pope. The "ultras" gave their full support to
the intervention of Card. Pitra with an anonymous booklet, accusing Pope Leo XIII in
fact of philo-liberal tendencies.
Bishop Scalabrini saw in this the danger of divisions and petitioned the Holy See to
dispel the danger immediately. The Secretary of State Card. Lodovico Jacobini not only
endorsed the idea, but even supplied an extended outline, which Bishop Scalabrini
developed into a Pastoral Letter, that he published after Pope Leo XIII had approved the
38 Cfr. Biography, pp. 425-431.
39 Cfr. Biography, pp. 431-432.
30

manuscript and subsequently declared "perfectly in conformity with his views". Among
other things, Scalabrini proved wrong the accusations of unorthodox doctrine leveled at
the rosminians who held opinions still left free for discussion by the Church, while at the
same time promising Bishop Scalabrini to stand ready to submit to the decisions of the
Pope. Once again, he pleaded for charity -his motive at the base of this intervention - and
for the honesty with which the discussions had to be carried on before the Pope should
say the last word; and he insisted on the respect of the "hierarchical principle"- another
basic reason of his - which included obedience both to Pope and Bishops in communion
with him. To pretend to anticipate papal censures, to go over the Bishops' authority, to
force on the part of "private" people a certain course to the directives of the Pope, all this,
for the Servant of God, was just a "new form of liberalism". 40
25. -.The Publication of "Intransigenti e Transigenti" (1885). On the same questions,
but particularly on the need of adopting a more "transigent" attitude concerning the
possibility of coming to terms "with the modern world" on a practical level, the Servant
of God anonymously published in December 1885 a booklet titled: Intransigenti e
Transigenti. Considerazioni di un Vescovo Italiano.
His intention was to help prevent a situation of radicalism and extremism in the
struggle against the liberal State (not against liberalism), by softening the prohibition to
go to the polls, allowing the Bishops a certain degree of autonomy that would give them
greater freedom for pastoral action, keeping the Pope above all parties, leaving in his
hands alone the task of directing consciences, and distinguishing the religious action from
the political one.
Such was the course of action being followed, though very cautiously, by Pope Leo
XIII, who therefore could not be included - said the booklet - amongst the "intransigents".
It was absolutely necessary to put an immediate end to enervating polemics and go back
to work for the rechristianization of society, under the leadership of the hierarchical
authority, finally eliminating the scandal of sowing discord and dispersion within the
Church by setting pope against pope, bishop against bishop, and bishops against the pope.
"L' Osservatore Cattolico" called the author of this booklet "irreverent, disobedient,
insolent, sectarian, slanderous, cynical, fanatic, charlatan, sacrilegious, delirious, clericoliberal,
Jansenistic". Such was the daily vocabulary of Albertario: but in this case it had a
particular meaning. The ponderous weight of criticism and insults coming from someone
who was proclaiming himself "wholeheartedly with the Pope and for the Pope" struck in
fact the Pope himself. The publication was actually more the work of Leo XIII than of
Bishop Scalabrini. Leo XIII declared himself, privately of course, the author and inspirer
of this booklet. He handed its outline to the Bishop of Piacenza, and twice he examined
the manuscript" approving every line of it". 41 The Bishop had been charged only with the
task of writing it out and publishing it.
Bishop Scalabrini ascribed to the letter on the case of Card. Pitra and to his book
Intransigenti e Transigenti the whole violent campaign unleashed against him and Bishop
Bonomelli by the "L'Osservatore Cattolico", that went so far as to accuse him of
participation in the political elections of 1887. Astounded at the intense reaction of
intransigents, the Pope withdrew behind the scenes, avoiding any public move in support
of Bishop Scalabrini, trying, perhaps to reward him secretly with the offer of the
40 Cfr. Biography, pp. 579-586.
41 Cfr. Biography, p. 590.
31

Nunciature of Paris or even of the dignity of a Cardinal, and with other personal marks of
benevolence. But the Bishop, when he found himself standing publicly accused of
disobedience to the Pope, in order to prevent scandals thought it his duty to defend
himself and wrote a Pastoral Letter of justification. By a most delicate act of respect he
submitted it to the judgment of the Pope. Leo XIII sent it back to him with the request not
to publish it, and Bishop Scalabrini obeyed: "He indeed asked of me a heroic sacrifice,
which I accepted, I confess it, only for the love of God" 42 ."Somebody has to pay the
price; and should I be the one, sit nomen Domini benedictum (let the name of the Lord be
blessed). 43
The episode of the booklet Intransigenti e Transigenti has a fundamental bearing on
judging the obedience of the Servant of God, not only to the commands of the Pope but
also to his desires as well. Only the fact that Bishop Bonomelli did not carry out the order
of his friend to burn the letter right away that revealed to him the origin of the book, and
a letter of Bishop Scalabrini to Pius X who wanted to be informed of the incident, do not
allow us today to entertain any doubt on the greatness of Scalabrini's obedience to the
Pope and on the reciprocal trust of the two personalities. On one side, we witness the
unselfishness with which the Servant of God lent himself, serving as a testing pawn for a
political move of Leo XIII; on the other hand, we realize the absolute trust the Pope had
in the secrecy and discretion of the Bishop; we can finally size up the spirit of faith and
sacrifice with which the Servant of God served the Supreme Pontiff, disregarding his
personal interest and even the defense of his honor that he might save that of the Pope. 44
26. -.The Political Elections of 1886. In view of the political elections of 1886, the
Servant of God foresaw that the same hypothesis he had presented to the Sacred
Penitentiary in 1882 was to be a reality. Two groups were running for election in the
electoral college of Piacenza, the constitutional monarchists who were Catholic or
declared to respect religion, and the radical progressives, notorious and anticlerical
masons with an explicitly anti-religious platform. For greater reassurance, the Bishop
petitioned anew the Secretariat of State for instructions. He was answered that he could
follow those he had received in 1882. Without prejudice to the general law of the non
expedit, in order to prevent greater evils and allow entry into the parliament hall of men
who would not oppose, at least, the Church, one could privately tell to the electors who
should ask the Church authorities for an opinion, that in such case, taking part in the
elections was not in itself illicit. It is well to recall here that as yet the non expedit (it is
not convenient) was not a non licet (it is not allowed). That is the way the servant of God
acted.
The victory of moderate representatives on May 23rd aroused the wrath of the
progressive and radical democrats who blamed their defeat on the support given by the
Bishop to Catholic electors on the basis of utterly invented documents from the Holy See.
Also those Catholic intransigents took to the progressivist bate, who had considered it
their duty to remain loyal to the non expedit, together with the vicar general himself, who
even reported his own bishop to the Holy Office. The Holy See expressed its disapproval
especially by bestowing a pontifical decoration on the leader of the intransigent wing,
Carlo Radini-Tedeschi. The Opera dei Congressi (Catholic Movement) and the
42 Cfr. Biography, p. 616.
43 Cfr. Biography, p. 588.
44
Cfr. Biography, pp. 557-620.
32

intransigent press underlined its meaning as an explicit condemnation of the bishop,
concluding, among other things, that the Pope was not bound to act through the bishops.
Bishop Scalabrini justified himself before the Holy Office by supplying the
documents that served as norm of his action and lamented that contrary to the
dispositions of the Holy See a decoration had been bestowed without asking for the
testimonial letters of the Bishop. The Holy Office was not satisfied: unable to belie the
official and general directives, it denied the existence of the responses obtained by
Scalabrini altogether with the mental restriction that they had not been given officially
and that the case was different from the one dealt with in1882. It did not therefore allow
the Bishop to publicly defend himself against this new accusation of disobedience,
though forbidding the "L' Osservatore Cattolico", at the same time, to insist in the
polemics. A few days afterwards, on July 30, 1886, the Holy Office declared that the non
expedit prohibitionem importat (implies a prohibition), and from then on the Servant of
God contented himself with paving the way for the conciliation on his favored "ground of
the facts" by devoting his attention to the problem of Italian migrants on behalf of both
Religion and Country. 45
All this did not keep him from continuing to speak frankly to the Pope, convinced as
he was that only by the entry of Catholics into parliament would it be possible to prevent
or to put the breaks, at least, to anticlerical laws, and so to secure the preliminary
conditions for preparing the Conciliation in a roundabout way. With his filial frankness
which he knew not to displease Leo XIII, the Servant of God dared going as far as to
remind him that he would have to render to God an account for the "army of souls" which
were being lost because of the "calamitous conflict", the confusion of "tongues", the
subversion of the hierarchical order, and because of the interference of lay and private
people, who pretended to impose on the Church a policy of recrimination rather than one
of forgiveness and reconciliation. Though all the trimmings of his diplomacy, Leo XIII
blessed him. 46
27. - The Founding of the Missionaries for Migrants (1887). Together with Father
Francesco Zaboglio, his former student and a parish priest in Valtellina, the Servant of
God began, in the summer of 1886, to concern himself in a concrete manner on how to
find a remedy for the material and spiritual evils caused by the mass migration of Italians
exposed to the danger of losing their faith and religious piety. During his first pastoral
visitation, he had ascertained that 28,000 of the 250,000 Catholics of the Diocese of
Piacenza had migrated, and the flow of Italian emigration kept growing ever more so as
to reach hundreds of thousands every year. Among all the migrants of the world, Bishop
Scalabrini sorrowfully saw the Italians as the "pariahs" of emigration, because, having
been recruited by means of deceitful promises by "emigration's agents", they left for a
chancy future, without any protection from the government, isolated in countries of
which they ignored language and culture, exposed to exploitation by the "brokers of
human flesh", abandoned or neglected even by the Church. 47
On January 11, 1887, he made a proposal to the Holy See for the founding of an
association of priests for migrants, and on February 16 he presented a detailed project of
45 Cfr. Biography, pp. 646-671.
46 Cfr. Biography, pp. 671-676.
47 Cfr. Biography, pp. 913-979.
33

action. Leo XIII, with the Brief Libenter Agnovimus of the 15 th of November, approved
the founding of the Missionaries for Migrants. On November 28, 1887, before the urn
containing the relics of Saint Antonino, the Servant of God founded the "Congregation of
the Missionaries for Italian Emigrants, especially in the Americas", with two
missionaries, Fathers Giuseppe Molinari and Domenico Mantese, soon joined by other
priests and "brothers catechists". The first profession of the vows was celebrated in the
same basilica of Saint Antonino on July 12, 1888, together with the giving of the crucifix
and the departure of the missionaries, who were to be known as the "Missionaries of
Saint Charles" since 1892.
A small group of these missionaries left for New York and Boston in the United-
States; another small group for the Brazilian States of Parana and Espiritu Santo. On
September 19, 1888, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith approved
the first "Rules" that contemplated a Society with life in common and five-year vows. On
December 8, 1894, Bishop Scalabrini introduced the perpetual vows 48
The main scope of the new Congregation was "to maintain alive the Catholic faith in
the hearts of emigrants", but another one was added to it: to seek, as far as possible, also
their "moral, civil, and economic welfare".
To better insure the integral salvation and promotion of migrants, the Servant of God
also founded in 1889 a Lay Association of Patronage (named Saint Raphael's Society,
afterwards) to work alongside with the religious Congregation to provide for the legal,
sanitary, cultural, and financial protection of migrants from the moment of embarkation
to that of their landing. The pastoral method "invented" by Bishop Scalabrini was as
simple as it was innovating: faith is like a delicate plant risking withering or dying if
uprooted. To save it, one should surround it with the same humus it grew with, in that
measure and length of time which are required for acclimation to the new environment,
and so to prevent the traumas of rejection and isolation. To this end, the Missionaries had
to become "migrants with the migrants" in order to reproduce around the Italians who
transferred to America the traditional environment in which their faith had grown
together with their culture.
In order to sensitize public opinion of both the Church and the State, Bishop
Scalabrini published a few books, and in the years 1891-1892 he gave lectures in various
cities throughout Italy to stir up people from inertia, to arouse the interest of priests and
laymen in the Congregation of Missionaries and in the Society of Saint Raphael, and to
open the eyes of the government and the ruling classes on the drama unfolding in the face
of an almost total indifference. 49
28. - Founding of the Missionary Sisters of Saint Charles (1895). In 1889, with the
support of Pope Leo XIII, the Servant of God succeeded in convincing Saint Frances
Xavier Cabrini to establish her missions in New York rather than in the Orient. On March
19, 1889, in the town of Codogno, Lombardy, he gave the missionary Cross to the Saint
and her six companions, who began their mission among the poor emigrants of Little
Italy in the borough of Manhattan in the Scalabrinian parish of Saint Joachim. Financial
problems soon marred the apostolic collaboration between Scalabrinians and the
Missionary Sisters of the Sacred Heart. They were compelled to abandon the catechism
48 Cfr. Biography, pp. 980-1013.
49 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1108-1158.
34

school for Italian girls, bought out the Columbus Hospital founded by Father Felice
Morelli, and continued to operate it on their own. Bishop Scalabrini had hoped perhaps to
turn, in part at least, the Congregation of the energetic Mother Cabrini into a female
Institute for migrants; but he did not reckon he had to deal with a Saint who intended to
act in total independence. Yet the need for Sisters who would complement the work of
the priests was becoming more urgent every day. 50
By the end of 1894, a priest from Lucca, Tuscany, Father Giuseppe Marchetti, who
had joined the Scalabrinian Congregation as an "external missionary" (aggregated), that
is, as a sea chaplain on ships carrying emigrants, promised a young mother dying on
board that he would take care of her orphaned daughter. The priest immediately decided
to found an orphanage in Sao Paulo, Brazil, for Italian children losing their parents on
their way across the Ocean or in the coffee "fazendas" (coffee plantations): After the
construction of the "Orfanatrofio Cristoforo Colombo", he went to Italy looking for the
Sisters needed to staff it and assist the orphans, and presented his mother, his sister
Assunta, and two other girls from Lucca to Bishop Scalabrini. On October 25, 1895, in
the chapel of his residence, the Bishop received the religious profession of Father
Marchetti and the private vows of the four new missionary Sisters, gave them the
crucifix, and sent them off with the promise to send other Sisters to help them. A
Congregation was thus born of Sisters that were to be known later on as the Missionary
Sisters of Saint Charles. 51
In 1899, the Servant of God admitted other candidates, in greater part Sister Apostles
of The Sacred Heart, founded by Mother Clelia Merloni at Viareggio and on the verge of
failure. With them he gave life to a Novitiate at Piacenza and at Castelnuovo Fogliani,
with the intention of merging together in one congregation the Sisters of Sao Paulo, all
those where to embrace the mission for migrants, and the Sisters who, though not
desiring to leave for the missions, still wanted to continue working for the spreading of
the devotion to the Sacred Heart in the original charism of Mother Merloni. On June 10
1900, he approved the new Congregation thus constituted with the title of Missionary
Sister Apostles of the Sacred Heart; on June 12 he received the first profession of those
who had completed their novitiate at Castelnuovo Fogliani, and on August 10 he sent the
first six of them to help the Sisters that had been working at the orphanage of Sao Paulo
from its beginnings. But the two groups did not merge, because each one wanted to
remain loyal to the charism of their founding. After the death of the Servant of God, they
separated in 1907 and so remained two distinct congregations: the Missionary Sisters of
Saint Charles (Scalabrinians) and the Sisters Apostle of the Sacred Heart.
The Scalabrinian Missionary Sisters, with Mother Assunta Marchetti, a sister of
Father Joseph Marchetti, who died at age 27 in assisting the sick with typhus, developed
only in Brazil until 1936 when they expanded to Italy, and then continued to spread in
Europe, the United States of America, and other Nations. 52
29. - The Society of Saint Raphael. The lay association of patronage for migrants was
founded on April 12 1889 by the Servant of God, with the help of Marquis Giovanni
B.Volpe Landi, who was its actual president, and with the advisory support of Prof.
50 Cfr. Biography pp. 961-974, 1128-1133.
51 Cfr. Biography. pp. 1067-1073.
52 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1074-1107.
35

Giuseppe Toniolo, who wrote its statutes. It had the task of taking custody of the
migrants from the moment of their departure, directing them to safe ports, protecting
them from the abuses of "migration agents" and other exploiters at the ports of
embarkation and debarkation, insuring a decent trip, protecting them from sickness,
subtracting them from the "boss system" that squeezed up to 90% of the salary out of
their pockets, watching over the observance of farming contracts, supervising morals,
insuring a direct or indirect religious assistance, and supporting financially the
institutions of the missionaries. Not all of these goals were achieved for lack of personnel
and means, but also because of the exasperating individualism of Italian Catholics and on
account of the suspicions of the "Opera dei Congressi" that was not pleased with the idea
of the Servant of God to enroll in the service of the migrants' cause all people of good
will, no matter what was their political affiliation. Only two of the 19 committees born of
Scalabrini's lectures held in 1891-1892 did truly operate in line with the scope intended
by the founder: the committees of Genoa and New York. In Genoa, with the support of
Police Inspector "Commendatore" Malnate, Father Pietro Maldotti daringly succeeded in
subtracting departing migrants from the clutches of exploiters and in assuring the
presence of a priest in many ships. In New York, Father Bandini founded a small center
to shelter those who could not leave immediately for their final destination, set up an
employment office, helped the new arrivals to reach relatives and fellow townsmen, and
guarded children and girls from corruption and prostitution.
One of the greatest achievements of Bishop Scalabrini, through the decisive work of
the Saint Raphael's Society, was the enactment of the law of 1901, the first one to have as
its aim the true social and legal protection of migrants, embracing in great part the
reasons for doing away with the evils of the agents of emigration and their deputies,
enforcing the observance of contracts, assuring free board at the port of embarkation,
ensuring good sanitary conditions during the trip, the safeguarding of the remittances of
migrants; in a word, demanding conditions more respondent to the dignity of the human
person and to justice. 53
30. - The First National Catechetical Congress (1889). Bishop Scalabrini is mainly
known for his institutions on behalf of migrants; yet he lamented not being able to devote
to them the time and care he wanted, because he considered it his primary and preeminent
duty to attend to the Diocese of Piacenza, which he loved with a love that Cardinal John
Baptist Nasalli Rocca, Archbishop of Bologna, from Piacenza himself, did not hesitate to
define heroic. He made Piacenza the city of Catechesis, as Leo XIII expressed it. Having
taken into account that his most essential work was the meticulous catechesis of the entire
diocese by means of the Schools of Christian Doctrine, we may say that his most
remarkable act was the National Catechetical Congress, the first of its kind in the history
of the Church. It was celebrated at Piacenza on the days 24-26 of September 1889, with
A1fonso Capecelatro as its honorary president, while Scalabrini served as its actual
chairman. Eleven Bishops were in attendance, while many others sent representatives;
totaling four hundred participants in all. The main topic of discussion was the question of
one only common catechism, an idea supported especially, beside Bishop Scalabrini, by
His Excellency Joseph Sarto, then Bishop of Mantua. Then followed the discussions on
the catechization of adults, young-workers, young ladies, First Communion children, the
organization of the Congregations of Christian Doctrine, the review "Il Catechista
53 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1108-1158.
36

Cattolico", made national, the institution of a faculty of Catechesis in seminaries (to our
knowledge, the faculty of Piacenza was the first one in Italy), and compiling of a manual
of catechesis.
The Congress brought forth a revival of interest in the Italian Church for its chief
problem and marked the beginnings of a vast movement, especially in regard to the
teaching of catechism in public schools. A "Comitato Permanente" (Standing Committee)
was formed with the task of making things ready for the Second National Congress. The
Servant of God died while preparing it for the month of September 1905. It was actually
celebrated in 1910.
Bishop Scalabrini also reformed the Catechism of the diocese of Piacenza, compiled
the "Piccolo Catechismo"'(Catechism for Children) adopted by the Bishops of Emilia in
1899, and revised the "Catechismo Grande" (Catechism for Adults), also adopted by the
Emilian Region in 1900. He translated from Greek part of the Catechesis of Saint Cyril of
Jerusalem, instituted in 1890 the School of Religion for young students. He himself
lectured to students of the secondary schools whom he assembled in the episcopal palace.
With the tenacity of one deeply convinced that catechesis was a means of the greatest
importance for renewing the pastoral care to fit the times, he obtained, with the
cooperation of the clergy, of the religious, and of 5000 lay catechists, the ideal
achievement of catechesis: to make parents the first catechists of their children. 54
31. - Charity and Charitable Works. The Servant of God used to say that one cannot
impart the food of the spirit, that is, the catechism, to those who lack the food of the
body, and that, in order to transmit the word of God, one has to communicate first the
word of man. He devoted himself, therefore, to all the works of corporal and spiritual
mercy, some of which are well worth all our attention.
Using up what he owned and employing the donations of benefactors that began
multiplying when it became clear he did not keep anything for himself by devolving them
all to charity, he literally saved scores of families from starvation and dire poverty, by
means of monthly subsidy, with special and delicate regard for the impoverished families
of the nobility and of prominent people, helping them in secret to spare them any
humiliation.
He gave financial support to works of assistance and to various societies of
cooperation between workers and traders; helped poor students; made it possible, wholly
or in part, for numerous seminarians to meet the expenses of their training; he was
prodigal with the sick and prisoners; he saved from despair families and people deep in
debt; he undertook the restoration of the Cathedral also to provide jobs for the
unemployed, often paid the pawnshops for mortgaged goods. Millions passed through his
hands, but he was always without a thing; neither did he take pains to setup a fund for
charity, so that when the administrator of the "Mensa Vescovile" (Bishop's household)
who told him he would die on a bed of straw, he answered that no one should wonder if a
Bishop died on straw if Christ wanted to be born on it. 55
He had great compassion for the deaf-mutes, whom he began to love in Como. In his
first pastoral visitation, he compiled a statistic and found 200 of them in the whole
54 Cfr. Biography, pp. 228-256.
55 Cfr. Biography, pp. 444-461.
37

diocese. He soon founded in 1879 the "Istituto Sordomute", which he entrusted to the
"Daughters of Saint Ann", not just to give them a home, but to instruct them how to of
talk with the sound method, in view of making them independent and self sufficient in
providing for themselves. 56
He organized collections to help the farmers hit by the land slides of Tollara in 1895
and of Villanova of Bettola in 1904.He also sent aid outside his diocese to victims of
floods in the Veneto and Polesine in1882, of an earthquake at Casamicciola in1883, of a
cloudburst in the region of Campidano in1889, to families stricken by the explosion of
the arms depot at Pontremoli in1884. He made collections for the liberation of the
prisoners in Mahdi in1883 and of the slaves in the missions of Card. Lavigerie. He gave
help to those who had offended him, to the children of his offenders, to the journalists
who had attacked him in the press. He supported the Conference of Saint Vincent de
Paul, the "Istituto Scrofolosi" (scrofula, a sickness affecting the lymph nodes of the neck)
founded by Msgr. Pinazzi, religious institutes, homes for the chronically ill, orphanages. 57
Two were the secrets of so many charitable deeds: an unlimited trust in divine
Providence, that came to his help in forms, at times, considered miraculous; and an
extreme personal poverty. The members of his household had to lock his wardrobe and to
force him, on occasion, to surrender his billfold. He tore up or turned down last wills,
even some considerable ones, not to harm the relatives of the people who had made those
wills, preferring to depend on free donations. In his last will he could state: "I came poor
to Piacenza, and poor I depart for the other world." Obviously, he could not forget his
priests, some of them on the point of starvation because of the subversive laws of the
Liberal State. 58
32. - The "Opera dei Congressi" (Catholic Movement) and social action. Bishop
Scalabrini inaugurated the "Opera dei Congressi" in Piacenza in 1881with a certain
degree of distrust because he suspected it of being too involved in politics, of interfering
in the work of bishops and clergy, and of being rich more in programs than in deeds. At
first he limited himself to the task of preventing work on Sunday and of the bad press. He
"reestablished" it in 1885 with the official constitution of the Diocesan Committee under
the chairmanship of Count Carlo Radini Tedeschi, and provided that any parish of some
importance had its parish Committee.
But the life of the "Opera" was not an easy one. Be it enough to recall the elections
of 1886, when the Committee broke up in two: Radini Tedeschi championed abstention,
while Marquis G: B. Volpe Landi, the number two in the Committee, took part in the
elections. The worst difficulty, however, seemed to come from the indifference of the
parish priests who did not believe too much in the effectiveness of the parish committees.
In 1892, the Bishop protested against accusations of inertia leveled at his clergy, but he
made them understand, at the same time, that he wanted obedience to the Pope. The knot
of discord was loosened with the acceptance on the part of the lay leaders of the principle
of" absolute and unconditional obedience" to the bishops.
56 Cfr. Biography, pp. 467-484.
57 Cfr. Biography. pp. 439-444.
58 Cfr. Biography, pp. 461-467.
38

There followed a period of relative inactivity, fostered by the antagonism and distrust
towards the Bishop on the part of Carlo Radini Tedeschi and of his son Giacomo, the
future Bishop of Bergamo, and by the fact that the Servant of God wanted that the parish
committees should be the offshoots of the social works, not vice versa. He accorded his
preference, in fact, to mutual societies, consumers' and producers' cooperatives, workers'
unions, rural credit banks, and to farmers unions. When these were well-established and
consolidated, it was only natural for him that they would be changed into committees of
the "Opera dei Congressi" because this way he could remove from their start any political
intransigent stance, which was disliked by both Bishop and clergy; It was in fact the
clergy who constituted in practice the soul of the social works and saw in the Bishop, not
in the lay people, the natural leader of their activities.
This matter was made clear especially at a meeting held in Bedonia in 1896 with
Father Luigi Cerutti, founder of the Rural Credit Unions, a strong supporter of the
centralizing Paganuzzi. Then he straightened things out with Carlo Radini Tedeschi, who
had finally learned the lesson that he could not do anything without the approval of the
Bishop. Only then did the Servant of God give free way to the founding of the
committees in all parishes, making it even a duty of conscience for the parish priests. The
fruits may be measured by the official statistics of 1897, which showed Piacenza in
second place in Italy with 227 parish committees and 6164 members, six branches for the
young with 460 associates, 8 rural credit banks, 11 workers' mutual societies attached to
the "Opera dei Congressi" and 7 independent ones (a sign of the freedom and autonomy
the Bishop reserved to himself and wanted respected), the "Circolo Casella" of Catholic
Youth, and the Society of Saint Raphael.
Even though we take into consideration that numbers, in some cases, referred to
committees that remained only on paper, Carlo Radini Tedeschi himself reported the
existence of 170 of these parish committees in active function; a success he credited to
the Bishop, even if personally not quite convinced about the qualification of "Catholic" to
"every initiative" of Catholics. He accepted the denomination of "Catholic" in the case of
the "Banca Sant'Antonino", founded on June 20, 1986, only because its president made it
an indispensable condition. It was a question, in a word, of his usual will not to confuse
terms and realities: Catholicism, religion, welfare, politics, even if solidarity and
Christian charity were in fact their common inspiration and goal. 59
33. - The Events of 1898 and Socialism. The revolutionary uprisings of May 1898
resulted into three deaths in Piacenza. For these uprisings, the government accused of
subversive activities both socialists and intransigent Catholics, so as to send to prison the
socialist leaders together with Father Albertario and, at the same time, to shut down the
socialist circles and the Committees of the "Opera dei Congressi. The Bishop intervened
with a wise action towards a moderation of the spirits, attributing to each his own. He
suspended publication of the Catholic paper, the "L'Amico del Popolo" that had cost him
so many sacrifices. This he did in order to make reconciliation easier and to prevent the
closing of the Diocesan Committee of Piacenza. Once again, he showed his ability as a
mediator by volunteering his services to the Italian government for the restoration of the
Committees and for the freeing of Albertario from prison, thus openly revealing himself
above all party divisions and personal vindications. The Servant of God became the most
effective middleman between Paganuzzi and Interior Minister Pelloux to secure the
59 Cfr. Biography, pp. 787-826.
39

elease and reopening of the Committees. As to Father Albertario, he succeeded, at least,
in obtaining permission for him to say Mass during his stay in prison, happy to do him a
favor that might be a concrete sign of the forgiveness accorded him in 1894, viewing in
the journalist not an old adversary but rather a friend, who had offended him by
mistake. 60
The Servant of God took the occasion of the uprisings of 1898 for writing the widely
circulated book, II Socialismo e l'Azione del Clero (Socialism and Action of the Clergy)
(1899). In his view, the rebellion had been occasioned by the rise of the price of bread
and by the poverty of the people, but the roots of which had to be found in anarchy, such
as was advocated not by socialism in itself, but by the "fever" of socialism, that is, by the
movement that was aimed at gaining power for the creation of a new absolutism. The
ideological thrust of anarchy also included also rebellion against God, mingled with
principles of social justice, like the defense of the rights of workers, first of which was
the right to work; sharing the profits; education; medical care; social security. The clergy,
said Bishop Scalabrini, should refrain from looking into the source of the proclamation of
these rights, but only into their justice, and had to intervene because the "workers'
movement" was not limited to economic questions, but was also becoming a moral,
political, and religious question, involving essential tenets of faith and Christian morals.
To Marxist Socialism, we must counteract - he added - a "Christian" socialism (more
prudently he called it "Christian Sociology") which at the same time should remedy the
problems of workers through a just economic legislation, the intervention of the State,
and the revival of the religious spirit in employers and employees, that is, by the
restoration of criteria of justice, equity, and Christian solidarity with the intervention of
the Church. Priests should be the first to set the example. They should be prepared for the
new task by a reorganization of studies (he had set up courses of agriculture in his
seminary) without prejudice to anything good that may emerge from among the people,
were it even proposed by the socialists. Above all, a "regeneration" of individuals,
employers and workers, had to be worked out in a common effort for solidarity, with
exclusion of the class warfare. Bishop Scalabrini did not go far beyond the teachings of
the "Rerum Novarum", thus remaining within the mould of Catholic conservatives, while
opposing, at the same time, the inert conservative attitude of the liberals, "Catholic"
liberals included. 61
34. - Schism of Miraglia (1895-1900). In 1885, the Servant of God forced the
"Conferenze Protestanti" of the Methodist Church to close down; had closely watched the
infiltrations of masonry and secret sects; and had relentlessly worked for the unity of all
his flock in the faith. But suddenly in 1895, a few steps from the cathedral, there broke
out a scandalous division, which was the most excruciating tribulation for one who had
unity and harmony as the primary objective of his apostolate.
Paul Miraglia Gullotti, a Sicilian priest, was unlawfully called in by the parish priest
of Saint Savino to preach during the month of May. Upon receiving anonymous letters
criticizing the eccentricity of his preaching, Fr. Miraglia blamed the priests for these
letters, and after proclaiming himself a new Savonarola, he began to thunder against the
"hypocrisy" and the abuses of the new "Pharisees", that is, the clergy. The Bishop sought
to soothe down the sudden reaction of the people; but a group of the clergy, offended by
the insults of Miraglia, unknowingly to the Bishop, publicly counterattacked him, thus
60 Cfr. Biography, pp. 826-844.
61 Cfr. Biography, pp. 793-804.
40

giving him the pretext for filing a civil suit for slander. Even though Miraglia was
excommunicated by the Bishop for refusing to retract the charges filed in the civil court,
he established his residence in Piacenza after winning his case, as a point of honor. He
gave life to a polemical weekly, the "Gerolamo Savonarola", to wage war on the
"plagues" of the clergy especially their "Jesuitism" (equivocation), to distinguish between
the Church and the Curia, to proclaim reconciliation between Church and State by
depriving the Church, practically, of all her rights. Father Miraglia did not pay heed to the
admonitions from Rome. He found public authorities on his side, happy to see the unity
of "clericals" in danger. He resisted with insolent boldness all attempts of the Bishop to
approach him and on January 30, 1896, he opened, independently of the Church
authorities, the "oratorio San Paolo" (a church) on Via Trebiola. A few hundred people, a
few thousand in some occasions, followed him, attracted by the magnetism and
demagoguery of the preacher who promised justice and freedom for all and the reform of
the Church. He declared his "Oratory" exempt from Church's jurisdiction in order to
avoid the taxes on cults. He also daringly resisted the wave of indignation aroused by a
moral scandal he had become guilty of in regard to a young countess. He introduced the
public worship to Savonarola, and began to stir up the people against civil authorities
when they had decided at last to close down the "Oratory". He reopened it as a private
circle and joined the sect of Old Catholics; thus formally embracing schism. On
May1900, he staged the sacrilegious farce of his episcopal consecration. The Holy Office
declared him "excommunicatus vitandus" (deprived him of all rights and privileges). On
June 23, 1900, in order to escape a three year sentence he had earned for slander, he fled
abroad.
The loyal followers of Miraglia were about 400; but for the human and religious
sensibility of the Servant of God, the five year period of the schism was his Calvary. He
suffered physically from it, contracting a weakness of heart that was to be the remote
cause of his death, but it so perfected, at the same time, his spirit of faith and sacrifice, his
patience and devotion to the cross as to be able to confess himself having acquired the
calm, the deep interior peace, and even the "joy" proper to one sharing the passion of the
Redeemer. He multiplied his hours in adoration before the Blessed Sacrament, his
penitential works, his dedication to the care of souls, the intensity of his apostolic action
in the defense of the faith of the people, his love for Christ and the exercise of Christian
forgiveness, so as to make it possible for us to state, judging at least from the human
point of view, that during those five years, he reached the summit of saintliness for his
conformity to the Crucified Christ and union with Jesus in the Holy Eucharist. 62
35. - The Synod on the Eucharist (1899). Devotion to the Eucharist was the highlight
of the prayer life of the Servant of God. As he considered it the "heart" of the Church, so
he sought in it his own "divinization" which was the aim of his ascesis. Extraordinarily
devoted to our Lady and the Saints, he instructed the people to accord absolute
preeminence to the Mass, Holy Communion, and adoration of Jesus in the Blessed
Sacrament.
He thought out all possible means for an appropriate preparation of children for First
Communion; recommended its frequent, even daily, reception; spread the practice of the
Forty Hours; and at the beginning of the new century, he organized the perpetual
adoration, so that at no hour of the day, nor in any place in the diocese should there be a
lack of a group of the faithful in adoration. He was able to obtain the same from his
62 Cfr. Biography, pp. 866-912.
41

priests in regard to nocturnal adoration. He revived the Confraternities of the Blessed
Sacrament. He also renewed the external signs of the Eucharistic devotion by
consecrating 200 churches, ordering that the altars of the Blessed Sacrament be made of
marble; the chalices at least of gilded silver; the vestments decorous. He resumed the
practice of the Eucharistic procession of Corpus Christi and of the monthly parish
procession, in spite of the difficulties created by the Government.
The outstanding mark of his devotion to the Eucharist was his third Synod,
celebrated on the 26-30 of August, 1899, and dedicated, seemingly in an unprecedented
manner, entirely to the Eucharist. The Synod, wholly written personally by the Servant of
God, rather than a code of the minutest dispositions that do not neglect any detail, is all a
hymn of "gladness", an earnest appeal to the substance of Christian piety, an extension of
the devotion to the Eucharist to all aspects of the lives of priests and lay people, and an
example, at the same time, of the energy and enthusiasm with which the Servant of God,
in his deep faith, knew how to lead clergy and people to achieve maximum results. "As to
whatever refers to the Eucharist do not ever let the stupid phrase 'this is impossible' out of
your mouth. The impossible has no place on this level except for those who shun
abnegation and sacrifice.” 63
We must recall also the institution of the "Opera dei Tabemacoli"; the founding of
the "Suore Sacramentine Sordomute" (Deaf-mute Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament),
aggregates of the Sisters of Saint Ann; his support given to various initiatives of his
priests, such as the "Pages of the Blessed Sacrament", the "Association of the Guards of
Honor" , the "League for the Sunday Mass".
The strongest impulse to the Eucharistic devotion came from his example. The
warmth with which he spoke of the Eucharist to the faithful and the ardor with which he
celebrated Mass deeply impressed the people. Many witnesses testified that in those
moments also the body of the Bishop appeared transfigured. Faithful to at least his daily
visit to the Sacrament, he devoted to the adoration of the Eucharist, often prostrate to the
ground, innumerable hours, day and night.
On declaring open his sixth Pastoral Visitation, he asked the parish priests the last
comfort of personally distributing Holy Communion to all and each member of his flock.
He spent the whole night in adoration in his private chapel before the operation that
brought him to his death. He personally gave instructions for his solemn reception of the
Holy Viaticum. He wanted to be buried close to the altar of the Sacrament, and disposed,
by a tender mark of piety, that all things needed for the celebration be placed in his burial
coffin, in the hope that he be granted the privilege of saying one last Mass in the day of
final resurrection. 64
36. - Restoration of the Cathedral (1894-1902). We already spoke of the
extraordinary number of churches he consecrated, especially in the course of his five
pastoral visitations. Many of them had been restored, beautified, or newly built at his
urgings. All the rest were minutely inspected to make sure that no church should be there
which, as for order and "sparkling cleanliness" at least, did not show even visibly the
presence of his divine Majesty. He gave new impetus to the liturgical feast of the
63 Cfr. Biography. p. 366.
64 Cfr. Biography, pp. 296-297, 311-313, 352-370.
42

dedication of the cathedral and to the ancient practice of spending the night preceding the
consecration of a church in prayer before the relics of the Saints.
With the Pastoral Letter of February 9, 1894, he made known his intention of starting
and bringing to completion the venture, considered colossal by all, of restoring to its
original beauty the roman-lombardic cathedral of the XII century. No difficulty could
deter him. The works cost him 400 thousand liras of that time. An enormous strain for a
rather poor and poorly enthusiastic diocese. But he succeeded by means of an efficient
organization, ingenious ways, and above all, by means of his personal contribution,
which amounted to almost one fourth of the total, that is, to more than 94 thousand liras.
The inauguration of the restoration, which was made to coincide with his 25 th anniversary
as Bishop, took place on the 16 th of June, 1901.
Following 25 years of exhausting procedures with the military and civil bureaucracy,
he restored to liturgical use the renaissance church of Holy Sepulcher, whose origins
trace back to the tenth century; he bought back and opened for worship the huge church
of Saint Peter, built by the Jesuits in the XVI century; gave his full support for the
restoration works of the basilica of Saint Savino, rare example of tenth century
architecture, and that of the medieval churches of saint Francis, Saint Brigid, and Saint
Euphemia. 65
Another enterprise, thought unfeasible by his contemporaries, was the reduction of
the urban parishes down from 31 to 14, in a city of a little over 30 thousand people. The
purposes of this reduction of parishes were a more rational distribution of parishioners,
who needed to look upon their churches as their home and the communal center of their
faith; the elimination of the disgraceful sight of unseemly small churches in very poor
conditions and already abandoned by the people; and a more functional service of the
priests. This act of his lacked neither opposition from civil authorities nor criticism on the
part of the clergy. But all agreed, in the end, on the good results of the operation, and
Pope Leo XIII himself asked him for a copy of the project to see what he could do to
carry out a similar plan for the city of Perugia. 66
He devoted his third pastoral visitation (1888-1891) especially to the reordering of
legates (wills for masses), pious foundations, bonds, so as to bring the blessings of
perfect normalcy in regard to both justice for the intentions of benefactors and the
meticulosity of the government's Fund for Worship. 67 The second Synod (May 2-4, 1893)
gave the last touch to the reorganization of the diocesan administration, decreeing also
the reciprocal checking up of the books between neighboring deaneries, now better
distributed and increased in number. 68
37. - Jubilees of Episcopal Consecration and First Trip to America (1901). On
January 30, 1901, the 25 th Anniversary of his Consecration as a Bishop, the Servant of
God received a congratulatory Brief from Pope Leo XIII. The celebrations, however,
were moved to the month of June. The event was observed with solemnity and
extraordinary attendance that amazed the people from other dioceses. Evidently, the
people of Piacenza wanted to reward their Bishop for his zeal, charity, and the brilliance
of his initiatives, but above all, for the bond of love that was binding by then the shepherd
to his flock. All knew, for instance, that in February 1901, the Servant of God had
65 Cfr. Biography, pp. 402-418.
66 Cfr. Biography. pp. 421-425.
67 Cfr. Biography, pp. 283-286, 430-431.
68 Cfr. Biography, pp. 322-323, 329.
43

declined promotion to the Archbishopric of Ravenna, traditionally implying elevation to
the Cardinalate, not only out of humility but also in order not to leave a diocese he had
learned to love too much.
On the 17 th of June, he celebrated the Pontifical Mass, surrounded by Card. Svampa,
Archbishop of Bologna, and 13 other Bishops, who would have been more numerous,
had not the date been postponed. Card. Andrew Ferrari of Milan, for instance, could pay
him a visit of only a few hours. All civil and military authorities were present: an actual
sign of the conciliation the Bishop had achieved in Piacenza by his charity, moderation,
and prestige. An exposition of sacred art was set up, uncovering the hidden treasures of
the artistic wealth of the diocese. It helped give rise to the idea of founding a "Civic
Museum'" of which the Bishop was acclaimed president. A dinner was served for two
hundred poor old people. The Bishop paid the pawnshop for mortgages worth less than
one lira. All the money he received as gifts was passed on to the poor and prisoners. 69
After the celebrations, the Servant of God left for his visit to the missionaries and the
emigrants in the United States of America, a visit much desired since 1893, but
discouraged by the Holy See for fear of hurting the feelings of the American bishops who
received him instead with open arms. During the three months and ten days of his stay in
America, he gave 340 speeches, confirmed thousands of people, traveled thousands of
miles by day and night, sleeping on trains, changing bed, food, and climate mostly every
day, but ever happy and in good health. His presence lifted the morale of Italians. The
Bishops and the press saw in him a true apostle, a saintly man, all zeal for the salvation of
souls.
He urged his missionaries to carry on their difficult mission with trust and fidelity,
preserving, at the same time, the spiritual heritage of Italians, while guiding them towards
their loyal integration into the American Church and society in a happy blend of the
positive values of both sides: an idea he wanted to impress not only on the people, but
also on the minds of civil authorities at his meeting with President Theodore Roosevelt,
and of the bishops, especially of the most influential ones like Card. Gibbons, archbishop
of Baltimore and Primate, Archbishop Corrigan of New York, and Archbishop Ireland of
Saint Paul. In New York he called together some sixty Italian priests, some of them
completely off the right track, and preached to them a retreat. He advocated the need for
doing away with regionalism and parochialism that disperse Italian forces, and for
making church and school, the two hinges of Catholic education, the supporting center of
the communities of emigrants.
On November 4 th the Bishop was back in Piacenza, and during the celebration
welcoming his return, he inaugurated the new pulpit and the newly remodeled organ of
the cathedral. 70 Afterwards, he plunged immediately back into the work of the fifth
pastoral visitation. On August 6, 1902, he wrote to Bishop Bonomelli:
"This is the 123 rd parish I am visiting this year, but I want to make up for time lost the past year,
Thanks to God, my health is ever excellent. They tell me I am getting younger: yes, the youth of the
flower that springs up beautiful and full of life in the morning, and then withers away, all done with, at
night. But it matters very little, provided we reach the point of our eternal destiny."
And on October 4 th , 1903:
69 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1232-1245.
70 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1159-1167.
44

"There were all kinds of hardships, which I paid for with three or four days of rest, and then I
resumed the pace. I do not know how to slow down, and yet I will have to do so. The years climb, 64,
the burden grows heavier, but the needs are increasingly more urgent, the socialist tide is mounting, and
all things convince me for a work superior to my physical and moral frailties; and so forward "in the
name of the Lord" until I can." 71
38. - Trip to Brazil (1904). Between the end of 1903 and the beginning of 1904
rumors spread around that Pius X would name him his successor as Patriarch of Venice.
Among the reasons he brought forth for declining the promotion, Bishop Scalabrini
pointed out his advanced age. His brother Angelo, general inspector of Italian schools
abroad, showed him the contradiction: he felt too old for the Patriarchate but not for a trip
in which he would have met hardships of all kinds, especially the torture of long
horseback rides, turned by then into a real martyrdom on account of a hydrocele he had
actually contracted on a horse ride ten years earlier, and ever kept secret because of his
extreme sense of modesty. But the Servant of God made out his last will and then left on
June 17, 1904, after receiving the most ample blessings and faculties from Pius X, who,
as gathered from certain sources, had decided to create him a Cardinal on his return from
America.
During the month he spent in Sao Paulo he sought to give a better setup to the
missions, and from Bishop de Camargo Barros, he secured permission for his
missionaries to extend in a more orderly way their action of assistance to the workers of
the plantations throughout his immense diocese, and to those who had settled all around
the city. He also made an agreement for the founding of a school for the deaf-mute. Then
he visited the Italian communities in the area of Curitiba, pledging to open a mission also
among the "Indios" of Parana; and in September, he embarked on the exhausting
visitation of Italians in the high plateau of Rio Grande do Sul. He had to face up to hardly
imaginable hardships, compensated, on the other hand, by triumphant welcomes and by
manifestations of faith, such as had been long forgotten in Italy. He confirmed 4951
people in one day, 40 thousand in the whole trip. He preached in Italian, French,
Portuguese, with no pause or rest, but without any apparent harm to his health: something
he ascribed to the daily blessing promised him by the Pope and received every day on his
knees. After a brief stopover in Buenos Aires for a visit to his brother Professor Peter
Scalabrini whom he had not seen in 36 years, he made his way back to Piacenza on
December 6, 1904, just in time to celebrate the 50 th Anniversary of the proclamation of
the Dogma of the Immaculate Conception. On that day, some 30 thousand people
received Holy Communion in Piacenza only. 72
In the following months, there emerged, little by little, the evil results of the
extraordinary exploit. He survived it, in fact, only six months: "The general opinion is" -
writes one of the missionaries that accompanied him through Rio Grande do SuI, - "that
he himself has much contributed with the hardships of that trip to this most sorrowful
tragedy. I cannot say it for sure, but should it be really so, we would have one more
reason to hail him as the Apostle and Martyr for Migrants.” 73
39. - Seasonal Migrants and Catholic Migrants in General (1904). On July 4, 1903,
the Servant of God launched the idea of assisting some 170 thousand seasonal workers,
mostly women and children, who sought to make a little money every year in the
plantations of Piedmont and Lombardy by transplanting and weeding rice. Subject to
71 Cfr. Biography, p. 288.
72 Cfr. Biography, pp. 382. 1167-1176.
73 Cfr. Biography, p, 1176.
45

malaria and other sicknesses, lodged in stables in indecorous promiscuity, with schedules
of 14 or 15 working hours a day, ill-fed and poorly paid, they were exposed to the most
serious dangers for both body and soul.
In agreement with the Bishops of Bobbio, Tortona, Guastalla, Pontremoli, Modena
(dioceses of departure), and of Lodi, Pavia, Milan, Vercelli, Vigevano, and Turin
(dioceses of arrival), at the meeting of November 16, 1903 in the episcopal residence of
Piacenza, the Bishop decided to establish the "Opera pro Mondariso", dependent on the
"Opera dei Congressi", for the protection of the material and moral interests of these
seasonal migrants. Diocesan and inter-parochial employment offices would draw up
collective working contracts and see to it that they be observed, such as could secure the
respect for "their conscience and faith, their health and financial interests.” 74 Under the
direction of lawyer Baroni, of Lodi, the organization succeeded also in securing
important improvements to the bill presented by the Ministry of Agriculture and by the
Labor Council, that for a period of some fifty years lightened the fate of those workers
who were until then cynically exploited by the employers. 75
While in Brazil on July 22, 1904, Bishop Scalabrini sent Pius X the proposal to
directly involve the Holy See in the problem of Catholic migrants of all nationalities with
the institution on their behalf of an organism similar to the Congregation for the
Propagation of the Faith. This he did after having found out from experience that because
of emigration, the Church was losing a number of members far superior to that of
unbelievers converted through the massive and heroic work of the missionary
organizations. Pius X solicited him to draw up a project, which Bishop Scalabrini
presented to the Secretary of State on May 5, 1905, 25 days before his untimely death. In
the mind of the Servant of God, the phenomenon of emigration was a universal one; a
problem, therefore, of the whole Church and of the Holy See, that for its central and
supra-national nature could be the only institution in a position to coordinate the effort of
all. Such efforts could be in the form of involving the local Churches of departure and
arrival; with the help of experts, studying seriously the causes and remedies; solving
eventual conflicts of jurisdiction; and upon request of local bishops, sending priests,
appropriately prepared for the task, to places of greater need. Doing so will contribute in
making true, through emigration, painful and yet providential, "the great promise of the
Gospel: one fold and one shepherd". 76
Saint Pius X did not allow the proposals of the Servant of God to go unheeded. In
1912, he entrusted the coordination of the pastoral care for migrants to the Consistorial
Congregation, with the creation of a special office of emigration that was progressively
transformed into the present Pontifical Commission for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and
People on the Move (Pontifical Commission for Migration and Tourism) instituted by
Pope Paul VI with the Motu Proprio Apostolicae Caritatis of March 19, 1970. The two
pontifical documents, Exul Familia of 1952, and Pastoralis Migratorum Cura of 1969,
may be considered as the solemn stamp of approval of the Church on the project of the
"specific" pastoral care for migrants the Servant of God had thought of and championed
in the midst of so many misunderstandings and contradictions, and that is now a part of
74 Cfr. Biography. p. 850.
75 Cfr. Biography, pp. 844-852.
76 Cfr. Biography. pp. 974-979.
46

the heritage of the pastoral solicitude of the Church for this ever wider and demanding
sector of the people of God. 77
40. - Death (1905). To those who congratulated him for the then sure promotion to
the See of Venice and to the Cardinalate, the Servant of God used to answer that the only
thing he was waiting and preparing for ever more intensely for many years was his death.
On May 5, 1905, he announced his intention of beginning the sixth pastoral visitation
on the 11 th of June, in the hope of being able to exclaim with the Apostle at the end: "I
made myself the slave of all that I might gain all to Christ.” 78 In the meantime he
concluded on the 21 st of May the fifth pastoral visitation at Borghetto, a town not far
from Piacenza, where he was taken ill by a sudden fainting spell. Upon his return to the
city, the doctor realized for the first time the gravity of his condition. The members of his
family and household and the doctors had a hard time convincing him to undergo
surgery. On the 27 th of May, he went to confession, spent the night in adoration, and on
May 28 th, he was operated on. The operation seemed successful, but his weak heart,
affected by the moral sufferings endured during the schism of Miraglia and by the
hardships suffered in Brazil and in the last pastoral visitations, did not allow him to
overcome the unexpected crisis that followed, due probably to an overdose of
chloroform.
On May 31, after asking the forgiveness of everyone, he asked to receive the Holy
Viaticum in a solemn form. Upon receiving it, he seemed to regain strength so as to have
his doctor exclaim it was a miracle. After this apparent improvement, he asked for the
Anointing of the Sick, sorting out himself the vessel of the Holy oil, as he had noticed the
worry in his attendants. He bade farewell to the professors and clerics of the seminary,
his missionaries, his priests, whom he kept calling in his agony. As the last hour was
approaching, he kept reciting short invocations and repeating: "God's will be done." After
a brief agony, he expired at 5:50, the dawn of June 1, 1905, the feast of the Ascension.
The Pope cried on hearing the sad news. Many of the clergy and people exclaimed:
"We have lost a saint". An immense crowd took part in the funeral rites held on the fourth
and fifth of June. An even greater throng attended the solemn honors given his body on
April 18, 1909, when it was transferred to the cathedral. The future Benedict IV, who as
Archbishop of Bologna was presiding the rites, remarked: "Saint Peter's in Rome would
not be big enough for the love of Piacenza." His body is resting by the altar of the
Blessed Sacrament, under the monument soon decreed as a steady object of veneration
and prayer by the citizens of Piacenza and his successor Bishop G. M. Pellizzari and
lovingly cared for by the clergy of the Cathedral and by the Missionary Fathers and
Sisters of Saint Charles. 79
On the 50 th anniversary of his death, Card. Adeodato G. Piazza, Sponsor of his Cause
of Beatification, said in the Cathedral of Piacenza:
"He ended his earthly life at age 66, on Ascension Day, as though taking part in the divine
triumph: We are trustingly waiting for another feast of the Ascension, when Jesus will call his "Pontiff"
and minister to share his glory in this very Church, his mystical Body, to which he devoted all of
himself in the apostolic and missionary ministry, till the supreme holocaust.” 80
77 Cfr. Biography, p. 975.
78 . Cfr. Biography, p. 289.
79 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1245-1265.
80
G. Piazza, II Buon Pastore fra it suo popolo, in II Servo di Dio Mons. G:B. Scalabrini nella 1uce delle
celebrazioni del 50° della sua morte, Roma 1957, p, 139.
47

V
HEROIC PRACTICE OF THE VIRTUES,
IN GENERAL
41. - a) Depositions at the Diocesan Process.
Witnesses at the Diocesan Process were asked a precise question on the heroicity of
the virtues of Bishop Scalabrini, soliciting also their definition of it:
"Let the witness tell us whether he knows, and how, that the Servant of God has practiced the
virtues in a heroic degree, all or only some of them; then have him asked whether he knows what heroic
virtue is". 81
Forty of the 57 witnesses answered that the Servant of God exercised the virtues, all
or some, in a heroic degree. Eleven were not questioned on this point because they were
called in to give witness only on particular facts; the remaining six did not specifically
speak of heroic virtues.
Most definitions of heroicity of virtue conform with the famed definition of Benedict
XV: "Sanctity consists precisely only in one's conformity to the will of God, expressed in
the steady and faithful fulfillment of the duties of one's state in life.” 82 The majority of
the Witnesses, however, underlined the aspect of the exceptional and extraordinary
degree of his virtues, especially because of the gravity of the sacrifices he sustained in the
exact performance of his duties. Some of them distinguished between extraordinary or
"uncommon" virtue and the common virtue exercised with exactness and perseverance.
Twenty-four witnesses answered that the Bishop exercised all the theological and
cardinal virtues, or simply "the virtue", in the sense intended by Benedict XV. Among
them were those who best knew the bishop and for the longest period of time. First of all,
Canon Camillo Mangot, who served as secretary of Bishop Scalabrini during his more
than 29 years in the episcopate, said:
“Since his early years, I had a great esteem and affection for his person, esteem and affection
which grew more and more every day to the point that, when he died, I had the conviction that a saint
had died. And this is so true that I recommended myself and still do, to him in all needs of mine and I
am convinced that I have received special graces and that I was saved from many dangers in my life.” 83
"From the very first moment I came to know the Servant of God, I always had the impression,
made ever stronger by my long stay at his side, that all through his episcopate his life was one of great
virtue, especially of piety, purity, charity, and zeal. Such impression kept growing in me, and now I can
testify, as indeed I do, calling on God as my witness, that even in all the given circumstances of the
times, people and events of his day, his life was truly heroic; an authentically holy life worthy of a
bishop.” 84
Knight Comm. Carlo Spallazzi, who was his domestic for the last eight years of
episcopate and thus lived in close association with the Servant of God, had this to say:
81 Processo c. p., Interrogatorio 27°, ff. 942-943.
82 Cfr. "Acta Apostolicae Sedis", 1920, p, 173.
83 C. Mangot, Processo c: p. II 23-24. par. 3.
84 Idem, f. 57. Summarium, par. 67.
49

"I can say that the Servant of God has practiced the Christian virtues, that is, the theological
virtues of faith, hope, and charity; the cardinal virtues and those deriving thereof, humility, obedience,
poverty, and chastity, in an extraordinary degree. I can say that only those who had the good luck to
witness him in his private life, as I had in my position as his personal domestic, can know to what
degree of evangelic perfection he exercised the Christian virtues. I would have never believed it!” 85
Mops. Ludovico Mondini, a Domestic Prelate of His Holiness, who served the
Bishop as Master of Ceremonies for over ten years and was always at his side during his
pastoral visitations, stated:
“Because of my long association with the Servant of God, I can testify that he has constantly
exercised the virtues spoken of in the question, often in an extraordinary degree, and sometimes also in
a heroic manner. In general, I can say that I have never noticed in him anything that was in
contradiction with said virtues, in spite of his highly sensitive temperament [...]. To me, heroic virtue
means a virtue superior to the ordinary one both because of the extraordinary act performed and of the
constancy in the fulfillment of one's duties. In line with this definition, I can state, as one who had been
an eye witness for the last eleven years of his life, that the Servant of God has practiced virtue, as I said
before, in a heroic degree.” 86
The Servant of God Monsignor Francesco Torta came to know Scalabrini since his
young age, since his years in the seminary, and especially since 1888, when the Bishop
began to appoint him to positions of responsibility in journalism and education of youth.
He testified:
“To me, heroic virtue means virtue exercised even in spite of extraordinary difficulties, and
continued to be exercised today, tomorrow, always. We can state that the Servant of God has habitually
done so, especially in regard to faith, zeal for the salvation of souls, and charity.” 87
Msgr. Ettore Morisi assures us that he had a vivid memory of the episcopate of
Bishop Scalabrini from the time he, Morisi, was ten years old, from 1887, till Scalabrini
died. He said:
“To me, heroic virtue means a virtue which is practiced in an extraordinary degree, that is, a virtue
which is superior to the common virtue and requires serious effort and sacrifice. Or also heroic virtue
means the common virtue exercised with such diligence and constancy as to show a person constantly
acting on the supernatural level. I am convinced that Bishop Scalabrini has practiced heroic virtue in
both meanings. Above all, he practiced in an extraordinary degree the virtues of faith, hope, and charity;
and in the second meaning he practiced many others, because Bishop Scalabrini was a man devoted to
duty, so much so that I am happy to say again that I witnessed the Bishop at all moments, both in his
private life and in the exercise of his sacred ministry.” 88
Monsignors Francesco Gregori and Faustino Lotteri were also very close to the
Bishop. Monsignor Gregori had this to say:
“Having known closely and with special frequency the Servant of God, I can testify that he has
constantly practiced virtue in a heroic degree on both aspects, because of the admirable fulfillment of
his duties and of the truly extraordinary sacrifices.” 89
Monsignor Faustino Lotteri said:
“I am convinced that Bishop Scalabrini has practiced virtue in a heroic degree, especially faith,
charity, poverty, and purity. By heroic virtue I mean virtue in a sublime degree, practiced even at the
cost of great and constant sacrifices.” 90
85 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 69. Summarium, par. 91.
86 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 111, Summarium, par. 164
87 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 345. Summarium, par. 412.
88 E. Morisi, Ibid., ff. 450-451. Summarium, par. 476-177.
89 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 559. Summarium, par. 618.
90 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 706. Summarium, par, 804
50

Canon Luigi Cornaggia Medici of the Basilica of Saint Mary Major, Rome, who had
a relationship of “confidentiality” quite unique at times 91 with the Bishop of Piacenza,
concludes his deposition:
“By my comprehensive knowledge of the Servant of God, and especially on the basis of some
virtues I touched as it were with my hands, I can state that I could no longer explain the behavior of
Bishop Scalabrini, had he not practiced all virtues in a heroic degree.” 92
We could quote and repeat similar declarations of the following witnesses: Bishop
Massimo Rinaldi of Rieti (pages 676-677); priests, like E. Preti (p.243), A. Carini (pp.
426-429), A. Scarani (p. 407), P Scarani (p. 464), G. Polledri (pp. 588-589), F. Calzinari
(p. 628), A. Ranza (p. 647), L. Tammi (p. 835);and also Cardinal G. B. Nasalli Rocca (p.
635); laymen, like A. Bracchi (p. 470), D. Mazzadi (p. 513), L. Cella (p. 613), L. Bertola
(p. 720),and A. Buzzetti (p.763).
Other witnesses limited themselves to stating his heroic practice of some virtues in
particular: “obedience and devotion to the Holy See; devotion to the Blessed Sacrament
and to the Blessed Mother; above all...charity to his neighbor” 93 , patience and meekness
during the schism of Miraglia 94 ; fortitude and zeal in facing the "exceptional hardships"
of his pastoral visitations and trips to the Americas 95 and in his obedience to the orders of
Pius IX concerning the funeral of King Victor Emmanuel II 96 ;his generosity in depriving
himself of everything to feed the hungry; piety and zeal for the glory of God and the
salvation of souls. 97
The great majority of them declared that his heroic exercise of charity was
outstanding. Blessed Luigi Orione, though not having had a close association with Bishop
Scalabrini, testified:
“I am not in a position to say whether the Servant of God has practiced all virtues in a heroic
degree. His charity in taking care of Italian migrants was certainly heroic.” 98
Three witnesses responded simply and explicitly: "I do not know": his sister Luisa,
who answered only in monosyllables because she was losing her strength; and two others
who saw Bishop Scalabrini only on rare occasions. There was instead one, Msgr.
Amedeo Ghizzoni, a very critical character, who, though closely associated with the
Servant of God, responded with a certain coldness, typical of his:
“By heroic virtue I mean the exact and constant fulfillment of one's duties for the love of God.
Generally, however, according to general opinion, it is required that heroic virtue has some
manifestations out of the ordinary. Now I am faced with the question concerning the heroicity of the
virtues of the Servant of God since I first heard that the Cause for his Beatification was to be
introduced. Even today, on reflection, I do not find the elements for a positive or a negative answer.”
At that, the judge questioned the witness this way: "By the knowledge you have gained of Bishop
Scalabrini, do you think that the Servant of God has constantly exercised the virtues in the first sense
expressed by you?”
91 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., f. 727. Summarium, par. 827
92 Idem, f. 731. Summarium, par. 835
93 G. Dodici, Ibid., ff. 166-167
94 Cfr. E. Martini, Ibid., f. 197
95 Cfr. A. De Martini, Ibid., f. 268. Summarium, par. 289. G. Radini Tedeschi, f. 371. C. Douglas Scotti, f.
325. E. Ottolenghi, f. 689.
96 Cfr.A. Carini, f. 428.Summarium, par. 973. L. Tammi, f. 834, etc.
97 Cfr. G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 529. Summarium, par.561. C. Tomedi, f. 850. Summarium, par. 998. G. Gelfi, f.
865. Summarium, par. 1016; etc.
98 L. Orione, Ibid., F. 822. Summarium, par. 953.
51

The witness answered, “Yes.” 99
Msgr. Ghizzoni himself declared that he desired the Beatification of Bishop
Scalabrini. 100 Convinced of the opportunity of his Beatification, Cardinal G. B. Nasalli
Rocca made it a point to state:
“He enjoyed the fame of a man of holy life, but because of his easy and normal manners by which
he avoided all manifestations of outer austerities that impress the masses, he did not engender the idea
of a sanctity for the altars in the sense commonly understood by the people. Exactly as we read of many
other saints who knew how to hide their interior holiness.” 101
42. - b) Depositions at the Process about his Fame of Sanctity.
This statement, shared by other witnesses, helps us understand the real meaning of
the answers to Question N. 57:
“Is the witness in a position to tell us whether the Servant of God was endowed with supernatural
gifts, in particular, the gift of prophecy? What did his contemporaries think of him? Is it true that he
enjoyed fame of sanctity even before he died?” 102
In answering, many witnesses rightly added the word "extraordinary" to the phrase
"supernatural gifts".
The response of Father G. Cardinali, rector of the seminary, can be said thus typical:
“If extraordinary supernatural gifts mean the heroic practice of the virtues, I have already
answered that Bishop Scalabrini did so. If they mean, on the other hand, the "gratis dati" (gratuitous)
charisms, such as prophecy, I have no elements for telling whether the Servant of God had them.” 103
Almost all witnesses, in fact, declared that they had no knowledge of supernatural
gifts. A few speak of a certain gift of prophecy for the fact that he foretold that Card.
Joseph Sarto would become Pope; that the young man Father Francesco Sidoli would be
a bishop. 104 He predicted the imminent death of canon Casella 105 ; he told the grandfather
of Msgr. Caccialanza that he would pass the age of ninety, as indeed happened 106 ; and
other things of this kind. Three witnesses speak of special gifts of healing, as we shall see
later. 107 Msgr. Torta considered a prophecy the prediction made by Bishop Scalabrini at
the inauguration of the shrine of the “Madonna della Bomba”: “that the miracles of
Providence would multiply around that chapel. And be it known that no sign was there of
the works that were to begin there ten years later.” 108 Probably because of personal
experiences, Msgr. Cornaggia Medici stated: “I believe, not without foundation, that the
Servant of God had certain supernatural gifts, including the reading of hearts and a
certain prophecy.” 109
99 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 770. Summarium, par. 902
100 Idem, f. 762. Summarium. par. 889.
101 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 757. Summarium, par. 884.
102 Idem, f. 949
103 G. Cardinali. Ibid., f. 312. Summarium, par. 382.
104 Cfr. C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 5.4. Summarium, par. 62.
105 Cfr. E. Martini, Ibid., f. 208.
106 Cfr. E. Caccialanza, Ibid.. if. 231-232.
107 C. Spallazzi. Ibid., f. 90. Summarium, par, 132: “An Emilio Tizzi, of Piacenza [...] whom the doctor
found sick with appendicitis, had to be urgently hospitalized for an operation. He asked me to lend him the
pectoral cross of Bishop Scalabrini; and he recommended himself to the Servant of God. The following
morning Doctor Callisto Fornero declared that there was no longer need for an operation. He was perfectly
cured, in fact, and he credits his cure to the Servant of God.” E. Galimberti reports another case, which will
be detailed when dealing with the humility of the Servant of God. (Cfr. N° 117).
108 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 360. Summarium, par. 445.
109 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid.. ff. 738-739. Summarium, par. 848.
52

As to fame of sanctity during life, the witnesses can be placed into two groups: 24
state as certain that he enjoyed fame of sanctity, while 11 state the opposite. A few of
these 11, however, speak of it in a general way, saying that "many" or "some" people
held him to be a saint; only a few deem it to be an unquestionable fact. As a whole, the
depositions reflect the perplexity of judgment of his contemporaries on a man who was
considered "transigent" and was made to pass for a "liberal Catholic", but who on the
other hand elicited the general admiration for his life and works. We believe that Blessed
Luigi Orione had the clear intuition of this circumstantial conditioning:
“By his contemporaries he was considered as one of the most eminent Bishops for his faith, zeal,
and doctrine. He left behind an extraordinary heritage: he might have been judged in different ways, but
he could gain also the respect of those who dissented from him. More than once I happened to think
that, had he lived in the early centuries of the Church, he would have honored it with his doctrine and
even with his martyrdom. I repeat that the personality of Bishop Scalabrini not only won him esteem,
but veneration as well. And considering the times he lived in, this is indeed remarkable.” 110
The same Blessed Orione added that the fame of his sanctity was still alive in
America and Italy, where “the shadow of liberalism that had been projected onto him by
political passions has progressively waned away.” 111 Such was Blessed Orione's answer
to Question 59:
"Is the witness in a position to say whether the fame of sanctity of the Servant of God is still alive,
and whether it is proven by graces and special favors obtained from God through his intercession?” 112
Two witnesses answered no: G. Cardinali 113 and G. Dodici 114 pointing out only the
fact that right after his death “many people touched his body or only the casket with a
variety of things, like rosaries, crucifixes, handkerchiefs, to keep them afterwards with
devotion.” 115 Almost all others, instead, testified to the actual existence of the fame of
sanctity; in fact, many of them stated that it kept growing more and more (Mangot,
Spallazzi, Mondini, Tammi, Gregori, Squeri, Bianchi, Galimberti, G. B. Nasalli Rocca,
Lotteri, Cornaggia Medici, Puppo). Father Calzinari made the following observation:
“The memory of Bishop Scalabrini has survived in excellent esteem, and with the passing of years
it increased very much, very much indeed. As for myself, I repeat that I hold him as a real saint; and I
know that I am not alone in this, and that his beatification and glorification is hoped for by many
people. I am also in a position to state that there are pious souls who pray to him.” 116
A fact, this last part, that is underlined, by a number of witnesses. Father Carini adds:
“It is a fact that the moral figure of Bishop Scalabrini has greatly grown also as a man of
exceptional virtue.” 117
It is worth our attention to point out the importance that three men of God like
Blessed Luigi Orione, the Servant of God Msgr. Francesco Torta, and Bishop Massimo
Rinaldi of Rieti, who died in the odor of sanctity, give to the friendship between Blessed
Guanella and Bishop Scalabrini:
“I know that the Servant of God knew Father Luigi Guanella very well, and that Guanella revealed
having a very high esteem of Bishop Scalabrini, even though he had lost on his part some of the
110 L. Orione, Ibid., ff. 823-824. Summarium, par. 957.
111 Idem, f. 824. Summarium. par. 958.
112 Ibid., f. 950.
113 Cfr. G. Cardinali, Ibid.. f. 313. Summarium, par. 382.
114 Cfr. G. Dodici. Ibid., f. 179.
115 Ibid.
116 F. Calzinari. Ibid., ff. 638-639. Summarium, par. 727.
117 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 438.
53

optimism in the political and religious field that animated the Servant of God, because of the great
sorrows he had been subjected to by a few political authorities. Father Guanella always spoke very well
of Bishop Scalabrini and had a special affection for him.” 118
“The Servant of God spoke to me with great admiration of Bishop Scalabrini, saying time and
again that he was a great soul, and that I was a lucky man for being his beloved disciple.” 119
"He had a lasting friendship with Father Luigi Guanella, who spoke of him to me with admiration,
reminding me several times that he had been his fellow student, and that he thought of him as a true
Servant of God. After the death of Bishop Scalabrini, he told me more than once that he held him to be
a saint.” 120
As to special graces obtained by the intercession of the Servant of God after his
death, many witnesses affirmed to be sure of them. Msgr. Mangot states in a general way
that “by the intercession of the Servant of God the Lord granted graces to some people”,
whose name, however, he could not recall. About himself, instead, he affirmed he was
asking daily for the assistance of the Servant of God, ascribing to it the grace of being
saved from harm in two falls off the train and in three more off dangerous heights. 121
Msgr. Gregori states that a young parishioner of his, so seriously stricken with
pneumonia that the doctor “had given up all hope” to save him, got well at the close of a
triduum of prayers made by him and his sister. 122 The Scalabrinian Sister Carmela
Tomedi reports:
“A number of people have made recourse to him and have obtained graces. Among others, I can
report this: One of our sisters, Sister Fulgenzia, had been sick five months with an internal ailment for
which the doctors judged a serious operation of doubtful results to be indispensable. We made a novena
together to the Blessed Trinity through the intercession of Bishop Scalabrini. At the close of the novena
the sick sister felt better. But we wanted to have her visited by the doctor, who, on being totally
surprised, exclaimed 'What did you do? The Sister does not need an operation any more! She is still
enjoying perfect health.” 123
Carlo Polledri, decorator of the cathedral of Piacenza, tells of his fall off a stepladder,
from a height of 45 feet:
“All of a sudden I found myself on the ground, grasping the lowest end of the ladder, about one
and a half yard away from the tomb of the Servant of God [...]. A group of people gathered around, and
when they saw me unhurt, except for one or two abrasions at the legs, they cried out at a miracle,
ascribing it to Bishop Scalabrini. I am convinced that my safety was in fact miraculous; and I myself am
not against ascribing it to the intercession of the Servant of God.” 124
118 L. Orione, Ibid., f. 820. Summarium, par. 951.
119 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 336. Summarium, par. 395.
120 M. Rinaldi, Ibid., ff.676. 680-681. Summarium, par. 771 and 783.We have proof of the veneration of
Blessed Luigi Guanella for the Servant of God in the fact that he had his nephew, Canon Lorenzo
Sterlocchi, write a short life of Bishop Scalabrini Cenni Biografici, published in 1912, and re-edited in
1913: “Canon Luigi Guanella [...] knew Scalabrini in the Diocesan Seminary of Como, and was always a
great admirer of his for his great and charitable works [... [. He wants to make his life known not only to the
honor of the Diocese of Como, that boasts giving birth to that great One, but of all Italy as well, and to the
disappointment of those who look upon the clergy as an egotistic lot with no concern for the needy.” (T.
Sterlocchi, Cenni Biografici di Monsignor Giovanni Battista Scalabrini. Vescovo di Piacenza, Como 1912,
p. 5).
121 Cfr. C. Mangot, Processo c. p., f. 55. Summarium, par. 66.
122 Cfr. F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 579: Summarium, par. 660.
123 C. Tomedi, Ibid., f. 850. Summarium, pa. 1000.
124 C. Polledri, Ibid., f. 793. Summarium, par. 928. Cfr. also E. Caccialanza, f. 151; A. De Martini, f. 279; F.
Torta, f. 361; G. B. Nasalli Rocca, f. 778; L. Gorlin, f. 858. The "Scalabrinian General Archive" has
custody of a good number of letters testifying to special graces attributed to the Servant of God. Some of
them seem to indicate all the conditions of a true and real miracle, but not supported by critical and medical
testimonies.
54

43. - c) Wishes for his Beatification.
Out of 57 witnesses, 44 explicitly declared that they wished the Beatification of
Bishop Scalabrini. Among them we recall first of all Blessed Luigi Orione, who
expressed himself as follows:
“When word came to me that the Cause for his Beatification was to be introduced, if others were
caught by surprise, I did not wonder at all, and I gladly declare that I desire his Beatification, because he
would continue to do in death what he has been doing in life, that is, to edify, to show his flaming
apostolic zeal, to remind us that even in the most trying moments there ever burns in the heart of the
priest an ardent love for one's country, and to honor the Catholic Episcopate.” 125
The Servant of God Francesco Torta states:
"I gladly state that I have always cherished a special admiration and affection for the Servant of
God, having ever thought of him as a holy man because of his extraordinary faith and charity. Besides,
I desire his Beatification because of the great love I have for him and because I hold him worthy to be
glorified.” 126
The saintly Bishop Rinaldi thought of him as "worthy of the honors of the altars,
because he would bring honor to his Congregation and to mankind, as he is a man known
all over the world because of the great charitable and social works he has
accomplished.” 127 Cardinal G. B. Nasalli Rocca declared: “I have a special affection for
Bishop Scalabrini, and I desire his Beatification because I have known his truly
exceptional virtues. 128 Even Count Giuseppe Radini Tedeschi, son of Carlo and brother of
Bishop Giacomo, both tough opponents of the "political" opinion of Bishop Scalabrini,
stated:
“I have always had high esteem and great affection for the Servant of God; I desire in earnest his
Beatification because of the holy memory he left of himself on account of his exceptional virtues and
extraordinary activities; and also because his dream for the Conciliation (between Church and State in
Italy) has come true through the Concordat; something he was much criticized for in his time.” 129
Of all those who had been questioned on this point, only two did not express
themselves, though holding him as a saint. 130 Ten witnesses were not asked about this.
Seventeen witnesses confessed their devotion to Bishop Scalabrini; others admitted it
implicitly when they said that they had recourse to him in order to obtain graces. Almost
all of them stated their admiration for the virtuous life of the Bishop. One must add that
19 witnesses explicitly spoke of the exceptional effort the Bishop exercised in the pursuit
of his personal perfection, besides seeking the sanctification of the clergy and the people,
as we will have the opportunity to point out.
44. - d) Testimonies given by personalities not at the process.
We do not deem it out of place to report here some judgments and testimonies not
recorded in the Acts of the Process or in the Postulatory Letters. They derive their
importance from the kind of the people who gave them and they confirmed the fame of
sanctity of the Servant of God in life and after death.
125 L. Orione, Ibid., f. 820. Summarium. par. 950
126 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 335. Summarium, par. 394.
127 M. Rinaldi, Ibid., ff. 675-676. Summarium, par. 770.
128 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 743. Summarium, par. 853.
129 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid.. f. 364. Summarium, par. 451.
130 Cfr. A. Ranza, Ibid., f. 643; F. Cantaluppi, Ibid., f. 925.
55

First of all, we report the documents issued by the two Popes who knew Bishop
Scalabrini more closely even before their elevation to the Papal throne. On the occasion
of the inauguration of a monument of the Servant of God in his former parish church of
Saint Bartholomew, in Como, in 1913, Saint Pius X gives this clear description of him:
“I wholeheartedly take part in the commemoration the good people of Como are holding of the
exemplary Shepherd who cared for the Christian education of his parishioners especially through the
teaching of catechism; of the learned, meek, strong Bishop, who, even in the midst of fierce trials, has
ever defended and loved truth, and made it love; nor did he abandon it because of either threats or
flattery; of the courageous Apostle, who has sacrificed everything to keep the faith alive in the hearts of
our poor migrant brothers of the Americas through the mission of zealous priests, animated by his spirit;
and I pray that the memory of the Pastor, the Bishop, and the Apostle Bishop Scalabrini may ever
remain in benediction, and that his example may give rise to holy imitators.” 131
Benedict IV, on the tenth anniversary of the death of the Servant of God, honored
with a handwritten message the memory of the Bishop with whom he had frequent
contacts while serving as Substitute of the Secretariat of State:
“On the tenth anniversary of the death of Bishop Scalabrini, We, who as Archbishop of Bologna
have presided on April 16, 1909 over the translocation of his mortal remains to the cathedral of
Piacenza and were a personal witness to the deep loving memory the citizens of all classes had for the
incomparable Bishop, add with all our heart the testimony of our loving remembrance to the grateful
commemoration of his sons and beneficiaries.
In calling to mind, after ten years of my unbroken admiration for his exceptional virtues, above all
and foremost, his charity, which so inflamed his heart as to lead him to find too limiting the boundaries
of his vast diocese and urged him to seek another flock in the distant Italian migrants, We express our
benevolence to the priests, who, in imitation of his zeal, are carrying on his all deserving enterprise,
thus saving or rescuing for the Religion of their forefathers the souls of our exiled brethren and
spreading everywhere the voice, the teachings, the concern of the lamented Shepherd.
We invoke the richness of God's grace on the distinguished Missionaries of Saint Charles, so that
after the example of Bishop Scalabrini, their Founder, they may love the poor emigrants and follow
them no less selflessly than the Good Shepherd; and I pray God to render fruitful the heritage of the
unforgettable Bishop and to increase the zeal of his disciples. On all of them, on all those who lend
support to their work, and on the periodical accurately illustrating their missions, we impart with
fraternal love our Apostolic Benediction.” 132
Saint Frances Xavier Cabrini had great faith in the prayers of Bishop Scalabrini,
which she was asking for in all her letters. In fact, she nourished a “most vivid sense of
esteem for the virtues and beautiful gifts that adorned your noble and good heart.” 133 She
admired “your noble and holy desires, that urge you to seek with all your heart, with all
the fire of your great soul, ever new ways for spreading the Kingdom of Christ, 134 and
“the serene and vigorous strength you draw from the Heart of Jesus, the unalterable
tranquility you show even in the most difficult occurrences, all proper of one who finds
only in God the secret for the most noble and arduous virtues, a life all spent in the
perfect sacrifice of oneself in promoting the greatest glory of God.” 135 In congratulating
him on his Episcopal jubilee, the Saint wrote:
“Years and years passed by in the exercise of the virtues, in the fulfillment of your high duties, in
the steady imitation of the Model of all shepherds… For a long time now I have been cherishing a deep
veneration for your Excellency; and steadily growing with the passing years, the desire also increases of
131 Brief of Pius X, October 18, 1913. Summarium, par, 1053.
132 Letter of Benedict XV, June 16, 1915. Summarium, par, 1052.
133 Letter of F. S. Cabrini to G. B. Scalabrini, New York, June 16, 1899. (Archivio Vescovile, Piacenza).
134 Idem, Roma, December 20. 1890 (Ibid.).
135 Idem, Codogno, December 22. 1899 (Ibid.).
56

seeing Your Excellency walk still a long Way on your chosen path, spreading along your steps the scent
of good works and the holy light of your shiny examples.” 136
Blessed Andrea Cardinal Ferrari, Archbishop of Milan, a one time militant
intransigent, thought of Bishop Scalabrini as:
“A good Father, a loving Shepherd, a most radiant and gentle figure of a man of God, aflame with
apostolic zeal [...], a man of deep religion, exemplary piety, unquestionable attachment to the See of
Peter; a man of patient and beneficent charity, one who does not seek his own self, a man who is all
faith and hope, all-forbearing; a man to whom the words 'vir misericors, cuius pietates non defecerunt'
(a merciful man whose works of charity never ceased) are well-applied either in Piacenza or in other
parts of Italy, of Europe, or of the New World… fama magnus, re maior (great by fame but greater by
deeds).” 137
The Servant of God Father Giovanni Calabria held him as "a great saint and
Apostle", and implored God for the glorification of "his heroic Servant" 138 . From his
biography, we gather that other Servants of God, such as Agostino Chieppi, Giuseppe
Toniolo, Tommaso Reggio, Leone Dehon, Daniele Comboni, had a special veneration for
the Bishop of Piacenza. The most prudent Servant of God Card. Raffaello Rossi thus
exhorted the Scalabrinian missionaries:
“Should the grave and solemn judgment of the Church have already declared Bishop Scalabrini
'Blessed', I would not hesitate to place in his mouth directed to you the following exhortation of Saint
Paul to the Philippians (3, 17) 'Be imitators of me' [...]. But what is there to forbid you, outside of the
official field, to refer it to him and seek to imitate him? [...]. Could you not and should you not follow in
his footsteps? Could you not and should you not be, like him, men of deep faith, fervent in charity,
relentless in zeal, ready to any sacrifice? Could you not and should you not become and remain brothers
to the migrants as he was their father? No doubt, you could and you should do it; you can and you must.
And then, without any doubt, in the Name of and with the help of the Lord: 'Imitatores eius estote'! (Be
his imitators!)” 139
Leaving aside those who limited themselves in praising the remarkable merits of his
apostolic activities, many other personalities of the time perceived in the Servant of God
the characteristic notes of sanctity. Card. Agostino Richelmy, Archbishop of Turin,
commemorated his figure this way:
“Bishop Scalabrini was certainly gifted with a brilliant mind. The Lord had poured on him with
precious profusion the most chosen gifts which he knew how to make the most of with study, work, and
noble forbearance of the most trying hardships. But I think that his highest merit must be found in his
generous heart. His whole being may be summed up in the words of the Apostle: "Charitas Christi
urget nos" (The love of Christ impels us) (2 Cor.5, 14). This can be very well said by someone who had
the good fortune of knowing his most inner aspirations, of constantly admiring the works of his
episcopate, and of being a help to him in his institutions on behalf of the poor emigrants. His charity
knew no bounds; and the unrelenting enemy of holy love, namely selfishness, sought in vain to
extinguish the flame of his zeal. Dead to himself, he lived the true life of a disciple of Christ; a gentle
and heavenly light surrounds his name on earth; and I think that his spirit must be sought among the
heroes of the Catholic apostolate, among the very martyrs of charity.” 140
136 Idem, Codogno, December 22, 1899 (Ibid.).
137 A.Ferrari, in"A Mons.Giovanni Battista Scalabrini nel 40° di sua elevazione episcopale."1876-1916.
Supplemento al "Nuovo Giornale" of Piacenza, August 16, 1916.
138 Letter of G. Calabria to F. Milini, Verona, August 15, 1954, in "II Servo di Dio Giovanni Battista
Scalabrini nella luce delle celebrazioni del 50° della sua morte", Rome 1957, p. 38
139 R.C. Rossi, "A tutti i Missionari Scalabriniani", 'Le Missioni Scalabriniane', September 1939, pp. 130-
131.
140 A. Richelmy, Torino October 28, 1912, in "Nel XXV Anniversario dell' Istituto dei Missionari di San
Carlo per gli Italiani emigrati, fondato da Mgr. G. B. Scalabrini", Rome 1912, pp. xv-xvi.
57

Card. Vincenzo Moretti, Archbishop of Ravenna, described him as “the Bishop
indeed made according to the heart of God” 141 .Cardinal Antonio Agliardi wrote him:
“I am a long time admirer of your Excellency, an admirer of your wisdom and doctrine, of your
untiring zeal, of your relentless energy, and of what is defined in the holy scriptures as "latitudinem
cordis sicut arenam quae est in littore maris His tutoribus et actoribus egit Ecclesia" (a heart as wide as
the sand that is along the shores of the sea... The Church needs such supporters and operators).” 142
Card. Agostino Riboldi asked him: “As you help me how to be a bishop by your
examples, so also help me with your prayers and advice.” 143 Another Archbishop of
Ravenna, Pasquale Morganti, testified:
“I experienced many a time his big heart, his gentle, almost scrupulous piety, his simplicity of
manners, with which he seemed he wanted to hide his high worth, and his energy and fortitude in
exacting the fulfillment of duties with no human respect for anyone.” 144
The Bishop of Bobbio, G. B. Porrati, said:
“I was much edified to hear that in the midst of the afflictions of the body, and more so of the
spirit, with which Your Excellency gave proof of exceptional virtue, you are also comforted at the
thought of being found worthy to 'aliquid pati pro nomine Jesu'” (to suffer a little for the name of
Jesus). 145
Invited to Piacenza, Archbishop Antonio Briganti answered he would “hasten to
embrace a Prelate according to the heart of God, for whom I have always cherished a
very special veneration, esteem, and affection” 146 .Msgr. Belasio saw in Bishop Scalabrini
the "new Saint Charles" 147 .Msgr. Giuseppe Alessi states: “He was to me a revelation of
the kind of bishop I have always dreamed of.” 148 He nourished in his heart "true
veneration" for him. 149 Bishop Lucien Lacroix of Tarentaise considered the death of the
Servant of God a "great loss also for the Church". The same Lacroix told Bishop
Scalabrini one day: “Here is a bishop with whom I would like to make an eight day
retreat to learn in full my job as a bishop.” 150
Bishop Giacomo Radini Tedeschi, of Bergamo, long past after the polemics that had
him fiercely opposed to the Bishop of Piacenza, recalled “the most venerable and
unforgettable Bishop, from whom I have received all the Sacred orders, together with the
urgings and examples of untiring zeal and of eminent episcopal virtues” 151 .While reading
in tears the Pastoral Letter for Lent 1881, the Vicar General of Poggio Mirteto was asking
himself: "What kind of heart is the heart of Bishop Scalabrini, I asked myself. He
sounded more like a Seraph than a man to me, for the love and ardor for his flock.” 152
141 61 Letter of V. Moretti to G. B. Scalabrini, Rome, June 20, 1880 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3020/3).
142 Letterof A. Agliardi to G. B. Scalabrini, Perugia, December 29, 1893 (Ibid., 3020/3).
143 Letter of A. Riboldi to G. B. Scalabrini, Pavia, October 26, 1978 (Ibid., 3034/3).
144 P. Morganti, in "Nel XXV Anniversario, etc.", cit., p, XX.
145 Letter of G. B.Porrati to G. B. Scalabrini, Bobbio, June 6, 1896 (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3021/4).
146 Letterof A. Briganti to G. B. Scalabrini, Perugia, September 2, 1889 (Ibid., 3028/6).
147 Letter of A. Belasio to the Bishop of Vigevano, Piacenza, January 20, 1883 (Ibid., 3022/13).
148 Letter of G. Alessi to G. B. Scalabrini, Bassano Veneto, April 15, 1888 (Ibid., 3022/12).
149 Idem, Padova, December 2I. 1890 (Ibid., 3022/12).
150 70 Letter of L. Lacroix to G. B. Scalabrini, Moutiers. March 25. 1904 (Ibid., 3021/R).
151 G. Radini Tedeschi. in "II Monitore Ecclesiastico di Piacenza" June 30, 1905, p, 152.
152 Letter of E. Pucilli to G. B. Scalabrini, Poggio Mirteto. January 25, 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3022/1).
58

Bishop Bonomelli confirms that his friend "had only one passion, which fully absorbed
all others: to save souls and through them give glory to God.” 153
Father Aurelio Stocchi professed his “reverent devotion to those supremely divine
virtues, that come from above and are found together with a keen intelligence and a noble
heart, that form the genuine citizen, the zealous priest, the enlightened and holy
Bishop.” 154 Msgr. Francesco Sidoli, the future Archbishop of Genoa, made the following
remark in regard to Msgr. Luigi Cornaggia Medici:
“I think that Father Luigi venerates Your Excellency as a canonized saint. It is a miracle if he has
not yet prostrated himself before your picture to say a few 'Our Fathers'. He thinks that all the graces
theologians define as 'gratis datae' (free gifts), such as 'sermo sapientiae, gratia sanitatus, operatio
virtutum, prophetiae donum, discretio spirituum (gifts of tongues, healing the sick, working wonders,
the gift of prophecy, discernment of spirits) etc. are at the disposal of Your Lordship to use at your
discretion. It is enough: he told me certain happenings that made me also suspect it may indeed be
so.” 155
Marchioness Luisa Visconti-Venosta Alfieri recalled: “If he is not a saint, I do not
know who else is: I happened to have recourse to him more than once.” 156 Father
Domenico Venzano thought of him as a “true defender of the Catholic faith, a true Martyr
of the Church.” 157
The testimonies from sources other than those of the process could be multiplied,
especially of more recent years, when those murky waters stirred up by party passions
have finally subsided that had prevented to see clearly into depths of the soul of the
Servant of God. Together with the "Lettere Postulatorie" (petitions for his Beatification)
and the depositions at the Process, they offer us a significant description that testifies the
existence of a "constans et communis fama et persuasio de sancta Servi Dei in terris
conversatione" (constant and common fame and conviction of the earthly saintly life of
the Servant of God). The foundation for this conviction will appear much more clearly
from the study of his individual virtues, in which his heroicity shines forth from the facts
and concrete details, in a more convincing way than in any general statement.
153 73 G. Bonomelli, in "Nel XXV Anniversario ", cit.. p. XXI.
154 Letter of A. Stocchi to G. B. Scalabrini. Bergamo, May 21, 1901 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3041/1).
155 Letter of F. Sidoli to G. B. Scalabrini, Piacenza, September 23, 190I (Ibid., 3021/6).
156 Letter of L. Visconti-Venosta Alfieri to C. Mangot, Rome December 22, 1910 (Ibid.., 3025/32).
157 Letter of D. Venzano to G. B. Scalabrini, Teglia, September 3, 1892 (Ibid., 3022/7).
59

VI
THE HEROIC PRACTICE
OF THE THEOLOGICAL VIRTUES
1. FAITH
a) Personal Faith of the Servant of God
45. - Besides the general statement of the great majority of the Witnesses saying that
the Servant of God exercised in a heroic degree a “most vivid” faith 158 , “a faith
exceptionally filled with good works;” 159 “a faith far superior to the ordinary” 160 , “a
deeply rooted faith,” 161 together with the virtues of Hope and Charity, as a whole they are
quick in proving it with the facts, following the indications provided for them by the
questions. A few of them, however, abide in the discussion of the faith in itself, of his life
of faith, as he saw it:
“Iustus ex fide vivit. He believes and his mind is enraptured in understanding and contemplating
the truths he believes better than if he saw them with his corporal eyes. He hopes, but his hopes are
concrete, substantial, real, so that all his affections are tenaciously rooted in them with all possible
energy. He loves, and his heart is all a flame that destroys all doubt, it is a flame of fire that ascends to
heaven. He almost does not feel any more the weight of earth; he perceives only his God, speaks and
works only with his God, and for his God he suffers, fights, and dies.” 162
Lived in the light of such principles, the intensity of the supernatural life of Bishop
Scalabrini is testified with admiration by one who knew him closely:
“The faith of the Servant of God was most vivid, and I have never known anyone who showed a
more ardent faith than his.” 163
“He was possessed by the sense of the divine to guide him all the time.” 164
“He was a man of extraordinary faith: he had the faith of the Saints.” 165
“He was a man of so great a faith that he was seen always united with God.” 166
“He was a man of great faith: I remember hearing these words from his mouth (which must be
understood in their true sense): ‘Nothing is there more natural than the supernatural.’ The whole
episcopal life of the Servant of God was always animated by the most ardent and vivid faith.” 167
“Any time I had the good luck of listening to the Servant of God in his sermons,
exhortations, and conversations, I was always deeply impressed by his clear, pleasing,
158 C. Mangot, Processo c. p., f. 34, Summarium. par. 24.
159 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid., f. 370.
160 C. Douglas Scotti, Ibid., f. 322
161 F. Gregori, Ibid.. f. 558. Summarium, par. 616.
162 G. B. Scalabrini, “Lettera Pastorale di Mons. Vescovo di Piacenza per la Santa Quaresima del 1884”,
Piacenza 1884, pp. 12-13.
163 L. Mondini, Processo c. p., f, 114. Summarium, par, 168.
164 7 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., f. 731. Summarium, par. 835.
165 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 833. Summarium, par. 971.
166 I. Puppo, Ibid. f. 870. Summarium, par. 1023.
167 G. Dodici, Ibid. ff. 163 and 168.
60

moving, and endearing words, but above all by the feeling that his soul was inflamed and
inspired by a most vivid faith.” 168
These depositions ascribe to the Servant of God the possession of this virtue as
already habitual and undisturbed in an eminent degree, so much so as to create some
'forma mentis', a second nature, the virtuous habit made natural. But they are still of a
generic nature. We feel the need, therefore, to tarry a little longer than on other points of
the practice of this virtue, so fundamental in itself and in the life of the Servant of God. In
the study of it, in fact, one can get the impression that the magnificence and brilliance of
his initiatives and the singular place he occupies in the history of the Italian Church at the
close of the past century because of his particular vision of the problems of his time, may
create the risk of limiting our view to the many works, the farsightedness, the tireless and
manifold activity of a man under many aspects a harbinger of the times to come, and of
neglecting the "soul of the apostolate" which still remains the only means for an
exhaustive explanation of all his choices of action and of all his apostolic and social
achievements.
46. - Bishop Scalabrini is known as the Apostle of Catechism, of migrants, of the
deaf-mutes; as the promoter of a new relationship between Church and State, animated by
a spirit of reconciliation between faith and reason, religion and country, the God of the
Fathers and modern man; as the Bishop of an "incredible" activity, reaching out to fields
that stand beyond the ordinary limits of the episcopal action, as regards his times, at least.
But he was all this only and because he was a man of faith. This is what he himself was
saying of the Saints:
“Whoever has faith and lives by faith, not only does he love God, but he is also moved to make
others love Him too, because love does not resign itself to remain indifferent. Hence, that ardor of the
Saints for sacrificing all things in order to save souls. Hence, those wonders of charity and zeal we read
about in their biographies that are the source of so much admiration. The zeal for the glory of God
consumed them, nor did it let them stop an instant. Anyone who is not inflamed with this heavenly fire,
no, cannot be called a true Christian, a true Catholic.” 169
It is not out of place here to recall a few of his principles and considerations on faith,
as we will find them applied in his life:
“Faith is a gift of God, indeed the first and foremost of all gifts [...J. It is the beginning and
foundation of man's salvation, the hinge and the root of all holiness [...J. It is the root of all virtues,
mother of hope, light for the mind, shield for the heart, indeed the very heart of the spiritual life [...]. A
life of faith is the only life proper of the Christian [...]. There is no genuinely noble or worthwhile
resolution that is not inspired by faith, nor any magnanimous and generous enterprise that is not
supported and carried through by faith [...]. It is the foundation of Christian virtues; and so on this
foundation one must raise his building. There exists an intimate relationship between faith and good
works. Faith is necessary to good works, and good works are necessary to faith. Works make faith the
source of salvation, and faith make the works worthy of merit. Without good works faith is
unproductive, without faith good works are ineffective. The stronger the faith, the more copious the
good works, and vice-versa, plenty of. good works increase the vitality of faith.” 170
We refer ourselves to these teachings of the Servant of God, actually because his life
stands as a proof that they were nothing else but the reflection of a living faith, indeed, of
168 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 451. Summarium, par. 479.
169 G. B. Scalabrini, Lettera Pastorale [...]ai Maestri e alle Maestre delle Scuole Catechistiche, Piacenza
1877, p, 14.
170 Idem, Lettera Pastorale ... per la Santa Quaresima dei 1884, Piacenza 1884, pp. 6, 8, 12, 14,26.
61

the "liveliness of his faith"; that is, of the joy, the enthusiasm, and the richness of good
works of his "life of faith".
47. - In the early years of his life one already finds the workings of faith. The
examples of his "saintly" mother, the "principles taught us by our mother", and embodied
in the "Piccolo Catechismo per gli Asili d' Infanzia" 171 (Little Catechism for
Kindergartens), the devotion to the Crucifix, the Blessed Mother, and the Saints, learned
on the knees of his mother 172 , the holy fear of God instilled with his mother's milk 173 ,
mark his first steps in the life of a Christian: “celestial modesty, candor of innocence and
piety, that in his boyish form was made a part of his play.” 174 He prolonged his prayer till
late at night; as a student in high school, he taught catechism to his companions and
spoke of religion to the workers. 175 “His teenage years already bespoke the life of an
apostle.” 176
The only remaining writing of his adolescence is a poem in praise of the saintly life
of Saint Aloysius Gonzaga. 177 At school, he shows a “great interest” in religion 178 ,the
subject in which he is classified as “far superior” 179 .During his seminary years, “in that
life of recollection, all fervor and most endearing piety, the sense and love for the divine
things became second nature with him.” 180
Soon after ordination, all afire with zeal for spreading the Kingdom, he decides to be
a missionary and applies for the “Istituto Missioni Estere di Milano” 181 .Prevented by his
Bishop, he obeys the voice of God who, through his superiors, calls him to the formation
of future priests. He is concerned that they grow in absolute purity of doctrine, though
opening their minds to modern thought and to love of progress. He fought the false
principles of rationalism; “admitted, instead, the progress of true science, and explained it
in harmony with faith and religious sentiment for the most noble end to which they had to
be directed.” 182
Unfortunately, Angelo and Pietro, brothers of the Servant of God, were allured into
rationalism by their professor Ausonio Franchi. He suffered bitterly because of it:
“He has suffered very much all his life because of his two brothers who neglected the practice of
their religion. He never ceased to remind them of their duties, admonishing them in all ways: it was, in
fact, a source of great suffering for him.” 183
Of his brother Angelo he could exclaim: “Only God knows how much I cried over
him before the Lord.” 184 And this is what he wrote to Pietro, who had migrated to
Argentina:
171 Cfr. Biography, p. 75.
172 Cfr. Biography, pp. 39-40.
173 Cfr. Biography, p. 40.
174 G. Cattaneo, In memoria di Mons.. G. B. Scalabrini, "L'Emigrato Italiano in America", September 15,
1914, p. 4.
175 Cfr. Biography, pp. 39-41.
176 G. Cattaneo, op. cit., p.5.
177 Cfr. Biography, pp. 44-45.
178 21 Cfr. Biography, p. 42.
179 Cfr. Biography, pp. 42 and 46.
180 G. Cattaneo, op. cit., p. 5.
181 Cfr. Biography, pp. 56-59.
182 G. Cattaneo, op. cit., p. 9. Cfr. Biography, p. 63.
183 A. Bianchi. Processo c. p.. f. 657. Summarium. par. 735.
184 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Simeoni, Piacenza, January 14, 1889 (Archivio Propaganda Fide,
Collegi..., Piacenza, f. 1150
62

“You tell me you that you are tending to rationalism and that you are losing your faith. It is not
possible! The human being is naturally Christian; a little meditation and prayer will lead you back to the
right path. As for myself, I will tire God that he may not allow that this great calamity should ever
happen to you.” 185
The prayers of the Servant of God were not in vain. Angelo died a Christian death.
Near the end of the Bishop's life, Pietro, too, gave clear indications of his return to the
faith. 186
48. - When he was a parish priest of Saint Bartholomew in Como, “he did not want
to be nothing else but a servant of God, determined to give all of himself to all people in
order to gain everyone for Christ.” 187 “Tireless preacher of the Word of God with his
sermons on the Gospels and with his Catechesis, to young and adults” 188 , he opened the
first youth center for boys and the first kindergarten for the main purpose of catechizing
and educating in the faith the new generations. 189 Consequently, “there radiated all
around a new ferment of life, a great and genuinely religious revival.” 190 “In the summer
he was in church at three in the morning ready to assist his parishioners, celebrate Mass,
hear confessions and give Holy Communion.” 191
When just a little older than thirty, he is given charge by his bishop of the
reorganization of catechesis in the diocese of Como. 192 The zeal of the young parish
priest for catechesis is one of the most concrete proofs of his life of faith. He was
convinced that in order “to bring the new generations back to the faith”, it was “necessary
that each parish priest become an Apostle, resolved not to live to himself, but solely to
God, the Church, and for souls.” 193 While at work on his first publication on catechesis,
he wrote to his brother Pietro:
“I occupy the little time I have free from the cares of this parish, that counts over six thousand
souls, writing a little work on catechesis, about which the Vatican Council also held a discussion, and I
hope to do some good by it. I take little comfort, dear brother, in the glory of this world; it is just smoke
that soon disappears. I seek only the glory of God and the salvation of souls, mine first of all. I am not
old, yet, if I did not have on my shoulders the heavy financial responsibilities you know, I would devote
myself entirely to prayer, even in a monastery, in order to implore the mercy of God on me and on my
dearly beloved ones. But the Lord has provided otherwise; his name be blessed!” 194
“I am at work”, he added “on a little book while another is being printed at Turin.
Study is my joy, after the gift of faith and an unshakable trust in the Lord, who does not
abandon anyone who puts his faith in Him.” 195 He is referring to the second edition,
printed in Turin with the support of Saint John Bosco, of the eleven "Conferenze sul
Concilio Vaticano" (Conferences on the Vatican Council) he had given in 1872 in the
Cathedral of Como, moved by the desire “to enlighten the minds on essential truths and
185 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to his brother Pietro, Como, May 4, 1874 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3000/1). Cfr. Biography, pp.32-36.
186 Cfr. Biografy, pp. 32-36
187 G. Cattaneo, op, cit., pp. 8-9.
188 Letter of S. Piccinilli to F. Gregori, Como, s. d. (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3000/2).
189 Cfr. Biography, pp:72-73.
190 G. Cattaneo, op, cit., p. 9.
191 L. Mondini, Processo c, p.. f. 98. Summarium, par, 143.
192 Cfr. Biography, p. 75.
193 G. B. Scalabrini, Lettera Pastorale al Clero e Popolo della Città e Diocesi di Piacenza sull'insegnamento
del Catechismo, Piacenza 1876, pp. 17-18.
194 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to his brother Pietro, Como, May 4, 1874 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3000/1).
195 Idem, June 5 , 1874 (Ibid.).
63

on defined doctrines of the Catholic Faith” opposed by the “Old Catholics”, and
endangered by “Catholic liberals.” The work is all devoted to the conciliation between
faith and reason, as opposed to “the exaggerated timidity of some righteous ones, who
would have more benefited by study and a stronger faith than by lamentations.” 196
For the first time we find expressed in the Conferenze what the Servant of God
defined as the most cherished desire of his life: that there be “one fold under one
shepherd.” 197 The gathering of all the dispersed children into the House of the Father will
be the constant aspiration of his life, the most earnest concern of his mind, the purpose of
all his battles. No option, no stand, no activity will be alien to this aspiration of his: let
the Kingdom come; let it come concretely, by the gathering of all men into one fold
under one shepherd, the Roman Pontiff. And this is not just for what concerns only
strictly sacred and ministerial matters but the social ones as well, not excluding those that
could be viewed as political. It is the essential key to the understanding of the life of the
Servant of God, as the motivation that guides him is essential. From the second edition of
his Conferenze “he hopes to achieve a little good for the salvation of souls and for the
glory of God, the only purpose of my studies and of my toil,” 198
49. - He was named Bishop of Piacenza in spite of his young age of 36, because a
"priest of excellent conduct, exemplary life, most attached to the Catholic Faith, which he
defended in words and with publications.” 199 .Immediately after his consecration, he
kneels before the tomb of Saint Peter to implore “the grace to sacrifice all things for the
good of the flock entrusted to me; and my conscience assures me of not having spared
myself, of having done whatever my weakness allowed me,” 200 thus keeping faith to the
resolution he made when he entered the diocese, of making himself “everything to all in
order to gain all to Christ.” 201
What meaning did he intend to give to the usual expression of Saint Paul?
“To sacrifice oneself in all ways in order to establish the Kingdom of Jesus Christ in souls; to risk,
if necessary, one's very life for the salvation of his beloved flock; to place oneself, as it were, on his
knees before the world to implore its consent to do it some good; such is the spirit, the nature, the only
ambition of a Bishop. Whatever authority, talent, health, strength is in him, everything he employs for
this most noble purpose,” 202
“The salvation of souls? It is our life, our only reason for living, and our whole existence must be
a steady search for souls. We must not eat, drink, sleep, speak, or even recreate, for no other reason but
to do good for souls, without ever ceasing, ever, ever.” 203
The resolution to devote himself totally to the “salvation of soul”, and, more
concretely, to growth in faith is proven by his early episcopal acts: the most orthodox
safeguarding of the faith of the priests through the reform of the ecclesiastical studies
(three years before the publication of the Encyclical Aeterni Patris), the strengthening of
196 G. B. Scalabrini, “Il Concilio Vaticano I”, Como 1873, p. XII.
197 Ibid., p. 241.
198 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to his brother Pietro, Como, s. d. (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3000/1).
199 "Testimoniale"of P. Carsana, Como, December 10, 1875 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Processus
Datariae 238, N.25, f.475).
200 G. B. Scalabrini, "Discorso ne120° anniversario della consacrazione episcopale (Scalabrinian General
Archive, 3018/13).
201 Idem,”PrimaLetteraPastorale”, January 30, 1876, p.5.
202 Idem, Discorso recitato a Cremona per if giubileo episcopale di Mons. Geremia Bonomelli, Cremona
1896, p, 14. Idem, Discorso recitato a Cremona per if giubileo episcopale di Mons. Geremia Bonomelli,
Cremona 1896, p, 14.
203 46 L. Cornaggia Medici, Un profilo di Mons. Scalabrini; Vescovo di Piacenza, Roma 1930, p. 5.
64

priestly spiritual life and discipline, the enactment of the great catechetical reform for
instructing and educating in the faith the whole Christian people, the personal and
detailed pastoral visitation of the vast and difficult diocese: all this in the first year of his
episcopal service (1876).
Moreover, his most solemn episcopal magisterium or teaching, that of the Lenten
Pastoral Letters, follows the path of Faith: La Chiesa e la società presente (1877) (The
Church and Society), Gesù, capo invisibile della Chiesa (1878) (Jesus, the Invisible Head
of the Church), Sulla Religione e la Società (1879) (Religion and Society), Sulla
Religione e la famiglia (1880) (Religion and Family), Sulla Religione e l'individuo
(Religion and the individual) (1881), Sull'indifferenza in materia di religione (1882)
(Indifference in Religion), Sulla vita cristiana (1883) (Christian Living), La fede (1884)
(On faith), La ragionevolezza della fede (1885) (Faith and Reason). We must add the
ordinary teaching or magisterium of the spoken Word, to which he devoted himself so
much as to contract a sickness for "too much vociferation" (shouting). During his pastoral
visitations he used to preach five, even six times daily. 204
All witnesses are in agreement in judging his preaching as not quite respondent to
the criterion of the empty rhetoric of his time, all intended to arouse feelings. Right
because of this it was criticized at times; but it was meant to explain and break down for
the simplest people the revealed Word, reserving for later the moving of feelings, also
thought necessary. 205 He committed himself to teaching religion every week to students
of high school, college, and technical institutes 206 ; he set up the first faculty of catechesis
of Italian seminaries.
50. - “To guard the rich deposit of faith”, the “I kept the faith” was on the top of all
his initiatives. The mandate 'euntes docete' (go and teach) was expressly placed as a
premise to the most characteristic apostolic endeavors of the Servant of God: catechism,
emigrants, and deaf-mutes. 207 Faith opens the series of the synodal legislation:
“Faith! Behold the precious deposit from which, by the grace of God who can safeguard it till the
final day, I deem it necessary to begin all talks, above all, to show our solicitude for the flock entrusted
to us.” 208
He had very much on his mind the sacramental life, the most comprehensive possible
but only as the end result of evangelization: all of his episcopal action was marked by the
pre-eminence accorded to the formation in the faith in preference to the sacramental life,
for which he wanted a preparation modeled after the catechesis of the Fathers of the
Church. 209 The sign of the education to the faith and in the faith is found in the restoration
of divine worship, the liturgical reform, the sanctification of Sundays and days of
obligation, the splendor of religious festivities, participation of the people in the liturgy,
and the restoration of buildings devoted to worship. 210
204 Cfr. Biography, pp. 264-265.
205 "He understood the real ailment of our people. People, he said, do not need to be sentimentalized; they
need instruction'" (G. Bevilacqua, unpublished lecture held in Piacenza in 1955)
206 Cfr. Biography, pp. 252-254
207 Cfr. Biography, pp. 474, 480-481.
208 G. B. Scalabrini, Synodus Dioecesana [...] primo habita [...j anno MDCCCLXXIX, Piacenza 1880, p. 2.
209 Cfr. Biography, pp. 218-220.
210 Cfr. Biography, pp. 315-321, 352-367, 379-401,402-417, etc.
65

We will have occasion later on to return to these points. We are concerned here with
pointing out that his whole activity for the defense and propagation of the faith by means
of manifold pastoral and social enterprises was but the logical and necessary result of the
ardent faith that animated him, manifested especially when we was faced with obstacles
to the coming of the Kingdom and the salvation of souls, even if these obstacles were
originating from those who had the duty to proclaim that the Church has no other "right"
above that of "evangelizing". He often had to fight against the common trend and face
grave oppositions and even suspicions; but he did this only because he wanted to
maintain the absolutely primary role of the Church, the role of "evengelizer", the duty to
engage in "evangelical politics" rather than "human politics".
51. - Rarely does the Servant of God speak of his own personal faith in an open and
direct way; but we find the fruits of it in every page of his life, beginning with the
personal programming of his life as a bishop, as is seen in many expressions of his
spiritual "resolutions":
“The dignity of a Bishop is divine - Deus honor omnium dignitatum (God, honor of all dignities) -
and so it must be in a very special way of the episcopal dignity. I must make myself worthy of it by
elevating myself, purifying myself, and deifying my soul” 211
"A Bishop must be moved in all things by the Holy Spirit.” 212
"I will often renew the intention to do everything for the glory of God.” 213
The word “deifying oneself” recurs often in his writings, that is, the resolution of
becoming “another Christ” not only by virtue of the sacramental nature of the life of a
Christian and of a priest, but in the ordinary daily running of thoughts, affections,
decisions and actions.
“A coin must carry the imprint of its Sovereign, otherwise it would be worthless and could not
have course in commerce; so likewise, the works of a Christian must show the imprint of Jesus Christ,
otherwise they could not gain entrance into Heaven, as nothing can please the Eternal Father if it does
not present the likeness to his Son and does not possess in some way his character.” 214
“All our thoughts, all our words, all our actions, all our desires, all our dispositions, and all our
sufferings, must be as brushstrokes aimed at forming and expressing in us some traits of the life of Jesus
Christ so as to make us, as it were, as many copies of Him.” 215
It seems to us that the ideal of his life of faith, of his “deifying”, was his will to lend
himself to the plan of Christ, who wants to continue visibly and concretely his
incarnation in man, especially by the progressive assimilation of Holy Communion in the
Eucharist:
“While in the Incarnation the Word of God was personally united with the human nature, in Holy
Communion he becomes more intimately united with our personality. This way he “deifies”" our
nature, christianizes, I would say, our individual being, and his union with us has its emblem in the
union that changes the food into the substance of the body it nourishes. All those, therefore, - a holy
Doctor of the Church wrote - who receive Holy Communion have Jesus in their mind, heart, chest, eyes,
and tongue. This Savior of ours rectifies, purifies, and vivifies everything. He loves with the heart,
understands with the mind, gives strength to the body, sees with the eyes, speaks with the tongue, and
moves every power. He works all in all, and they do not live any more to themselves but it is the Word
of God that lives in them.” 216
211 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 325.
212 Ibid., p. 326.
213 Ibid., p. 327.
214 Idem, Lettera Pastorale [...] per la Santa Quaresima del 1878, Piacenza 1878, p. 29.
215 Idem, Lettera Pastorale [...] per la Santa Quaresima del 1883, p. 10.
216 Idem, La devozione al Ss. Sacramento, Piacenza 1902, pp. 22-23.
66

“His spirit grows, it extends in us, and rules as a vivifying ardor; it straightens all things, inflames
all things, it sanctifies all things, it “deifies” all things. He loves in our heart, thinks in our mind, speaks
in our tongue, and works in our hands. Our strength is spent for him, our studies are done for his glory,
our duties are carried out with the help of his grace, our sufferings are accepted for love of him, our
amusements and our very food are taken to please him.” 217
Such was the goal the Servant of God, endeavoring to arrive at: to be an instrument
of the incarnation of Christ, or better, an extension of his incarnation, so that the Lord
might still be able to speak to men through him, listen to them, gaze on them, have them
experience the warmth of a human heart in a form we could define ontological. In its
ascetical form, besides, it was the "imitation of Christ" extended to all aspects of one's
life:
“Let our manner of conversation be that of Christ, let our gait be that of Christ, our looking with
our eyes be that of Christ, our meekness in manners be that of Christ. Jesus as our mirror, Jesus as our
model, Jesus as our seal. Let him pronounce judgments, let him trace the way, make the decisions; let
him rule, direct, and be the Master of our lives.” 218
That Christ was the beginning and the end of all his works not only in an intimate
way but in the harsh reality of life as well, we can clearly discern the evidence of it in the
"passion" he had for the souls redeemed by the blood of the Lord, for the Church, and for
the "interests of Jesus Christ"
52. - These are the motives that led him to evade a conformism that, as he saw it,
mortified the life of the Italian Church of his time (with due exceptions), to create new
forms of apostolate, to break away from an environment that too often sought security in
clinging to traditions of the past, thus letting itself to be intimidated by the changing
times, quickly rejected as "revolution". These are the motives that urged him to seek for
the Church full involvement in the problems of his time; in the reality of contemporary
life (instead of taking refuge in the "pyramids of antiquity"); into the new culture, that, if
not taken back into the hands of the Church, will fatally swerve men away from the faith
by hiding its ideological, rationalistic, and atheistic goals under the pretext of love of
country, progress, and political gain.
The Servant of God was not an easy bishop even for the pope, especially Leo XIII,
on one hand, very open in theory to the modern world, but on the other hand perplexed in
practice when faced with the evolution of the "reality of things" in Italy. Bishop
Scalabrini did not inconvenience the pope because of ostentation. He was much aware, in
fact, of sacrificing all his personal interests. Neither did he do so in a spirit of
contestation, because he opened his mind in clear terms only to the Pope "in camera
charitatis" (in secret) and ever ready to obey. He did it only because of that "tormenting
thirst" for souls that was literally causing him the loss of health. The echo of such agony
of his is frequently recurring in his correspondence with the Holy See and in his
confidential letters to Bishop Bonomelli. While a more complete documentation of these
letters may be found in his Biography, we quote here a few passages in order to point out
what was the spirit, the sentiment, the intention, that guided him to oppose so vigorously
the positions then supported by the extreme wing of the intransigents, which seemed to
him contrary to faith, hope, and charity, though so much in favor of the "external" rights
of the Church.
217 Idem, Lettera Pastorale [...] per la Santa Quaresima del 1878, Piacenza 1878, p. 28.
218 Ibid., pp. 33-34.
67

“In this sad state of things I pray every day to God that he may grant me and all my confreres
calm, patience, tranquillity, and trust in the help of the Lord, without whom there is enough to lose
our head.” 219
“The miserable state of our dioceses because of troublemakers and scandalous polemics
represents the most serious sorrow of my life, and it grieves me so as to cause me the loss of health
[...]. We have to counteract their insane attempts keeping the calm, the purity of intention, seeking
the glory of God, of the Church, and the salvation of souls.” 220
“Holy Father! You know the frank sincerity of my heart, you know the great sacrifices I
sustained for the glory of God and to show myself for what I feel I really am: all for you and for
your cause, which is that of God.” 221
“Do not be surprised, Holy Father, if I speak of revolution and of revolutionary moves brought
into the Church of God. I have volumes of proofs which I intend to make public in due time, deeply
convinced of defending and giving support not to my personal cause, but the cause of an intimidated
episcopate, of a disarrayed Church; of a betrayed Religion [...]. I am attached by God's grace to no
one but to Him alone, to you his Vicar, and to his Church. This is why I experience deep sorrow for
her sufferings [...]. I trust you will understand and will listen to me. But should God deprive me also
of this consolation, nevertheless my deep veneration and filial affection I cherish for your Sacred
Person and the Holy See will never fade away. I would still enjoy the comfort of having never
hidden the truth from anyone, of having fought the good fight and kept the faith, in hope for the
crown He, the just Judge, will award to me on the last day.” 222
He was asking the Holy Father for a word of support in his effort in the defense of
"the honor of the episcopacy" and of its "sacred Ministry." “He did not deem it
opportune, till now at least, to accord it to me: I adore in humble submission the designs
of God and shall continue on per infamiam et bonam famam (in blame or praise) in caring
for the salvation of my soul and of the souls of the flock entrusted to me.” 223
"If after this gigantic effort to have reduced to their right proportions the religious, political, and
philosophical questions, since it is of all these questions I will speak to the Holy Father, nothing should
come of it, and this is quite probable, then while crying over the evils of the Church, I will devote myself
totally to prayer and to the exercise of the holy ministry. 224
53. - At a time when his "gigantic effort" made to contribute to the reinstating of the
hierarchical order seemed to no avail and there was the impression that the temporal
power was the only concern, Bishop Scalabrini was tempted of skepticism: in fact, his
trust in men decreased, but his faith in God kept increasing steadily:
“I am almost skeptical, of course salva fide (except for the faith), faith which by God's grace is
shining brightly more than ever and vividly delights my spirit so often saddened at the sight of so much
iniquity.” 225
When advising Bishop Bonomelli to defend the honor of his episcopal dignity
against insinuations of disobedience and of unorthodox doctrines, the Servant of God
always appealed to faith:
219 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Camerlata, September 1, 1881(Archivio Bonomelli,
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan).
220 Idem, September 22, 1881 (Ibid.).
221 Idem to Leo XIII, Piacenza. September 26, 1881 (Ibid.).
222 Idem, November 19, 1881 (Ibid.)
223 Idem to G. Boccali, Piacenza. November 29, 1881 (Ibid.).
224 Idem to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, September l9. 1882 (Ibid.).
225 Idem, November 25, 1882 (Ibid.)
68

“Go and get the last word at the feet of the Blessed Sacrament; put your declaration before the
Tabernacle; and then take a resolute decision. I am of the opinion that you should do it; it would serve
well the interests of the Church.” 226
“Let us not lose heart, dear friend; calm, fortitude, prayer, our gaze on Jesus Christ, let us trust
only in Him.” 227
“What shall we do, then? Should we let ourselves be demolished? It would mean little for our
persons, for mine at least, thoroughly insignificant; but what about the souls? and the Church? and the
interests of Jesus Christ?” 228
But it was necessary “to be patient and to hope only in the help of God”. The
delusion in realizing that there were many human shortcomings in the Church did not
dishearten him:
“The experience of this world, dear brother, gave me second thoughts on many things and I regret
the days when my soul, all zeal, saw the Church all perfect and whatever belongs to it all rosy. But there
came the changes, and they too have their reasons! They detach me ever more from the things of this
world and make me incline to that certain program of mine I proposed to you some time back.” 229
The same must be said of the struggle he carried on for the participation of Catholics
in the public and political life of the nation, for the only purpose of preventing an
anticlerical legislation and of preparing the end of the "calamitous conflict" that
contributed to the rapid process of unchristianization of the Italian people. To him divine
law was above the non expedit. 230 The salvation of souls had to be the first concern; yet,
he obeyed because he believed in God and in the Church assisted by the Holy Spirit. 231
Faced with the open marks of his obedience, the Holy See reminded him of the praises he
had been given before by the Pope; but Bishop Scalabrini retorted that it was not his
person he was concerned about; he was only worried for souls and for the Church, that
were being hurt by its refusal to dialogue with the State. 232 If men did not support him, he
had no doubt in the help of God:
“Lucky me, however, that, when men fail, I can count on God; he has assisted me far beyond any
merit of mine, making me experience the truth of that golden rule: 'Bonum est quod patiamur
quandoque, etc.” 233 (It is good that we suffer some time, etc.)
54. - It seems to us that in the midst of all the battles fought by the Servant of God in
order to subdue the myopic intransigence that obstructed the progress and the renewal of
the Church in its pastoral and evangelical care of souls, his faith appears clearly from
three sources: faith in the Pope, to whose last word he yielded with ready and perfect
submission; faith in the Church, indefectible because of the promise of Christ; faith in
divine Providence, that guides his Church along mysterious ways, often
incomprehensible to man's mind.
“Holy Father, say the word, and it will be our pride to obey you; lead us, and we will be your
docile followers; teach us, and your teachings will be the constant norm of our conduct, well aware that
226 Idem, January 25. 1883 (Ibid.)
227 Idem, February 1, 1883 (Ibid.)
228 Idem, March 2, 1883 (Ibid.).
229 Idem, May 23. 1883 (Ibid.) This program is the one he mentions in the letter quoted at the close of N°.
138.
230 Cf. Biography, p. 642.
231 See later on N. 148.
232 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to L. Jacobini, Piacenza, July 16, 1886 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3020/1).
233 Idem to L. Galimberti, s. d. (Ibid., 3044/1).
69

only you have words of eternal life, that he is against Jesus who is not with you; that our eternal
salvation depends on our unity with you.” 234
“I am ready, and always will be, not only at your commands, but at your desires as well, so that if
you think I should keep silent, in obedience to you I will retreat with all calm and tranquillity into
complete silence, leaving everything in the hands of God and of you who act in his place.” 235
He had full trust in the Church, not in the archeological Church, nor in the Church
dreamed up by reformists, but in the living Church of his day:
“We love the living and actual Church of our day, that speaks through the mouth of her Head and
of its Bishops; that lives and suffers for us; that prays and hopes with us. Let us love her, O beloved
ones, as the object most loved after Jesus Christ; let us love her as our family, as our most beautiful and
loving mother; let us love her as the one who best reflects in herself the infinite beauty and goodness of
the God who is all our Love. Let us entrust ourselves into the arms of this mother of ours. 'My mother
said so', exclaims the child, and on her word he goes secure on his way. Each of us must do the same;
'The Church said so, and that is enough for me'.” 236
To Bishop Bonomelli who was agonizing between the temptation of retiring to a
monastery and that of turning into a new Savonarola he suggested instead to entrust
himself completely into the hands of the Lord:
“To become monks? To become a Savonarola? The first would be alright for one who has the
vocation for it, and glorious the latter for one who finds himself at par to it; but it will be better,
perhaps, to do nothing with both, but to busy ourselves with the greatest dedication possible in
promoting the glory of God and the salvation of souls, sure that si scimus tacere et pati videbimus
auxilium Domini (let us hold our tongues and suffer, and we shall experience the help of the Lord). Let
us work, in the meantime, let us pray and hope for better times.” 237
“We must fix our gaze to Heaven, suffer, and keep silent. Si tu scis tacere et pati, statim et procul
dubio videbis super te auxilium Domini (if you keep silent and suffer, you will certainly and without doubt
experience in yourself the help of the Lord)” 238 .
God is faithful and watches over his Church; we have to place our trust in Him:
“Now that not even the most sounding trumpets are loud enough to wake sleepers up from their
slumber and to demolish the last illusions, let us allow Him to do the rest. Let us keep going in
tranquillity and concern ourselves about saving the greatest number of souls we can.” 239
The Servant of God gives us almost the impression of resigning himself to the fate
and of shutting himself up in some kind of indifference: but such attitude was utterly
alien to his temperament. It is a question, instead, of a tenacious will that believes also in
spe contra spem (hope against all hope):
“But another fever remained there in me, and it is that of witnessing how many and many more
people are abandoning the Church because of those who should study all ways, instead, to draw them to
her. You know what a tormenting fever this is.” 240
With the frankness that only a man guided by faith can have, he even dared to warn
the Pope, sure that Leo XIII knew the rectitude and purity of his action and the intensity
of the zeal for the cause of God and of the Church that inflamed his heart:
“I even told him that he will soon have to stand before God to render an account of the many souls
that are getting lost and of the untold sufferings fallen on the Bishops, who do not enjoy any more the
234 G. B. Scalabrini, Notificazione per l'elezione di Pio X, August 4, 1903, Piacenza 1903, p. 6.
235 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo X1I1, Piacenza, November 19, 1881 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.)
236 G. B. Scalabrini, La Chiesa Cattolica, Piacenza 1888 , pp. 35 -36.
237 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, July 10, 1893(ArchivioBonomelli, cit.)
238 Idem, Rompeggio, May 6. 1891 (Ibid)
239 Idem, Piacenza, May 1889 (Ibid.).
240 Idem, August 16, 1887 (Ibid.)
70

freedom of speech or action, because disturbed by the intrusions of the laity supported and rewarded by
those who should hold it in check; but most of all by the usual pharisaic party, tolerated, and worse,
supported in the act of disarraying the hierarchical order instituted by Christ.” 241
Though with much human suffering, still he was ready to be deprived even of any
word of comfort from the Pope whom he intensely loved:
“Lucky me, Holy Father, that my faith stands on much deeper foundation than human wisdom. I
must then place my cause in the hands of the Lord. He, the just Judge, will know how to defend the
honor desecrated or allowed to be desecrated, of a Bishop as the undersigned, who in all his acts did
nothing else but to obey those who had the right to give orders.” 242
We believe that in all these questions the Servant of God, through hopes and
delusions, reached the highest peak of a complete abandonment in Divine Providence, not
with quietism or inaction, but with the active loyalty to his vocation, when he could say:
“I believe that a great wisdom is contained in the following statement: remain in
perfect tranquillity about whatever happens by divine disposition not only in your regard
but also in regard to the Church, while working for her in fulfillment of your divine
vocation.” 243
55. - Faith in the Pope, the Church, and in the Divine Providence that rules the
Church and his men according to mysterious but saving designs, constantly animates the
positions of the Servant of God, who thus writes to a Cardinal, also saddened by certain
situations of his day:
“Divine Providence leads Your Eminence along uncommon, if not incredible, ways; and this is a
source of joy for his true friends and also for you. Reason and faith teach us what we experience in our
inner spirit, that whatever happens is willed or permitted by God, Infinite Love. Sometimes through the
designs of the cross, though not deserved, He wants to humiliate, but not confuse, his servants, who in
turn must reflect with joy on the divine designs, love them, always thank him for them, and be filled
with gladness in all trials. Tribulations, though only interior, engender a beneficial distaste for the
present life, gradually detach us from whatever is mortal, and afford us the inestimable grace of helping
us to realize the nullity of greatness in the midst of it; no grace is greater than this. But the wisdom of
God, Your Eminence, has indeed planned things with strength and gentleness; and if he gives us
sometimes a chalice of sorrows to drink, he offers us afterwards also the drink of the most pleasant joys:
it is a mysteriously alternating chalice, and blessed is he who knows how to bring it to his lips with
unshakable fidelity, thus uniting himself closely to God. Patience with prayer is the most effective
means we are in need of.” 244
By the end of 1886, the crucial year of Bishop Scalabrini's relationship with Leo
XIII, because of the groundless accusation of disobedience to the non expedit, the Servant
of God sought to comfort the Pope with a similar consideration:
“Nine years of being in jail have brought you many troubles, most Holy Father. In his divine
Providence, God does not abandon you or any of his chosen ones in the power of continual sadness nor
of steady joys: he has blended joys and sufferings together and interwoven your pontificate with
difficulties and successes in an admirable variety; still, we are not granted as yet to witness a clear
triumph of the Apostolic See, such as all were expecting. [...]. I hope without any doubt, as I can foresee
from the surest signs that it will soon come. The Church has been purified by the penance of the Holy
Jubilee, the obstacle of sin have been being removed through the diffused preaching of the Word of
God, conducted in this diocese of mine especially by the Missionaries of Saint Vincent de Paul; solemn
supplications have been offered with high expectations in this city of Piacenza under the leadership of
their Shepherd; pious witnessing have been given and prayers have been raised by the faithful all over
241 Idem, s. d. (Ibid.)
242 Idem to Leo XIII, s. d. (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3019/2)
243 Idem to G. Bonomelli, s. d. (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
244 Idem to a Cardinal, s. d. (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3020/5)
71

the world for the freedom of Holy Mother the Church and for the exaltation of the Apostolic See! What
else can we then expect but what took place in the early times of the Church? In those days, Peter also
was detained in prison, but the Church prayed fervently to God on his behalf; suddenly an Angel of the
Lord stood nearby.., and the chains dropped from Peter's wrists.” 245
If some letters of his seem to exceed in frankness, and therefore to be of little respect
to the majesty of the Supreme Pontiff, to us, instead, they appear to honor both the writer,
for his love of truth, and Leo XIII who had all the proofs of the filial sincerity of one who
knew how to sacrifice himself for the welfare of the Church:
“Holy Father, you know the frank sincerity of my heart, you know the great sacrifices I sustained
to give glory of God and to show myself for what I really feel I am, all for you and for your cause,
which is that of God [...]. With your powerful intellect and with a heart modeled after that of Jesus
Christ, whose Vicar you are, You cannot be displeased with the truth, You cannot lack the desire that it
be made known to you, as the Saints desired. I am more than certain, therefore, Most Holy Father, that
you will deign to forgive the frankness of this letter of mine, only prompted by the most heartfelt love I
cherish for your august Person and the most vivid desire of the glory of your immortal Pontificate.” 246
As we had occasion to point out a number of times before, the same ardor of faith
and the same mark of a heart constantly turned to God and entrusted in divine Providence
are found also in the letters to his friend Bishop Bonomelli, often following his
confidential lamentations on the state of the Church, thus showing that the "glory of God
and the salvation of souls" were always the concern and main motive that characterized
his love for the Church and the Pope all his life:
“Truth, justice, the welfare of souls, above all; this is your ambition and mine. Let us not lose
heart, dear friend: calm, fortitude, and prayer; be our gaze fixed on Jesus Christ, and let us place our
trust in him alone.” 247
“Let us get down to work, then; let us busy ourselves with purity of intention with the defense not
so much of our persons as of the glory of God rather and of his Church.” 248
We have pointed out a number of times the sufferings the Servant of God faced or
freely and courageously accepted for the purification, the renewal, and the unity of the
Church. This was his cross as a Bishop:
“You speak of crosses; O my God! It is our lot, and the Church asks us to carry it of gold on our
chest; often, however, it turns into a rusty iron that tears our souls to pieces. Oh how many a time I
press it against my heart and lifting my eyes to Heaven I repeat with an ardent desire to be heard: Fac
me cruce inebriari (let me rejoice in the cross). Let us pray to God to be holy: let us be two holy
bishops; you are already, and I hope to become one, with God's help and the constant assistance of your
prayers.” 249
By irony of events, his most excruciating suffering befell him in his very home: the
valiant promoter and defender of unity in the Church saw it broken up in his very Church
of Piacenza. His health was shaken, but not his faith:
“I realize that he rules me with a providential plan full of mysteries, and I feel disposed, I seem to
feel so at least, to repeat in any event: Ita, Pater, quoniam sic fuit placitum ante Te (Thus, O Father,
245 Idem to Leo XIII, Christmas 1886(Ibid, 3019/2 Translated from the Latin). The Pope answered him with
a "Brief' praising the Bishop for his "remarkable love" toward the person of the Pontiff, and he thanked him
for "relieving and comforting his heart afflicted by sorrow", stating that the news about the lectures and
prayers of the people of Piacenza had brought him "not a small consolation". (Brief of Leo XIII to G. B.
Scalabrini, January 10, 1887, Ibid)
246 Idem, to Leo XIII, Piacenza, September 26, 1881 (Ibid).
247 Idem to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, February 1, 1883 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
248 Idem, s. d. (March 1883) (Ibid.).
249 Idem, Piacenza, September 17, 1883 (Ibid.).
72

ecause so it pleased you). Fervent as you are, obtain for me the grace of a perfect conformity with the
will of God.” 250
By the end of his life, he sensed the first signs of the crisis of modernism: he saw in
it at first a positive aspect and judged it with the eyes of-faith:
“I do not quite share all your fears in regard the debated questions on the Bible. Christ is the one
who rules the Church that always profits by the intellectual efforts of her children. To make sure, there
is need of great wisdom so that nobody under any pretext may attempt at the Holy Ark. But this Holy
Ark will not disappear!” 251
56. - Besides the internal questions of the Church, Bishop Scalabrini saw the hand of
God also in the great historical and social events of his day, which he steadily and
attentively read with the eyes of faith. In this light, he read the great discoveries and
inventions, and in particular, the problem of emigration:
“In the order of nature as in that of grace, everything is guided by the hand of God,
and the will of God is sometimes manifested by certain small circumstances that elude at
the moment the human eye, but that shine in due time with sufficient light for a keen
observer.” 252
“Love very much God and the Church, souls and what is good, and avoid abiding in
questions which are too obscure for our weak intellect, but are just the same always in
accordance with the adorable designs of Heaven.” 253
Many discussions, in great part inconclusive, were carried on one hand about the
possibility of removing the conflict, provoked by rationalism and the terror of the
“revolution”, between science and faith, reason and revelation, progress and
conservatism, religion and country. Bishop Scalabrini on the other hand, as though by
instinct of faith, we would say, sees these terms as compatible with one another, because
everything depends on God, the Creator of all things and Lord of all history. Even in the
most disconcerting and painful events, he sees providential facts guided by Divine
Providence, independently of the contingent and even sinful intentions of man, towards
the fulfillment of the plan of salvation that wants all men as children of God, directed to
the same destiny, in their concrete day in history.
In the thought of the Servant of God, emigration is a natural law, and therefore a
permanent phenomenon: these two facts already reveal the plan of God:
“The seeds fly on the wings of the wind; plants migrate from continent to continent, carried by the
currents of the ocean; birds and animals, and, most of all, men, migrate, together or individually, but
ever as instruments in the hands of Divine Providence that presides over men's destiny and leads them
also through dramatic events to his goal, which is perfection of man on earth and the glory of God in
Heaven. We are told so by Divine Revelation, history, and modern biology; and only in these three
sources will we be able to find the laws ruling the migratory phenomenon.” 254
He adds that emigration also admirably helps in spreading the knowledge of God and
of Jesus Christ everywhere, just as "the Roman Empire had become the instrument in
God's hands for an easier and faster propagation of Christianity".
250 Idem, Pomaro, November 9, 1895 (Ibid.).
251 Idem, Piacenza. February16. 1904 (Ibid.)
252 G. B. Scalabrini, “Speech for the inauguration of the Church of our Lady of Mount Carmel in Piacenza”
(Scalabrinian General Archive, 3018/8).
253 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to L. Cornaggia Medici. s. d. (Archivio del Capitolo Liberiano, Rome).
254 G. B. Scalabrini, L'emigrazione degli operai italiani, Ferrara 1899.
73

Bishop Scalabrini was not a sociologist by profession, but he seriously studied
human sciences and the statistics that could provide him with the data he needed to
analyze the migratory phenomenon. The characteristic, however, that singled him out
among many scholars and politicians who had taken an interest in the phenomenon, was
the interpretation of the data in the light of faith. In the evolution of human mobility he
saw the power of Christ at work in the individual and collective history of man, and as in
all human events he realized the responsibility of man called to cooperate in the
fulfillment of God's plan. He saw that emigration will open the way for the unification of
humanity, provided that the plan of God be not thwarted by "inertia and ignorance of the
ways of the Lord, by resting on one's laurels, by repression of holy aspirations, by the
unfortunate barriers created by personal and national egotism and provided that the value
and dignity of migrants will be respected. “Emigration will then become the stop-over
that precedes the "union in God through Christ of all men of good will” and that will lead
“little by little to the supreme end set down by Divine Providence for humanity [...]: the
union of souls in God through Jesus Christ and his visible representative, the Roman
Pontiff.” 255
If emigration is a part of the plan of God, it cannot be but a plan of total liberation, of
integral salvation of man. The Servant of God concludes that our cooperation in divine
plan must respond to the totality of the will of God: “the perfection of man on earth and
the glory of God in Heaven”. This leads him to the creation of a series of initiatives that
may meet all the needs of the migrating person. He creates an Association of Patronage,
with tasks proper of lay people, but with the primary end of “cooperating in keeping alive
the Catholic faith in the heart of Italian emigrants.” 256 Above all, he founds a
Congregation of men, to which he will add another one of women, two apostolic
congregations of religious entirely consecrated to the glory of God and the salvation of
souls. These two congregations also will have the task “of caring, as far as possible, for
their moral, civil, and economic welfare", but primarily that "of keeping alive the
Catholic faith in the hearts of our migrating fellow countrymen” 257 And "as a laborer for
the Gospel, the Missionary must remember his duty to spread the good scent of Jesus
Christ by his holy life, and to preach the Gospel more by his example than by word of
mouth.” 258
In other words, the religious for migrants, by pledging themselves with the
consecration of the perpetual vows (the Holy See was not of the same opinion, because it
looked upon emigration as a passing phenomenon), must go to migrants as Christ came to
the rescue of man: they had to be migrants with migrants, poor with the poor, "laborers of
the Gospel" in order to "evangelize the children of misery and labor [...], who, in forced
isolation, are losing the faith of their fathers, and together with faith are losing all
sentiments of a christian and civil formation.” 259 They must be missionaries who “aim at
forming all peoples into one nation, all families into one family” 260 “espoused to the
poverty of Christ" and "to the cross of our Savior.” 261 In other words, they themselves
also had to become - in line with the fundamental “mysticism” of the Founder - those
255 Idem, "Speech to the Catholic Club of New York", October 15, 1901 (Cfr. Biography, p. 943)
256 Statuto dell'Associazione di Patronato San Raffaele, Piacenza 1894.
257 Regola della Congregazione dei Missionari di San Carlo per gli italiani emigrati, Piacenza 1895, p. 4).
258 Ibid., pp. 72-73.
259 G. B. Scalabrini, L'emigrazione italiana in America, Piacenza 1887, p. 50.
260 Idem, L'Italia all’estero, Torino 1899, p, 18.
261 Cfr. Biography, p, 1024.
74

who continue the incarnation of Christ among men, and consequently, they had to live
and work in faith and in close union with Christ living in them and in the migrants.
“What is needed for the branch to produce fruits? That it remains attached to the vine. Now, the
vine is Christ, and you, my beloved ones, are the branches. Ego sum vitis, vos palmites. He said it
himself. As long as you shall remain in Him you will, then, feel full of superhuman energy, and the
fruits you shall derive thereof will be abundant and lasting. Detached from Him, you would be like a
body without a soul, lacking all good deeds, fit for nothing else but to be cast into the fire: sine me nihil
potestis facere (without me you can do nothing).” 262
The missionaries have to be “the humble instruments of Christ.” 263 These
exhortations and considerations reveal the viewpoint of pure faith that animated the
Servant of God in facing a problem involving many earthly, social, economic, and legal
aspects which were, in his thought, only the various facets of one face, the face of Christ
present “here and now”, in suffering humanity and in the troubled history of men,
especially of the most abandoned, the poor, the excluded, in both the moral and material
sense. The work, therefore, that made him famous the most was a work of faith, animated
by the "same sentiments that were in Christ Jesus.”
A like "reading in faith" has him pronounce prophetic words that may seem utopian
or romantic dreams, while they imply instead faith in the Church, founded “to gather in
unity the dispersed children of God” through the actual evolving of history and society:
“While the world is all excited, enthralled at its own progress; while man takes pride in his conquests
over matter and lords it over nature, dissecting the earth, curbing lightnings, interweaving oceans by the
cutting of isthmuses, reducing distances; while nations fall, rise, and revive, and races intermingle, expand,
and integrate; all through the hub hub of such gigantic enterprises, and not without them, a greater and
more sublime work is being carried out here on earth: the unity in God of all men of good will. The
servants of God, who unwittingly work toward the achievement of His plans, are innumerable at all times,
but in the historic ages of great social changes, they are more than one can imagine or think possible. In
fact, and fix it well on your mind, the ultimate end set for humanity by divine Providence is not domination
over matter through a more or less progressive science, nor is it the forming of nations that produce power
of arms, riches, and science, no: but the union of souls in God through Jesus Christ and his visible
Representative.” 264
Faith “is the root of all virtues”, “the heart, in fact, of the spiritual life.” 265 We will
then find the exercise of this virtue in many other facets and aspects of the life of the
Servant of God, in his zeal for the defense and the propagation of the faith, in his
apostolate of catechesis, in the motive of his trips to the Americas, in his devotion to the
Eucharist, the Blessed Mother, and the Saints, as described by the Witnesses in answer to
Questions 28, 29, and 30 of the Process. 266 We will also find in a heroic degree the
exercise of hope and trust in Divine Providence, and more so in his exercise of charity.
We will discuss these two virtues, hope and charity, in greater detail later on. Concerning
charity we will single out two aspects which we could have pointed out also when
dealing with faith: prayer and the pursuit of personal sanctification, that are the result of
both the love for God and faith by which the just live.
b) Defense and propagation of the faith.
262 G. B. Scalabrini, Ai Missionari per gli Italiani nelle Americhe, Piacenza 1892 , pp. 4-5.
263 Ibid.
264 Idem, "Speech for the 8th Centennial of the First Crusade'" (Scalabrinian General Archive, 30 I 8/26).
265 Idem, Lettera Pastorale [...] per la Santa Quaresima del 1884, Piacenza 1884, p. 8.
266 Cfr. Processo c. p., f. 943.
75

57. - Only one Witness recalls the years as rector of the Seminary of Saint Abbondio,
specifying that the Servant of God “championed the faith not only with his periodic
conferences to the students, but also with a religion text that was ever in use in the
Seminary, though never printed.” 267 Somewhat more numerous are the depositions
concerning his five years and a half as pastor of Saint Bartholomew in Como. Emphasis
is being placed on “his preaching the Gospel and the Christian doctrine. Parishioners used
to crowd the church to hear his sermons, attracted by his easy and inspired words.” 268
Mention is made of his first catechetical publication: “when still a pastor, he printed a
small catechism for kindergartens. 269 But attention is given, above all, to his Conferenze
Sul Concilio Vaticano (Lectures on Vatican Council I):
“He gave some ten lectures in the cathedral of Como on the Session of Vatican Council dealing
particularly with the infallibility of the Pope. And from the public response coming then from the word
of mouth and from letters of praise sent to the Servant of God [...], I am in a position to state that it
clearly appears he had brought the question before an audience, in good part hostile, to the satisfaction
of loyal Catholics and with profit for all. And this is so true, that the clergy of Como wanted them
printed also in a cheap edition for easy diffusion.” 270
Depositions become numerous for the period of his episcopate, characterized by an
intense activity aimed at keeping and strengthening the deposit of faith:
“All his life as a Bishop was spent in spreading and defending our holy faith.” 271
“He did not spare sacrifices in promoting, defending, and in keeping it undefiled, as is proven by
the works he did.” 272
“He spent all his energies in preserving it intact and undefiled, as he was saying, in his flock.” 273
“His whole episcopate, besides, can be called a steady defense and an unrelenting apostolate of
faith. All his prodigious activity took its moves from the principle he used to keep repeating: ‘Let us
save souls, and let all the rest go as it may.’ 274
c) The Apostle of Catechism.
58. - Besides his proclamation of the Word, particular emphasis is given to his
catechetical activities, for which he was defined, at the start of his episcopate, as the
"Apostle of Catechism" by Pius IX:
“He was a man who lived by faith and sought to instill it in the souls entrusted to him and to defend it
against all attacks, as it is proven during the schism of Miraglia. He was the real restorer of the teaching of
Catechism with his pastoral letters, with the first Congresso Catechistico Italiano (Catechetical Italian
Congress) and with the review Il Catechista Cattolico (The Catholic Catechist).” 275
“In strengthening the faith in his diocese, the Servant of God found his best means in promoting
religious instruction in all ways, giving wise directives to the clergy for the constant preaching of the
267 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 664. Summarium, par. 749
268 S. Piccinelli, Ibid., f. 923.
269 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 664. Summarium, par. 749.
270 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 559. Summarium, par. 619
271 E. Martini, Ibid., f. 197.
272 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 112. Summarium, par, 164.
273 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 345. Summarium, par. 4 12
274 G. Cardinali, Ibid., ii. 296-297. Summarium, par. 344.
275 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 167. The whole Chapter IV deals with the catechetical work of the servant of God.
76

Gospel and for the catechesis to the people on Sundays, and doing away with existing abuses. On his part,
he generously devoted himself to preaching at all times and everywhere.” 276
“He championed and defended faith with apostolic fortitude, and justly without any doubt, he
merited the title of Apostle of Catechism. He certainly must be credited for the organization of the
parish schools of Christian doctrine.” 277
“His catechetical activity had a widespread repercussion, and its good results are still experienced
today, in this diocese especially.” 278
“He was one of the first bishops to promote and support catechism with untiring
zeal” 279 ,”revealing himself a peerless expert in the field, ahead of his time with the founding of the
'Catechista Cattolico' and the celebration of the 'Congresso Catechetico’.” 280
Convinced that religious instruction is “the great means for Christian education” and
“therefore the need of our times” 281 with the rechristianization of the people in mind, he
resolved to make the School of Christian Doctrine a school of faith and life, giving again,
to evangelization, primacy over all other pastoral cares, after the example of the
"Catechesis of the early Church":
“It was not considered just simple school of Religion, but as a family in which souls were reared
for God, the Church, and Heaven [...]. The spirit of the listeners was getting used there to Christian
thinking, the mind was trained to understand and judge things no more according to the light of pagan
learning, but in the light of faith of the Gospel. In all charity, the catechists sought to form in those
souls, still infants in the faith, the spirit of Jesus Christ, better yet, Jesus Christ himself: Donec formetur
Christus in vobis (until Christ be formed in you).” 282
It was not just a question of didactic and organizational ingenuity: be it enough to
consider that also in this field, he was guided by faith in Christ. We must “give back to
the world the faith, the kind of love, the heavenly hopes that Jesus Christ brought to the
world, of which Catechism is the foundation.” 283 One needs only to recall the instructions
he gave to form in those souls, still infants in the faith, the spirit of Jesus Christ, or rather,
Jesus Christ himself.” 284
“You will never be worthy of your ministry if you do not love Jesus Christ, and in Jesus Christ,
those young sheep of his mystical flock.” 285 “Piety must be the essential character of the Catechist.” 286
“If it is to bring forth abundant fruits, teaching must be imparted with singular piety, because not he
who plants, nor he who waters, but God gives the needed growth.” 287 “The Teacher of Catechism must
have no other model than the One who has catechized the whole world.” 288
276 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 589.
277 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. ff. 747-748, Summarium, par. 865.
278 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 451. Summarium, par. 477.
279 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 589.
280 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 220.
281 B. Scalabrini, Educazione cristiana, Piacenza 1889, p. 37.
282 Idem, Il Catechismo Cattolico. Considerazioni. Piacenza 1877, pp. 10-11. “He had the supernatural
intuition of re-establishing christian education on its religious priority. He proclaimed the primacy of
catechism as the basis for religious education. Catechism could not just represent a notional and instructive
value, but had to be given also a fundamental role in education, by which religion must become a way of
life. In this sense Bishop Scalabrini can be considered a pioneer of modern catechesis; but he is also a
revivalist of ancient catechesis that used to be a school of truth and life, of prayer and practice, of grace and
worthy deeds”. (S. Riva, Mons. Giovanni Battista Scalabrini pioniere della catechesi moderna, 'Rivista del
Catechismo', 1956, p. 69..).
283 G. B. Scalabrini, Educazione Cristiana, Piacenza, l889, p.21.
284 Idem, Il Catechismo Cattolico. Considerazioni, Piacenza, 1877, p, 11.
285 Ibid., pp. 98-99
286 Ibid., p. 84.
287 Ibid., p. 93.
288 Ibid., p. 95.
77

d) Opposition to the enemies of the Faith.
59. - The Servant of God was deeply aware of his responsibility to keep the deposit
of faith faithfully safe, which was the task of the bishop:
“In the spiritual kingdom, he is the sentry of God [...]. He has charge to give an answer to the
mysterious question that reaches his ear every morning from the heights of eternity: Sentinel, what did
you discover-in the darkness of-night? Custos, quid de nocte? The darkness of night, - Saint Augustine
explains - are the errors, prejudice, and all those obstacles that prevent God from entering souls;
numerous and powerful obstacles, that multiply and change form according to the various phases
assumed by individuals, families, nations…” 289
“He was remarkable, particularly in preventing the infiltration of Protestants, who, around the year
1892, began doing all possibilities to make proselytes in the city. I remember him thundering twice
from the pulpit, not to say that all his preaching sprang up from the zeal that devoured him for the
propagation and defense of the faith.” 290
“The Servant of God defended the faith with great zeal, particularly in the period of Miraglia, and
sought to strengthen it amongst his people with his instructions.” 291 “He showed himself greatly
courageous during the period of Miraglia.” 292 “I remember [...] here in Piacenza, how sad and sorrowful
he was at the time of the schism of Miraglia, and that he had us all pray […] to propitiate God that faith
might not fade away in many families, on which that poor priest had unfortunately an influence.” 293
e) His Two Trips to the Americas and His Action for Migrants.
60. - There were people, journalists especially, who ascribed the interest and the
action of the Servant of God on behalf of migrants to certain ostentation or to his
ambition to succeed Calabiana in the chair of the Archdiocese of Milan. 294 For this
reason, the Promoter of the Faith of the Diocesan Process posed the as to “whether the
motive of his two trips to the Americas was only the propagation of the faith”, and
whether “he suffered oppositions, physical and moral hardships, before, during, and after
his two trips right for the faith.” 295 The Witnesses answered:
“The motive of the two trips that the Servant of God undertook to the Americas could not be but
the preservation of the Faith in his diocesan and Italian fellow emigrants in America [...].He bore many
contradictions and had to suffer many physical and moral hardships before, during, and after his trips.
All acts I would not hesitate to define as heroic, especially because of their continuity [...]. His sickness,
in fact, that would bring him to his death, suffered a premature turn for the worse [...]. I have him
present before my eyes with an emaciated face, in a state of exhaustion, but with a countenance that
conferred on him an aureole of sanctity and greatness.” 296
289 Idem, Discorso […] per if giubileo episcopale di Mons. Geremia Bonomelli, Cremona 1896, pp. 9-10.
290 A. De Martini, Processo c. p., f. 268. Summarium, par. 290. The Servant of God quickly succeeded in
frustrating the attempt at establishing an Evangelist Methodist Church in Piacenza (Cfr: Biography, pp.
866-869).
291 F. Cattivelli, Ibid., f. 386.
292 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 589.
293 C. Douglas Scotti, Ibid.. f. 325. -The “schism” caused by the Sicilian priest Paolo Miraglia Gullotti
troubled the Church at Piacenza in 1895-1900; this was the most trying and meritorious period of the life of
the Servant of God (Cfr. Biography, pp. 872-905).
294 Cfr. Biography, p. 1131.
295 Cfr. processo c, p., Interrogatorio 29°, 943.
296 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., ff. 220-221.
78

“I am convinced that Bishop Scalabrini had decided to take his two trips to America for the
purpose of visiting his missionaries and for reviving in person the religious piety in the emigrants. I do
not know whether he suffered oppositions. I noticed with my own eyes, however, his wasting away that
engendered in me and in others a most painful impression when we went to meet him in Rome on his
return from the second trip: he was emaciated, gaunt, but serene and at ease.” 297
“The Servant of God made the two trips to the Americas in order to defend and keep alive the faith
in emigrants, and to see for himself the works of the priests he had sent. He had many contradictions
and sufferings, moral sufferings during his first trip, and physical sufferings during the second one,
from which he returned more run down in health.” 298
The fact, underlined by many Witnesses, that the two visits to the emigrants and his
missionaries in America shortened his life because of the physical hardships he had
encountered for the faith, is to these Witnesses a mark of a faith highly superior to the
common degree, by which he had “the Vision” of the need and importance of keeping
alive and promoting the faith that expanded far beyond the limits of his diocese: “he
strove to do this also abroad, as it is proven by the institution of his Missionaries.” 299
Such “vision” was uncommon, as Blessed Luigi Orione observes:
“In regard to the trips of the Servant of God to the Americas I can say this: Bishop Scalabrini bore
the great sacrifices deriving from them for the main purpose of preserving the faith in the Italian
emigrants in the present and for the future at a time when nobody had thought of it.” 300
No other motive but his zeal for the faith guided him in this enterprise he undertook
at an age and in a state of health and in prohibitive traveling conditions.
“Certainly the motive of his two trips to the Americas was the safekeeping of the faith in
emigrants: something he had very much at heart: and I know that he had to undergo many hardships,
especially in his second trip, which he took in already pitiful conditions of health, as I had the
opportunity to verify when I saw him in Rome in those days. For sure, he did not expect any reward
from men. This is proven by the fact that he did not accept the usual offerings that are given on
occasion of confirmations or other rites. I know that the American bishops were quite edified and
pleased with it.” 301
“The purpose of the Servant of God's trips to the Americas was certainly that of providing in
person his missionaries with the most effective means of keeping the faith alive in emigrants and to
foster in them piety and love for their distant homeland. And from what I heard, he did all this in the
midst of extraordinary physical sufferings and with untiring zeal, especially in his second trip that cost
him his life. On his return, he well showed how he had readily suffered, expecting his reward only from
the Lord.” 302
61. - The Witnesses at the Process could not have full knowledge of the innumerable
difficulties the Servant of God had to bear in founding and supporting the apostolic
institution destined to keeping safe the faith of emigrants. Only the reading of the four
chapters (XVII-XX) of his Biography, illustrating the history of the foundation of the
Missionary Religious Congregations for Migrants and of the Society of Saint Raphael,
can give one an idea of the fortitude, the constancy, and the spirit of faith with which the
Servant of God intervened, “as the Bishop beyond compare” (Benedict XV), for the
defense and the preservation of the faith, also outside his diocese, in millions and millions
of emigrants, who, because of the very fact of emigration, were running the risk of-losing
the most precious gift of their lives. The problem was deeply felt by the bishops of the
297 140 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 664. Summarium, par. 750.
298 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 345. Summarium, par. 413.
299 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid., f. 371.
300 L. Orione, Ibid., f. 822. Summarium, par. 954.
301 B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid., f. 748. Summarium, par. 866.
302 G. Calzinari, Ibid., f. 629. Summarium, par. 709.
79

United States, but they proposed remedies that were not fit for the particular character of
Italian emigration. The Bishops of other nations, in general, did not concern themselves
very much about this new challenge for the faith of Catholics, and at the same time this
challenge for the Church, which could have obtained a propagation of the faith even more
effective than the propagation of the missions among the infidels, had there been a well
directed assistance to Catholic emigrants from the beginning. As far as we know, the
Servant of God was the only one to have this vision of faith and trust. In general, the
perception was lacking that the future of Catholicism of many Christian nations depended
on the ever greater movement of poor people, Catholic especially, that was rapidly
assuming the tragic, though providential, proportions of a Biblical exodus. Society and
the men of the Church as well, seemed generally blind, deaf, and mute, in the face of this
grand “sign of the times.” All credit must be given to the ardent and patient zeal for the
faith of the Servant of God who sensitized Church and society to this drama of
incalculable consequence and made the Church realize the urgent need for a pastoral
action fit for the new phenomenon, of a “specific” pastoral action for migrants, that might
transform a calamity into a providential, though sorrowful, instrument for the coming of
the kingdom; a calamity such as was in prospect, or in the making already, with the loss
of the faith on the part of millions of Catholics.
He was given credit for this, as we have pointed out before, by Saint Pius X 303 ,and
Benedict XV 304 .With the Apostolic Constitution Exul Familia, Pius XII solemnly
sanctioned this very “specific pastoral care” for migrants, explicitly mentioning the name
of the Bishop that had been its main author:
“Consequently, that apostolic man, whom we have proclaimed as most deserving of the Church
and of his country, with the cooperation of zealous priests and bishops, has founded an Institute of
Priests [...]. And so the family was formed of the Missionaries of Saint Charles for Italian migrants, of
which the Servant of God is the acknowledged Founder.” 305
f) Apostle to the Deaf-mutes.
62. - The same motive urged him to devote his spiritual and material cares to the
deaf-mutes:
“If the deaf-mute without instruction is viewed by all as a reasoning being that does not reason, an
orphan isolated in the family, a loner in the midst of men, a savage in the civil society; for the Church of
God, to us, he is, above all, a soul deprived of the bread of life, an infidel as to actual faith, an
individual ignorant of all revealed truths.” 306
“He is exposed to steady illusions, deprived of all consolations, destined to live an earthly exile
without direction, without hope, without love [...]. But worse of all, my dearly beloved, without
religious instruction the deaf-mute is ever exposed to a real danger of eternal damnation.” 307
It is quite interesting to note the analogy that the Servant of God has drawn between
the migrant and the deaf-mute, “a stranger in his own family, to his own country, to
303 Cfr. Breve of Pius X, October 18, 1913. Summarium, par. 1053.
304 Cfr. Letter of Benedict XV, June 30, 1915. Summarium, par. 1052.
305 Pius XII, Constitutio Apostolica de Spirituali Emigrantium Cura (Exul Familia), 'Acta Apostolicae
Sedis', XXXXIV, 1952, pp. 146 147
306 G. B. Scalabrini, Intorno all'lstruzione dei Sordomuti. Piacenza 1880, p. 8. - Concerning the work of the
Servant of God on behalf of the deaf-mute, Cfr. Biography, pp. 467 484.
307 Ibid. , pp. 11-12.
80

Religion”, subject to that “dismal tedium that weighs heavy on his soul like the eternity
of a pain”, because “no moral life is possible for the individual, as for a nation, without
the gift of speech.” The mission for the deaf-mutes, like that for migrants, is the
equivalent to the mission for the infidels:
“So much is being done for the infidels, but no thought is unfortunately given to the infidels
among us, as indeed are the poor deaf-mute boys and girls who have no instructions.” 308
To sum it up, the principle that always moves the Servant of God is the saying of
Saint Paul: fides ex auditu (faith comes through hearing). Hence, his concern for
establishing a language of communication through which the Word of God could reach
all men (catechesis), migrants (reestablishing communication with society and with the
receiving Church), deaf-mutes (creating communication with the community of men), so
that all the children of God could benefit of the normal means of salvation Divine
Providence has placed at our disposal.
g) Devotion to the Eucharist.
63. - Question 30 asked whether the heroic faith of the Servant of God could be
proven by “fervent manifestations, that is, special and extraordinary, concerning his
devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, to the Saints, and in particular, to the Blessed
Mother.” 309 A few Witnesses tarry in describing the personal devotion of Bishop
Scalabrini; others point out the initiatives he undertook to promote devotion to the
Eucharist among the people. From the former ones, we gather those depositions which
are most detailed:
“The manifestations of faith of the Servant of God that impressed me the most were those in
regard to the celebration of the Mass, in which there transpired from his voice, recollection, and
ceremonies a spirit enraptured in the contemplation of the divine mystery. His long private thanksgiving
after the liturgical one was a source of much edification. The same must be said of his frequent visits
made during the day to the Blessed Sacrament where he was usually seen devoutly reciting the
Breviary.” 310
“The faith of the Servant of God had surely extraordinary manifestations in his piety towards the
Sacrament of the Eucharist, to which he was most devoted. On arrival to a Parish church, he
immediately paid a visit to the Blessed Sacrament. Usually, after celebrating his own Mass, he attended
a second one. No matter how many the religious functions of the day, he never departed without
adoring first Jesus in the Sacrament. On arriving at the Dean's church again he visited the Eucharist. He
did the same in the morning before setting out anew [...]. I deem it opportune to tell an impression I
always had whenever I assisted him in the celebration of Mass. I had the impression as if a warm
current were emitted from his person; something that surprised me and more, considering the fact that I
am not easy prey to illusions.” 311
“The faith of the Servant of God was shown especially in his devotion to the Most Holy Eucharist.
Always devout throughout the whole Mass, he was visibly transformed at the consecration, so as to
impress me who had not made yet any particular study of ascetic and mystic theology.” 312
308 Idem, "Speech for the Annual Recital of the Deaf-mute". June 10, 1897 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3018/17 ).
309 Cfr. Processo c, p., f. 953.
310 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 221. - Pages 352-370 of the Biography deal with the Eucharistic devotion of the
Servant of God.
311 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 229. Summarium, par. 347.
312 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., ff. 733-734. Summarium, par.838.
81

“This faith was manifested in an extraordinary way in his devotion to the Blessed Sacrament. He
spent long hours in his Presence, putting to good use a small window looking into the cathedral from his
episcopal residence, by the altar of the Madonna del Popolo (Our Lady of the People). He aroused
enthusiasm indeed when he spoke, in public or in private, of the Eucharist to the people gathered before
the Blessed Sacrament; so much so that he gave the impression he was seeing the Lord with his
corporal eyes.” 313
"The Servant of God had a very great devotion for Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament. He used to
spend long hours kneeling by a balcony of his residence which opened towards the Blessed Sacrament
in the Cathedral. On various occasions I heard his domestics respectfully urging him to sit at least; but
he answered not to be disturbed.” 314
“The faith of the Servant of God had special and extraordinary manifestations in his most intense
devotion to Jesus in the Sacrament. He was spending a long time every day before the Tabernacle,
during the daylight, and more so in the dead of night, as I had often the opportunity to witness, in
person.” 315
“A thousand times and again, I myself caught him in prayer prostrate on his knees on the floor
before the Blessed Sacrament.” 316
Furthermore, a number of witnesses added that he had the custom of placing his most
difficult problems and decisions in direct contact with the Blessed Sacrament: “When he
had a hard and difficult problem on hand, he used to place the document under the
corporal in hope to be enlightened.” 317 We mentioned already his desire to be buried near
the altar of the Blessed Sacrament at whose feet he had his tomb made ready, and his
dream to be granted the opportunity to say one last Mass before the last judgment.
64. - A faith so vivid and a love so ardent could not help spill over into his pastoral
activity.
“Certainly, the faith of the Servant of God shone in a particular way in the Eucharistic initiatives
he promoted, such as the revival of the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament, the perpetual adoration
in turn throughout the diocese with the provision that during the exposition, preaching should be on the
Eucharist, the celebration of the Eucharistic Synod that represented the last testimony of his faith and
love for Jesus in the Sacrament.” 318
“If devotion to the Blessed Sacrament has been so widely revived in the diocese, particular credit
must be given to the Servant of God, who made use of all possible means in order to teach and instill it
in the people.” 319
“It is my conviction that the most remarkable sign of the devotion of the Servant of God for the Holy
Eucharist was the convocation of a synod all devoted to the Blessed Sacrament; besides his personal daily
practices and his preaching by which he urged the people to the frequent reception of the sacraments.” 320
“I point out, in particular, the care with which (and he used to talk with satisfaction to me about it) he
wanted the perpetual adoration to be conducted in turn all over his diocese. Ahead of his times, he
zealously prepared the Eucharistic Synod in all its details, enacting precise provisions, presently found
enacted in Canon Law, in Eucharistic Congresses, and in the instructions of the Congregation for the
Sacraments.” 321
313 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 114. Summarium, par. 168.
314 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 346. Summarium, par. 414.
315 F. Gregori., Ibid., f. 561. Summarium, par. 622.
316 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 69. Summarium, 92.
317 A. Bianchi, Ibid., ff. 664-665. Summarium, par. 751.
318 L. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 707. Summarium, par. 806.
319 A. Ranza, Ibid., ff. 647-648.
320 A. Carisni, Ibid., ff. 429-430.
321 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 748, Summarium, par. 867.
82

“He introduced the practice of the Forty Hours, wherever there was none, and ordered it in such a way
as to have solemn exposition every day in some church of the diocese.” 322
A few other initiatives are mentioned, like the institution of the Opera dei
Tabernacoli (Work of the Tabernacles) for poor churches; 323 the establishment in
Piacenza of a group of the Daughters of Saint Joseph of Blessed Murialdo to provide altar
bread and wine for the diocese 324 ; the founding of some kind of Third Order of the
Daughters of Saint Ann, formed by the Deaf-mute Sacramentine Sisters. 325
h) Devotion to the Blessed Mother.
65. - “The Servant of God indeed had a Marian soul; he had an exceptional devotion
to the Mother of God, and he promoted ordinary and extraordinary celebrations in her
honor.” 326 This is how a Witness sums up the devotion of Bishop Scalabrini to Mary,
both on the personal and on the apostolic level, as acknowledged by all.
“He was most devout to the Blessed Mother; he spoke of her as one who is inspired" 327 "he spoke
of her with such love as an angel seraph would; and he took advantage of all occasions to spread
devotion to her.” 328
“He had a filial and admirable devotion to the Most Blessed Virgin. I only would like to mention
the solemn crowning of our Madonna di San Marco, for which he donated the precious crowns mounted
with the jewels of his mother. I was present at the sacred rite, very impressive because of the presence
of many bishops and of an immense crowd from the whole valley which he addressed outdoors. On that
occasion he raised such a beautiful hymn of praise to her that he seemed to me inspired by an angel.” 329
“With pleasure I recall another sermon he preached in the Cathedral in honor of the Immaculate on
his second return from America. I was sitting next to Father Trussardi, a Jesuit. At the conclusion of his
homily, the religious burst out exclaiming: ‘Only an Angel can speak like this!’” 330
“To give you some idea of his devotion to the Blessed Mother, be it enough to mention that when
in 1894 he came to bless the Shrine of the Blessed Virgin of the 'Bomba' by the park and to crown the
devout image, he spoke no less than seven times on Mary Most Holy. I still have vivid on my mind the
grandiose celebrations held in the Cathedral in honor of the Madonna del Popolo (the Blessed Mother
of the People) following the theft of the two golden crowns. On that occasion we were given the chance
to admire his zeal and unutterable enthusiasm for the glory of the Most Blessed Virgin.” 331
The most loved privileges in Bishop Scalabrini's devotion to Mary were the Divine
Maternity and the Immaculate Conception, perhaps because the proclamation of this
dogma had taken place when he was eleven years old and gave him the impression of an
extraordinary event in the history of the Church. Later on, he added the privilege of the
Assumption, when he was made Bishop of Piacenza, where Mary Assumed into Heaven
is the Titular of the Cathedral and the Patroness of the city. He celebrated with particular
322 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 299. Summarium, par. 347.
323 A. De Martini, Ibid., f. 269. Summarium, par. 292.
324 C. Spallazzi. Ibid., ff. 75-76.
325 G. Squeri, Ibid., ff. 530. Summarium, par. 564. - These are the 'Suore Terziarie Sacramentine' aggregates
of the Daughters of Saint Ann (Cfr. Biography. pp. 473-474).
326 A. De Martini, Ibid., f. 269. Summarium, par. 293. - Concerning the devotion of the Servant of God to
our Lady Cfr. Biography, pp. 379-394.
327 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 837.
328 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 70.7. Summarium, par. 807
329 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 530. Summarium, par. 5M.
330 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 300. Summarium, par. 349.
331 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 346. Summarium, par. 415.
83

solemnity the 25 th and 50 th anniversaries of the definition of the Immaculate Conception.
The most outstanding mark of the ardor he could instill in the people when urging them
to be devout to Our Lady is shown in the 30,000 communions distributed only in the city
of Piacenza on December 8, 1904 332 .Another 20,000 people had received Holy
Communion on the 10 th of January 1893 , for the crowning of the Madonna del Popolo. 333
The Servant of God, in fact, could not accept a devotion to Mary separated from devotion
to the Eucharist, as he could not think of it as unrelated to the Church: “two most noble
kinds of love with which our hearts are on fire, love for the Church and love for Mary,
will blend in one. 334
66. - These are a few of the facts that authorize us to place Bishop Scalabrini's
devotion to Mary amongst the clearest marks of his faith:
“Beyond all doubt, God, Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary, the Church, the Roman Pontiff, are all
links of a mysterious chain that binds time to eternity. Woe, two times woe to any of one who breaks
lose only one of these three links.” 335
He was educated to devotion to Mary by his mother. 336 Since he was a boy, he had
recited every day the “Angelus and the Rosary”, “noble marks of Catholic piety.” 337
During the month of October, he used to say it in the cathedral together with his people,
and he extended the practice to the whole diocese. 338 Every morning, he renewed his
consecration to the Blessed Mother, 339 and in his retreats, he kept on confirming his
resolve of total abandonment to the Blessed Virgin, to whom he used to say he “owed
everything”:
“Great and true devotion to my dear and most sweet Mother Mary. Ora pro me peccatore, nunc et
in hora mortis meae. Amen.” 340 “Greater care in my devotion to the Blessed Mother: prostrate myself at
her feet, in her motherly arms, every day!” 341 “Persevering and tender devotion to the Blessed Mother:
she is my Mother, and she will obtain all things for me if I will show myself her sincere and true
servant.” 342
One can state that he wrote no letter to the rector of the Seminary of Bedonia,
attached to the Minor Basilica of our Lady of Saint Mark or Consolation, without asking
to pray for him:
“A visit to our more than beloved Mother... all for me, who am most in need. Tell her to teach me
the love of God, the love for the cross, a holy surrender to God's will, death to the world, death to my
heart, to all things. How happy would I be, should you obtain this grace for me!” 343
For the crowning of the Madonna di San Marco in 1889, he ordered "a big
celebration that may please above, 344 preceded by a long and intense spiritual preparation
of the people, so that their piety might be rooted in the “conversion of the heart” (just as
332 Cfr. Biography, p. 382.
333 Cfr. Biography, P. 385.
334 G. B. Scalabrini, "Homily for the Assumption, 1882" (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3017/1).
335 Idem, "Homily for Pentecost, 1900" (Ibid., 3016/6). 179) Cfr. Biography, p. 39.
336 Cfr. Biography, p. 39
337 G. B. Scalabrini, Comunicazione dell'Enciclica Supremi Apostolatus, Piacenza 1883, p. 7.
338 Cfr. Biography, p. 393.
339 Cfr. F. Gregori, Processo c, p., f. 561. Summarium, Par.623.
340 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 324.
341 Ibid., p. 330.
342 Ibid., p. 331
343 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to N. Bruni, Piacenza, September 13, 1892 (Archivio Seminario Bedonia).
344 Idem, November 27, 1888 (Ibid.).
84

he did for any other great religious celebration). We point out the truly filial loving
gesture mentioned by a Witness: he wanted the jewels, once owned by his earthly mother,
mounted on the crowns together with the other precious stones. 345
i) Devotion to the Saints
67. - According to the Witnesses at the Diocesan Process, the Saints for whom
Bishop Scalabrini had a special devotion, besides Saint Joseph, were the two bishops he
had chosen as models of his episcopate, Saint Charles Borromeo and Saint Francis de
Sales, and the Saints of “Piacenza”, who were the “fathers in the faith” of his diocese.
“Bishop Scalabrini also had a great devotion for Saint Charles Borromeo and Saint Francis de
Sales, whose lives he constantly read in order to follow their examples and set them before others,
especially the Clergy. Likewise, for Saint Antonino and his holy predecessors. He expressed this
devotion by reviving it in the Diocese, also for the other Saints of Piacenza with the verification of their
relics, the reform and updating of the breviary and their liturgical feasts, and often with very solemn
celebrations.” 346
“He did whatever could be done in order to improve the devotion especially to the Saints of
Piacenza.” 347
“He showed a very special devotion for the Saints of Piacenza by completing the verification of
their relics; so much so that I heard it said by the less pious ones: ‘Our Bishop does not leave in peace
anyone, not even the Saints.’” 348
“One of the credits of the Servant of God was the revival of devotion to the Titular Saints of the
Parishes, whose feasts he wanted celebrated with great solemnity.” 349
We can also easily discover the roots of this singular devotion of his to the Saints in
the faith and in his love for the faith: as he used to tell his flock, the Servant of God
considered them their most deserving benefactors, because with their martyrdom or with
their preaching and example they had given the people of Piacenza the greatest gift of all;
they were “their fathers in the faith.”:
“I gave then more serious thought to the need, indeed previously realized, that we have, that is,
that the Saints who are more familiar to us, moved by our particular devotion and veneration, may
obtain, for me and my beloved children, fortitude in the faith, so necessary in our day for Christians to
win. It is my earnest desire, therefore, to arouse in my flock the sentiments of devotion for said Saints
which nourished the faith and Christian life of our forefathers. In considering how I could best achieve
this purpose, I thought there was still one thing I should do to inflame my children with the devotion
toward our generous Patron Saints and Fathers: to make known their deeds, their burial places, their
relics, and to promote devotion in them through opportune and learned studies that may accurately and
wisely illustrate the monuments and documents concerning them, thus to present them for meditation;
to return afterwards the bones of Saint Antonino and Saint Victor back in urns in such a way as to make
it possible to expose them in public, before the eyes of the people, and for the veneration by the people
on certain festivities, or in impending and dangerous calamities.” 350
345 Cfr. Biography, p. 387.
346 F. Gregori, Processo c. p., ff. 561-562. Summarium, par.624.
347 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 300. Summarium, par. 350
348 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 837. Summarium, par. 977
349 G. Polledri, Ibid. f. 590.
350 G. B. Scalabrini, Relatio Status Ecclesiae Placentinae (second report on the Diocese for the visit ad
limina), December II, 1879 (Archivio Vescovile of Piacenza). Concerning the devotion of the Servant of
God to the Saints, Cfr. Biography, pp. 394-401.
85

A similar consideration is found in his view of the Pastoral care of migrants: popular
religiosity had to be kept alive, because it is one of the supporting pillars of the faith.
When speaking of emigration, in fact, the Servant of God always goes back to the"
ancestral faith", the "faith of the fathers", that must be safeguarded as the most precious
heritage of the spiritual and cultural patrimony of peoples and individuals: indeed the
Saints venerated in their towns of origin are the living and concrete symbols of a faith
handed down from generation to generation.
86

2. HOPE
68. - The Witnesses saw the extraordinary degree of the hope of the Servant of God
especially in his submissiveness and constancy in the midst of oppositions and sufferings
he encountered especially at the time of the "schism" of Miraglia; in the trust with which
he undertook his daring enterprises, without straying into presumption; in certain special
signs by which Divine Providence rewarded his trust; and in the serenity with which he
accepted death.
a) Persevering Trust in God
69. - Witness L. Bertola draws a good portrait of the context in which Bishop
Scalabrini exercised the theological virtue of hope: “The episcopate of Bishop Scalabrini
was dreadful; if he did not get discouraged, therefore, and if he courageously kept
carrying on his ministry, one must admit that he was supported by the highest trust in
God.” 351 “The impression one received in approaching the Servant of God was one of a person trustingly
abandoned in God and ever disposed to face any contradiction.” 352
“He was gifted with an unshakable temperament that did not allow any discouragement or
weakening, ever sustained by trust in God.” 353
“He was animated at all times by an all-embracing and deep hope in God. In the face of the most
trying difficulties and responsibilities he might be taken by surprise, but he never became upset, and I
have never seen him lose his serenity. He used to say that when one works for the Lord, his help cannot
be lacking.” 354
“His hope has always been most steadfast. When finding opposition he was used to say: ‘This is a
good omen: the devil does not want this work: this presupposes that it is wanted by God! So, let us go
ahead with it.’” 355
“Concerning the heroic hope of the Servant of God, after good reflection and deliberation he used
to say: ‘What will be, will be; we must go ahead, because God wills it!’ And so he was saying even in
the midst of the struggles and oppositions that never lacked in the long course of his Episcopal ministry.
More than that, he took being opposed by men as the characteristic note of any work of God.” 356
As said before, many Witnesses made particular reference to the great tribulation of
the years 1895-1900, when the Servant of God had to climb the calvary of his life
because of the schismatic little church set up by Father Paul Miraglia:
“Being fully aware of his spirit constantly conformed to the will of God, I have no reason to doubt
that Bishop Scalabrini let himself be discouraged by the oppositions he faced in his pastoral ministry.
Even during the period of Miraglia, though one could see him suffering physically, he was constantly
solicitous in the fulfillment of all his duties, without untimely recriminations.” 357
“Even in times of greatest suffering, and in particular during the dark period of Miraglia, if I saw
him in sorrow, I never heard him utter words of distress, discouragement, or distrust.” 358
351 L. Bertola, Processo, c. p.. f. 721.
352 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 837. Summarium, par. 978.
353 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid.. f. 372.
354 G. Polledri, Ibid., ff. 590-591.
355 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 45. Summarium, par. 44.
356 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 168.
357 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 707.
358 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 749. Summarium, par. 808.
87

We had more than one occasion to call to mind all the tribulations the Servant of
God had to face because of his voluntary commitment to promoting the pastoral updating
of the Church, even when he was in disagreement with a certain section of Italian
Catholics,. The extraordinary degree of his trust in God and in the Church herself can be
measured by the bitterness and duration of such struggles.
“In the midst of the oppositions, difficulties, and sufferings that marked his Episcopate, the
Servant of God always held a spirit of perfect abandonment and trust in God. This is seen also in the
letters he wrote in sad circumstances which he always concluded with expressions that showed his
complete conformity with the will of God and his unlimited trust in his help.” 359
He had resolved, in fact: “I have to place an inexhaustible, immutable trust in the
goodness of God in all things till the end.” 360
b) Holy Boldness
70. - “In all his undertakings, he had full trust in God. Without such unbreakable
hope, he would have never been able to accomplish so many admirable apostolic
works.” 361 “Nothing made him back off from his courageous initiatives.” 362
“One must admit that Bishop Scalabrini was animated by an extraordinary hope in God, because
we can well state that without human resources and only with trust in God, he undertook so many works
of great importance, particularly the Institute for Deaf-mute Girls and the Congregation of the
Missionaries for Emigrants in America.” 363
“He was a man filled with the most vivid hope in God concerning the means required in order to
complete the works he planned to do: grandiose works, indeed, and daring for his day. Such
abandonment in God never failed him.” 364
“Concerning his hope I can say this, that he told me a few times: ‘I undertake a work, then I place
it in the hands of God; from then on I let him worry about it.” 365
“One can state that Bishop Scalabrini has hoped against all hope. Always conscious of his
responsibilities, I repeat that he never wavered, always abandoning himself in the hands of God.” 366 "He
was very much aware of his responsibility, but he lived, at the same time, perfectly abandoned in the
hands of Divine Providence.” 367
c) Trust that did not stray into presumption
71. - One Witness sums up this particular aspect of his practice of the virtue of hope,
stating that the Servant of God “possessed the virtue of hope in a superior degree, heroic,
359 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 562. Summarium, par. 868.
360 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, par. 325.
361 G. Squeri, Processo c, p., f. 530. Summarium, par. 564.
362 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 300. Summarium, par. 351.
363 A. Scarani, Ibid., ff. 408-409.
364 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 223.
365 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid.. f. 734. Summarium, par. 839.
366 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 430.
367 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 347. Summarium, par. 416.
88

in fact. Bu he never neglected using the human means proportionate to his initiatives and
undertakings.” 368
“The Servant of God was daring in his initiatives, but he did not neglect any human means in
order to achieve his goals. He made the rounds with lectures, circular letters, personal visits, as was
especially the case when he decided to found and support his Institute for Emigrants. There was no
room for presumption in him. Besides, he instilled in others such complete trust in Divine Providence;
he was frequently heard to repeat that one must not desist from doing good works for fear of not being
able to meet the expenses, on condition that he be prudent and thrifty.” 369
“He was a man of great views and talents, but his characteristic was to begin and to place all trust
in God: far, then, he was from being presumptuous. At the same time, he devoted to his initiatives and
undertakings all his splendid energies and the prestige he made prudent use of.” 370
“He possessed a bold hope by which he undertook his works with determination; but he knew also
how to foster good relations with people of means, disposed to do charitable deeds. To reach his goals,
he never neglected the human means.” 371
“He was not the man to wait for Divine Providence to step in through the window, but in all his
undertakings he did all in his power to bring them to completion.” 372
d) A Hope rewarded by Divine Providence
72. - While Monsignor Mondini states in a general way that “in all circumstances the
Servant of God saw his hope rewarded with extraordinary and truly providential help,
often arriving at the moment of the greatest need,” 373 ,other Witnesses mention specific
facts:
“He told me a number of times how Divine Providence had come quite unexpectedly to help take
care of urgent needs. By the way, I recall how, on reminding him respectfully one day of his pledge to
pay 17,000 liras for the expenses of the restoration of the church of Saint Peter, he threw at me, who
had just entered his office, a checkbook of the Cassa di Risparmio (Savings Bank), without moving
from his desk, and exclaimed: ‘The Good Lord has provided, take that dirty stuff.’ The book was worth
30,000 Liras.” 374
“One day, when in dire need of a conspicuous sum for an urgent payment, he received it at the
opportune time in a parcel from a person totally unknown until then.” 375
"One day in 1903, if I remember well, while in his office, we happened to turn our conversation on
Divine Providence, his favorite subject, with a spirit open to the most vivid gratitude. He told me how
only a few days earlier, he had the visit of a rich person, whose name he did not say, who had come in
from Genoa. At the conclusion of their audience, he had given him an envelope. No sooner was he
gone, than the Servant of God hurried to open it with the intuition that something providential must
have been in there. And he found before his very eyes, in fact, the sum he needed for an urgent
payment.” 376
“I know at least of two occasions in which the Servant of God, after praying to God and placing in
him all trust, had received several sums of money he needed for certain urgent payments. The first time
I heard from others that a wholly unknown gentleman offered him an envelope with the sum he needed.
368 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 485.
369 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 30I. Summarium, par. 352-353.
370 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 453. Summarium, par. 482.
371 A. DeMartini, Ibid., f. 271. Summarium, par. 294.
372 P. Agazzi, Ibid., f. 500. Summarium, par. 518.
373 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 1.17. Summarium, par, 172.
374 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 347. Summarium, par. 417.
375 C. Mangot, Ibid., ff. 45-46. Summarium, par. 45.
376 E. Morisi, Ibid., ff. 452-453. Summarium, par. 481.
89

The second time (and this I saw it with my own eyes) at a moment of great need, a purse was conveyed
to him through me that contained a handsome sum of golden pieces, donated by an unknown person
who chose to remain so.” 377
True, these are indeed extraordinary happenings, but more exceptional still is
perhaps the fact that for the many forms of his charitable action, he always succeeded in
finding the means to support his works and initiatives, though having to live, as it were,
by the day, often with no prospective for the morrow:
“The late Sister Candida Quadrani, Superior of the Istituto Sordomute, founded by the Servant of
God, kept on telling me that when she had no money, she used to have recourse to the Bishop who
consoled her exhorting her to place her trust in God saying: ‘Keep your peace, the help of God will not
be late in coming.’ In fact, we never lacked the help of God: because by the end of each month, she was
always solvent. And so it was for a period of over thirty years.” 378
e) Hope in the Imminence of Death
73. - “Bishop Scalabrini showed his hope in a most edifying manner, when he faced
death with such serenity as to want to make sure himself that the vessel used for his
Anointing of the Sick was indeed that of the oil for the Sick, exclaiming: ‘You are so
upset that you may mistake it.’ He accompanied the prayer proper of the last rites with
the marks of a most profound piety.” 379
Monsignor Caccialanza recalls the remembrance of his father who was present at the
death of the Servant of God: “On various occasions he told us how serene was Bishop
Scalabrini in the face of death: so much so as to be himself the one to console the
members of his family, urging them to conform to the will of God.” 380 “All [...] were
repeating to me that he had died peacefully like a saint, showing a most firm hope in his
eternal reward. I was not surprised at this, because especially in his last weeks, as he told
me that he was experiencing the weight of his work, he was comforted at the thought that,
having shed “rivers of sweat” for the Lord, he felt sure, after a little scorching perhaps, to
go to Heaven.” 381
His sister Louise, present at the passing of the Servant of God, recalls “His eyes
shone of an uncommon light. He said, ‘I am ready, let us go’, and so he expired.” 382
377 C. Spallazzi. Ibid., ff. 76-77. Summarium, par, 104.
378 E. Martini, Ibid., f. 200.
379 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 563. Summarium, par. 627.
380 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 224.
381 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff. 118-119. Summarium, par. 104.
382 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., ff. 118-119. Summarium, par. 104
90

3. CHARITY
a) Love for God
1) Hatred of Sin
74. - In accord with the suggestion of Question 35, the Witnesses derive the heroicity
of Bishop Scalabrini's love for God, above all, from his hatred against sin and from his
striving for perfection, while neglecting, or just mentioning, other aspects, like his
devotion to the Eucharist, already dealt with when speaking of his faith.
“That the Servant of God was constantly aflame with an extraordinary love for God, it transpired
not only from all his external acts of worship, but in all expressions of his life, so much so that whoever
had the good luck, as I did, to get in touch with him, perceived that his thought was fixed in God and
could hardly listen to any of his conversation, whatever its subject, in which his ardent love of God did
not come to the surface, with much edification of all, often directly leading the less practicing to
salutary decisions [...]. In regard to his implacable hatred of sin, I am in a position to state that he had a
most delicate conscience, that made him choose his confessor amongst the priests closest to his
residence to have him on hand, as he felt the need to go often to confession, as indeed he did, not
shunning even young priests or those of his own household. By the way, I remember how he used to say
that a Bishop, who under the weight of so many responsibilities has many occasions for faults, has often
the need to purify his soul.” 383
“I am convinced that the Servant of God hated sin, mortal sin above all. What I can state for sure
are his delicate conscience and his ardent love for Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament. He went to
confession very often. For sure, every week to his ordinary confessor, and many a time earlier than a
week to his secretary.” 384
“I can testify that the Servant of God had an implacable hatred against mortal sin, and I heard him
say a thousand times: ‘Death rather than staining myself with a mortal sin, because the Bishop must be
a confessor by his teachings, a martyr through sacrifice, and a virgin in purity.” 385
“The Servant of God loved the Lord to a most intense degree. He hated mortal sin with an
implacable hatred and avoided also venial sin. I came to this conclusion based on his edifying life and
on his preaching that resulted most effectively when speaking of this subject.” 386
“From the conversation, and more so from the preaching of the Servant of God, one could well
conclude that he had it on his program to avoid not just mortal sin, but venial sin as well. He was
recommending this with such an intense and convincing concern to impress people most effectively. All
this was well understood by us, seminarians, whom he urged with a most endearing touch to avoid the
least faults.” 387
“As far as I know from the occasions I had to observe him, I have never noticed anything in the
actions of the Servant of God that could be considered a serious sin or even a deliberate venial sin.” 388
“The life of the Servant of God was such as to have anyone think that he avoided indeed also
venial sin: his demeanor was edifying at all times.” 389
383 L. Mondini, Processo c. p., f. 121. Summarium, par. 179, 181.
384 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 83. Summarium, par, 113. -He had provided that his priests should present the
deans the certificate of their weekly confession. He gave the example by giving his regularly to the Vicar
General. (Cfr. Biography, pp. 130-131,313-314).
385 Summarium, par. 628.
386 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 169.
387 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 453. Summarium, par. 483. Cfr. E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 224.
388 F. Lotteri, Ibid., 708. Summarium, par. 809.
389 A. Buzzetti, Ibid., ff. 784-785
91

“His outstanding piety, his demeanor, ever reserved and most delicate, sufficiently showed that the
Servant of God was always vigilant about himself, shunning even the slightest faults.” 390
“From the high standards of life of the Servant of God, one could well perceive his horror not only
for mortal sin, but for venial sin as well, which also he avoided, as it was clearly apparent also in his
conversation and in the exact fulfillment of his least duties.” 391
2) Striving for Perfection
75. - “In regard to his love for God, I can state that his conversation was always edifying, and
whatever the subject, he directed it to God, on the supernatural level, with ease: evident proof that his
soul was ever united with God.” 392
“I always had the impression that Bishop Scalabrini was leading the life of a saint: but in
preference over my impression, I would like to report that this was also the conviction of his Vice-
Secretary, Father Francis Sidoli, who subsequently became Archbishop of Genoa where he died. Not
just on one occasion did he speak to me of the Servant of God with such admiration as to depict him as
a man of a most saintly life and sublime perfection.” 393
Striving for perfection and holiness was a constant concern, or rather commitment,
of Bishop Scalabrini. We can verify it in the "resolutions" he was making at the close of
his annual retreats and monthly days of recollection:
“The dignity of the Bishop is divine - Deus, honor omnium dignitatum (God, source of all
dignities); it must be so in a very special way of the Episcopal dignity. I must make myself worthy of it
by elevating myself, purifying myself, deifying my soul. ‘Episcopus est homo Dei et post Deum
terrenus Deus’ (the Bishop is a man of God and after God, a God on earth). I must be grave,
irreproachable, modest, steadfast, gentle and strong, magnanimous, and noble in all things.” 394
“In all his actions, a bishop must be moved by the Holy Spirit, who is the moving force of the
most holy humanity of Jesus Christ. He must bear violence on himself in order to become a saint [...]. I
must elevate myself, purify myself, deify my soul. ‘Tantum proficies quantum tibi vim intuleris’ (you
will improve in proportion with your effort).” 395
390 A. Ranza, Ibid., f. 649.
391 G. Squeri, Ibid., ff. 530-531, Summarium, par. 565. -In his "resolutions", the Servant of God often
renews the most resolute purpose to avoid sin: “I will often meditate that the sin of a bishop is that mystery
of iniquity for which there is no expiating victim! Something to make one's blood run cold! O my God,
mercy! (G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi" Summarium, p. 333). From what we gather in the few personal notes
that were left to us (notes written during his meditations between January 26 and February 15, 1893.
Scalabrinian General Archive, 3027/1), sensuality was to him his "capital defect", against which he uses
expressions of the deepest disgust: "cursed beast", "smelly carcass", "ugly beast", "repulsive animal", "dirty
ugly mug". We shall see at N° 118, when dealing with his chastity, how Bishop Scalabrini gives even the
impression of being scrupulous, in a certain sense.
392 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 749. Summarium, par. 869.
393 A. DeMartini, Ibid., f. 271. Summarium, par. 295.
394 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 325. More than once we find, in the letters of the Servant
of God to Bonomelli, the manifestation of his desire to become a saint. On the occasion of a sickness he
wrote: “What am I to do? one must adore the designs of God and compensate for lack of physical strength
with sanctity; and I have so little of it!” In a period of moral trials, he expressed the same will: “As to
myself: I am resolved to concern myself only about my diocese, my missions, and my friends. These are
decreasing by the day; neither do I care to increase their number! Oh, could I only become a saint! to be a
saint! This is the whole man!” (Letters of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, September 10, 1884
and January 24, 1897, Archivio Bonomelli. Biblioteca Ambrosiana of Milan).
395 Ibid., p. 326.
92

“Remember that a Bishop must be a virgin, a confessor, a martyr. A Virgin for the purity of his
life; a confessor for his patience; a martyr for his zeal and charity. Formidable role, necessary
sufferings, powerful graces.” 396
“Wake up, correct yourself, ennoble yourself before God with a holy, hard-working, humble, and
chaste life: this is my aspiration.” 397
One can see it also in his fidelity to confession, made even more than once a week,
as we heard it said above:
“Confession! But well made, well made, for Heaven's sake! I must have another confessor. The
present one is a holy man, I believe it, but he does not correct me. I shall choose another!” 398
He fostered the same fidelity to the annual retreat and the monthly day of
recollection, to which he bound himself with a vow:
“A day of recollection on the second Sunday of each month: two meditations on the
Last Things and two spiritual readings. I shall spend the rest of the day, possibly in
prayer, as though I were to die that same night. Do it - do it well - with diligence. It spells
my salvation!” 399
“I bind myself with a vow, and sub gravi (under pain of mortal sin), for a year,
beginning with September next.” 400
3) Prayer
76. - He bound himself with a vow also to his daily meditation:
“Under the motherly protection of Mary, Most Holy Immaculate, I resolve to bind myself with
vow sub gravi to devote a half-hour, or 20 minutes, at least, to meditation, preferably before Mass: on
days of pastoral visitation, travels, or great celebrations, with pontifical mass or homily, no less than 15
minutes.” 401
“I must prolong my meditation. The author I just read tells me that one hour of meditation is not
too much for a Bishop. Get up early on time in the morning in penance for your sins and do it.” 402
“Never ascend the altar without the needed preparation: half-an-hour meditation, first, and then
some reflection directly toward a devout preparation; afterwards, the thanksgiving, always, always [...].
I renew the obligation of meditation; I should make one hour, and still it would not be enough for a
Bishop! Oh, what beautiful things I heard said about it! ... ‘Whoever leaves out his meditation is lacking
either in faith or in brains!...’ Before Mass I shall retire to the Chapel and I will always make my
meditation, especially if I will be granted the privilege of the Most Blessed Sacrament.” 403
The Servant of God was a man of prayer:
“He was a man of much piety and prayer. He strove for perfection, therefore, and set the example
for all who looked up to him.” 404 “He was a man of moving piety.” 405
396 Ibid., p. 324.
397 Ibid., p. 329.
398 Ibid., p. 323.
399 Ibid., p. 323.
400 Ibid., p. 329.
401 Ibid., p. 328
402 Ibid., p. 330
403 Ibid., p. 330.
404 G. Dodici, Processo c, p., f, 163.
405 C. Douglas Scotti, Ibid., f. 321.
93

“One had only to see him in prayer; all in admirable composure, during the day and also far into
the night.” 406
“He filled the day with acts of priestly piety.” 407
“I have the Servant of God present on my mind, especially when he prayed, because he transpired
such recollection and faith as would engender in me, still a boy, admiration and envy.” 408
“He always lived in the presence of God and of himself.” 409
“He was most exact in his practices of piety, which he did not neglect even in days of great work
and heavy toils. He sought to retire to a secluded comer, as happened one day at Cogno San Savino,
where I found him hiding in sacristy, where he had locked himself up for his meditation, while
preparations were in progress for the celebration.” 410
Besides the meditation, the practices of piety he had committed himself to every day
were:
“2°-Daily spiritual reading. 3° -Visit to the Blessed Sacrament, at least one a day.4° -The Rosary.
5° -The Angelus, morning, noon, and night. 6° -Morning prayers and examination of conscience at
night, and at noon after the Angelus. 7° -Renewing the right intention to do all things for the glory of
God before the most important actions, as before the audiences, etc.” 411
This schedule included also the distribution of the recitation of the Holy Office,
during which a few Witnesses had the opportunity to admire his devotion and calm, as he
had resolved:
“Say the office in the best way possible, applying it every day to some particular need. Each night,
I will examine how I said it. Each month, a meditation on the digne, attente, devote (worthily,
attentively, devoutly).” 412
“On days that I have a little time to spare, I will devote it to the study of the psalms most in use; I
will jot down in handy pieces of paper, to keep in the breviary, their meaning, inspiration, prophetic
purpose, etc. I shall begin with the hours. ... Every day one psalm! How many blessings will I call on
me and on my diocese from Heaven, if I recite the office like a saint!” 413
Besides his fidelity to the practices of piety, we have heard how the Witnesses
extolled his spirit of prayer, shown above all in his ardent devotion to the Eucharist with
the fervent celebration of the divine mysteries and the prolonged hours in adoration
before the Blessed Sacrament, and in his extraordinary devotion to Mary and the Saints.
4) Imitation of Christ Crucified
77. - Another characteristic aspect of the spirituality of the Servant of God is found
in his imitation of Christ; in particular, in his conformity with Christ crucified.
The priority he gave to prayer in his life and action, in the sanctification of himself
and of the People of God, was all rooted in the meditation of the Word Incarnate, and
consequently, in his contemplative and loving union with Christ. 414 In practice:
406 A. Bracchi, Ibid., ff. 469-470.
407 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 344. Summarium, par. 409.
408 A. De Martini, Ibid., f. 266. Summarium, par. 284.
409 L. Celia, Ibid., f. 612. Summarium, par. 682.
410 E. Preti, Ibid., f. 242. Summarium, par. 255.
411 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 323.
412 Ibid., p. 324.
413 Ibid., pp. 332-333.
414 Cfr. Biography, pp. 342-347.
94

“All our thoughts, all our words, all our actions, all our desires, all our dispositions, all our
sufferings, must be like brush strokes intended to form, little by little, the life of Christ in us, so as to
produce, as it were, a likeness of him. All this [...] will come to pass when we look upon all things the
way Jesus Christ does; when we love what he loves, and the way he does; when we foster in our hearts
the same sentiments, the same dispositions he has in his Heart.” 415
He sought to live in a particular way what he used to define “the philosophy of the
Cross”:
“Always consider crosses, tribulations, humiliations, and contempt as precious means of
sanctification. Do not complain, do not grieve, and do not get discouraged: offer up all things in union
with the sorrows of Jesus Christ: Fac me cruce inebriari.” 416
"The cross is the only instrument of salvation in the stormy shipwreck of life. Suffer, mortify
yourself, keep humble, and accept humiliations: this is your Cross: qui tenuerit eam beatus (blessed is
he who holds on to it). Never let it go: absit gloriari nisi in cruce Domini Nostri Jesu Christi (May I
never boast of anything but the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.) It is the only wisdom. A Bishop wears a
cross without the image of our dear Jesus: Why? Because we must love the cross even without the
consolation of his visible presence: we must love it for what it is: fac me cruce inebriari. The
consolations of Jesus will follow later. I am in a state of acquired perfection; behold the tree of life:
never let go of it. You will be blessed in life, in death, in eternity.” 417
“Fac me cruce inebriari! God trains me by means of tribulations, humiliations, pains, annoyances
of the ministry and audiences: he keeps us, enlightens us, and raises us to greatness: love the crosses,
therefore; love the cross. Love it: unite it with the suffering of Jesus Christ: press the pectoral cross
against your heart and repeat: fac me cruce inebriari.” 418
“God has been good to me, exceptionally so! How many extraordinary graces for my
sanctification; how many crosses! The crosses were inseparable from the plans of God .They were
never lacking. Bless the Lord! Te Deum laudamus! I sang it a few minutes ago in the cathedral. Thanks
be to God; take heart; forward in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.” 419
We find the same expressions in his correspondence:
“If you only knew how heavy this cross is..:. How true it is that a Bishop is a sign to be
contradicted. The life of a bishop is indeed the life of a martyr.” 420
“As for myself, by God's grace, I keep in perfect tranquillity of spirit and I know that saying a May
God be blessed in time of sorrow - as my Saint Francis de Sales used to say, - has greater value than a
saying a whole rosary in prosperity. I accept all oppositions from the hand of God, by whom they are
permitted and ordained and I strive to do so with love. Are they not small precious stones of the Cross
of Jesus Christ?” 421
“The Lord willed that to visit me this year with all kinds of tribulations, but I do not believe I ever
lost my resignation and tranquillity. I kept always present in my mind the saying omne gaudium
existimate cum in tribulationes varias incideritis (consider it a great joy when you face hardships of
various kinds), and I even found joy in it. Oh! the sublime philosophy these words contain: true love for
the Cross!” 422
“I bless God in all things and I experience a vivid joy in enduring with resignation all the sorrows
and trials he sends me. I accept these setbacks from the hands of God, by whom they are permitted or
ordained for our good, and I believe that in so doing I will be of some good use for souls. On my part, I
415 G. B. Scalabrini, Lettera Pastorale [..] per la Santa Quaresima del 1883, Piacenza 1883, p. 10.
416 Idem, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 328.
417 Idem, Note delle Meditazioni (Scalabrinian Gen. Archive, 3027/1).
418 Idem, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 324.
419 Ibid., p. 325.
420 A. Bronchi, Processo c, p., f. 660. Summarium, par. 743.
421 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to a certain Provincial Superior, s. d. (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3022/11).
422 Idem to L. Cornaggia Medici, Piacenza, May 12, 1896 (Archivio del Capitolo Liberiano, Rome).
95

do not wish but the glory of God and the greatest good of souls, should it be even at the cost of the most
excruciating pains. Ita, Pater, quoniam sic fuit placitum ante te.” 423
To that acceptance of the crosses befalling him from external circumstances, he
added voluntary acts of penance, of which we will speak in another page, together with a
stricter exercise of temperance and with the practices of mortification suggested by-the
traditional teachings of ascetic theology:
“When Cardinal Agliardi visited me, my brother told him: ‘The Bishop, a man of
even character after all, for some time now has given himself to an excessive asceticism.’
And the Cardinal to him: ‘Well, well! I too had a suspicion that the Bishop was that kind
of person, etc. I sadly smiled thinking to myself-that had the Lord not accorded me the
grace of some degree of asceticism in tempore opportuno (at the proper time) I wonder
how I would have fared. And so I have suffered in the midst of trials of all kinds, and,
because of the well known reasons, I still suffer, though not as much, doing whatever I
can and leaving in the hands of God the final result of matters [...]. Oh, would I only
become a saint! To become a saint. Hoc est omnis homo (this is the whole man).” 424
b) Love for one's neighbor
78. - The best known work proving the charity of the Servant of God for his neighbor
is represented by the series of institutions and initiatives undertaken for the spiritual,
social, and material welfare of the “poor emigrants”, as it is shown in Chapters XVII-XX
of his Biography and in the testimonies reported before. Benedict XV admired “his
exceptional virtues, above all the one that was his foremost: charity, which so inflamed
him as to make the limits of his vast diocese appear too narrow to him, urging him to
seek another flock in the distant emigrants.” 425 Blessed Card. Andrea Ferrari extols his
charity and mercy extended to all Italy and to the new world. 426 Card. Richelmy numbers
him “amongst the heroes of Catholic Apostolate, among the martyrs of charity
themselves.” 427
Question 36 searched above all into the years of his youth; but, because of the distant
separation in time, only a few could report some episode, like his sister Luisa, who stated
in a halting manner: “He used to give everything away in charity” 428 and his nephew
Father Alfonso Bianchi, who, referring back to memories of another sister, Maddalena,
recalled the generosity of the young student distributing in charity the little extra money
his parents gave him. 429 Monsignor Mangot reports having heard from professor Canon
Serafino Balestra, a colleague of Bishop Scalabrini at the Seminary of Saint Abbondio,
“that when still a young boy, he bought lunch out of his own pocket for the poor among
his classmates, and when as a seminarian, he made novenas to obtain better aptitude to
learn for some of his companions.” 430
423 Idem, Letter s. d.
424 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, January 24, 1897 (Archivio Bonomelli, quoted).
425 Letter of Benedict XV, June 30, 1915. Summarium, par, 1052.
426 A. Ferrari, “Il Nuovo Giornale”, August 16,1916 (cfrN° 44).
427 A. Richelmy. "L'Emigrato Italiano.", November-December 1912; p. 8 (cfr, above N° 44).
428 L. Scalabrini, Processo c. p., f. 919.
429 Cfr. A. Bianchi, Ibid., ff. 665-666. Summarium, par. 755.
430 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 46. Summarium, par. 47.
96

His solicitude and disregard of danger in assisting people stricken with cholera in the
town of Portichetto, Como, when he was a young priest, during the epidemic of 1867,
gained him some renown. 431
79. - About his life as a Bishop, all Witnesses recall, as people who had seen it with
their own eyes or had heard it from all the survivors, “the famous” episode of the truly
heroic charity of the Servant of God during the winter of 1879, when he provided relief to
the poor who crowded around his residence” 432 : “a most edifying gesture” 433 “of heroic
generosity” 434 that “created a sensation” 435 “to the extraordinary edification of the whole
diocese.” 436
“Since my earliest years as an adolescent, I had heard his heroic charity extolled by all, so much so
that word passed from mouth to mouth among the people that Bishop Scalabrini had deprived himself
of everything to help the poor, selling even his horses and pawning the golden chalice he had received
as a gift from Pius IX. And that is not all: I can add, as his domestics said, that on that sad period he had
generously given out his personal clothing. However, I myself have been an eye witness in other
subsequent needs, when, already at his service, we had to lock up the wardrobe because he was giving
away everything to charity.” 437
“He had reached a point - his domestic Spallazzi says – when he did not have even what was
needed. It is so true that his domestics, myself included, were forced to hide his clothing and linens,
personal and otherwise.” 438
The episode of winter 1879-1880 was not an isolated instance. “All human miseries
moved his great heart. On occasion of misfortune of any kind he was always the first to
offer comfort and help.” 439
“He was always present in any public misfortune: the Servant of God gave and had people give.” 440
“The exercise of a generous charity towards all people in need and sorrow has been the characteristic
of Bishop Scalabrini's Episcopate.” 441
“I never heard anyone being refused help who had recourse to Bishop Scalabrini. 442
“When he was able, he gave always and to all.” 443
“He gave all he had, especially by means of his warm meal kitchens (a new idea for those days) where
he distributed hot soups by the thousands.” 444
“As to his love for his neighbor I must say that it was truly unlimited; 445 “he was a man of exceptional
generosity, 446 “of boundless charity.” 447
“He gave the poor precedence over any work he was to undertake.” 448
431 Cfr. Biography, pp. 60-61.
432 E. Morisi, Processo, c. p.. f. 454. Summarium, par. 484. Biography, pp. 433-439.
433 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 531. Summarium, par. 531.
434 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 432.
435 L. Bertola, Ibid., f. 72l.
436 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 169.
437 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff. 122-123. Summarium, par. 183-184.
438 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 84. Summarium, par.117.
439 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 126. Summarium, par. 189. Cfr. Biography, pp. 439-444.
440 A. Ranza, Ibid., f. 649.
441 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 433. Cfr. Biography, pp. 444-46l.
442 F. Calzinari, Ibid., f. 632. Summarium, par. 714.
443 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 531. Summarium, par. 566.
444 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 592.
445 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 38. Summarium, par. 30.
446 C. Douglas Scotti, Ibid., f. 320.
447 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 345. Summarium, par. 410.
448 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 39. Summarium, Par. 32.
97

80. - Certain groups drew their special attention to him. For girl deaf-mutes, he
founded the “Scalabrini Institute”, still in flourishing existence. 449 He had an “all special
charity” for the “impoverished” families of the nobility. 450 “Another extraordinary act of
charity was his periodic and secret subsidy that he used to send to the local Istituto delle
Scrofolose (Institute for scrofulous women) whenever in difficulty. 451 He had great
compassion for prisoners: “he took direct care of all and each of them, visiting them
personally in their cells in the most pitiful cases, and providing help in kind and
money.” 452
“He showed his generosity especially with the poor seminarians. In the 12 years I
served as director of the ‘Oratorio’ (youth center) founded by him at San Giovanni's, of
the 16 seminarians recommended to him, he subsidized 14 of them, not to say that he
supported them altogether. 453 “He has helped and made possible the entry and training for
the Priesthood of many of the poor classes.” 454
By the end of his life he could finally give way to an initiative he had been pushing a
long time: the religious and social assistance to the seasonal rice-pickers:
“He raised his voice from the pulpit and with his writings against the inhumane way they were
treated, with very great danger of corruption, of women especially. Those poor people were lodged, in
fact, in precarious places, without any supervision. To this end, he constituted a ‘Committee’ that
helped obviate these evils in an effective manner, not only by dealing with employers but with the
Labor Ministry as well. 455
“Bishop Scalabrini was the inspirer of the work of assistance to the rice-pickers, then without any
help or support.” 456
Since the time he was parish priest, he was solicitous in carrying out the work of
mercy of the visitation of the sick. He did it almost every day. 457 He continued it, as best
as he could, also during his episcopate. “He did not just go, he flew to visit the sick, as
well as to administer Confirmation, so that sick babies might not die without this
sacrament.” 458 “He was doing the same during the pastoral visitation of the parishes. 459
“Whenever requested, the Servant of God visited the sick regardless of their social
status, 460 “rich or poor though they were, bringing a word of comfort, and often the help
of his great charity.” 461
c) Forgiveness
81. - Witnesses are unanimous in crediting the Servant of God for his extraordinary
ease to evangelical forgiveness:
449 Concerning the founding of the Institute for the Deaf-mute Cfr. Biography, pp. 467-482.
450 E. Morisi, Processo c. p.. f. 455. Summarium, par. 487. Cfr. Biography, pp. 446-449.
451 C. Spallazzi. Ibid., f. 83. Summarium, par, 116. - The Servant of God supported the Institute founded by
his chancellor Msgr. G. Pinazzi, Cfr. Biography pp. 458-461.
452 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 124. Summarium, par. 187. Cfr. Biography, pp. 454 -456.
453 F. Torta, Ibid., if. 346-349. Summarium, par. 422. Cfr. Biography, p. 163.
454 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 455. Summarium, par. 487.
455 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 126. Summarium, par. 189. Concerning the founding of the "opera Mondariso". Cfr.
Biography, pp. 848-852.
456 A. DeMartini, Ibid., f. 272. Summarium, par. 297.
457 Cfr. Biography, pp. 75-76.
458 L. Tammi, Processo, c. p.. ff. 838-839. Summarium, par. 981.
459 Cfr. A. DeMartini, Ibid., ff. 272-273. Summarium, 298.
460 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 565. Summarium, par. 634.
461 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 455. Summarium, par. 488.
98

“Bishop Scalabrini was never the man to hold a grudge against anyone of his adversaries or
opponents. On the contrary, he easily forgave them, and had often marks of special kindness for them,
so much so as to regard them as favorite friends.” 462
“The Servant of God had the very edifying habit of showing special signs of kindness to those
who after offending him gave evidence of regret and asked for forgiveness.” 463
“One of the characteristics of his charity was that of doing good to his offenders; he did all he
could to show himself particularly benevolent to them. 464
Several of them testify to the immediate forgiveness he accorded in word and deed to
all those who had insulted him on the occasion of the funeral of King Victor Emanuel II:
he was “full of charity with those who caused him tremendous havoc when he was met
on re-entering the city by a riotous mob, one night, because he had refused to celebrate
the funeral of Victor Emanuel II.” 465
The episode most remembered by all was the forgiveness granted Father Davide
Albertario, following the fiery polemics that had so saddened the early years of the
episcopate of Bishop Scalabrini, who had indeed defended his dignity as a bishop with
energy, but ever keeping his spirit open to forgiveness:
“Bishop Scalabrini had a good heart, and therefore, though so sensitive and reactive to offenses, he
always forgave: and I was an eye witness myself to the marks of benevolence he showed to those who
caused him great sorrows. And so he did with Father Davide Albertario, whom, in spite of the
preceding sad polemics, he invited to give lectures in his diocese.” 466
“I must say - Card. G. B. Nasalli Rocca points out - that I have never heard him say any bitter
word against this priest writer. 467
We do not tarry on the relations of the Servant of God with Albertario, thoroughly
studied in his Biography; 468 nor on the forgiveness accorded with evangelic generosity to
Father Luigi Mizzi and Mr. John Asaro, involved in the scandal of Miraglia; 469 and to the
two Canons who had caused him his greatest tribulations amongst the clergy of Piacenza:
Savino Rocca and G. B. Rossi. 470
We can add the paternal goodness he showed the priests who had failed in their
duties:
“If an observation should be made, it is that he was too generous with his heart. 471
“He had great mercy for the poor priests who had debased their dignity and he assisted them
spiritually, doing what he could to regularize their position.” 472
“And when I confidentially manifested a certain degree of surprise, he answered that we must be
very charitable with these unfortunate priests and that in any case he had consulted the Sacred
Congregation. 473
462 Ibid.
463 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 565. Summarium, par. 634.
464 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 532. Summarium, par. 567.
465 A. Scarani, Ibid., f. 410. Concerning the funeral of Victor Emmanuel II, Cfr. Biography, pp. 624-629.
466 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 486.
467 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 750. Summarium, par. 870.
468 Cfr. Biography, pp. 491-570, 603-615, 669-671, 683-684.
469 Ibid., pp. 452, 488-489, 900.
470 Canon Savino Rocca, and to a lesser measure, Canon G. B. Rossi, were amongst the priests of Piacenza
who in the name of Thomism and of intransigence, caused the Servant of God much suffering. Their
history is reported in chapters X-XIII of his Biography.
471 A. Ghizzoni, Processo c. p., f. 773. Summarium, par. 909.
472 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 593. Cfr. Biography, pp. 487-490.
473 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 750. Summarium, par. 871.
99

100

VII
PRACTICE OF THE CARDINAL VIRTUES
AND CONNECTED VIRTUES
1. PRUDENCE
a) Before taking important decisions he prayed and sought advice
82. - The Servant of God “has shown extraordinary prudence in all his positions”,
Archpriest Giovanni Squeri states 474 ; and the Rector of the Seminary Giuseppe Cardinali
testifies: “I know that the Servant of God was so prudent that other people went
frequently to him for advice.” 475 It was not only a question of a natural gift. Bishop
Scalabrini had recourse to the gift of counsel and asked for enlightenment in prayer and
sought advice from persons well known for their wisdom and expertise.
“I know that the Servant of God prayed, and much, before making any delicate and important
decision, and urged others to do the same.” 476
“When it was a matter of importance, he used to place the written documents concerning that
matter under the crucifix or under the corporal.” 477
“He never decided on important matters without consulting the persons whom he knew wise; and I
was often asked to summon such persons to him. He consulted very frequently his confessor and prayed
for spiritual light not only in an ordinary way, but through prolonged prayer in adoration before the
Blessed Sacrament.” 478
“Of my own personal knowledge, I state that the Servant of God, in his most difficult times, used
to ask for advice, and put the advice received to good use, considering it worth applying.” 479
“He meditated long and asked people of wisdom and experience for advice before deciding on
important matters.” 480
“I find proof of the prudence of the Servant of God in the fact that he surrounded himself with
people of eminent virtue and knowledge, some of whom were raised to the dignity of Bishop.” 481
A certain reservation is expressed by Monsignor Amedeo Ghizzoni:
“In his desire to do good, at times he let his heart take over [...]. As to his counselors, I think that
his secretary has acted this part too much. I know, however, that in certain cases he deliberately acted
without him knowing it.” 482
Concerning his secretary Monsignor Mangot, the Servant of God Monsignor
Francesco Torta has a different opinion:
474 G. Squeri, Processo c. p., f. 532. Summarium, par. 568.
475 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 305. Summarium, par. 364.
476 F. Torta, Ibid.. f. 350. Summarium, par. 427.
477 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 85. Summarium, par. 120.
478 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 132. Summarium, par. 201.
479 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 593.
480 G. B Nasalli Rocca, Ibid., f. 751. Summarium, par. 872.
481 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 433.
482 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 773. Summarium, par. 911.
101

“It was said that he sought the advice of very prudent persons, whom I knew myself. No matter
what may be rumored to the contrary, he did not abide by the opinions of his secretary.” 483
In his Biography, the matter is explicitly treated. 484 The result of it is that Monsignor
Mangot had some influence in presenting people for some appointments, but never was
there any injustice done or any harm brought on the diocese. “I do not look at the color,
but at the worth”, he used to repeat even to Monsignor Mangot, and he did not hesitate to
revoke acts of his secretary when he did not find them just or justifiable. As to let “his
heart take over”, Ghizzoni refers to Bishop Scalabrini's relations with Mother Clelia
Merloni. These relations are also explained in his Biography. 485 In reality, Bishop
Scalabrini had to be very patient with the Foundress of the Apostle Sisters of the Sacred
Heart, only to safeguard the institution of the female Congregation for migrants. He gave
in on matters of secondary importance, but held fast to the substance.
b) He consulted the Holy See
83. - Question 52 in the Questionnaire is restrictive, 486 in the sense that it refers in
particular to the episode of the Funeral of Victor Emanuel II, when the Bishop at first
refused to celebrate it, in obedience to the orders from the Holy See, thus unwittingly
provoking a riot of unruly liberals; but which later on, upon receiving new instructions
from Rome, he performed. 487
His domestic C. Spallazzi wisely points out:
“The Servant of God absolutely avoided speaking to the domestics of things concerning the
government of the Diocese or the acts of his ministry.” 488
One perceives the echo of such prudent reserve, which the Bishop kept also with
other people, in the responses of nearly all Witnesses, who cannot tell precisely how
often Bishop Scalabrini had recourse to Rome. Only Cardinal G. B. Nasalli Rocca, who
resided in Rome, was able to testify:
“He had recourse to the Holy See for advice. He came often to Rome, remaining there for a while
for the purpose of asking instructions of his superiors.” 489 Monsignor Ghizzoni adds: “For tranquillity
of his own conscience and of the conscience of the people, he certainly kept himself in official contact
with the Holy See. He must have had, besides, a most frequent private correspondence with Cardinals
and prelates of the Roman Curia.” 490 His biographer Msgr. Francesco Gregori, who had in his hands all
these documents, confirms: “From the writings he has left behind, it clearly appears that he had
recourse to Rome for instructions.” 491
Other witnesses infer his prudence from his obedience:
“I cannot say how often the Servant of God had recourse to the Holy See for advice; but I can state
that he was so obedient to its instructions and directives. Not only did he accept and observe them
483 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 350. Summarium, par. 427.
484 Cfr. Biography, pp. 338-339.
485 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1074-1093.
486 Cfr. Processo, c. p., ff. 946-947.
487 Cfr. Biography, pp. 624-629.
488 C. Spallazzi, Processo, c. p.. f. 85. Summarium, par. 121.
489 B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 751. Summarium, par. 872.
490 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 773. Summarium, Par. 911.
491 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 570. Summarium, Par. 641.
102

himself, but he commanded them to be kept by others as well, even when his internal convictions were
at variance with them. He -used to exclaim: ‘It is the will of the Pope, that's enough.’” 492
“I do not know with what frequency the Servant of God had recourse to the Holy See for which he
had the highest respect. And so, he unconditionally submitted to it all his projects before carrying them
out.” 493
“That the Servant of God was in all things and for all things obedient to orders and directives from
Rome, one can well affirm so with certitude, and nobody has ever been able to find him at variance with
what the Holy See commanded.” 494
In conclusion, concerning his way of acting on the occasion of the funeral of the
king, all Witnesses who had knowledge of the facts state that far from being imprudent,
the Bishop showed himself really heroic in waiting orders from Rome and so in being
ready to suffer the consequences:
“In his pastoral letter dealing with the matter, he openly declares that as a Bishop he had to obey
the Pope before all else. As a result of his delay, he had to bear scorn and hostile demonstrations, as all
well know.” 495
F. Lotteri exaggerates when he speaks of “insults and threats that could have been
fatal, while waiting for instructions from Rome.” 496
In any case, the Bishop showed himself ready to take any consequence:
“Faced with the disorders and the threats of the mob that pretended to celebrate the
funeral, no matter what, on the death of Victor Emanuel II, he kept saying: ‘Let them say
or do what they want. I have no instruction from Rome, I do not move a finger, I do not
do a thing.” 497
After all, that it was not a question of imprudence but of an act of uncommon virtue
is proven by the fact that Pius IX decided to reward him with a precious golden chalice,
which was probably the last gift of his life? 498
84. - Concerning the prudence of the Servant of God in seeking advice from the Holy
See we have many other proofs: all those instances when he petitioned the opinion of the
Pope before defending himself in public of the accusations of liberalism and
"transigence" that were leveled at him publicly by the "intransigent" press, 499 before
publishing his writings, like his Pastoral Letter on the “Pitra's Case” 500 and his
492 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 132. Summarium, par. 202.
493 G. Dodici, Ibid., f, 173.
494 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 532. Summarium, par. 569. -Obedience or respect to the Holy See were not in
question when he employed Father Cesare Antonietti as a "copyist" of the chancery office after being
removed from parish priest by order from Rome. The Bishop intended only to provide a livelihood for one
of his priests. Cfr. Position super Causae Introductione, Responsio Patroni, p. 142.
495 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 570. Summarium, par. 641. In the letter he wrote on that occasion to Pius IX he
recalls that the “furious storm” was raised only because of his obedience: “But the Lord gave me strength!
Neither heavy insults at my person, nor threats at my life, repeated demonstrations, tears of my trusted
ones, nor the threatening insistence of civil authorities, could bend me! To them I answered that I stood
ready to die rather than to fail in my duty.” (Vatican's Secret Archives, Secretariat of State, R. 165/1878,
Proto 27632. Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Pius IX, Piacenza, January 29, 1878).
496 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 709.
497 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 352. Summarium, Par. 428.
498 Cfr. Biography, p. 627.
499 Cfr. Biography, pp. 615-618. Cfr. also the "Informatio” at the beginning of this book NN. 97-100, and
125-128.
500 Cfr. Biography, pp. 579-586.
103

publication Intransigenti e Transigenti; 501 before giving indications in regard to the
political elections of 1886 502 :all circumstances that, as though by irony of fate, brought
down on him the most serious accusations of imprudence, and worse yet, of
disobedience, even to the extreme of an accusation to the Holy office. 503 Yet, in all of
these instances, the Bishop had closely contacted the Holy See before acting. His Pastoral
Letter on Cardinal Pitra was nothing else but a restatement of notes sent him for this
purpose by the Secretary of State. The booklet Intransigenti e Transigenti could very well
be defined by Bishop Scalabrini as “dictated by the Pope”. For the elections of 1886, he
did nothing else but to follow to the letter the responses he had expressly solicited from
the Holy See. This way, his renouncing to publicly defend himself, suggested but not
commanded by the Leo XIII, could in truth be called a “heroic” act by he Servant of God
himself. 504
But we will talk more opportunely of this when dealing with his heroic practice of
obedience.
c) Prudence in Government
85. - Was Bishop Scalabrini "a born leader"? Was he able to smooth out and prevent
divisions amongst his people or his clergy? Had he not imprudently provoked dissensions
with his clergy and with public authorities? Question 43 solicited an answer to these
queries. 505
One of the people who best knew the conditions of the diocese of Piacenza offered
the following answer:
“It was the general opinion that the Servant of God was a man of government. He came to a
diocese not all that easy because of the various trends then existing in different fields: in politics,
transigents and intransigents; in philosophy, Thomists and Rosminians or other schools and, due to
local circumstances, members of different religious Institutes. Indeed he met with a hard situation of
government. He conducted himself quite well, putting to good use whatever good he discovered in
people and frankly disapproving what he found to be beyond bounds or erroneous. To be sure, he could
not please everybody. But his rectitude was acknowledged by all, and by the end of his life, partly
because some of the most rigid and active opponents had died and partly because of his work and
prestige, he had reaped a consoling unity of the spirits, especially amongst the clergy. The oppositions
he faced must be attributed to and interpreted in the light of the conditions of the times which were
dominated by the sects and by some rebellious and impossible character, not to lack of tact or untimely
zeal. On the contrary, I must say that when somebody went to him, should that person even be an
opponent, he had the particular gift of attracting him to himself; as indeed happened with well known
people, like Lawyer Tassi, Dr. Marchesi, and Mayor Manfredi. I remember that when he died an article
was published in an anti-clerical newspaper saying that the publishers of that paper had been always
opposed to him because he was fatal for them, as he knew how to draw people to his side and put them
on the right track.” 506
The Servant of God Monsignor Francesco Torta observes:
501 Cfr. Biography, pp. 587-603: The publication is there reported in its entirety.
502 Cfr. Biography, pp. 649-652, 663-666.
503 Cfr. Biography, pp. 662-666.
504 Cfr. Biography, p. 616.
505 Cfr. Processo c. p., f. 947.
506 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. ii. 751-752. Summarium, Par. 873-874.
104

“It was even said that Bishop Scalabrini was born to rule for his rare prudence and conciliatory
tact that won the hearts. He was a born diplomat and it was almost an exclusive charism of his to
smooth out disputes and prevent divisions. Several times I heard people say, even some opponents of
the Servant of God: ‘What can one do? With that man one cannot but say yes’. Disputes and opposing
currents were not lacking during the episcopate of Scalabrini, but one can truly say that he always
succeeded in solving them by his fatherly, though firm and resolute, way.” 507
The Witnesses at the diocesan process that are most authoritative because of their
direct knowledge of facts and situations all agree with Monsignor Torta:
“It was his main concern to do all he could to keep the peace, advising, on all occasions to smooth
out difficulties, as he always did himself. It was a marvelous art, which brought much good to all, ever
knowing how to gain them to himself by his fatherly manners. When he could not grant what was being
asked, he so sweetened the bitter pill with those courteous and amiable words and manners of his that
the individual returned home just as happy. The same used to happen with the people. No one can deny
the existence of disagreements or disputes with the local institutions and with the public authorities
themselves: but I am convinced that it was never his fault.” 508
“He had a generally peaceful government and he had an exceptional gift for ironing out the
difficulties that might give rise to disputes with the authorities.” 509
“That he was gifted with a rare prudence is proven by the fact that he succeeded in smoothing out
many difficult situations and in preventing or mitigating divisions among his people and clergy.” 510
“This much is certain, that his Episcopate was filled with noble acts of government and with a
great sense of equilibrium; so that he succeeded in preventing divisions among his people, whom he
always deeply loved, being himself loved in return. With his constant equity he much mitigated the
various currents of his clergy, thus creating, as it were, a new era. Even with the public authorities he
succeeded in getting along most of the times better than it could be expected. 511
"He governed the diocese with rare prudence and succeeded in bringing peace between families,
as I came to know myself.” 512
“He was indeed a man of rare prudence in the government of the diocese. He was gifted with a
special intuition in knowing people, and had a prompt and sure capacity for decision, together with a
noble tact, in the affairs and matters of the diocese.” 513
507 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 352. Summarium, par. 429. -Monsignor Torta speaks twice of the "shrewdness" of the
Servant of God (Ibid., ff. 337 and 434. Summarium, par. 396 and 434), but it appears clear from the
context that he means "tact" in the first instance, and “wisdom” or “prudence”, in the second. (Cfr. Positio
super Causae Introductione, Responsio Patroni, pp. 122-123).
508 G. Cardinali, Ibid.. ff. 305-306, Summarium, par. 366.
509 A. Carini, Ibid.. f. 434.
510 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 594.
511 E. Morisi, Ibid., ff. 457-458. Summarium, par. 491.
512 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 487.
513 G. Squeri, Ibid., ff. 532-533. Summarium, par. 569. -There is no indication that the Servant of God had
any “particular intuition” for accepting the proposal of Monsignor Sante Masnini de Cornati, a priest from
Casale Monferrato and a fellow student of Scalabrini in Como, to open with his own funds an Ecclesiastic
Boarding School for poor aspirants to the priesthood. The Bishop accepted it because he had not yet
succeeded by then (1882) in healing the finances of the "Seminario Urbano", which he had found in such a
disastrous financial state as it would endanger its very existence. Unfortunately, he had soon to realize that
with all his good intentions the Monsignor was not the man to conduct a small seminary. He asked
Monsignor Torta and Father Henry Preti to investigate. On receiving their report, he did not hesitate "one
moment" before taking the needed provisions. (F. Torta, Ibid., ff. 352-353. Summarium, par. 430). - The
story of the Masnini Boarding School is reported in pp. 156-160 of his Biography. It is proper to point out
on the matter, that within a few years Bishop Scalabrini was able to pay off the whole debt of the seminary,
contributing also 25 thousand liras out of his own patrimony; thus insuring the survival of the institute. On
the other hand, the Administration Board had to count the pennies; and this explains the complaints about
food of the first three or four years, and the ineptitude of some teachers of the younger classes. (Cfr. Positio
super Causae Introductione, Responsio Patroni, pp. 116-119; Biography, pp. 153154, and 165-167).
105

86. - Monsignor Tammi thus sums up the situation of the diocese at the close of the
episcopate of the Servant of God: “From the state in which Bishop Scalabrini left the
diocese after 30 years as its bishop, it is clear that he was indeed a man of government.
He was very able and had a fine touch. In return, his Clergy respected and loved him.
Only a few eccentric priests were dissatisfied with him. He managed quite well also with
the public authorities. I heard it said by many that even these anticlerical exponents were
fascinated by his charm.” 514
He worked especially for the unity of the clergy; something that could not be
achieved without an exceptional gift of prudence, given the circumstances of the long
existing division between the priests of the 'Seminario Urbano' and those trained at the
'Collegio Alberoni':
“The Servant of God has always worked to insure and safeguard peace and harmony
among his Clergy, scrupulously observing distributive justice in his appointments to the
various tasks and offices, with no partiality. He gladly took any occasion to bring
together the different parties, to destroy all prejudice and rivalry, unfortunately long
extant in the Diocese.” 515
Card. Nasalli Rocca saw in his prudence in government, inspired by charity and by
his love for a diocese and a clergy not easy to rule, a mark of the heroicity of the virtues
of Bishop Scalabrini:
“In all his thirty years as a Bishop, he had a constant and undying love for his diocese, his clergy,
and his people. He always spoke well of them, as I had occasion, especially in Rome, to listen to him in
his conversation with prelates and high officials of the Church, never complaining about the
oppositions, difficulties, and misunderstandings he encountered because of his work and initiatives.
And I consider all this heroic indeed, if one thinks of the length of time that may engender a certain
sense of sluggishness and of his Lombard temperament so rich in initiatives and activity.” 516
d) His severe measures were approved by the Holy See
87. - Monsignor Mondini explains that the Bishop "used the most generous
forbearance and charity with all. If he had recourse at times to strong coercive measures,
he was forced to them by his duty.” 517 Canon Mangot recalls that “any time he or others
had recourse to the Holy See, the latter always took sides with the Servant of God.” 518
“When it was a question of whether he should take severe measures, he went very slowly and he
did not adopt them unless absolutely necessary.” 519
“When forced to take severe measures against someone, he had recourse to prayer and sought
advice.” 520
“He acted with prudence and he did not easily believe the accusations that were being made.” 521
514 L. Tammi, Ibid., ff. 839-840. Summarium, par. 983.
515 L. Mondini, Ibid., f., 133. Summarium, par. 203.
516 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. ff. 757-758. Summarium, par. 885.
517 L. Mondini, Ibid., f, 133. Summarium, par. 204.
518 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 49. Summarium, par. 53.
519 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 434.
520 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 50. Summarium, par. 53.
521 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 87. Summarium, par. 122.
106

“In the Servant of God the heart took first place, and he suffered when he had to take severe
measures.” 522
“Even when the Servant of God was forced to take severe measures against someone he did not
shun that habitual fatherly touch of his which endeared the spirits and bent the wills, the least compliant
as well.” 523
“Mindful of the Gospel, Bishop Scalabrini used to admonish paternally first, with
severity the second time, and occasionally he had to take also severe measures.” 524
“As to his prudence in taking severe measures, I know of one incident. A priest of
Piacenza had been accused of very serious offenses and proceedings had to be started
against him. The Bishop was urged from many sides to pronounce the sentence. Bishop
Scalabrini answered: ‘I feel I cannot do it now. Let me say still another Mass.’ After
celebrating it, he said: "Nothing doing: that priest is innocent.” And so it was. The facts
proved the innocence of that priest.” 525
“There was need to remove the parish priest of Mortizza, the parish where I had my
properties. Bishop Scalabrini called me in and upon revealing to me the sad decision he
was about to make, he broke down in tears. Then he pleaded with me that I also might go
with another priest, his delegate, to solicit that parish priest's resignation. He did so
because, due to the influence I had on that parish priest, he hoped the mission would have
better success. And so it happened. I know also that the Servant of God had committed
himself to take care of him if he renounced. A short while afterwards, in fact, he sent him
subsidies in money.” 526
“When forced to take serious measures, the Servant of God has always been prudent;
and his conduct is even more admirable, if one considers that in things of little
importance he tended to be somewhat impulsive.” 527
The result of all his recourses to the Holy See which always approved the way of
acting of the Servant of God is a sound proof that he never lacked prudence: “I was an
eye witness when Bishop Scalabrini had to take severe measures in regard to some
priests, but I can assure you that he was absolutely right. They deserved such disciplinary
provisions, and more serious still perhaps.” 528 But we enter at this point the field of
justice that was called into question by the recourses brought to the Holy See against the
Bishop: we will have to talk about this subject later on at the proper place. The second
part of Question 44 dealt with recourses to higher authorities against disciplinary
provisions, or acts of pastoral government, or political stands, of the Servant of God. No
Witness seems to know of any recourse concerning the last point. Very few know of
recourses of priests in regard to the first. Most of them recall, in particular, Canons
Savino Rocca and G. B. Rossi. Someone mentions other cases. When speaking of justice,
we will have occasion to go back to such recourses; and when dealing with obedience, we
will point out precisely what were actually his “political” stands. It will be enough, for
the time being, to recall the prudence he had before starting proceedings against Canon
522 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 840.
523 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 226.
524 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 306. Summarium, par. 367.
525 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., f. 736. Summarium, par. 842.
526 A. Buzzetti, Ibid., f. 786.
527 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 774. Summarium, par. 913.
528 D. Mazzadi, Ibid., f. 517. Summarium, par. 542.
107

Rocca 529 and the schismatic priest Father Miraglia: 530 cases for which the Bishop
employed all possible and conceivable prudence in order to prevent scandals, bearing in
silence and praying in tears before the Eucharistic Christ, before proceeding to
disciplinary measures, when it would have been imprudent to delay them further.
e) Prudent Friendship with Bishop Bonomelli.
88. - The whole Chapter XIV of his Biography discusses the friendship between
Scalabrini and Bonomelli. In that chapter are also reported the main depositions of the
Diocesan Process. 531 We believe that this documented report of the real facts will help
dissipate a misconception common to various authors and personalities, who did not take
pains to distinguish a friendship from what some consider complicity or connivance with
certain questionable and discussed positions of the Bishop of Cremona. We could add
many more documents to this end.
“There is no doubt about it: Bishop Scalabrini stood by the side of Bishop Bonomelli to help him
reflect and be moderate.” 532
“I am convinced that the prudence of the Servant of God shines most of all in his friendship with
Bishop Bonomelli of Cremona. In fact, far from any involvement of responsibility with him, he has
certainly sought with all his heart, instead, to detain him from more serious deviations and
misfortunes.” 533
“With his gift of prudence and of good timing he always sought to restrain and hold his confrere in
the right balance.” 534
“In his contacts with his colleague Bishop Bonomelli, the Servant of God has always been prudent
and careful, and from what I know, he never was involved in any responsibility for the acts done by
Bonomelli and condemned by the Holy See.” 535
“From what I know, Bishop Scalabrini was a real friend to Bishop Bonomelli, a friend who takes
upon himself the sorrows of his friend; defends him in public and in private, even before the Supreme
Authority of the Pope; advises him with wisdom and prudence.” 536
2. JUSTICE
a) Divine Worship.
529 Canon Rocca was removed from being Rector of the "Seminario Urbano" and a good number of years
later, deprived of the theological prebend (Cfr. Biography, pp. 495-499, 719-736, Cfr. NN. 92 and 113).
530 Father Miraglia was suspended a divinis at first, then he was excommunicated, and finally he was
declared excommunicated vitando by the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office (Cfr. Biography, pp. 872-
905).
531 Cfr. Biography, pp. 738-786.
532 L. Tammi, Processo c. p.. f. 840. Summarium, par. 983.
533 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 458 Summarium, par. 491.
534 G. Squeri, Ibid.. f. 533. Summarium, par. 570.
535 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 173.
536 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid.. f. 736. Summarium, par. 843.
108

89. - “Concerning his heroic exercise of the virtue of justice”, Question 46 requests
first of all depositions on the zeal of the Servant of God for the divine worship. In our
opinion, the most striking and singular manifestations of his zeal are:
1) The third diocesan synod, all devoted to the Eucharist and written in his own
hand, “the testimonial of his faith and love for Jesus in the Sacrament” 537 , and defined by
a bishop “the love poem of Bishop Scalabrini” 538 “perfect also on the liturgical level; 539
2) His zeal for the house of the Lord. The main monument to this zeal is the restored
cathedral of Piacenza. “Our Cathedral restored to its original form represents his
monument” 540 , “prevailing over those who opposed him for fear of a too risky
undertaking”; 541 “a titanic enterprise” 542 to which “he devoted himself body and soul
bringing it to completion free of debts.” 543 To this, we must add the restoration of the
churches of Saint Savino, Saint Eufemia, Saint Brigida, San Sepolcro, for which he
offered his maximum support, the return to worship of churches formerly confiscated by
the government, the closing down of other churches not worthy to operate, the reduction
in number of the city parishes, and the consecration of over 200 new or restored
churches:
“The Servant of God looked after the decorum of the churches in an extraordinary way, and
promoted quite opportunely artistic restorations and arrangements.” 544 “When visiting a parish he
sought information on the condition of the church, suggesting reforms and reconstructions,” 545
"insisting as a minimum indispensable that the altar on which the Blessed Sacrament is kept, be of
marble.” 546
3) His steady and persistent effort for keeping holy the Lord's Day. On this topic he
wrote the Pastoral Letters of Lent 1903 and 1904, and promoted various initiatives, also
social in character, in order to insure that workers and farmers could rest on Sundays and
Feast days. 547
The Witnesses tarry on other, but also meaningful, details:
“The Servant of God has constantly rendered due worship to the Lord, scrupulously keeping
himself, and having others keep, the laws and ceremonies of the Church. By his demeanor he merited
the admiration of the faithful. As Master of Ceremonies to the Bishop, I have been an eyewitness to all
this.” 548
537 F. Lotteri, Processo c. p., f. 707. Summarium, par. 806.
538 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 561. Summarium, par. 622.
539 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 836. Summarium, par. 976. - concerning the 3rd synod, Cfr. Biography; pp. 364-366.
540 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 701. Summarium, par. 796.
541 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 425.
542 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 481.
543 G. Dodici, Ibid., ff. 158-159.
544 L. Bertola, Ibid., f. 719. -Amongst his "very opportune provisions", one must number the reduction of
the city parishes from 31 (for a city of 30 thousand people) to 14, which was carried out with the approval
of the Holy See and with the praise of Leo XIII, for a more rational distribution of parishioners and a better
decorum of services. In endeavors such as this one, criticism was to be expected on the part of some priests
who were being affected in their interests and personal views; but nobody could say that the Servant of God
sinned against justice or anyone's rights. (Cfr. Biography, pp. 421-425; Positio super Introductione Causae,
Responsio Patroni, pp. 113 and 116-117).
545 A. Ranza, Ibid., f. 644.
546 A. DeMartini, Ibid., f. 264. Summarium, par. 282. - Concerning the action of the Servant of God in
regard to the dignity of the House of the Lord, Cfr. Chapter VIII of his Biography.
547 Cfr. Biography, pp. 312-313, 790, 802-803, 846.
548 L. Mondini, Processo c. p., f. 136. Summarium, par. 208.
109

“He has always sought to render to God his due honor, keeping himself and having others
scrupulously keep the sacred rites and ceremonies. I remember well how he was the first to set the
example of this respect by showing gravity and recollection during the ceremonies, ever avoiding
haste.” 549
“He was precise and most obedient to all the liturgical rules. He did not want lengthy ways, but he
expected that the ceremonies be conducted with precision. More than once I heard him raise his voice at
someone not too careful in the celebration of the holy mysteries.” 550
“He was particular about anything that concerned the honor and the glory of God. He was
extremely zealous not only about what concerns the spiritual life, but he scrupulously observed also the
sacred ceremonies and the dignity of the rites; neither was he contented with keeping them himself; he
always wanted it so of all his priests.” 551
“One of the characteristics of the Episcopate of Bishop Scalabrini has been the revival of external
and public worship with celebrations, centennials, crownings of images, consecration of churches,
verification of the relics of saints, revision of the diocesan breviary, three synods, and many other
initiatives.” 552
“He revived in an extraordinary measure the splendor of worship, promoting. frequent and solemn
celebrations and encouraging the clergy to make the House of the Lord more decorous. He consecrated
a great number of churches.” 553
"He called for and willingly took part in celebrations of thanksgiving, propitiation, and reparation,
which he wanted the most solemn possible.” 554
“He was also a precursor in the reform of sacred music, both vocal and instrumental.” 555
“He was among the first to introduce the reform of liturgical music, even before the Decrees of
Pius X.” 556
“The Servant of God called me into the city to implement the reform he had been dreaming of, I
repeat, years before the famous ‘Motu Proprio’, that is, in 1893 [...]. And he sent me to the Benedictine
Fathers of Torrechiara of Parma for further training.” 557
“When, in fact, the reform came, he formed a suitable commission, naming as its chairman
Monsignor Guarnieri of Cremona who later became Bishop of Bagnoreggio, in order to carry out the
instructions from Rome in the most effective way possible.” 558
b) Justice with his Domestics
90. - “He was prompt and precise in fulfilling his obligations contracted with his
domestics and he paid them always on time.” 559 “The conduct of the Servant of God with
his domestics was fraternal. He promptly paid the salaries agreed upon and gained the
respect of his domestics.” 560 Such was the testimony of the two Witnesses most directly
549 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 174.
550 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 356. Summarium, par. 435.
551 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 306. Summarium, par. 369.
552 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 710. Summarium, par. 814.
553 F. Calzinari, Ibid., f. 635. Summarium, par. 720.
554 L. Mondini, Ibid., f, 136. Summarium, par. 209.
555 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 572. Summarium, par. 646.
556 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid., f. 753. Summarium, par. 877.
557 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 174.
558 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 458. Summarium, par. 492.
559 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 50. Summarium, par. 55.
560 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 87. Summarium, par. 124.
110

in the know, the secretary and the butler. Monsignor Caccialanza, whose parents served
at the Bishop's residence until he died, confirms:
“The conduct of the Servant of God with his domestics was always correct, dignified and affable. My
parents told me so a hundred times. He was equally precise in meeting his contracted obligations.” 561
His sister Luisa Scalabrini testifies that “he always treated his domestics with utmost
kindness, 562 so as “to be loved very much by them,” in return. 563 “All of them were happy
with him, and showed him deep attachment.” 564
“I never heard any complaint; on the contrary, I was told by someone of them high praises about
his master. Concerning his domestics and others he was in touch with, I remember that, because of a
sense of justice or charity, the Servant of God said a Mass each month for them.” 565
c) The Question of Favoritism
91. - We made mention of it before when we referred to the accusations brought
against him by someone in regard to the bestowal of offices and benefices, for which the
interference of the Secretary of the Servant of God was blamed. 566 Monsignor Gregori,
who had sure knowledge of the workings of the diocesan Curia, grants that Monsignor
Mangot was “rather intruding”, but he insists that Scalabrini was not “the man to let
himself be influenced”. True, he sought to please his secretary because of friendship and
trust, “but with no prejudice to justice or to the rights of all.” 567 The fact is that “Bishop
Scalabrini was extremely just in his government and in assigning each to the office and
task best fit for him. It was his constant concern to provide for the needs of the position
first, and then for those of the person.” 568
“I can testify that I had the proof that he was the one who decided the assignment of his priests,
having taken into account the talents, the merits and even the special needs of the individual priest, as
well as the needs of the parishes and of the various offices.” 569
“In regard to appointments to office and to marks of honor, I am convinced that he proceeded in
all justice, and that he had on his mind to provide for the position first and then for the person. If he
seemed occasionally to provide first for the individual and then for the position, he did so for special
reasons and with no injustice to anyone. To this I add that he obtained honors for persons not quite so
compliant to him, like Monsignor Giovanni Battista Rossi, who was created Archdeacon and Domestic
Prelate; and canon Casella, who was made a Monsignor.” 570
“More than once I heard the Servant of God exclaiming that in appointing to offices and tasks one
must not play favorites, but look instead for the man best fit for the post or task under consideration:
and I have no proof for saying that he may have infringed on the rights of worthier candidates.” 571
561 B. Caccialanza, Ibid., f 227.
562 L. Scalabrini, Ibid., f. 919.
563 A. Ranza, Ibid., f. 651.
564 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 572. Summarium, par. 647.
565 P. Scarani, Ibid., ff. 412-413. - Concerning some secondary and unproven remarks on presumed
injustice of the Servant of God in regard to his domestics, Cfr. Positio super Causae Introductione,
Responsio Patroni, pp. 134-137.
566 Cfr. above, N° 82.
567 F. Gregori, Processo c. p., f. 573. Summarium, par. 648.
568 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 535. Summarium, par. 571.
569 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 596.
570 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 753. Summarium, par. 878.
571 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 357. Summarium, par. 436.
111

d) Disciplinary sanctions against certain individuals
92. - The most notorious case is represented by the dismissal of Canon Savino Rocca
from the office of rector of the ‘Seminario Urbano’ and his suspension from the
“Theological Lectures”. The Biography treats with ample documentation all the disputes
between Bishop Scalabrini and Canon Rocca, who had recourse to the Holy See. It would
be enough to recall that the latter has fully admitted the Bishop's rights ordering Canon
Rocca to obey, retract and disapprove whatever he had said or insinuated against his
superior. The Witnesses also are all in agreement in acknowledging the just motives of
the Servant of God:
“Canon Dr. Savino Rocca was giving an erroneous slant to formation [...].In closing the classes he
used to make too transparent allusions against those he thought to be his enemies, beginning with the
Bishop.” 572
"I remembered what Canon Rocca said and did against the person of the Bishop, criticizing and
discrediting him in front of us, seminarians, and accusing him of liberalism with such a seducing and
insinuating art as to mislead us (so that we believed more to the words of Canon Rocca than to those of
the Bishop). I realized then how just and opportune was the provision of the Servant of God. I had the
proof of his great courage in taking a decision thought heroic by all.” 573
“Intransigent Canon Rocca often could not restrain himself, in the face of the positions taken by
Bishop Scalabrini. He thought him to be a liberal, and he had gotten to the point where he kept
systematically talking badly of him to the clergy that visited the seminary. Such behavior was creating
quite a difficult and dangerous situation. The Servant of God tolerated for a long time such state of
things, but was forced finally to intervene by removing Canon Rocca from being Rector.” 574
“As to the dismissal from the ‘theological prebend’, it all began with a theological lecture in which
Canon Rocca spoke at length against the Bishop and the Canons, to the scandal of the people present.
For this reason, the Servant of God suspended him from preaching and hearing confessions. I believe
that Canon Rocca had recourse to the Holy See against this measure; hence a legal suit ensued by
which, after some years and various complications, he was declared deprived of the “theological
prebend”.” 575
The suspension from preaching for a few days of Canon G. B. Rossi caused quite a
stir. He was a friend of Canon Rocca and “had opposed the Bishop for a long time.” 576
“It soon became known that Canon G. B. Rossi had uttered expressions of criticism and opposition
to some acts of the Bishop while preaching one day in the church of Saint Eustachio. The Servant of
God deemed it proper to suspend him for a few days. I was always of the conviction that Bishop
Scalabrini did it out of his sense of duty, to safeguard his prestige, to refrain him from continuing on
that tune,” 577 “because of the moral harm deriving from this to discipline, especially in the Seminary, to
set an example for all the clergy, and to insure the prestige of authority.” 578
“The behavior of Canon Rossi was blameworthy and caused scandal. The Bishop saw the need for
reminding Canon Rossi of his duty to observe church discipline [...]. I point out that, being after all a
man of good will, Canon Rossi repented of his wrong doing and asked pardon of the Bishop, who
572 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 833. Summarium, par. 970.
573 G. Dodici, Ibid., f, 161.
574 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 342. Summarium, par. 407.
575 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 557. Summarium, par. 613.
576 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 704. Summarium, par. 801.
577 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 427.
578 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 704. Summarium, par. 801.
112

fatherly absolved him, holding him afterwards as one of his most beloved and distinguished priests, and
making use of his services.” 579
And so it was for other personal cases, like those of Lawyer Giuseppe Calda and
Fathers Carlo Tizzoni and Francesco Cavanna. No doubt can be raised as to either the
justice or right intention of the Bishop. 580
e) Just Administration
93. - His Biography recalls the scandalous campaign of the anticlerical press in1884
about the administration of Church properties, and the unanimous protest of the clergy
that rewarded the Bishop with a unanimous demonstration of loyalty. 581
Some rumors began circulating after the death of the Servant of God:
“Talk was going around when he died, that the Servant of God had left some unsolved financial
obligations: but then it was found out that they had been taken care of.” 582
“Rumors were going around after the death of the Servant of God that he had left many debts, but
then it became known that everything had been taken care of by means of the insurance he had bought
on his life.” 583
“To my knowledge, before he died, the Servant of God had some outstanding debts, but he had
also the funds to honor his obligations.” 584
“I can say that at the time of his death the Servant of God had some pending obligations; so also, I
know that in order to normalize the situation he made use of his life insurance and of the money
received from the sale of some furniture. In regard to any doubt as to the financial situation left by the
Bishop, I can state that Canon Saletti, administrator of the ‘Opere Pie’ (charitable institutions of the
diocese) has told me that Pope Pius X, of holy memory, had called him personally to Rome, and after
studying the economic situation, had declared that everything was in good order.” 585
Monsignor Amleto Ghizzoni admits “that the accounts of the Curia treasury were not
up to date”, but he was convinced “that Bishop Scalabrini felt sure he could honor his
obligations, especially through donations made to him in the future, which he could use
with freedom. However, as far as I know, he incurred these debts of his own initiative. I
have reasons to retain that his initiative was prompted by his heart always concerned
about providing for the needs and urgencies of the moment.” 586 We know now with
greater precision how the accounts could actually be straightened up, above all through
the dispositions he had made in detail in his last will. This will in fact contemplate the use
both of his life insurance policy, which had been provided by his brother Angelo; and of
the benefice of Montebolzone, entrusted to Canon Saletti for that purpose. 587
579 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff. 109-110. Summarium, Par. 159-160
580 Cfr. Biography, pp. 339-340, 126-127, 138.
581 Cfr. Biography, pp. 425-431.
582 L. Tammi, Processo c. p., ff. 840-841. Summarium, par. 984.
583 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 491.
584 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 357. Summarium, par. 438.
585 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., ff. 227-228.
586 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., ff. 775-776. Summarium, par. 917.
587 Cfr. Biography, pp. 431-432.
113

94. - The Witnesses of the ordinary Diocesan Process were asked, as a proof of the
justice and equity of the Servant of God, whether he had declined a rich last will because
the brothers of the testator would have been left in poverty. Only three Witnesses knew of
it of their own personal knowledge or for hearing of it from people who knew the facts:
“I came to know from Bishop Scalabrini himself that he did not want to accept a
certain heredity because the relatives of the testator would otherwise remain poor.” 588
“I do not remember the exact instance when the Servant of God tore apart a last will;
but I know, however, that on a certain occasion when it was question of a will made out
to him, he said the relatives had not to be neglected because they were in real need. I
myself know all this because I was present when these things were being said.” 589
“I heard it said a number of times that once the Servant of God tore up a will which
named him as heir, because the brothers of the testator would have been left in misery. I
can say, however, that Bishop Scalabrini refused, in spite of the insistence of Countess
Anguissola of Grazzano, the rich heredity which that noble lady wanted to leave to him.
The reason was his concern that it might have created a bad impression in the diocese.” 590
His secretary was the most explicit: “I remember the fact, and it is true, that he tore
to pieces a will that had named him the heir of a fat sum, in order not to deprive of the
heredity the relatives who were living in misery.” 591
3. FORTITUDE
95. - Also in regard to the practice of the virtue of fortitude, the Witnesses give
rather concise answers, following the indications supplied by Question 53.This question
called their attention to some circumstances: “Funeral Mass for Victor Emanuel II;
intervention against those who had no respect for Bishops and interfered in his pastoral
ministry; his action against the 'green serpent' of masonry; above all, his struggle against
the arrogance and the encroachments of civil authorities to the detriment of the faith,
good morals, and Religion.” 592
Let us say immediately that the Servant of God had other occasions to show his
fortitude, beginning with his voluntary assistance to the cholera stricken people of
Porticheto, near Como, in 1867, carried on with risk for his life; 593 his courage in giving
his Lectures on the Ecumenical Vatican Council I, in 1872, before a partly hostile
audience at a time of fears and waverings 594 ;and finally, the extraordinary undertaking of
his second trip to America in full awareness of the extreme physical hardships he would
have to undergo, which he actually sustained with his whole heart, thus hastening his
death. 595 Cardinal Capecelatro defined him “A Bishop, exceptional for his Christian
courage.” 596
588 L. Cornaggia Medici, Processo c. p., f. 737. Summarium. par.843
589 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 137. Summarium, par. 211.
590 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 357. Summarium, par. 437.
591 C. Mangot, Ibid., ii. 50-51. Summarium, par. 55. Biography, pp. 464-466.
592 Processo c. p., ff. 948-949.
593 Cfr. Biography, pp. 60-61.
594 Cfr. Biography, pp. 80-86.
595 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1174-1176, 1346, 1247.
596 “I will point out here one only merit of his, which is generally very rare in our day. He loved very much
to tell everybody the truth with apostolic frankness even when harsh; and he did it with much charity and
114

Pius X also praised the fortitude shown by the Servant of God in his love for truth
and in his work for emigrants, when he spoke of the “learned, meek, and strong Bishop,
who, even in the face of harsh opposition, always upheld and loved truth and made it
love; nor did he abandon it because of either threats or flattery; the courageous Apostle,
who sacrificed all things in order to keep alive the faith of our brother emigrants in
America by the mission of zealous priests imbued with his spirit.” 597 His friend
Bonomelli, his closest friend at all times, could well testify his intrepidity. 598
a) Funeral of Victor Emanuel II
96. - We have spoken already of the prudence shown by the Servant of God on the
occasion of the funeral of Victor Emanuel II. From the viewpoint of fortitude, testimonies
specify:
“I remember the time when on the occasion of the funeral of Victor Emanuel II a
delegation of citizens had gone to the township of Sant'Antonio to meet Bishop
Scalabrini and convince him not to re-enter the city where a hostile demonstration was in
the making against him. Though so saddened at the news, the Servant of God did not
loose his composure and decided to continue on his way saying that he had great faith in
the good heart of the citizens of Piacenza.” 599
“He gave sure evidence of exceptional fortitude on the occasion of the death of Victor Emanuel II,
by not giving in to the imposition of those who wanted that a solemn funeral Mass should be celebrated,
thus exposing himself to the well known attack on his residence on the part of the mob. He celebrated it
only when he was authorized to do so by the Holy See.” 600
Monsignor Mondini testifies hearing from the Bishop himself a rather odd detail:
“The Holy See had sent out instructions to avoid celebrating possibly the funeral Mass, and in the
document addressed to Scalabrini it asked him to forward it to the neighboring bishops. Getting wind
that something was brewing in Piacenza and in the cities nearby and foreseeing trouble ahead for the
bishops who should refuse to celebrate it, the Servant of God refrained from conveying such
instructions to them, but he stuck by them scrupulously.” 601
From the complete description of the episode we have gathered that the Servant of
God repeatedly stated on that occasion that he was ready to die rather than disobey the
Holy See. 602
courtesy, so that most people did not resent it. He ruled his diocese, where he suffered many sorrows, with
great charity, but also with the fortitude that derives from Christian courage that does good with God in
mind and has no fear. Besides, he took also many trips filled with dangers, which he disregarded. To some
churchmen who had come to visit him in my episcopal residence one day, and spoke about the dangers of a
trip he was about to undertake and which I do not recall, he said: ‘Do you believe it makes any difference
for one who has a clear conscience to die eaten by a whale or quietly in his home? In announcing Jesus
Christ Crucified to the whole world did the Apostles let themselves be overcome by fear?’ (Testimony of
Card. A. Capecelatro, Capua December 4, 1912. Scalabrinian General Archive, 3020).
597 Brief of Pius X, October 18. 1913. Summarium, par. 1053.
598 “I never saw him back off any sacrifice when it was question of duty and of the good of souls. He
suffered, and I felt small, nothing rather, before him.” (G. Bonomelli. in ‘Numero Unico’ Il Monumento
ricordo a Mons. Scalabrini, Como September 11, 1913).
599 F. Cattivelli, Processo c. p.. f. 393.
600 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 437.
601 L. Mondini, Ibid., f, 128. Summarium, par, 194.
602 Cfr. Biography, pp. 624-628.
115

) Undue Intrusions and Detractions to the Detriment of Bishops
97. - At this point we make reference to the fortitude with which the Servant of God
resisted his internal opponents, that is, those Catholics, who, though well intentioned,
were hindering his episcopal ministry, making use at times of methods and means
contrary not only to Christian charity, but to truth itself and to the respect for the
hierarchical principle. Their most fiery representative was Father Davide Albertario,
director of the “L'Osservatore Cattolico” of Milan. To him we must add Fathers Carlo
Bonaccina and Enrico Massara, of the same newspaper, and their main “correspondent”
from Piacenza, Canon Savino Rocca.
The relations of Bishop Scalabrini with them and other “intransigent” extremists
seem to be made clear to us in his Biography which devotes five chapters (X-XIV) to
those disputes. As to the legal proceedings in court, we have to revert to Question 19, for
his relations with Father Albertario; to Question 22, for the “Rocca's” case; and to
Question 24, in regard to Canon Giovanni Battista Rossi.
Witness Monsignor Gregori sums up the history of the relations with Father
Albertario this way:
“The relations between the Servant of God and Father Albertario, initiated about 1880, were good
at first. It was in 1882 [sic] when a certain tension began because of some intrusions the ‘L'Osservatore
Cattolico’ had made in regard to the diocese. It was due in particular to two articles, one against the
review ‘Divus Thomas’, and the other against the Secretary of the Bishop, Monsignor Mangot. But
what brought the dispute out into the open was the removal of Canon Savino Rocca from being Rector
of the Seminary. Canon Rocca was the correspondent from Piacenza of the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’
and was thought of as the main exponent of the “intransigents” in the city. The fight was planned so as
to make it appear as though Canon Rocca was removed because he was anti-rosminian, an altogether
false accusation because Bishop Scalabrini was never a Rosminian ; on the contrary, as I said before, he
was a pioneer of Thomism. As a consequence of the articles published in continuity against him, the
Servant of God had recourse to the Holy See. After various vicissitudes, Pope Leo XIII devolved the
decision to a committee of Cardinals that ordered Father Albertario to retract whatever he had written
against the Servant of God.” 603
Monsignor Mondini states about Albertario:
“I can say that he was an implacable enemy of Bishop Scalabrini: he defamed him in a most
serious way, especially in the pages of his newspaper, the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’, not just once, but
for several years. Later on, having changed his ways, he was reconciled with the Bishop.” 604
And Father Pietro Scarani:
“The dispute with Father Davide Albertario was awful: Bishop Scalabrini suffered very much.
This priest, thought to be a journalist, was imprudent and pretended to dictate to the Bishops. For good
reasons, therefore, he did not allow the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ to be read in the Diocese. But then,
having Albertario mended his ways, the Servant of God forgave him and gave him signs of great
benevolence.” 605
The Servant of God Monsignor Francesco Torta testified:
603 F. Gregori, Processo c. p., ff.. 551-552. Summarium, par. 606-607. The date must be corrected from
1882 to 1881.
604 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff. 102-103. Summarium, par. 152.
605 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 481.
116

“The relations between the Servant of God and the journalist Father Davide Albertario were tense
for quite a number of years, because Albertario was bringing steady insinuations on Bishop Scalabrini's
government of the diocese. At first the Bishop did not pay attention to the offenses and accusations
leveled at him and sought, instead, to minimize them, feeling sorry for the journalist. But then he
considered it his duty to intervene because of the evils resulting, especially among the clergy. The
accusation of liberal, in fact, in the sense intended by Albertario, that is, that he was opposed to the
Holy See in the political question, as I said before, was altogether without foundation.” 606
Monsignor Amedeo Ghizzoni points out that if Albertario was an intransigent,
Bishop Scalabrini was even more so when it was the question of loyalty to truth. The
Witness recalls the time in1897, when Albertario, upon invitation of Bishop Scalabrini,
spoke at a regional meeting of the Opera dei Congressi (Work of the Congresses, a lay
Catholic movement) held in Piacenza:
“With moving words he made reference to his relations with Scalabrini, honoring the Bishop's
criterion that in announcing the truth one must be intransigent. Bishop Scalabrini, with no less touching
expressions, stated that when dealing with the truth it is not enough to be intransigent, but most
intransigent, though always with charity. 607
98. - The heart of the matter must be sought right here. His Biography shows that
Albertario, in the name of a truth he identified with his fight against liberalism, attacked
violently, too often with subtle insinuations, malign interpretations, and not too rare
bloody slanders, Bishop Scalabrini and his acts in the government of the diocese. He
arrived at the point of stirring up the clergy and the seminarians against their Bishop, who
was being accused without any real foundation of favoring rosminianism and liberalism,
and therefore of disobedience to the Pope, while accusing the clergy of Piacenza for
Jansenism or Jansenistic tendencies. Father Albertario was pursuing “his” truth, and
Bishop Scalabrini acknowledged even too generously his good faith as long as it was
possible, but the Servant of God loved “the truth”: “not his own comforts or his own
interests or his personal miserly satisfactions, but the truth, only the truth was his rule,
and he sacrifices everything rather than betray it.” 608 “For this truth one must strenuously
fight till the point of agony and death.” 609 “Being silent out of human respect when it is a
question of truth? I would seem to betray the Word of God!” 610
At the same time and with the same intensity he loved charity, soul of the Church
and of her unity. This is why he reprimanded “intransigent” journalists for ‘that open
neglect of the most amiable virtues of the Christian faith, and that near derision of those
who recommend these virtues as the most precious and beloved of all.” 611 “The Church” -
he added –“our disconsolate Mother, has often cause for sorrow over those of her sons
who oppress her and rend her bosom [...]. A marvelous bond joins all her members, and
such bond is charity: woe to anyone that breaks it.” 612
Concerning the other foundation of Church unity, that is, the respect for the
hierarchical principle, we will amply treat it when we deal with the obedience of the
Servant of God.
606 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 341. Summarium, par. 404.
607 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 766. Summarium, par. 896.
608 G. B. Scalabrini, Discorso [...] per it giubileo episcopale di Mons. Geremia Bonomelli, Cremona 1896,
pp. 10-11.
609 Idem, Lettera Pastorale pel solenne riconoscimento delle Reliquie dei Ss. Antonino e Vittore, Piacenza
1880, p. 29.
610 Cfr. L. Cornaggia Medici. Un profilo di Mons. Scalabrini, Roma 1930, p, 19.
611 G. B. Scalabrini, Cattolici di nome e cattolici di fatto, Piacenza 1887 , p. 19.
612 Ibid., p. 24.
117

It was on the base of these principles that he, the first amongst Italian bishops, had
the courage of making public a solemn protest against the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’:
“No doubt, Bishop Scalabrini was gifted with a strong and intrepid spirit, as was seen especially
when he was made the target of abusive insinuations which were aimed indirectly also at the whole of
the clergy. He published his most bold protest against the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ of Milan, dated on
October 3, 1881, in the diocesan newspaper ‘La Verità’, protest expressed in eight points, each
beginning with a solemn ‘We protest’” 613
“Well known are the examples of fortitude of Bishop Scalabrini in the defense of his rights as a
Bishop and of the rights of his confreres, liable to the judgment of no one, except to that of Holy See.
He defended the rights of the Church against her enemies with fortitude, but in all charity. To me, it was
a mark of the singular fortitude of Bishop Scalabrini to have always made clearly known his thought on
matters left to free discussion by the Church, against the “intransigent” current of his time, even to the
Supreme Pontiff, with disregard for the many sorrows his conduct would have caused him on the part of
said current.” 614
Shortly before this public protest, he had written to Bishop Bonomelli:
“And now, dear friend, we are united as one target for the arrows of these poor blind people, but
we have to oppose their insane attempts, keeping our peace and rectitude of intentions, while seeking
only the glory of God and the Church, and the salvation of souls.” 615
We know already what he had written to Leo XIII:
“Holy Father; you know the frank sincerity of my heart, you know the great sacrifices I sustained
for the glory of God and to show myself for what I feel I really am: all for you and for your cause,
which is that of God. Prostrate, therefore, at your feet, only one favor do I ask of you: call to order that
troublesome extra-hierarchical element, especially of journalists (headed by the ‘L'Osservatore
Cattolico’), who, while feigning devotion to the successor of Peter, a devotion they do not have, use it
as a shield for giving vent to partisan passions and as a protection for private interests; offend the divine
authority of the bishops; disgrace the Church and discredit her before the people of good repute by their
fierce and scandalous polemics. Thus they tear apart that admirable unity among the Shepherds that has
been until now one of her most shining glories and turn Catholicism into a handful of fanatics.” 616
The protest of 1881 was written after the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ had incited the
seminarians of Piacenza to disobey the bishop in the name of a pretended obedience to
the Pope at an occasion that had nothing to do with obedience; 617 it was a protest, then,
against the offenses given to the Bishops, and therefore to the Pope himself with whom
the episcopate is united; a protest against the insults on the clergy of Piacenza; against
undue intrusions in the government of his diocese; against the distortion of the facts; and
against the insubordination advocated by this “liberalism of a new coinage”.
Albertario had the audacity of defining this protest as: “vile slanders which, you, the
Bishop of Piacenza, fling at us through mere infernal hatred against the ‘L'Osservatore’
and its writers.” 618 Since Father Albertario was convinced that a man like the Servant of
God was acting “because of mere infernal hatred”, Scalabrini had no choice but to have
recourse to the judgment of the Holy See, that called the newspaper of Milan to order, but
with no success. The Bishop of Piacenza, then, petitioned Leo XIII for a public
reparation, declaring, in any case:
613 P. Lotteri processo c. p. ff.712-713. Summarium, par. 817.
614 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid.. ff. 737-738. Summarium, par. 845.
615 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Camerlata, September 22, 1881 (Archivio Bonomelli,
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan).
616 Idem to Leo XIII, Piacenza. September 26, 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3042).
617 Cfr. Biography, pp. 500-501.
618 Letter of D. Albertario to G. B. Scalabrini, Filighera, October 7, 1881. (Archivio Segreto Vaticano,
Segreteria di Stato, Leone XIII, Miscellanea, D.O. Albertario, 111, A).
118

“I am and will be ready not only to follow your commands but your desires as well; so that if you
deem it that I should keep quiet, in compliance with Your desire I shall withdraw, calm and peaceful,
into deep silence, leaving all things in the hands of God and of You, who are his Vicar.” 619
Such readiness in complying with the wishes of the Pope is one of the most
convincing demonstrations that the fortitude of the Servant of God was indeed a virtue
practiced in an uncommon degree.
99. - As the intransigent newspaper, in spite of the repeated admonitions from the
Holy See, continued to attack the Bishops, especially of Piacenza and Cremona, the
Servant of God reminded the Pope of the real reasons of his protest and of his request:
“The dispirited silence of the whole Episcopate, terrified or mystified in the face of the persistent
attacks of a press feigning deep veneration for it and above all for the Holy See, was being judged by
the most sensible and well meaning people as a sign of weakness and connivance in the disorders that
derived of it. It was necessary that somebody should raise his voice and the circumstances provided that
I be the one.” 620
At last, Leo XIII intervened with the letter Cognita Nobis of January 25, 1882:
“Above all, let the Catholic press hold as holy the name of the Bishops”; but the Holy See
nullified, at the same time, the result the Apostolic Letter was meant to produce. For this
reason, Bishop Scalabrini together with Bishop Bonomelli had to insist with singular
tenacity and fortitude in order to secure from Leo XIII an act of justice, not because of his
person, “utterly insignificant”, but because of the authority, prestige, and honor of a
Bishop, and above all, because of the credibility of his pastoral ministry and of his
insistent exhortation to obedience he was inculcating on the clergy and the people of his
diocese. “I know I am a Bishop and such I shall be regardless of all odds.” 621 “Must and
can a Bishop keep silent, thus allowing his ministry to be belittled in the face of his sons,
the prestige of his dignity to be abated, nowadays more necessary than ever before?” 622
“A Bishop is not the master of his good name as a private person could be!” 623 “Woe to
religion” -a doctor of the Church would exclaim –“if the Bishops were forced to keep
silent.” 624
The good results of the intrepid fortitude of Bishop Scalabrini were soon
experienced: On the 17 th of June, 1883, Father Albertario had to make public an
unconditional recantation through a form dictated by a committee of Cardinals in which
he admitted having exercised “an undue and subversive intrusion in the diocesan
administration” of the two dioceses of Piacenza and Cremona. 625 A sentence this clear
from the Holy See confirms that the fortitude of the Servant of God responded to the
demands of truth and justice, not to obstinacy or desire for power.
100. - Unfortunately, the attacks of the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ did not end here.
We have already mentioned the episodes of 1885, on the occasion of the publication of
619 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leone XIII, Piacenza, November 19, 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2).
620 Idem to G. Boccali, Piacenza, November 29, 1881 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
621 Idem to Bonomelli, Piacenza, March 2, 1883 (Ibid.). Concerning the episode of the Cognita Nobis, Cfr.
N° 137.
622 Idem to L. Jacobini, Piacenza, March 15, 1883 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 1.c., III, B ).
623 Idem to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, June, 10, 1892 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
624 Idem to L. Jacobini, Piacenza, April 8, 1883 (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3042/2).
625 Letter of D. Albertario to G. B. Scalabrini, Napoli, June 17, 1883 (Ibid.).
119

his Pastoral Letter on the Pitra's case 626 and of the booklet Intransigenti e Transigenti; the
episode of 1886, for the political elections 627 ; and of 1892-1893, when the Holy See,
consequently to the persistent accusations of the intransigents, thought to take Bonomelli
out of the Diocese of Cremona. 628
We could also recall the polemic born of his Pastoral Letter Cattolici di Nome e
Cattolici di Fatto (Catholics by name and Catholics by action) of 1887 629 .In all these
circumstances, however, rather than fortitude itself, we must admire that particular aspect
of fortitude with patience, already spoken of, shown in the absolute silence observed by
the Servant of God when there was danger for the prestige of the Supreme Pontiff; in
bearing without discouragement or sadness the offenses aimed at his person; in the
magnanimity of his forgiveness, constantly offered and generously granted to those who
had offended him in matters most dear to his heart.
101. - One question, however, becomes inevitable at this point, especially if one
considers that a great proportion of the Italian bishops was so tolerant of Albertario, or
even defended and supported him more or less warm-heartedly: was not the Servant of
God too hard, perhaps, on the journalist whom Pius IX had defined the champion of
Catholic journalism, so as to fail in charity? One may highly wonder at a definition he
gave of Father Albertario in a letter to the Cardinal Secretary of State shortly before the
Committee of Cardinals, headed by Cardinal Jacobini himself, were to condemn that
priest to retract:
“Most Eminent Cardinal, am I in error? Be pleased to tell the Holy Father to correct me, and he
will have in me, as ever, a submissive, a most obedient son, in all things. But if I am found on the side
of truth, of justice, of righteousness, how can a Bishop, though the least and most undeserving of all
Bishops, be allowed to be publicly dragged to the tribunal of a priest who does not offer but the
appearance and the habit of one.” 630
This most severe evaluation on the priestly life of Albertario is based above all on
the open, voluntary, and repeated transgressions of the Christian virtues, especially of
charity and truthfulness, amply documented in said letter to Cardinal Jacobini. Besides,
one cannot ignore the fact that Albertario was then involved in two trials: one, for
breaking, as they said, the Eucharistic fast in public; the other, for the accusation of very
serious immorality with the female domestic of a parish priest of the diocese of Cremona,
immorality of which he then blamed the parish priest, who in despair, killed himself. We
do not know how convinced Bishop Scalabrini was of the guilt of Albertario, especially
at the moment when he wrote this letter when the trials were still in progress. The fact is
that Archbishop Calabiana of Milan had suspended the journalist from preaching in his
diocese, and the Holy See itself had ordered in 1882 that he be sent away from the
626 Cfr. Biography, pp. 579-589. Cardinal Pitra had published an ultra-intransigent booklet, censured by the
Holy See but supported by Italian “intransigents”. Against it, Bishop Scalabrini wrote in 1885 a Pastoral
letter On the booklet: La Lettera dell'E.mo Card. Pitra ...
627 As we said before, Bishop Scalabrini defended the thought of the "clerico-costituzionali" in his
publication Intransigenti e Transigenti of 1885; inspired by Leo XIII (Cfr. Biography, pp. 587-591). In the
elections of 1886, he privately allowed Catholics to go to the polls in accord with the particular instructions
he had received from the Holy See. (Cfr. Biography, pp. 650-652).
628 In the years 1892-1893, the Holy See had practically decided to remove Bonomelli from his Diocese of
Cremona, at least for a time, entrusting him with a diplomatic post in Latin America; but afterwards it
changed its mind, also because of the influence of the servant of God (Cfr. Biography, pp. 768-773).
629 Cfr. Biography, pp. 683-685.
630 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to L. Jacobini, Piacenza, April 8 1883 (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3042/2).
120

direction of the newspaper and only in 1885 allowed him to return to Milan. Bishop
Bonomelli, on his part, was more than convinced of the validity of the accusation brought
on the journalist, and certainly Bishop Scalabrini was not sure of his innocence. All these
circumstances concur in explaining the severity of his evaluation. What his real spirit
was, aside from a resented outburst at a moment when the Holy See, with the excuse of
the trials in progress, seemed not to give heed to the reasons of the Bishop, as it had to do
a little later, is shown by the promptness and amplitude of forgiveness he accorded the
fiery journalist:
“He allowed a confrere of his in the Episcopate to convey the following message to the one that
had fought him: Bishop Scalabrini has forgotten everything because he has never hated anyone. He
embraces and gives the kiss of peace not to opponents, but to brothers, who have offended him by
mistake.” 631
Father Albertario himself “openly admitted being ill served (and he could well say
deceived) by his correspondents from here (Piacenza)” 632 When he was invited in1897 to
speak at a meeting in the residence of Bishop Scalabrini, he said:
“Some of you may wonder at seeing me here in this episcopal residence, at seeing
that I am able to speak in this place; well, then, my justification is only one, the big
heart of Bishop Scalabrini.” 633
Well founded is, therefore, the deposition of Monsignor Luigi Cornaggia Medici:
“As to the well known dispute with the journalist Father Davide Albertario I can state, of my own
personal knowledge, that the Servant of God did not allow himself to be guided by sentiments of
resentment, but exclusively by the sense of duty which urged him to sustain and defend his authority as
a Bishop and the authority of other confreres who were being made the object together with him of
abuse by a journalist who had no mandate in the Church, and who instead had been repeatedly
admonished on the matter by the Holy See. Consequently, the well known acts taken in writing by the
Servant of God may and must be looked upon as acts carried out in full awareness and inspired by his
high responsibility as a Bishop and also by his intention to prevent that there be introduced into the
Church what he opportunely called ‘a liberalism of a new coinage’” 634
“In regard to Father Albertario, he forgave generously, giving him marks of exquisite charity,
especially by doing whatever he could to have the priest allowed to say Mass when in prison.” 635
Concerning Canon Savino Rocca, a friend of Albertario and a correspondent of
‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ and of other intransigent newspapers, and concerning Canon
Giovanni Battista Rossi, a supporter of Rocca and more than once at odds with the will of
the Bishop, we have already spoken, underlining that the Witnesses at the Process did not
hesitate to define as “heroic” the strong, but forgiving, stand of the Servant of God in
their regard. 636
c) Against Heresies, Sects, Schism.
631 Cfr. Biography, p. 835.
632 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to A. DiPietro, Piacenza, July 5, 1895 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, S. C.
Concilii Positiones Secretae, litt. P., III, 49).
633 G. Ferrerio, in In memoria di Mons. Giovanni Battista Scalabrini. Note Biografiche e commemorative,
Piacenza 1905, pp. 24-25.
634 L. Cornaggia Medici, Processo c. p., ff. 729-730. Summarium, par. 842.
635 Idem, f. 735. Summarium. par. 840.
636 Cfr. above N. 92.
121

102. - “Had he not been possessed of a genuinely apostolic and heroic fortitude, the
Servant of God” - Monsignor Luigi Ranza testifies –“would not have been able to
transform the environment and make the influence of the Church felt also in the midst of
his opponents; thus he succeeded by prolonged struggles in prevailing over slanderers,
masons, and over all those who hindered his pastoral ministry.” 637
As mentioned before, Bishop Scalabrini employed strong measures at the first
appearance of Protestantism in his diocese in1885, crushing from its very beginning the
infiltration of the Methodist Evangelical Church with an insistent counteroffensive of
admonitions and exhortations. 638 But the most violent attacks against religion came from
masonry that held a more or less overt control over a great portion of the local press and
of the civil authorities of the state and the province. The Lodge of Piacenza declared
Scalabrini as the “most powerful enemy of our society in Northern Italy [...]. The lodge
of Piacenza, once so flourishing, can be considered all done with because of his schemes.
We must oppose by all means the doings of that formidable enemy and demolish him in
our Masonic sense of the word.” 639 “No threats ever made him back out from the
fulfillment of his duty. I remember that once he received a letter stamped with a black
hand with the words: ‘Five more days’. He did not make anything of it; in fact, he
continued with greater vigor his fight against the enemies of the faith.” 640 “He never
retreated in the face of the arrogance and abuses of masonry, whose spokesman (the ‘Il
Piccolo’, a daily) did not spare him insults and indignities.” 641 We recall, among other
things, the promptness and energy with which he took care from the very beginning of
the atheistic newspaper ‘Il Penitente’ 642 and of a ‘lay Sunday youth center’ of Masonic
inspiration. 643
He showed an intrepid zeal for persons affiliated to masonry, even at the beginning
of his first year as a Bishop when he “called to penance the Grand orient Count Daniele
Nicelli, who lived afterwards and died like a saint.” 644
“In the years 1890-1895, there lived on Via Diritta (the present Via XX Settembre) a poor bedridden
man, who though being at the throws of death did not want to admit any priest; in fact, to anyone
who should speak to him about it, he showed the gun he had in the drawer of his side desk and
answered he would shatter the brains of the priest that should dare to approach him. Hearing about it,
the Servant of God said: I will go. Which he did indeed. Such was the salutary impression he made on
the poor unfortunate man by his brotherly heroic act, that, deeply moved to tears, he returned to
God.” 645
We will hear the depositions that disprove the absurd accusation brought on him,
especially by canon Rocca, who qualified the Servant of God as a liberal because he kept
in touch with “great sinners and masons” 646 "moved by a higher principle, which was that
of gaining their souls, something he succeeded in obtaining a number of times. 647
637 A. Ranza, Processo c. p., f. 652.
638 Cfr. Biography, pp. 866-869.
639 Cfr. Biography, p. 906.
640 C. Mangot, Processo c. p., f. 826. Summarium, par. 70.
641 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 598.
642 Cfr. Biography, p. 308.
643 Cfr. Biography, p. 852.
644 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to A. DiPietro, cit. in Note 41.
645 L. Mondini, Processo c. p., f. 127. Summarium, par, 192.
646 See below NN. 124-125.
647 F. Gregori, Processo c. p.. f. 575. Summarium, par. 652.
122

103. - The most sorrowful attempt at the heart of the Servant of God, apostle of unity
in faith and charity, was the schism of Miraglia in the years 1895-1900, caused by the
Sicilian Priest Paolo Miraglia Gullotti, who opened at a short distance from the cathedral
‘an Italian International Autonomous Church’, attached to the Congress of Old Catholics
of Vienna. 648 The Bishop made use, at first, of all the means suggested by charity,
patience, and prudence.
“He did not neglect any available means in order to lead the unfortunate one back on the right
track.” 649
“He did all in his power to call him back to his senses. He had him invited to the episcopal palace,
but Miraglia refused to go. He had recourse to private and public prayers. He organized missions and
rites of reparation.” 650
“He sent afterwards, in succession, Fathers Agostino Moglia, Bartholomew Ricci, and Monsignor
Pietro Piacenza, to offer him pardon on the part of the Bishop.” 651
“He did all he could to put an end to the scandal.” 652 “If the scandal was not immediately
suppressed by the zeal of the Bishop, it was certainly for reasons of prudence, so that greater evils
might be prevented, given the sad and excessive commotion of the moment.” 653
In fact, not only the anticlerical press fanned the flames, but after a while the civil
authorities as well cooperated in fostering them.
“I was then employed at the Prefecture (Seat of Government of the Province) and I remember that
the Bishop had begun procedures on several occasions to have the unfortunate priest sent away from the
city. But having to deal with people of no religion, these enjoyed the show and fostered discord
amongst well-meaning people.” 654
“They always defended themselves by saying that it was impossible to intervene because there
were no laws concerning this.” 655 “During this whole period, Bishop Scalabrini bore the slanders and
insults aimed at his clergy with patience and magnanimity that is unique in the world.” 656
“He showed himself very forbearing, but he never neglected to intervene with energy, as we all
know. But Miraglia enjoyed protection from someone of high position.” 657
“Realizing the negative results of his paternal approaches, the Servant of God
informed the Holy See about what was going on in Piacenza. After this, he made use of
the church censures against him.” 658
He excommunicated, in fact, Miraglia, when the latter refused to withdraw the legal
action he had started at the civil court against priests who had publicly defended
themselves against the accusations of the ‘new Savonarola’; he condemned the weekly
‘Gerolamo Savonarola’; and petitioned the Holy See for strong measures; but the latter
did not deem it opportune to demand a retraction. All this took place in the early months
of the Miraglian movement. 659 A few months later, the Holy Office inflicted the
excommunication, but this took place only on June 13, 1900, after the ‘farce’ of his
648 Cfr. Biography, pp. 872-905.
649 Cfr. F. Lotteri, Processo. c. p., f. 702. Summarium, par, 799.
650 E. Martini, Ibid., ff. 193-194.
651 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 553. Summarium, par. 609.
652 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 767. Summarium, par. 898.
653 G. Squeri, Ibid., ff. 526-527. Summarium, par. 558.
654 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid.. f. 368.
655 E. Martini, Ibid., f, 194.
656 E. Ottolenghi, Ibid., f. 689.
657 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 746.
658 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 107. Summarium, par, 156.
659 Cfr. Biography, pp. 875-889.
123

episcopal consecration. The Holy See declared him excomunicatus vitandus
(excommunicated to be avoided). Ten days later, Miraglia had to escape to Switzerland in
order to elude the various sentences pronounced by the civil courts for defamation of
priests. 660
After a time, during which the Bishop had tried to come to an understanding with the
civil authorities in order to have Miraglia leave the city through persuasion, the Servant
of God showed all his energy also with the public authorities.
“When Miraglia showed himself openly for what he really was and rebelled against the orders of
the Bishop giving start to a schism, the Servant of God rose to resist him with the full strength of his
zeal, having recourse also to the civil authorities.” 661
When the city council dismissed the appeal of the parish priests against the funerals
conducted by the schismatic priest, Bishop Scalabrini turned to the Attorney General
(minister of ‘Grazia e Giustizia’), and obtained finally from the Prefect the decree
ordering the closing down of the church of Miraglia, and from the Military Authorities
the prohibition for soldiers to attend it. He had recourse, besides, to Ministers Zanardelli
and Visconti-Venosta to have the appeals of Miraglia against the decisions of the Prefect
rejected. 662 But not before he had to reprehend the Prefect for his “truly inexplicable
behavior” and to threaten him “to make known to the public” the repeated protests he had
presented to the provincial and central governments. 663
104. - The Christian fortitude of the Servant of God, however, is especially and
extraordinarily manifested in his inexhaustible patience and resignation:
“I can state of my own personal knowledge that the Servant of God suffered very much, and more
than once I found him in a pitiful state.” 664
“One could see it from his impressive wasting away; he had become a wreck.” 665
Twice, in fact, he fell into a state of physical exhaustion. “Dr. Luigi Marchesi,
Scalabrini's and our family doctor, more than once told us that the scandal of Miraglia
marked the beginning of his heart's sickness,” 666 which was the prime cause of his
untimely death. But he reached, at the same time, the peak of conformity with the will of
God and with the cross of Christ:
“That unfortunate priest is weaving a true crown of thorns for me, with the audacity of a
downright sectarian, but I have to tell you that, so far at least, the Lord has given me so much strength
as almost not to let me feel the painful and steady sting. I realize that he rules me with a Providence
filled with mystery, and I feel, at least I seem to feel, disposed in any event to repeat: Ita, Pater,
quoniam sic fuit placitum ante Te (Yes, Father, because it so pleased you).” 667
“The Lord flogs me indeed, and he has a thousand reasons. He accords me, on the other hand, a
mysterious calm and tranquillity. Calicem quem dedit mihi Pater non bibam illum?" (Am I not to drink
the cup the Father has given me?).” 668
660 Cfr. Biography, pp. 889-900.
661 L. Bertola, Processo c. p., f. 719.
662 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 555. Summarium, par. 611.
663 Cfr. Biography, pp. 894-895.
664 F. Torta, Processo c. p., f. 341. Summarium, par. 406.
665 L. Cella, Ibid., f. 612. Summarium, par. 406.
666 Ibid.
667 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Pomaro, November 9, 1895 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
668 Idem, Piacenza, February 21, 1896 (Ibid.).
124

“Always look upon crosses, tribulations, humiliations, and contempt, as upon precious means for
my sanctification. Do not complain, do not grieve, and do not get discouraged: offer everything up in
union with the sufferings of Jesus Christ. Fac me cruce inebriari! (make me rejoice in the cross, or
make me intoxicated with the cross).” 669
“The Lord has chosen to visit me this year with all kinds of tribulations, but it seems to me that I
have never lost my peace and tranquillity. I constantly kept on my mind the omne gaudium existimate
cum in tribulationes varias incideritis (hold it as a great joy when you suffer a variety of tribulations),
and I even experienced joy in them. Oh! the sublime philosophy enclosed in these words: true love for
the cross!” 670
Monsignor Mondini points out for us the source of such fortitude:
“A number of times I found him crying prostrate face down to the floor, before the Blessed
Sacrament to implore the mercy of God on that poor unfortunate one and for the salvation of the souls
entrusted to him. In no case have I ever noticed any word or moods of anxiety on his part that might
show impatience, resentment, or irritation against that unfortunate apostate. In fact, should anyone of
his household come out with utterances hostile to Miraglia, he used to remind him of the duties of
Christian charity.” 671
d) Relations with Civil Authorities
105. - To a general question on the relations of the Servant of God with Public
Authorities (Question 15), the Witnesses at the ordinary Process give a variety of
answers. They differ between those given by lay people who speak of excellent relations
and of a constant good will shown by the civil authorities, and those of the laity and the
clergy who, much better in the know of the daily reality of the life of the diocese, say all
to the contrary. Architect Ettore Martini, who had an active part in the political life of the
city and the province, simply states that the Servant of God “certainly did not count” in
his pastoral ministry “on the favor of civil authorities from whom he never had any
support.” 672 Count Giuseppe Radini Tedeschi, a functionary of the Prefecture, confirms
that “he could not always depend on the support of civil authorities.” 673 Monsignor
Dodici specifies that “at first the civil authorities admired the talents of the Bishop; but
they soon showed themselves hostile to him.” 674 Various Witnesses distinguish different
periods: in his episcopal ministry Bishop Scalabrini did not “always have the favor of the
civil authorities who showed themselves from time to time contrary to him on purpose,
especially when they were tied up with the masons;” 675 and so he worked “sometimes in
accord with, but more frequently in opposition to, the civil authorities.” 676
When testifying on the prudence of the Servant of God (Question 43),the Witnesses
agree in denying that the disputes were attributable to lack of tact or wisdom on the part
of the Bishop; on the contrary most of the times, “with his diplomatic talent he knew how
to be in good relations with the public authorities and he prevailed by his ways and know
how.” 677 But he could join prudence with fortitude whenever needed.
669 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 328.
670 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to L. Cornaggia Medici, Piacenza, May, 12, 1896. (Archivio del Capitolo
Liberiano, Rome).
671 L. Mondini, Processo, c. p., f. 107. Summarium, par. 157.
672 E. Martini, Ibid., f. 186.
673 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid., f. 366.
674 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 156.
675 E. Morisi, Ibid., ff. 442-443. Summarium, par. 465.
676 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 548. Summarium, par. 597.
677 L. Tammi, Ibid., ff. 830-831. Summarium, par. 965.
125

“He gave evidence of extraordinary courage [...] in all circumstances when faith, morals,
discipline, and the good order of the diocese were at stake.” 678
“He boldly raised his voice against all abuses endangering faith or morals without flinching,
should they even come from the civil authorities.” 679
“The stormy span of his Episcopate, the political struggle tinted with Masonic influence, the
taking turns of the parties in opposing religion, and the dignified and intrepid conduct of the Servant of
God in the midst of all this, so as to merit also the admiration of his enemies, speak much of all the
fortitude of his spirit.” 680
“Concerning the virtue of fortitude, the Servant of God was ever courageous in defending the
rights of God and of the Church. I have no knowledge of any weakening that may have restrained him
from fulfilling what he thought to be his duty, not even in slightest matters.” 681
Some Witnesses report particular episodes to prove his fortitude:
“He has always showed the fortitude needed to resist abuses, the arrogance, and encroachments of
the public authorities, as it is proven by the blessing of the church of Holy Sepulcher which he restored
and reopened for worship, in spite of threats and oppositions from city hall.” 682
“Bishop Scalabrini manifested heroic fortitude at all times in his life: he won through resignation
and intrepidity all battles he had to wage against a Masonic and anticlerical political system, opponents
of the faith, his personal enemies, all abuses and intrusions of public authorities at the expense of
religion and morals. On this point, I remember a very sad period of the Seminary of Bedonia, that the
Anticlericals wanted to turn into a brothel (precise words of one of their main exponents).The town
government was dominated by people engaged in open war against the Seminary, which they even
wanted to leave without water, nor did they bother to move elsewhere the cemetery which was close by,
a continuous danger for public hygiene. As a way out and to the wrath of the liberals, Bishop Scalabrini
insisted, something that had never happened before, that the parish priests should be members of the
town council [...]. This way a new cemetery was built on a distant site, no word was ever made
concerning drinking water, and the Seminary was left in peace thereafter.” 683
“When it was a question of defending the rights of God and of the Church, the Servant of God did
not give in to anyone, raising his voice even to civil authorities: as it happened once with Minister
Costa, whom he reprimanded for presenting in Parliament a bill contrary to the rights of the Church
[...]. I am happy to recall, besides, his strong stand, as a newly appointed Bishop, against the Masons
who sought to preclude the granting of the exequatur by the central government, while patiently lodging
in a private house in the early days of his stay in Piacenza [...]. So also, when attempts were being made
to have the law on divorce passed, not only did the Servant of God carry out the instructions of the Holy
See to the Bishops by means of conferences and signed letters of protest, but he himself went personally
to Rome and spoke with fire and apostolic firmness to certain proponents of the law.” 684
“He strongly advocated religious instruction in the schools, and prevented that divorce might
destroy the family, doing whatever he could with all his heart to make sure that the unjust law be
rejected by the people of Piacenza, as they actually did.” 685
“He showed his fortitude also in eradicating public disorders such as immoral shows and dances,
adopting strong provisions on occasions of this kind.” 686
678 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 713. Summarium, par. 817.
679 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 311. Summarium, par. 378.
680 A. DeMartini, Ibid., f. 266. Summarium, par. 286.
681 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid., f. 755. Summarium, par. 881.
682 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 89. Summarium, par, 129.
683 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 537. Summarium, par. 577-588.
684 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff. 141-142. Summarium, par. 220-221.
685 E. Morisi, Ibid., ff. 460-461. Summarium, par. 497.
686 A. Buzzetti, Ibid., f. 787. The reason for which the Servant of God refused to accept a greeting card
from Mayor Arrigoni must be viewed in the light of his energy in suppressing public immoral balls. (Cfr.
A. Scarani, Ibid., f. 415). The Mayor of Piacenza, in fact, had authorized shortly before a public ball for the
solemnity of the Assumption the Patroness of the City. (Cfr. Positio super Causae Introductione,
Responsio, p. 114).
126

He succeeded also in preventing the construction of a crematory. 687
106. - We must not forget the protest which he, whom some considered a ‘liberal’
and a ‘conciliatorist’ in the worst sense of the word, constantly and publicly raised
against the great usurpation of the century, the ‘robbery’ of the rights of the Pope, and
against the ‘misdeeds’ of the liberals:
“We all see the miserable state of the government to which the sectarian parties have reduced our
beloved Italy! We are witnesses every day to ugly deeds, corruption, and scandals of all kinds. How
many robberies! How many wounds! How many ruins! It is up to you, priests and lay people, to stop,
by all honest means, the process of demolition; up to you, to raise the destiny of this poor country of
ours!” 688
“There is not one Bishop who does not deplore wholeheartedly the unbearable conditions inflicted
on the August Head of 300 million Catholics, and who does not unite with all the others in raising
renewed protests against the old and new attacks; there is no Bishop who does not proclaim with him:
that it is impossible for Italy to prosper until provisions are not taken, as every right reason demands, to
insure the dignity of the Roman See, the freedom and the independence of the Roman Pontiff.” 689
“In the face of the ill government administered by those who usurped the privilege of saying that
they love it, one would indeed need quite a high amount of effrontery to call enemies ourselves who
have opposed all vexations, abuses, iniquities, robberies, and crimes, through which the country was led
to the present misery.” 690
e) The Founding of the Works for Emigrants
107. - Question 54 is formulated as follows:
“Did the founding and the government of the Congregation of the Missionaries for
Emigrants undergo such difficulties in its beginning as to totally engage the fortitude of
spirit of the Servant of God so that it might not become a victim of shipwreck?” 691
The great majority of the Witnesses confess not having any knowledge of such
difficulties or oppositions. Some give general answers:
“The founding and the consolidation of the Congregation of the Missionaries for Emigrants
certainly faced enormous difficulties in all respects; only the great fortitude of spirit of the Servant of
God could give firm life to this providential enterprise.” 692
“The founding of his Missionaries cost him immense sacrifices and brought also many sufferings
to Bishop Scalabrini because of heavy expenses and oppositions; but he gave evidence, at all times, of a
very strong spirit.” 693
Some depositions are more precise and point out the real difficulties the Servant of
God had to face in founding and consolidating the Congregation of the Missionaries of
Saint Charles for Emigrants. They are all summed up by Monsignor Ranza:
687 Cfr. A. Carini, Ibid., f. 437.
688 G. B. Scalabrini, Lettera Pastorale [...] per la Quaresima dell'anno 1893, Piacenza 1893, P. 23.
689 Idem, Cattolici di nome e cattolici di fatto, Piacenza 1887, p. 23.
690 Idem, Discorso del Santo Padre. Unione, azione, preghiera, Piacenza 1890, pp. 8-9.
691 Processo c. p. f. 949.
692 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 598.
693 L. Cella, Ibid., f. 619. Summarium, par. 693.
127

“I am in a position to testify that the Servant of God had to struggle on three fronts in founding the
Congregation of the Missionaries: financial difficulties, lack or poor quality of personnel, and finally,
incomprehension on the part of many. Bishop Scalabrini never retreated because of these difficulties,
but with full trust in God he persevered in his enterprise and had full success.” 694
Monsignor Gregori distinguishes between internal and external difficulties:
“The fierce opposition against it [the Congregation for Emigrants] came from a certain press, used
to give evil interpretations to all his enterprises. The fact is that these external difficulties, and more so
the commitments and the responsibilities he was taking upon himself, were such as to demand a truly
extraordinary and genuinely supernatural fortitude. He met with many serious difficulties also in the
government of the Institute because of the random group of priests at his disposal. All this shows his
naturally intrepid temperament, but he would have to give in, eventually, had he not drawn an
extraordinary supernatural energy from his unshakable faith and charity.” 695
Father Alfonso Bianchi confirms:
“The founding and the government of the Congregation of the Missionaries have cost my uncle
from the very beginning great sacrifices because of difficulties of all kinds he met on all sides,
especially in not being understood, except by very few. Had he not been animated by the spirit of faith
and by an extraordinary fortitude, his institution might have well gone shipwreck.” 696
Monsignor Torta, instead, and with reason, places the stress on the “delusions about
some elements he had accepted who did not respond to his holy intentions. I am
convinced that this, more than anything else, has helped him exercise the virtues of
patience and fortitude in a heroic degree.” 697
108. - When the Witnesses speak of misunderstandings and of the opposition of a
certain press, they do not refer so much to the anticlerical press and government, which
indeed fought the institute of Bishop Scalabrini as ‘anti-Italian’ because it is ‘religious’,
as to the press and environment of the ‘intransigents’. These judged ‘a priori’ any
initiative of Bishop Scalabrini as ‘liberal’, and more so in this case. In his writings and in
his lectures on the Italian Emigration, the Servant of God proclaimed the indissolubility
of the dual concept of ‘Religion and Country’, and he hoped, for the good of the Italian
emigrants, in the Conciliation of Church and State, inadmissible to the ‘pure
intransigents’. 698 But we know that on the occasion of his lecture in Rome in 1891, the
Bishop gave advanced notice to the Pope that he would touch on these two sensitive
subjects, and Leo XIII answered: “Yes, Yes” - the Pope interrupted –“everywhere, but
especially here in Rome, this must be said.” 699
When he gave a lecture in Milan, the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ reproached him for
his relations with the Associazione Nazionale (National Association) for the support of
the Italian Catholic missionaries, of Florence, headed by exponents of “the old and
authentic liberalism,” 700 ; but it had accused earlier already the Bishop of sending his
brother Angelo, a liberal, to America, in order to study the religious conditions of
emigrants. Bishop Scalabrini had to defend himself strongly before the Sacred
694 A. Ranza, Ibid., f. 652.
695 F. Gregori, Ibid., ff. 576-577. Summarium, par. 653.
696 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 669. Summarium, par. 762.
697 F. Torta, Ibid.. f. 359. Summarium, par. 441.
698 Cfr. Biography, pp. 688-689, 957-958. More precisely, ‘intransigents’ considered the conciliation
impossible not in -theory, but with a State that had taken away the temporal power from the Pope: either
the State made restitution of what it had unjustly acquired, the city of Rome at least, or a wholly new
‘catholic’ State had to be created.
699 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, March 12, 1891 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
700 Cfr. Biography, pp. 113 1-1132.
128

Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, not only denying the news, but by pointing
out that when his brother had been drafted as a candidate for a seat in parliament, he told
him that if he only made himself available for the candidacy, he would not let him inside
the house any more: and Angelo “declined at once the mandate, though with great
sacrifice.” 701 Giuseppe Toniolo himself, who thought of the Servant of God as an
instrument of the providential designs of God precisely for his work on behalf of
emigrants and ideally supported him with enthusiasm, was refrained in practice for fear
of not being considered a ‘pure Catholic’ 702 by the Opera dei Congressi, with which he
found himself in accord only in 1899, after Bishop Scalabrini had worked with all his
strength for the reconstitution of the Committees suppressed by the reaction of the
government against the revolutionary riots of 1898. 703
109. - On the part of the Holy See and of Leo XIII in particular, the Servant of God
had generally their support and encouragement. Only, he would have liked a more
marked decisiveness in making the Italian and American Bishops understand the need for
their effective intervention in the solution of the problem by the promotion or permission
at least, of a pastoral care fitting the nature of this phenomenon. 704 To this end, he
insisted with particular determination to secure from Leo XIII the publication of the
Apostolic Letter Quam Aerumnosa, 705 and from the Sacred Congregation for the
Propagation of the Faith the Circular Letters which were repeatedly promised to the
Italian Bishops, inviting them to disregard a certain ‘stinginess’ in granting him good
priests for the missions; 706 and the letters to the American Bishops inviting them to grant
permission for establishing national parishes or the separation of emigrants from the
jurisdiction of the local parish priests, who also exploited economically the poor
emigrants. 707 In fact, after some uncertainties, the Holy See adopted the provisions called
for by the Servant of God. Pius X, especially, approved his ideas, and invited him to
prepare a draft for the establishment of a Roman Congregation or at least of a central
Commission pro Emigratis Catholicis (for Catholic Emigrants). 708
The Bishop of Piacenza protested before the Holy See because in permitting some of
their priests to enter the Scalabrinian Congregation, the Italian Bishops gave the
impression of gladly taking the opportunity to get rid of unwanted priests. 709 This was
one of the reasons why Bishop Scalabrini had to face the serious difficulty of conducting
the religious assistance of emigrants with elements not always fit for the task, as we have
heard from some Witnesses. He sought, time and again, to provide especially for the
formation of the missionaries, asking, without results, for the cooperation of the
Jesuits, 710 and then deciding to introduce the perpetual vows and to establish in Piacenza
an Apostolic School (minor seminary), where the future missionaries might be fittingly
701 Cfr. Biography, p. 35.
702 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1120-1222.
703 Cfr. Biography, pp. 835-840, 1124.
704 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1033-1035.
705 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1026-1028. The draft of the Apostolic Letter Quam Aerumnosa was prepared by the
Servant-of God.
706 Cfr. Biography, p. 1034.
707 Cfr. Biography, pp. 968-969.
708 Biography, pp. 975-978.
709 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1033-1035.
710 Biography, pp. 1012-1013.
129

formed for the difficult mission since their adolescence. 711 But precisely in that
foundation he had to face the financial difficulties and had to despoil himself of
everything and even sell, for the second time, his horses and coach. 712
110. - In the complexity of so many difficulties, we discover a particular aspect of
the fortitude of the Servant of God: ‘his forbearing patience’ and constancy by which he
did not let himself to be discouraged by difficulties in general, and in particular by the
tardiness with which his ideas on the pastoral care for migrants were accepted. These
ideas in the long run had their most authoritative endorsement in the Apostolic
Constitutions Exul Familia of Pius XII (1952), and Pastoralis Migratorum Cura of Paul
VI (1969), and in the present teachings of John Paul II. In 1898, Bishop Scalabrini had
predicted:
“The progress of ideas is exasperatingly slow, especially when they interfere with interests and
passions, but it is constant when the ideas in question are correct and truly useful. Let us insist, then,
because all slow things reach their goal, provided fatigue does not have the better of him who has made
himself their promoter.” 713
His forbearance and constancy were supported by a complete abandonment in the
hands of the Lord:
“Will the Institute live? Will it not? It will stand till God wills it [...]. To entrust ourselves to Him
in all simplicity gives greater security to our Institute than the search for any guarantee of moral,
economic and stable conditions.” 714
4. TEMPEPERANCE
a) Abstinence, Sobriety, Forbearance
111. - Almost all the Witnesses underline with superlatives the temperance of the
Servant of God; many prove it with details and anecdotes, some times small, but
meaningful.
“He was very moderate, and he was said to be a man of great mortification.” 715
“He was very strict in observing abstinence and fast, and he never transgressed in the use of
alcoholic beverages. He traveled second class. He did not smoke, but he snuffed common tobacco.” 716
“He strictly observed the prescribed fast and abstinence, and I know that he did more than that.
His domestic, Catherine, told me that on a Good Friday he ate just one slice of polenta.” 717
“When someone complained that strict meatless fast was the cause of trouble, he used to say: ‘If
oil hurts, just skip the meal.’ Something he did himself, being contented with some chocolate drink
even when there was more than one day in a row of strict fasting. When it was the question of others,
711 Cfr. Biography, pp. 1008-1009, 1030.
712 Cfr. Biography, p. 438.
713 G. B. Scalabrini, L'Italia all'estero, Torino 1899, p.12.
714 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to A. Valdameri, July 1891. (Scalabrinian General Archive).
715 F. Torta, Processo, c. p., f. 358. Summarium, par. 439.
716 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 536. Summarium, par. 575.
717 F. Gregori, Ibid., ff. 573-574. Summarium, par. 649.
130

however, if they had sufficient reasons to be dispensed, he was not difficult in granting
dispensations.” 718
“He knew how to mortify himself in food and drink; and on this point I can state that on occasion
of the Pastoral visitation and of celebrations of feasts for Patron Saints, he gave orders to the parish
priests not to prepare more than two courses, thus eliminating an abuse disapproved by all; 719 “it would
not be any surprise today, but it was so then, when I knew of cases in which even as many as fifteen
courses were served.” 720
“I sat at table several times with the Servant of God and I always wondered at his temperance.” 721
“He was extremely temperate in drink and moderate in allowing himself the necessary rest.” “He
was extremely frugal; he slept only a few hours.” 722 “I have always seen him rise early in the morning:
even when, during the pastoral visitation, he had been up late to attend to confessions.” 723
112. - He had occasion to show his temperance and his loving forbearance
especially during the pastoral visitations and in his trip to Brazil. At times “he was
contented with one dish, with fruits and cheese” 724
“He never complained about food, sleeping accommodations, or any other discomfort.” 725
“He never complained about the way he was treated during the pastoral visitations, especially in
the poor priest’s houses in the mountains; on the contrary, he told me and the others of his retinue not to
talk in case the hygiene was unsatisfactory.” 726
“He told stories, at times, of his mishaps and of the times when he could not sleep nights; but
without ever saying names and without complaints,” 727 as when he was given a bed “in a small room
that had evidently served as a chicken coop before.” 728
“I have heard him complain instead that the parish priests were doing too much for him.” 729
“I was present once when he was visiting our town. It was summer: he had arrived over fatigued
and all worn-out, finding nothing ready; hardly could there be found some soup at the tavern. Well, I
heard the priests who were with him complain about it; but Bishop Scalabrini repeatedly told them that
there was no cause for wonder and that he felt sorry for the poor parish priest caught unprepared.” 730
Bishop Massimo Rinaldi says of his trip to Brazil:
“Concerning the virtue of temperance I can assure you that during his stay at my mission he
practiced it admirably. Our table, in fact, was very frugal, and preparations for it were very quick,
because he insisted that I remain close to him on hand, rather than be busy in the kitchen. So also, he
had very little sleep on that day, hardly what was needed, because he had a very busy day.” 731
Sister Lucia Gorlin, the cook of the Christopher Columbus Institute, in Sao Paulo,
Brazil, during the month of Bishop Scalabrini's stay, testifies:
718 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 140. Summarium, par. 215.
719 G. Dodici, Ibid., ff. 164-165.
720 A. Scarani, Ibid., f. 414.
721 P. Scarani, Ibid., ff. 491-492.
722 L. Scalabrini, Ibid., f. 919.
723 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 597.
724 D. Mazzadi, Ibid., f. 518. Summarium, par. 544.
725 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 597.
726 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 88. Summarium, par. 128.
727 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 310. Summarium, par. 376.
728 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 597.
729 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 141. Summarium, par. 219.
730 A. Bracchi, Ibid.. ff. 474-475.
731 M. Rinaldi, Ibid., f. 678. Summarium, par. 776.
131

“When he arrived, the Benedictine Abbot Miguel Cruz (Kruze) insisted to have him as his guest:
but he said: ‘under a hut, but with my sons’. I was cooking for him, and I know how frugal he was in
eating. When the priests tried to have him drink some sparkling wine, he only tasted it. He was serene
and courageous even when faced with extraordinary sacrifices. Only those who have knowledge of that
region can appreciate the hardships of the travels of the Servant of God who had great difficulty with
riding horses because of a certain condition. When he could not take it any more, they had him climb up
into an improvised cart dragged by two or three horses; and so imagine, if you can, the sufferings of the
Servant of God, considering, besides, the winter season and the steady rains.” 732
b) Meekness
113. - “His demeanor was friendly and accessible to all, far from pride” 733
“Though ever grave, his demeanor was not haughty at all; on the contrary, his ways were very
gentle.” 734 “His manners were extremely gentle.” 735
“He cut an imposing figure, but his ways were very kind with everyone.” 736 “He was very
dignified, but very affable to approach.” 737
“When he happened to meet the apostate Miraglia on the streets, the latter assumed a challenging
attitude as soon as he saw him. The Servant of God did not take him to the test: he kept silent hiding his
sorrow within his heart. In all these incidents, one could see that he suffered much interiorly, to such an
extent as to feel it also physically with an impressive loss of weight. But I have never seen him losing
his temper: he has always kept his peace, and never said a word of complaint.” 738
“[In New York] in the midst of so much feasting, a rascal cast a potato at Bishop Scalabrini [...]:
rather than showing resentment, he turned to give him a blessing. The incident caused a stir amongst the
crowd that wanted to teach that scoundrel a lesson, but the Servant of God quickly intervened and did
not allow any punishment.” 739
His loving and Christian forbearance was manifested also in relation to Canon
Rocca:
“He always spoke with esteem of him, never saying any unkind word. This engendered much
admiration in me!” 740
Canon Rocca was the only one perhaps not to accept the reconciliation offered
him on several occasions by the Bishop. But even in this case, the Servant of God
chose to look at it from the bright side:
“The word was that the Bishop was not admitted by Canon Rocca because his presence might
have greatly disturbed him by refreshing the memory of a too sorrowful past. Such was also the
understanding of the Servant of God.” 741
By the concordant depositions of the Witnesses and of his contemporaries, any
time he had to apply hard measures or inflict severe admonitions, he was animated by
his concern for preventing the spread of the Miraglia schism:
732 L. Gorlin, Ibid., ff. 855-856. Summarium, par. 1005.
733 A. DeMartini, Ibid., f. 267. Summarium, par. 286.
734 E. Preti, Ibid.. f. 243. Summarium, par. 256.
735 A. Scarani, Ibid., f. 406.
736 P. Scarani, Ibid., f 409.
737 G. Polledri, Ibid., f. 499.
738 C. Spallazzi, Ibid., f. 71. Summarium, par. 93.
739 D. Mazzadi, Ibid., ii. 513-514. Summarium, par. 538.
740 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. f. 747. Summarium, par. 862.
741 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 32. Summarium, par. 20.
132

“Certain reprimands may have seemed too harsh to someone! Please, forgive me; but believe me,
if I detest evil, I have no shadow of resentment against anyone; I love you, and precisely because I love
you, I become indignant at anyone who causes scandal and seeks to betray you. I embrace all of you in
Jesus Christ; I would want you all in my heart; I would readily lay down my life and be a cast-out for
each one of you, should this lead you to salvation. No, no one is either friend or enemy to me, because
all of you are the children of my family.” 742
c) Poverty
114. - “He practiced poverty to such a degree as to deprive himself of everything.” 743 “He was
poor, because He gave all things to charity.” 744 “He had no attachment to money whatsoever; in fact, he
was giving away all he had of it.” 745 “He was often in the red, but he was serene and happy just the
same.” 746
“I heard people say that when his domestic confidentially complained to him one day because he
gave away also his personal linen reminding him he would end up dying on a bed of straw, he
answered: ‘Would it be strange perhaps, should a Bishop die on a bed of straw, while our Lord was
born on it and then died on the Cross?” 747
"Once, during the Pastoral Visitation, in order to show us how much he loved this virtue, Bishop
Scalabrini told an episode of Saint Charles. Upon hearing of the death of a priest who was said to have
died in the odor of sanctity, the Saint, having meanwhile heard that he had left a large sum of money to
his nephews and nieces, cast the hat of that priest given him almost as a relic into the fire saying, ‘Then
he was not a Saint.’” 748
He dispelled the temptation of accumulating money even for charitable causes.
We have mentioned already his refusal of the last will of Marchioness Fany Visconti
Anguissola, preferring, instead, to receive “some help with no obligation” in support
of his works of mercy, “rather than to become the owner of a rich property.” 749 The
same spirit of poverty together with full trust in God is seen in another episode:
“One day he told me that during his meditation he had discovered that the devil was tempting him
to make use of an account of three thousand liras, the earnings of his ‘mensa vescovile’ (the Bishop's
benefice) as a first deposit of a fund to be gradually increased. To uproot all danger, he called me in,
explained the reason, gave me the said account book, and ordered me to bring it right away to the
Institute for the Deaf-mutes.” 750
Several Witnesses recall out that enormous sums of money flowed through his
hands, nevertheless he could write in his last will: “I came to Piacenza a poor man and
I leave this world as a poor man. The little that really belongs to me will be enough to
pay my bills and the expenses of my funeral, which I wish to be a most modest
one.” 751
742 G. B. Scalabrini, Unione colla chiesa. obbedienza ai legittimi Pastori, Piacenza 1896, p. 42.
743 G. Squeri, Processo c. p.. f. 529. Summarium, par. 560.
744 G. Dodici, Ibid., f. 165.
745 D. Mazzadi, Ibid., f. 512. Summarium, par. 535.
746 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 296. Summarium, par. 342.
747 C. Tomedi, Ibid., f. 849. Summarium, par. 997.
748 L. Celia, Ibid., f. 613. Summarium, par. 683.
749 Cfr. Biography, pp. 465-466. The inheritance of Marchioness Visconti Anguissola amounted to
about one million liras of that day.
750 L. Mondini, Processo c. p., f. 117. Summarium, par. 575.
751 G. B. Scalabrini, Unpublished autographic last will (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3001/2). - In NN.
71-72 we spoke about the trust the Servant of God had in Divine Providence, which never failed him,
also because he never neglected any means or effort to secure the financial support needed to carry out
133

On this score also the Servant of God kept the happy medium:
“He dressed with decorum as befits the dignity of a Bishop. By the way, he told me once having
recommended to Bishop Villa of Parma, a man all charity and neglectful of himself, to avoid going
around so unkempt, saying: 'Dress a little neater, won't you?’ 752 "He dressed neatly. Underneath,
however, he was wearing mended garments.” 753 “In public he dressed with much decorum, while quite
casual at home; so I was told by his Master of Ceremonies Father Carlo Molinari, who said also that he
had a high regard for his Bishop who was seeking to imitate Saint Charles.” 754
“He never used silk garments. He did not bother about what was to be served at table. He had no
furniture and no tapestry of great value, no luxury of any kind,” 755 “only using what belonged to the title
of the bishopric.” 756 “On great occasions, he made use of silverware; but they were donated.” 757
d) Humility
115. - One more proof of the Servant of God's adherence to the axiom ‘in medio
stat virtus’ (virtue is in the happy medium) is seen in his practice of humility:
“He had a high regard for the dignity of a Bishop, and so he conducted himself in conformity with
it. Far from being haughty he had humble manners with all, a reflection of his interior life.” 758
“His demeanor fitted his dignity. He was humble, but without ostentation.” 759
“I was a frequent witness of the humility of the Servant of God, especially when dealing with the
humble and simple people as though he were the least of all.” 760
“I have seen the Servant of God always so humble that one never felt uneasy in his presence,
though ever so dignified.” 761
“He never shunned people of humble estate; in fact, one could briefly describe this aspect of his
virtue by saying that he stopped the poor while he let the others stop him, unless it was question of
souls, because then he was the first to go to all.” 762
“If he had some partiality, this was for the poor.” 763
“From what I have seen of him, his preference was for the unfortunate, the poor, and for people of
humble estate.” 764
“He conversed equally and with fatherly simplicity with noble and common people, according his
preference to the unfortunate.” 765
his works. Both the criticism leveled at him by the anticlerical press (Cfr. Biography, pp. 425-43 I) and
the criticism raised after his death proved unfounded. He left some outstanding obligations; but he set
aside in his will the funds to pay for them; and the Holy See refused any claims in this regard. (Cfr.
Biography, p. 431; Positio super Causae Introductione. Responsio Patroni, pp. 127-132).
752 G. Squeri, Processo, c. p., f. 536. Summarium, par. 575.
753 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 841. Summarium, par. 986.
754 A. Scarani, Ibid., f. 415. par. 515.
755 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 53. Summarium, par. 59.
756 L. Mondini, Ibid., f, 141. Summarium, par. 219.
757 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 358: Summarium, par. 440. Concerning, some marginal remarks made about the
poverty of the. Servant of God, Cfr. Positio super Causae Introductione. Responsio Patroni, pp. 137-
139.
758 F. Gregori, Ibid., 11. 558--559. Summarium, par. 616.
759 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid., f. 370.
760 C. Tomedi, Ibid., f:849. Summarium, par. 996.
761 P. Scarani, Ibid., f. 492.
762 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., f. 738. Summarium, par. 846.
763 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 538. Summarium, par. 579.
764 M. Rinaldi, Ibid., f. 679. Summarium, par.779.
134

“I still see him coming from his residence to the Seminary surrounded by the common people,
addressing each of them with a smile or a good word.” 766 “He never disdained serving the poor on
occasion of some meal, like the one he used to give them on Holy Thursday after the washing of the
feet.” 767
“He was always very humble. He loathed honors and praise. He always considered himself a poor
sinner. When rumors spread about that he was to be promoted Archbishop of Genoa or Patriarch of
Venice, he was very annoyed and disturbed.” 768
This testimony can be confirmed by that of his closest friend, Bishop
Bonomelli. 769
116. - When rumors began spreading that he was to be promoted Archbishop of
Ravenna, and therefore a Cardinal, his response was:
“To live; to become a saint; and it would be about time! to die in Piacenza: such is my resolve,
which I renew every year in my Annual Retreat. And God always listens to promises of this kind!” 770
In fact this is what we find amongst his ‘resolutions’:
“Immediately cast off any ambitious idea for changes of position: sincerely rejoice at the
promotion of others; be busy in propitiating God in my place, where I must become a saint and die.” 771
“Have no. concern any longer about things that happen about myself. Become a saint as Bishop of
Piacenza. The rest is -to me as though it did not exist.” 772
When word was going around about his promotion to Ravenna in 1901, to the
Rector of the ‘Seminario Urbano’ he made a statement, which he repeated several
times, especially in 1904, when he declined the offer for Patriarch of Venice: “One
must not concern himself about putting on scarlet robes, but about going to the
cemetery.” 773 “Why a cardinal! I am thinking of death!” 774 “Why a purple robe? Not a
chance! I must get. ready for death.” 775 “My purple robe shall be the funeral pall.” 776
Monsignor Gregori testifies:
“For all the times I was with him, and they were very many, I never heard him talk or boast about
himself. On the contrary, it was a habit with him to remind us that we cannot do anything of our own,
and that the more we succeed in things, the greater also is the reason for realizing that nothing is there
of ours. I was given to know that he was in line for the Nunciature of Paris, that he had been offered the
Archbishopric of Ravenna and the Patriarchate of Venice. There was talk, as I said before, about being
765 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 462. Summarium, par. 498.
766 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 312. Summarium, par. 380.
767 A. Scarani, Ibid., f. 416.
768 Mangot, Ibid., f. 41. Summarium, par. 34.
769 “I never knew a man so indifferent, so alien to honors, as Bishop Scalabrini. The talents, doctrine,
extraordinary activities, practical touch, accomplishments, and the sublimes virtues he was gifted with,
destined him for the highest honors in the Church. There was not a single time when he ever said a
word or did a thing that might ease the way to achieve those honors. On the contrary, he often acted and
spoke to show that he did not desire them; and given the occasion, he actually declined them." (Letter of
G. Bonomelli to D. Vicentini, May 12, 1906, Scalabrinian General Archive, 3021/1).
770 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, March 3, 1901. (Archivio Bonomelli,
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan).
771 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 328.
772 Ibid., p. 330.
773 G. Cardinali, Processo c. p.. f. 311. Summarium, par. 380.
774 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 670. Summarium, par. 764.
775 L. Cella, Ibid., f. 620. Summarium, par. 694.
776 G. Cattaneo, Ibid., f. 917.
135

made a cardinal; but the Servant of God (he confided it to me) had it as his program of life that he had
to become a saint as Bishop of Piacenza, emphasizing: ‘Is it not already too much being the Bishop of
Piacenza?’” 777
To Bishop Bonomelli he wrote that he had declined the Patriarchate of Venice:
“I do not go, but I remain in Piacenza. I need to prepare myself to die; for the rest I am totally
indifferent. This too is a grace of God, and may I profit by it. I too have a strong desire to see you, but
the disagreeable and annoying din worthy of a madhouse (a veritable persecution) carried on around me
at this moment, does not allow me to come to Cremona.” 778
When he was notified that Pius X had accepted his renunciation and after Bishop
Bonomelli had declared to him: “In the midst of such a fever for vanities and
ambitions, you have given a striking example of evangelic spirit”, he answered: “Yes,
my crisis is happily over [...]. Besides, should this new martyrdom that the press put
me through produce the marvelous result you speak of, thanks be to God!” 779
117. - “The Servant of God could not have of himself but a humble opinion. In fact, I never heard
him say one word that might turn to his praise. He had very many contacts and friendships with many
noted church and lay people, but he never took advantage of them for his advancement.” 780 “The refrain
with him was: one must always distrust himself.” 781 “The humility of the Servant of God transpired
from his conversation: he never said a word that might elicit praises on the part of his listeners.” 782
The liberal journalist E. Galimberti proves the humility of the Bishop by reporting
the following episode:
“To have an idea of the esteem enjoyed by the Bishop and of the opinion he had of himself, I am
happy to report an episode of the last years of his life about which I wrote an article for the ‘II
Progresso’. A lady of the people had been six months ill in bed, unable to move. She insisted with her
husband to secure a visit of Bishop Scalabrini, entertaining great hopes for good results. The Bishop
heard of it, and upon request of her husband, he went to see her. Once at her bedside, the Servant of
God invited her to try and move her legs. She kept answering: ‘I cannot.’ But on insistence from the
Bishop, she indeed began moving them, and in a few minutes she was up and around. At such
happening, both wife and husband began shouting: ‘A miracle, a miracle!’ But Bishop Scalabrini kept
repeating: ‘No, no, it is not a miracle, because only the Saints perform them, and I am not one of them.
It may well be a case of hysterics. (He said this, perhaps, to prevent that news of it be spread around to
his credit.) This certainly bespeaks of his humility.” 783
He was accustomed in fact to hide whatever turned to his praise, like the letters of
thanks he received from the people he was helping. 784 He even tried to hide his own
humility:
“I was always of the conviction that the Servant of God possessed humility in a
heroic degree, and that his easy ways and neglect for certain small things represented a
means for hiding his virtue.” 785
777 F. Gregori, Ibid.. f. 577. Summarium, par. 654.
778 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, January 17, 1904 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
779 Idem, February 16, 1904 (Ibid.).
780 G.B: Nasalli Rocca, Processo c. p., f. 755. Summarium, par. 882.
781 F. Torta, Ibid.. f. 359. Summarium, par. 442.
782 A. Carini, Ibid., ff. 437-438.
783 B. Galimberti, Ibid., f. 606.
784 Cfr. Biography, p. 451.
785 F. Calzinari, Processo c. p., f. 637. Summarium, par. 723.
136

e) Chastity
118. - The Servant of God loved purity of a jealous love: in fact, one might be
tempted to define it "scrupulous", if some expressions of his resolutions did not reveal
what a sensitive temperament and kinds of temptations he had to deal with:
“Promptness in casting off all impure thoughts; without it, one will perish, will perish. Strict
custody of the eyes! What is of no impact to others may be fatal to me.” 786
“A thousand times death, rather than stain the dignity of the priestly character with a carnal sin.” 787
“Sacramental confession! But well received, for Heaven's sake! I choose Friday in memory of the
passion and death of Jesus Christ. I will go to confession, however, as soon as I perceive the sting of
temptation; immediately, right from its onset; or when I might have imprudently exposed myself to any
danger! Prostrate yourself before God, weep over your misery, and go to confession.” 788
“Potius mori quam foedari (death rather than any stain)... Strict custody of the eyes... Promptness
in casting off with contempt all temptations! Every day, a prayer within the Mass, and a Virgo, Virginis
Filius, Rex et Caput Virginum (Virgin, son of a Virgin, King and Head of Virgins) to Christ after it, that
he may strengthen me, protect me, defend me…” 789
“To purify myself at all costs, with the help of God, from my capital defect, O my Jesus. To cast
off with total promptness any thought that may hurt me. Prudent custody of the eyes! I entrust this
resolution of mine in the hands of Jesus Christ himself and I shall commit myself to him every day.” 790
“I must bravely fight then that cursed one who disturbs all my existing days.” 791
The brutal force of his temptations explains the extraordinary measures he
employed to defend himself from the danger he had singled out as the most immediate
and foremost one, impending on his determination to be a Bishop ‘virgin, confessor,
and martyr’. Virgin for purity of life: woe ‘si iniqua gerit in terra sanctorum; non
videbit gloriam Domini’ (should I commit iniquity in the land of the saints; I will not
see the glory of the Lord). 792
Monsignor Ghizzoni states decisively:
“Concerning chastity, I state that the Servant of God has practiced it with exemplary and
extraordinary perfection.” 793
Monsignor Cornaggia Medici recalls: "He told me that we must apply the bit to
this body of ours, and give it some good lashes now and then;” 794 something he did
indeed, as is shown by his disciplines (instruments of penance) with evident signs of
their use, now kept in the Scalabrinian Museum of the Mother house of the
Missionaries of Saint Charles, in Piacenza, and by the use of a ‘cilicium’, confirmed
by his closest people, like his sister Luisa, his waiter Spallazzi, and his secretary
Monsignor Mangot: “For the custody of his purity he used to wear a cilicium (a
786 G. B. Scalabrini, "Propositi", Summarium, p. 323.
787 Ibid., p. 326.
788 Ibid., p. 327.
789 Ibid., p. 328.
790 Ibid., p. 330.
791 Ibid., p. 330.
792 Ibid., p. 326.
793 A. Ghizzoni, Processo c. p., f. 777. Summarium, par. 920.
794 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., f. 738. Summarium, par. 847.
137

pointed steel chain), discovered by his waiter when he noticed that his personal
undergarment were stained with blood.” 795
He was extremely correct of manners, especially with women. Not even his
enemies ever maligned him on this point. In fact, it is of special significance that with
all the scandal raising campaigns aimed at the Bishop by the anticlericals, none ever
dared to attack him on this matter.
“He was extremely delicate, besides, about all things that concern chastity, and always on guard to
the point of scrupulosity. He avoided talking to women as much as possible, and when he had to do so,
he kept open the door of his office and expedited matters.” 796
“In the early years of his episcopate he used to hear the confessions of women. But when he
perceived that certain members of the opposite sex were attracted by his handsome and pleasant looks,
he began to confess only men.” 797 “He used to quote Saint Augustine concerning the caution in dealing
with women, even those of one's own family.” 798
“At a diplomatic luncheon in Paris, at the moment when the invited guests were being announced,
etiquette required that each of them, ecclesiastics included, should lend his arm to the lady assigned
him, but the Servant of God, with a gentle gesture, kept his arm down, made a little bow, and nodded
her to enter. The lady understood and proceeded alone.” 799
“I find myself in a position to report what our Doctor Luigi Marchesi (the personal doctor of the
Bishop), then a non-practicing Catholic, used to tell us at home: ‘Bishop Scalabrini is a dream of an
extraordinary purity; he is an Angel.” He repeated it a number of times, and then concluded: “If he is
not in Heaven, no one else is!” 800 "The same Doctor Marchesi told us one day that Bishop Scalabrini
came out with this expression in regard to dealing with women: ‘Dear Doctor, we must meet women
with a brand in hands, like Saint Thomas’. But because this seemed too much to the Doctor, he insisted:
‘Indeed so, with a brand!’ 801
“He was extraordinarily pure in word; by his ever dignified and recollected demeanor he did not
allow for the slightest doubt on this point.” 802
“I can assure you and state that he was extremely reserved. I never heard in his conversation,
which was always jovial, any word that might even in the slightest offend in this matter.” 803
“I can testify that the Servant of God was extremely delicate in regard to the beautiful virtue. He
promptly intervened whenever the conversation gave signs of degenerating or only hinting at anything
contrary to this virtue.” 804
“His frequent, enthusiastic, and gentle talks about this virtue showed what esteem he had for
purity, which he never ceased to recommend to the young, urging them to follow the example of Saint
Aloysius Gonzaga.” 805
119. - Many Witnesses point out as proof of his heroic purity ‘his extreme
modesty’ that ‘was the cause of his death.’ 806 The incident which caused his sickness
took place in May 1894, 11 years before his death:
795 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 42. Summarium, par. 38.
796 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 41. Summarium, par. 37.
797 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 538. Summarium, par. 580. There are also witnesses, however, who say that on
the occasion of pastoral visitations the Servant of God heard the confessions of women, as well.
798 L. Mondini, Ibid., f, 145. Summarium, par. 225.
799 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff., 152-153. Summarium, par. 236.
800 L. Cella, Ibid., f. 613. Summarium, par. 684.
801 L. Cella, Ibid., f.,620. Summarium, par. 695.
802 A. Carini, Ibid., f. 438.
803 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Ibid.. ff. 756-757. Summarium, par.883.
804 E. Caccialanza, Ibid., f. 231.
805 E. Morisi, Ibid., f. 463. Summarium, par. 499.
138

“I remember also the incident that happened to him at Bardi on the occasion of the fourth pastoral
visitation, which marked the beginning of the serious sickness that brought him to his tomb. The horse
reared up and in an effort to avoid a fall the Bishop hurt himself, and I noticed it because I heard
something like a groan from him. But he always kept secret the hurt, for his sense of modesty. This was
the cause of a hydrocele (a collection of watery fluid around the testicle) that kept getting worse,
causing him who knows what pains for several years.” 807
We have to consider, in fact, that the fourth visitation lasted until 1898, followed
by the fifth, which kept him busy, at intervals, from 1900 till 1905, with his trip to
Brazil in between, when he had to travel often long hours on horseback. 808 A member
of his retinue, Father Domenico Vicentini, the future Superior General of the
Scalabrinians, “saw in this one more reason for hailing Bishop Scalabrini as the
Apostle and Martyr of Emigrants.” 809
“In the opinion of his doctors, if he had taken care of it on time, he would have been cured
probably, but he abhorred, because of purity, to be visited by doctors; and so he chose to fall victim to
his modesty.” 810 “I was told by his family Doctor Marchesi, and by his domestics as well, that the
Servant of God did not want to be operated because of his great modesty, and that he submitted to the
operation only when he was ordered to do so as his duty in conscience.” 811 His sister Luisa “spoke of
his absolute refusal to let himself be operated upon, and it was she and the doctors who persuaded him
to submit to the operation that was to be fatal.” 812 “He did not want to be visited by doctors because of
his modesty.” 813
120. - Did the Servant of God keep faithful to the ‘happy medium’ also in this
occasion? Did he not exceed this time? From the peek-hole by which he let us look
into the secrecy of his ‘resolutions’ mentioned before, we feel entitled to answer with
Saint Thomas Aquinas:
“The medium and the excess of acts and passions are judged in the light of the various
circumstances. And so nothing-is there to prevent that what is excess in a virtue because of one
circumstance may otherwise be medium because of other circumstances, in line with right reason.
According to right reason, virtues such as these tend to conform to this procedure, that is: where is it to
be exercised? when? what for?” 814
‘Other moral virtues concern the internal passions. What is right in them cannot be constituted in
the same way, for the reason that men react differently to passions. It is necessary, therefore, to
establish the criterion of right reason from the viewpoint of men, as the ones who are affected by the
passions.” 815
Since ‘what is nothing for others’ could become ‘fatal’ for Bishop Scalabrini, to
have chosen extreme measures in defense of his virtue because he held it necessary on
account of his own personal circumstances, this for us proves the extraordinary degree
of his virtue, brought indeed to an ‘extreme’ that was within the ‘right reason’ of a
man who wanted to become a saint at all costs: and sanctity - he used to say - is ‘purity
consecrated to God in immolation’:
806 F. Calzinari, Ibid., f. 638. Summarium, par. 725.
807 L. Mondini, Ibid., ff. 145-146. Summarium, par. 227.
808 Cfr. Biography, p, 1174.
809 D. Vicentini, L'Apostolo degli Italiani Emigrati in America, Piacenza 1909, p. 57.
810 C. Mangot, Processo c. p.. f. 42. Summarium, par. 37.
811 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 360. Summarium, par. 444.
812 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 670. Summarium, par. 765.
813 L. Scalabrini, Ibid., f. 920.
814 Summa Theologica, IIa lIae, a. I, ad 2.
815 Ibid., a. 2.
139

“Purity consecrated to God: that is, a purity that is practiced in worship to God.
Sanctity, together with purity of mind, demands, therefore, a constant immolation.
Holy is in fact what is being burned on the altar for the worship of God.” 816
5. OBEDIENCE
121. - Bishop Scalabrini was made the target of the more or less overt attacks by
the liberal, Masonic, and progressive press, and by the exponents of its respective
parties, who ill interpreted even the intentions of the Bishop, or often brutally assailed
him, especially the liberals for political reasons and the masons for religious motives.
Nothing to wonder about, considering the conditions of that period, marked by a fierce
anticlericalism. But more or less disguised accusations of disobedience or of a scarce
conformity to the directives of the Pope and the Holy See were aimed at him also by
Catholic groups and newspapers. For a better understanding of the situation, we must
report some depositions of the Process:
“I had always the impression that Bishop Scalabrini had found a diocese in order as far as
morality, but not as far as discipline. I have known many lay people and some priests, who were
certainly good, but lacking in discipline. No wonder, then, if the new Bishop, who had as his program
from the beginning to put the diocese back in order, was met with criticism and disapproval, being there
two currents often resulting to extremes: hence the intransigence of some, and the transigence of others.
The wide and far sighted Bishop, careful to be just and at the same time obedient to the directives of
Rome, inclined to the moderate line. Evil spirits, and some people in good faith, were not lacking,
therefore, who gave sinister interpretations to the provisions of the Servant of God, and opposed him;
but they were wrong. The same I state in regard to certain press.” 817
“All through the occupancy of Bishop Scalabrini, there were two currents of thought in Piacenza
also among the clergy: the so called intransigents and the transigents, in their various shades. The
intransigents have always been against the Bishop ‘a priori’, and some of them went so far as to make
use of the Masonic press and of all other means to present the good intentions of the Bishop in the
wrong light. The transigents were generally with him; the liberals, as a whole, did not give him much
trouble. Here is how it can be explained. Bishop Scalabrini was a man of great and generous ideas. He
was absolutely and always with the Pope and for the Pope, and, as he used to say, he would have his
head cut off twenty times for him. Strong on this position, he could say that the intransigents certainly
were not with the Pope. This favorably impressed also the liberals, who admired him very much,
besides, for his sincere love for his country. This much I can state, because I have lived all through
these events, in the capacity as editor for several years of our newspaper: ‘L'Amico del Popolo’” 818
Architect Ettore Martini, a leader in the Catholic Movement, clarifies other
aspects of such criticism:
“Certainly there was no lack of critics who doubted the stand of the Servant of God and
misinterpreted his intentions. The pretext was found in the polemics between the followers of the
philosophy either of Saint Thomas or of Rosmini. In reality, the cause was political. Some Catholics
criticized the Bishop accusing him of liberalism: the Catholic press found fault with the Bishop because
he was thought to support the moderate political party rather than the progressive one. But behind the
scenes of it all there were the workings of masons. They were of a particular breed here in Piacenza:
they had their own political and economic interests in mind; and this is so true, that their most important
leaders reconciled themselves with the Church before they died. All such criticism was unfounded and
soon proven wrong by the facts, because the philosophy supported by the Servant of God was that of
816 G. B. Scalabrini, Oratio quam in secunda Synodi sessione habuit, Synodus Dioecesana Placentina
Secunda, Piacenza 1893, p.
817 G. Cardinali, Processo c. p., ff. 285-286. Summarium, par. 321-322.
818 F. Torta, Ibid., ff. 339-340. Summarium, par. 339-341.
140

Saint Thomas. Besides, he has never advocated liberal theories, nor did he support any political
party.” 819
Count Giuseppe Radini Tedeschi, a son of Carlo, fierce opponent of the so called
"transigence", and a brother of Bishop Giacomo of Bergamo, adds another particular
aspect one must keep in mind:
“From what my late father and I could understand, though extremely compliant with the directives
from the Holy See, Bishop Scalabrini gave us the impression that his personal idea was in favor of
going to the polls; but he never took any positive stand, and neither did he support the leaders who were
in favor of abstention from the polls.” 820
All these depositions, though in an approximate and incomplete way, due to the
lack of knowledge of all the documents that came to light only many years after the
death of Scalabrini, are nonetheless enough to show us for what reasons the Servant of
God was accused or suspected of disobedience or negligence to the directives from the
Vatican. Criticism and insinuations concerned substantially the following points,
which form the object of Questions 16, 18, 19, and 40 of the ordinary Process: 1)
Rosminianism; 2) Liberalism, in practice, at least; 3) Coldness in regard to the Opera
dei Congressi (Catholic Movement), that was abstentionist; 4) Disobedience to the non
expedit.
In our opinion, all such points have been clarified in his new Biography,
especially in Chapters X, XI, XII, XIII, XV, and XXI. One must keep them in mind,
precisely because they offer an indispensable documentation to know and understand
the real stand of the Servant of God in regard to his obedience to and respect for
Superiors. We will refer, therefore, to them any time we find it necessary to clarify
and complete the depositions of the Witnesses.
a) Rosminianism
122. - It was not a question only of academic disputes: the word "Rosminian" did
not mean just a follower of Rosmini; it had become a synonym for ‘liberal’; or even
for ‘Jansenist’ or ‘semi-Jansenist’. To accuse one of ‘Rosminianism’ did not mean
only to declare him guilty of disobedience to the Encyclical Aeterni Patri, or to the
Decree Post Obitum, but also of disobedience to the Pope, of unorthodoxy, of
betraying the Church, of offending the rights of the Supreme Pontiff. And now let us
see for what motives, and above all with what reliability Bishop Scalabrini was
thought of being a ‘Rosminian’.
The facts reported by the Witnesses, and confirmed by the documents, prove,
before anything else, the unsoundness of the accusation of doctrinal Rosminianism.
“He recommended the study of the philosophy and theology of Saint Thomas even before it was
commanded by the Holy See.” 821
“He gave a Thomistic orientation to philosophy and theology even prescribing the texts, and he
recommended the teachers to consult the sources of the Summa of the Angelic Doctor. All this before
the publication of the Encyclical Aeterni Patris.” 822 He anticipated the directives of Leo XIII.” 823
819 E. Martini, Ibid., ff. 190 -191.
820 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid., f. 366.
821 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 28. Summarium, par. II.
822 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 54E. Summarium, par. 598.
141

Actually, Bishop Scalabrini's decree on the reform of church studies, according to
the Thomistic system together with the indication of the authors to adopt, carries the
date of the 18 th of October 1876: thus anticipating the Encyclical Aeterni Patris by
three years. 824 Monsignor Torta and other witnesses recall the founding of the review
‘Divus Thomas’, the first Italian review on Thomism. This, too, anticipated the
Encyclical, having its first issue printed before. Credit for its publication was due, in
great part, to Bishop Scalabrini. 825
The Rector of the ‘Seminario Urbano’ points out that both seminaries of the city
and Bedonia “had been following the scholastic system for a long time”, while the
‘Collegio 'Alberoni’ was oriented on the philosophy of Gioberti, first, and then on that
of Rosmini, until the publication of the Encyclical Aeterni Patris. The wisdom of the
Servant of God contributed in making sure that all three Church Institutions obeyed
wholeheartedly the enlightened decisions from Rome. This task was easier on him
because also amongst the Vincentians there were distinguished minds and learned
professors who sincerely loved Thomism.” 826 Bishop Scalabrini's watchful eye on the
philosophical orientation of the ‘Collegio Alberoni’ had also begun to act on it before
the publication of the Encyclical of Leo XIII:
“I remember that when he visited us, students of philosophy, at the College, for the first time
(November 1877), he took time to speak about the system of Aquinas, praising it as one fit to solve all
metaphysical problems.” 827
Cardinal Nasalli Rocca, a family friend of Canon Savino Rocca, who had been
removed from being Rector of the ‘Seminario Urbano’ because in the opinion of the
‘intransigents’ he was a ‘thomist’ and ‘antirosminian,’ 828 remarks that the Bishop
“gave a good orientation to the study of philosophy and theology by entrusting the
teaching of these subjects to Professor Rossignoli, a pure Thomist, Monsignor Vinati,
and Monsignor Dalle Piane, most reliable for their doctrine. I well remember how he
insisted that the directives of Leo XIII contained in the Encyclical Aeterni Patris be
faithfully implemented.” 829 The Servant of God Monsignor Torta recalls the instance
of the Decree Post Obitum:
“When the forty propositions of Rosmini were condemned, Bishop Scalabrini immediately called
in a few exponents of the Clergy, followers of the ideas of the "Roveretano" (the man from Rovereto,
that is, Rosmini), inviting them to accept without any reservation the decisions of Rome and
exclaiming: ‘The Pope has spoken: all disputes must cease among you [...]. He summoned, at the same
time, Canon Francesco Rossignoli, professor of philosophy (I was then a student of philosophy) and
charged him with the task of a thorough confutation of said propositions; and I remember that this
professor of ours devoted six months to the fulfillment of such a serious and delicate duty.” 830
Quite interesting is the statement of Witness Buzzetti:
“Concerning the orientation given to the study of philosophy, I remember that the Servant of God
held in deep esteem my great uncle Father Vincenzo Buzzetti, who had been a Professor of Philosophy
in the Seminary and was a forerunner of the Thomistic reform of philosophy.” 831
823 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 763. Summarium, par. 890.
824 Cfr. Biography, pp. 144-146.
825 Cfr. Biography, pp. 146-148.
826 G. Cardinali, Processo c. p.. f. 285. Summarium, par. 319.
827 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 700. Summarium, par. 793.
828 Cfr. Biography, pp. 494-501.
829 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Processo c. p, ii. 743-744. Summarium, par. 855.
830 F. Torta, Ibid., ff. 337-338. Summarium, par. 398.
831 A. Buzzetti, Ibid., f. 781.
142

123. - Lastly, two Witnesses do not omit to underline the virtue of moderation that
characterized the Servant of God also in this field:
“He always conformed in full to the instructions of the Holy See, without being harsh by
temperament against Rosminianism, like certain intransigents.” 832
“He ordered the teaching of the philosophy and theology of Saint Thomas, without pretending,
however, that the teachers renounce the systems in which they had their formation in so far as they were
not condemned.” 833
Before the Decree Post Obitum, he was expressly authorized by Leo XIII to adopt
such stand of moderation in regard to the followers of Rosmini. 834 Other proofs of the
respect of the Servant of God toward the directives of the Holy See in matters of
doctrine and philosophy can be found in his efforts toward securing the prompt
submission of all the priests of his diocese 835 and of the priest-scientist Antonio
Stoppani, 836 as all of them did in fact; and in being given by the Holy See the task of
trying to prevent the publication of the periodic ‘Rosmini’ and then to stop that of ‘Il
Nuovo Rosmini’ 837 But on top of all this, he had been publicly absolved from the
accusation and suspicion of pro-Rosminianism by the most fierce and authoritative
anti-Rosminian of that day, Father Giovanni Maria Cornoldi, S.J. 838
b) Liberalism
124. - Cardinal Nasalli Rocca explains right away the reason why Bishop
Scalabrini was accused or suspected of liberalism:
“The reasons why he was accused of liberalism were two. The first, that he was openly in favor of
the Conciliation of Italy with the Holy See by the solution of the Roman Question. The second, that he
was convinced, as he so many times told me, that abstention from the polls was damaging the religious
interests of the nation. ‘How can .we pretend - he used to exclaim - to have good laws if we do not elect
to Parliament honest representatives!’ And he added: ‘If we go on with this legislation so hostile to the
Church, we will be lucky if we should be left in the long run with something good to re-build on’. As to
the way of solving the Roman Question, he fully left it up to the judgment of the Holy See. As to the
second question, he himself obeyed, and had others obey as far as possible, the directives of Rome,
asking for authorization on special cases.” 839
Blessed Luigi Orione pinpoints the apostolic moving force of the convictions of
Bishop Scalabrini:
“Bishop Scalabrini was one of those men who enter the opposing field giving in, saving the
substance, as much as possible, in order to attract souls to do all the good they could. My favorite
saying in this regard is: ‘Let us move along with their ideas to come back with ours.’ He was a person
that never neglected any occasion to offer himself as a bridge to the holy end of conciliating and uniting
832 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 525. Summarium, par. 554.
833 G. Radini Tedeschi, Ibid.. f. 366.
834 Cfr. Biography, pp. 704-705.
835 Cfr. Biography, pp. 700-702.
836 Cfr. Biography, pp. 705-707.
837 Cfr. Biography, pp. 708-709.
838 Cfr. Biography, pp. 574-575.
839 G. B. Nasalli Rocca, Processo c. p., ff. 745-746. Summarium, par. 859-860.
143

as best as possible the Children of the Common Father. Leaving aside the dross, he aimed at the
substance of the matter, always seeking to deaden the passions afflicting his day.” 840
Such was also the interpretation of Blessed Guanella, as Father Alfonso Bianchi
states:
“On this point I report what the Servant of God Luigi Guanella told me one day. Speaking to me
of my uncle, he exclaimed: ‘Listen! The Church is like an army: some pertain to the vanguard, others to
the center, the rest to the rearguard. Well then, Bishop Scalabrini belongs to the vanguard, but always
with the Pope.” 841
Monsignor Mondini points out the only concern that worried Bishop Scalabrini in
the face of the accusations of liberalism:
“The accusation of liberalism had no foundation whatsoever. He was so respectful of the Supreme
Pontiff of the Church that he conformed at all times to his directives and desires even in the least or
non-binding matters. Faced with the accusations of liberalism, sure as he was in his own conscience, he
did not lose his peace, but he worried about the thought of appearing before his flock as a disobedient
son of the Holy Father, not so much because it was a personal offense, but rather because it might cause
scandal among the faithful.” 842
125. - The accusations of doctrinal or practical liberalism has been confuted by all
the Witnesses who knew the question and the real relations between him and Father
Davide Albertario, the main and his most persistent accuser:
“In his newspaper, Davide Albertario accused Bishop Scalabrini of liberalism and of being in
favor of conciliation, a word that was taken in that day to mean subordinating the interests of the
Church to those of the State. As I see it, such accusations had no foundation if the word liberal is given
a political meaning, and if conciliation implies what was said before. He was extremely respectful of
the Holy See. He wanted the greatest good for it. Far from favoring the liberals, the persecutors of the
Church, he defended her rights.” 843
“He was a man of great vision. He always desired that the religious and civil power be at peace
with one another; but I have never noticed a spoken or written word of his that might express any
liberalistic tendency in the sense described before. In fact, he was always very concerned that the rights
and the interests of the Church were safeguarded.” 844
One point of accusation regarded the Bishop's relations with some liberals. But
the Witness himself observes: “If the Servant of God kept in touch with some leaders
of liberalism, like Luzzatti, Manfredi, and Sacchi, one must not conclude that he
shared their ideas at all, but rather that he tried to prevent them from causing harm and
to derive from them some good for the diocese.” 845 His secretary adds:
“If he kept in touch with irreligious people and with masons, he did it to enlighten them and to call
them back on the right track. He used to say that the Lord had came not for the righteous ones, but for
sinners; as he always concluded what he usually called his ‘predichina’ (little sermon).” 846
There was no other question, therefore, than that zeal for souls of his that made
him overcome any obstacle deriving from formality, ill-understood prudence, and fear
of unjust accusations:
840 L. Orione, Ibid., f. 821. Summarium, par. 952.
841 A. Bianchi, Ibid., f. 661. Summarium, par. 746.
842 L. Mondini, Ibid., f. 103. Summarium, par. 153.
843 G. Dodici, Ibid., f, 159.
844 A. Carini, Ibid., ff. 425-426.
845 A. Carini, Ibid., f.. 426.
846 C. Mangot, Ibid., f. 30. Summarium, par. 15.
144

“The Servant of God did not complain for this accusation, saying as usual: ‘We must save souls at
all costs.’” 847
“Let us save souls, and let all the rest go.” 848
“If he contacted great sinners and masons, the common understanding was that he did it in order to
convert them, as was often the case. I clearly remember hearing a number of times that Bishop
Scalabrini used to say: ‘I would ride on the back of the devil, if I were sure that he might carry me to
save a soul!’ This reminds me that he was of the same mind as Saint John Bosco, whom I had the good
luck to know in person.” 849
"I know that Bishop Scalabrini did not disdain to be friendly with people of this kind. I know also
that they courteously responded to his noble approaches. But Bishop Scalabrini was prompted to do so,
moved by a higher motive, which was that of reaching their souls; something he succeeded in more than
one occasion, as all know [...]. With my own eyes I saw the documents of membership in the masonry
he had taken from them after their conversion, as also the threatening messages sent him by masons.
This stands to show that the Servant of God was the target of their hatred, because they considered him
a very frightful and dangerous enemy of their sect.” 850
126. - We know, on the other hand, that the accusations of liberalism, proven by
such facts as his desire for the Conciliation, his hope for the removal of the non
expedit, and his relations with liberals and masons, were made to circulate by a
restricted group headed by canon Rocca. This was also the group that kept informed,
in good or bad faith, both Albertario and two or three ‘intransigent’ bishops, who
made then in turn a deafening noise in the ‘Osservatore Cattolico’, the Albertario, and
at the Vatican, the bishops. 851
“Confronted by the accusations of liberalism, the Servant of God limited himself to plead for the
judgment of the Holy See, declining even to defend himself any further when his love for the Church
and for his Country demanded it.” 852
To renounce his own public defense in compliance with the will, or even with the
simple desire of the Pope, also when his honor as a Bishop was at stake, seems to us
one of the clearest proofs of the perfect and extraordinary obedience of the Servant of
at God to the Pope.
One time he asked Leo XIII to be allowed to defend himself publicly from the
unjustified attacks of the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ with letter of November 19, 1881,
which he concluded with the resolve to keep his peace, should the Holy Father desire
so. 853 He pleaded ‘candidly with the supreme kindness of the Holy Father for a word
of comfort. He did not deem it opportune to accord it to me; I adore with submission
the judgments of God, and I shall carry on, through good and ill fame, trying to secure
the salvation of my soul and of the flock entrusted to me.” 854 Another time he wrote a
brief Pastoral Letter to refute the slanders printed by that intransigent newspaper after
publication of his booklet ‘Intransigenti e Transigenti’:
847 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 288. Summarium, par. 327.
848 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 297. Summarium, par. 344.
849 F. Calzinari, Ibid.. f. 630. Summarium, par. 712.
850 F. Gregori, Ibid.. f. 575. Summarium, par. 652.
851 Cfr. Biography, pp. 661-662. 712-114.
852 F. Gregori, Processo c. p.. f. 552, Summarium, par. 607.
853 Cfr. Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo XIII. Piacenza, November 19, 1881 (Scalabrinian General
Archive, 3042/2).
854 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Boccali, Piacenza, November 29, 1881 (Archivio Bonomelli, Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, Milan).
145

“I had in mind to defend myself, and so I wrote the short Pastoral Letter herein
enclosed. I sent it to the Holy Father. From the marks in red, you can see that he gave
it to be examined I do not know by whom, and then he sent it back with request not to
publish it. He demanded a heroic sacrifice indeed, which I accepted - I must confess -
only for the love of God.” 855
On that same occasion, the Bishop asked the Pope to come out into the open and
declare who was the author of the booklet. Leo XIII had someone answer him that he
could do so, but not before considering first the unpleasant consequences he would
suffer because of it. The Bishop kept his peace. 856 A third time, the Servant of God
asked for permission to defend himself in public, when he was accused in 1886 of
disobeying the non expedit. Leo XIII did not grant it, and the Bishop obeyed:
“I had even prepared a Pastoral Letter in which I spoke of the political elections, made public all
the responses received from Rome and boldly touched on the urgent questions that disturb the
conscience of many; but the Holy Father, to whom I sent it, asked me not to publish it, because it might
give way to misunderstandings. I obeyed.” 857
Cardinal Giulio Bevilacqua rightly observed that the ‘silences’ of Bishop
Scalabrini were even of greater significance than his words. 858
c) Political Elections and Love for his Country
127. - “The liberalism of Bishop Scalabrini was an intense thirst for souls, and, saving the
supreme interests of the Church, he would have wanted all obstacles removed that were a hindrance to
their eternal salvation.” 859
“The Servant of God certainly loved his country with a holy love. He showed sorrow for the
consciences in trouble and hoped for the Conciliation between Church and State; but he never criticized
the directives of the Holy See. In fact, he wanted them respected and obeyed.” 860
“But this was also true, in those days, that whoever loved his country seemed as
though he failed in regard to the rights of the Church and of religion.” 861 Bishop
Scalabrini was convinced that the temporal power was necessary to safeguard the
rights of the Church and of religion, but he did not think that in order to assure its
independence, there should be a return to the old Pontifical State or a restitution of the
whole city of Rome, as the ‘intransigents’ sustained.
“In his opinion, the Pope should have been contented with as much a temporal territory as was
necessary for the independence and freedom of the Church. To accomplish this, Catholics needed to
participate in the political life of the Nation. To him, no Conciliation was possible until a consistent
group of Catholic representatives was not seated in Parliament. For this reason, saving always his
855 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to P.M. Schiaffino, January 21, 1887 (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3020/4).
856 Cfr. Biography. p. 616.
857 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, s. d. (early 1887?) (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
858 “In hard times he suffered for the Church, and for such a Church! Right because he had turned to the
essentials of the Church he learned so well when to talk and when to keep quiet. And his silence was more
meaningful and more instructive than his words. After speaking to the Church as a loyal son, he submitted
in silence to obedience, of which he was a real champion.” (G. Bevilacqua, “Mons. Scalabrini, Difensore
dei diritti della Chiesa e delle Anime”. A lecture held on June 2, 1955 in Piacenza. Inedited Scalabrinian
General Archive).
859 G. Cardinali. Processo c. p., f. 304. Summarium, par. 363.
860 E. Martini, Ibid., ff. 202-203.
861 L. Tammi, Ibid., f. 839. Summarium, par. 982.
146

obedience to the Holy See, he inclined towards the abolition of the non expedit, to the end of bringing
into Parliament strict Catholic elements, in prudent alliance with sympathizing parties, thus isolating the
extremist ones. This is why Bishop Scalabrini was accused of liberalism. In my opinion, he was not a
liberal, and his love for his country was not out of line. I emphatically repeat, besides, that in
expounding his ideas, he stated that the last word belonged to the Pope and that all had to conform to
his directives: a principle of discipline to which he kept constant faith.” 862
Referring to his frequent conversations with Bishop Scalabrini on the subject,
Monsignor Cornaggia Medici confirms:
“As to the question of the non expedit, he considered opportune the participation of candidates at
the polls, in order to christianize Italy and to arrive at a dignified solution of the Roman Question.
Following special faculties obtained from the Holy See, he had very prudently allowed in particular
cases people to go to the polls. Yet, when Rome expressed a different position, he strictly followed it, in
spite of his personal convictions, adding: ‘We, the Clergy, are like an army; woe to us, should discipline
weaken! The Commander-in-chief gives the order; we must obey.” 863
Monsignor Torta laconically sums up the depositions of all Witnesses:
“Bishop Scalabrini had a strong and sincere love for his country, and together with all good people
he hoped for the Conciliation of Italy with the Holy See. There was in him, therefore, no trace of
liberalism, but only a Christian and well-ordered love for his country, without mystification,
exaggeration, or untimely stands.” 864
128. - We must add, first of all, that he never spoke or wrote in public about the
question of the non expedit except to remind people of the directives of the Holy See.
He spoke, instead, and wrote much about it, confidentially, to his friends and above
all, he never kept his opinion from the Pope, showing himself also on this point to be
extremely honest and loyal. This is clearly seen in his letters to Leo XIII published in
his biography, and in those to Bishop Bonomelli, where he reported the results of his
audiences with the Pope. Significant is the fact that Leo XIII, until 1885 at least, asked
the opinion of the Bishop of Piacenza 865 on the non expedit, and that he asked him to
probe the mood of public opinion with the booklet ‘Intransigenti e Transigenti’,
written by the Pope himself rather than by the Bishop. 866 But we are deeply interested
in confirming the statement of many Witnesses that in particular cases the Servant of
God asked permission or the go ahead of the Holy See before taking any stand that
might not be in tune with the directives of the Pope. In particular, this was the case of
the political elections of 1886, for which he followed to the letter the instructions
obtained from Rome in 1882 and explicitly renewed in 1886: 867 and so, he had no
difficulty in proving, with documents in hand, when he was reported to the Holy
office, that he had ‘absolutely followed the norms set down by the Holy See in regard
to political elections’, as he declared to the Secretary of State. 868
d) His Relations with the "Opera dei Congressi" (the Catholic Movement)
862 F. Gregori, Ibid., ff. 567-568. Summarium, par. 636-638.
863 L. Cornaggia Medici, Ibid., f. 730. Summarium, par. 834.
864 F. Torta, Ibid., f. 350. Summarium, par. 426.
865 Cfr. Biography, pp. 632-634.
866 Cfr. Biography, pp. 587-591.
867 Cfr. Biography, pp. 634. 651-652.
868 Letter of G. B, Scalabrini to L. Jacobini, Piacenza, July 16, 1886 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Segreteria
di Stato, Leone XIII, Miscellanea, D.D. Albertario. IX, A.).
147

129. - The Servant of God was blamed for a certain coldness towards the Opera
dei Congressi; and someone has seen in this coldness a sign of scarce compliance with
the will of Leo XIII, who blessed and supported the complex variety of initiatives of
the laity which was known as the Movimento Cattolico or Opera dei Congressi. We
have to keep in mind one distinction, without which one cannot understand exactly the
relations of the Bishop of Piacenza with the Opera dei Congressi, or rather with its
leaders: that is, the distinction between the religious and social action promoted by the
Opera and its Statutes, and the stand taken by its leaders in the strictly political field,
that is, in regard to the solution of the Roman Question and to the relations with the
Italian State. We know the thought of Bishop Scalabrini on the political problems, a
thought different from that of the Pope, but wholly submissive to his decisions.
In any case, it was a question of conscience, because it implied obedience or less,
if not to a precise prohibition (until 1886, when the non expedit was declared to mean
non licet, that is, ‘it is not allowed’), to a directive of the Holy See. Since it was a
question of conscience, Bishop Scalabrini deemed it his duty simply to follow the
instructions he purposely asked Rome for, as we said before, and not to the directives
of laymen who had no hierarchical status. He wrote, in fact, to Cardinal Secretary of
State on July 16, 1886:
“The Permanent Committee of the Opera dei Congressi with headquarters in Bologna was not, is
not, and never will be, the norm of my conduct, as should apparently have been on the occasion of the
political elections. To pretend that a Bishop should depend on the direction of consciences on a group
of laymen; that he conform exactly to them (under risk of finding himself denounced as a rebel) and to
accept from them the orders of the Holy See, besides being improper and unbecoming, does not seem to
me even in accord with the divinely established order of the Catholic Hierarchy. I am convinced,
Eminent Cardinal, that several bishops discern in such undue interference the seed of dreadful
consequences for the Church.” 869
To this norm of conduct he conformed also in regard to lay transigents, as in the
case of the Opera Bonomelli (The Institute for Emigrants in Europe, of Bishop
Bonomelli):
“Neither do I disdain the cooperation of the laity, but in strictly religious matters, I am not fond of
them as leaders, because very seldom do they keep themselves free of second intentions, political
especially. Was not there much grumbling about the ‘bishops in top-hats’?” 870
Bishop Scalabrini did not tolerate the confusion of religious matters with political
ones. This was the reason of his reservations in regard to the leaders of the Opera dei
Congressi, especially during the tenure of Paganuzzi. 871 We must admit an exception
for the political field, that is, the participation in the administrative elections,
supported and promoted by the Bishop of Piacenza according to the directives of the
Opera dei Congressi, because it was explicitly approved and encouraged by the Holy
See. 872
130. - Quite different must be our view in regard to the social question for which
the Catholic Action was organized: 873
869 Ibid.
870 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Tollara, April 24, 1900 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
871 Cfr. Biography, pp. 638-646.
872 Cfr. Biography, p. 602.
873 Chapter IV of his Biography deals with the activities of the servant of God in the field of Catholic
Action.
148

“The Servant of God devoted himself to the promotion of Catholic Action with the zeal proper of
a holy Bishop. He encouraged the founding of the Parish Committees and other activities of Catholic
Action, moved by his strong sense of duty of obedience to the orders of the Holy See. He used to
exclaim: 'The Pope wills it, and that is enough.” 874
“He encouraged and insisted that the Parish Committees be established in every parish, and he did
all possible to make the Diocesan Committee function to the ful1.” 875
“He worked with all his strength in promoting the works of what was then the equivalent of
today's Catholic Action, and precisely: the Parish Committees, the workers' unions, the periodical
conventions of the Catholic works of the diocese, the Catholic press, represented for a certain period of
time by a daily newspaper.” 876
“In compliance with the directives of the Holy See, he gave a strong impulse to Catholic Action
according to the forms of his day, and instilled much enthusiasm for it in the whole diocese. Catholic
Action was not well organized then as it is today, but he succeeded in uniting the various good elements
for the success of the Catholic cause and in providing them the needed independence in the exercise of
their rights, consisting then especially in the participation in the administrative elections [...]. Bishop
Scalabrini insured the financial autonomy of Catholics in Piacenza by the founding of a bank.” 877
Chapter IV of his Biography shows that the statements of Witnesses A.
Ghizzoni 878 and F. Gregori, that the diocese of Piacenza was in the vanguard, were not
an exaggeration. In addition, that Chapter testifies the great solicitude of Bishop
Scalabrini in reviving the Committees of the Opera dei Congressi suppressed in 1898:
“He did his utmost for the annulment of the decree of the government, and he contributed
effectively to this annulment, as it is clear from his correspondence with the Minister of the Interior, Di
Rudini, and with the national leaders of Catholic Action: all documents I consulted myself.” 879
We can not overlook however a detail that we consider proof of both his
obedience and prudence:
“Ever respectful of the provisions of Rome, he insisted on and supported the Parish Committees.
This is so true that I heard him making the following statement: ‘I cannot understand how a parish
priest can say Mass and not have his Parish Committee’ ” 880
“He always conformed to the directives coming from Rome, even when certain institutions of
economic nature were not perhaps in accord with his views, because, farsighted as he was, he
understood that the Clergy, in the actual practice, would not fared well. I heard him myself saying
confidentially and with a certain smile: ‘Nowadays, we cannot take one step forward without Catholic
butter and pickles.’ ” 881
Aside from the fact that certain ‘contaminations’ of the sacred with the profane
seemed to him not much in conformity with the pure concept he had of ‘catholic’, he
‘sensed the possible advantages’ of certain works and initiatives, “but he had to realize
in practice that they were scanty, due especially to the elements he could count on.” 882
“I am convinced, however, that he had not full trust in the efficacy of Catholic Action
as it was understood then.” 883
874 L. Mondini, Processo c. p.. f. 102. Summarium, par, 150.
875 G. Dodici, Ibid.. f, 158.
876 E. Morisi, Ibid., ii. 443-444. Summarium, par. 468.
877 G. Cardinali, Ibid., f. 287. Summarium, par. 323.
878 Cfr. A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 765. Summarium, par. 895.
879 F. Gregori, Ibid., f. 551. Summarium, par. 604.
880 F. Lotteri, Ibid., f. 701. Summarium, par. 796.
881 G. Squeri, Ibid., f. 526. Summarium, par. 556.
882 F. Torta, Ibid.. f. 340. Summarium, par. 402.
883 A. Ghizzoni, Ibid., f. 765. Summarium, par. 895.
149

e) “The Divine Authority” of the Bishops
131. - We find constant proof, we may say, of the obedience and devotion of the
Servant of God to the Supreme Pontiff in the facts reported and explained in almost all
the chapters of his Biography, but in Chapter XII especially: "Bishop Scalabrini and
his three Popes." In it, his relations with Pope Leo XIII are particularly analyzed and
certain expressions are recalled that could not sound quite conforming to a perfect
obedience and to a true filial respect, were they taken out of context. It is a question of
expressions, not of facts, about which no doubt should subsist any longer. The fact is
that Bishop Scalabrini always obeyed, and he obeyed with constancy and perfection so
clearly extraordinary for the reason that he was sustained by a steady and willing
renunciation of his own personal convictions, but more so also because of the zeal and
enthusiasm with which he seconded both in his conduct and in the government of his
diocese not only the commands, but even the desires of the Pope; as is underlined by
almost all the Witnesses of the Diocesan Process.
There remain to explain in their true meaning, certain expressions, beginning with
the vigorous statement on the ‘divine’ authority of the Episcopacy, repeated especially
during the polemics with the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ in 1881-1884.
“The more I think about it, the more I deem it necessary that the Episcopate should state in public
and with courage its own offended divine authority and rise in its own defense with forceful deeds.” 884
“The Bishops should rise on their own and find in their divine authority the strength to impose on
their enemies and demand of them the respect due to them.” 885
132. - These and like expressions could appear to stand in contradiction with the
total submission to the supreme authority of the Pope; but they were, instead, in
perfect harmony with the teachings of Leo XIII, who demanded, in theory at least, the
greatest respect for bishops, especially on the part of the Catholic press, and did not
tolerate any lay intrusion in the government of the dioceses, as he had solemnly
proclaimed in his Apostolic Letter Cognita nobis. 886 The whole reason of contention
consisted right in this: and it is in the light of this fact that the words must be viewed.
In fact, the Servant of God does not do anything but to react, in his own right, against
the breaking of charity, the foremost virtue of Christians and soul of the Church, and
against undue interference in the government of his diocese. The intransigents
fomented discord and suspicion, while the journalists like Albertario pretended to
impose their ideas which they falsely claimed to be those of the Pope, in an attempt to
influence priests, seminarians, and lay people, and thus subtract them from the
authority of those bishops who did not agree with them on questions of politics or
philosophy, as is clearly proven in the case of Canon Rocca. 887
Already in 1881, the Servant of God told “clearly, with too much frankness,
perhaps” to Leo XIII that it became already “impossible to govern the diocese, if that
insolent party [...] were not restrained which made itself untouchable, even by bishops,
by boasting attachment to the Pope” 888 and by insinuating that pure disciplinary
884 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, October 25, 1881(Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
885 Idem, September 19, 1882 (Ibid.).
886 Cfr. Biography, pp. 531-532.
887 Cfr: Biography, pp. 495-515.
888 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo XIII, Piacenza, September 26, 1881 Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2).
150

provisions and acts of diocesan government were inspired by the liberal, and therefore
anti-papal, spirit of the Bishop. Rome was not responding to the heartrending
entreaties of the Servant of God prompted only by an effort to strengthen unity in the
charity of Christ among the clergy of his diocese. The Bishop of Piacenza understood
and knew that the Holy See did not want to disavow the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’,
because it was considered the strongest supporter of the ‘rights’ of the Church; this is
why he said: “I believe that we must rise on our own”, to prevent a “most serious
offense against the bishops” and a “great scandal among the faithful”. “It is useless to
expect from Rome a strong action as it is needed in this case. They tell us their usual
“utantur iure suo” (let them make use of their right). Let us use it, then; yes, with
dignity and calm, but with force and courage.” 889
Such force and courage were not dictated by human motives, because the Servant
of God was very much aware of risking honorific promotions and personal
gratifications 890 ,but he intended only to defend “not his personal cause, but the cause
of an intimidated Episcopate, of a Church in disarray, of a betrayed Religion,” 891 the
cause of the Church and of souls. Let us hear once more his motivations:
“What shall we do, then? Should we let ourselves be demolished? Our persons do
not matter much, mine at least, so insignificant; but what about the souls? and the
Church? and the interests of Jesus Christ? O my God! How far can one go? On my
part, I believe that we must defend ourselves against these machinations by showing
moderation worth a bishop in every act, by firmness in words, though with mercy in
our hearts; we must defend ourselves also in public, but without accusing anybody, as
far as possible.” 892
Souls, the Church, the interests of Jesus Christ: these the moving forces of a stand
that was certainly not a conformist one, if compared with that of the majority of the
Italian bishops of his day, but that, no doubt, conformed to the real inner will of the
pope, as manifested in all the public teachings of Leo XIII.
133. - But Leo XIII wanted also the restitution of the Pontifical State, or at least of
Rome. Theoretically and juridically he had all the rights, and Bishop Scalabrini
acknowledged them in public and in private: but precisely for the salvation of souls,
for the evangelization of Italy, that under the political pretext was being systematically
secularized by liberals, anti-clericals, and masons, he hoped that such political pretext
were taken out of the way. The first step had to be taken by the Italian government, the
guilty party, but the Pope should have made it easier, - he thought - by renouncing the
city of Rome, which he would have to regain otherwise only through the intervention
of foreign powers, and by being contented “with that much of ‘temporal power’ that
would guarantee his independence, his sovereignty, and above all, his absolute
freedom of government and of teaching authority or ‘magisterium’ over the universal
Church, just as Pius IX at a certain period would have been contented with. Leo XIII
did not want to renounce, till his death, his ‘right’ to the city of Rome. This was the
main reason why he accorded his support to the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’, to the most
889 Letter ofG. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, October 14, 1881 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
890 Cfr. Biography, pp. 553, 1225-1226.
891 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo XIII, Piacenza, November 19. 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2).
892 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, March 2, 1883 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
151

intransigent leaders of the Opera dei Congressi, and to the ineffective political action
of the anti-conciliarists. This is why he was excessively indulgent, in practice, with the
extreme positions – ‘sacrilegious’ at times, as Scalabrini used to say – of the
intransigent press. Through all this he discerned the insecurity, indecision, and even
the incoherent acts of the Pope and of the Holy See.
In particular, the Servant of God found Leo XIII incoherent when in sustaining
publicly the authority of Bishops and the respect due to them, he supported at the same
time, also in public, the slanderers of the bishops. To him, “it was the greatest mystery
to see a Pope who knows how to say and write so many beautiful things about
obedience and respect to the bishops, while he gives his favor at the same time to
certain individuals who were the persecutors and the perennial slanderers of the
bishops.” 893 He found it incoherent to be condemning on one hand, finally, Father
Albertario to a formal recantation, and allowing him on the other hand to take his
revenge, afterwards, by resuming to threaten the Bishops of Piacenza and Cremona:
“They bear, or they want to bear down on us intending to do so on the one who
imposed the retraction.” 894 He found it incoherent to be soliciting petitions to the
Italian Parliament while not allowing, at the same time, Catholics to be a part of it. 895
He considered incoherent the will of Leo XIII, centralizing all power to himself, while
granting some kind of "exemption" from the Bishops to the leaders of the Opera dei
Congressi.
In his view, all this represented a “revolution in the Church”, because it was an
attempt at the “hierarchical principle”:
“Let the faithful close in around their parish priest, who must be in communion
with his Bishop; let the parish priest and the faithful be one with their Bishop, who is
in communion with the Supreme Pontiff, the cornerstone on which the Christian
community is founded. Such is the hierarchical mission established by Jesus Christ on
earth. Whoever dares break or disturb it in any way, obsequium praestat diabulo (pays
a service to the devil), as Saint Ignatius the Martyr would forcefully tell us.” 896
f) Criticism in regard to the Pope
134. - The incoherence the Servant of God most deplored was the compromise
between “human politics” and the “principles of the Gospel”, that is, the principles of
charity and unity, including institutional unity, which are at the roots of the ecclesial
community:
“Every government, Church government included, that does not stand on the great
principles of the Gospel, but rests on and is supported by human politics, cannot be but
a government of clumsy expedients, of equivocal and passing splendor, offering a sad
spectacle of constant and inexplicable contradictions, a government that will be sternly
judged by God and men.” 897
893 Idem, Piacenza. February 22, 1884 (Ibid.).
894 Idem, Piacenza, May 10. 1884 (Ibid.).
895 Cfr. Biography, pp. 666-687.
896 G. B. Scalabrini, Pel suo ritorno a Roma, Piacenza 1882, p. 23.
897 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, December 13. 1882 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
152

His criticism was not directly aimed at the Pope, but at those “most audacious and
cunning” men who had “learned how to secure their own impunity by crying out loud
against authors and persons whom they think to be held suspect by the Supreme
Pontiff;” 898 an impunity which they obtained through personalities who informed Leo
XIII with partiality. To such schemers the servant of God refers when he condemns “a
party all taken up in human politics that, for some time now, dominates the external
premises of Holy Church.” 899 Indirectly, his criticism touched the Pope, who should
have intervened with greater energy to put a stop to the “Byzantine system”, the
“Babel”, the “confusion of languages”, the “up-and-down games” that seemed to
dominate the external premises of the Church. Let one read about the support given by
cardinals and prelates of the Curia to the most intransigent leaders of the Opera dei
Congressi and to the most extreme of the journalists, who styled themselves as the
only authentic spokesmen of the will of the Pope, even in regard to the bishops.
Bishop Scalabrini had the extraordinary courage to write and speak with extreme
frankness to the Pope, giving an example, unique rather than rare in those days, of that
Evangelic correction which characterized saints like Saint Paul (at the Council of
Jerusalem), Saint Pier Damiani, Saint Bernard, Saint Catherine of Siena. We recall on
this point his appeal to the judgment of God, which he dared address to Leo XIII in the
course of a private audience, for the loss of “an army of souls” and for “the sufferings
borne on the Bishops by the usual pharisaic party, tolerated, supported, and favored
while in the very act of disarraying the hierarchical order instituted by Jesus Christ.” 900
135. - The Bishop was telling these strong expressions directly to the Pope in
private. Leo XIII gave signs that he did not dislike the secret and private frankness of
the Bishop of Piacenza, so much so that in the reports of his audiences with the Pope
to Bishop Bonomelli, Scalabrini always underlines the “extreme benevolence” shown
him by the Pope. This fact, quite significant in itself already, seems to us of even
greater significance if we consider the reasons for such benevolence: the Supreme
Pontiff well understood that verba veritatis (words of truth) of the Bishop were
dictated only by a most pure love for the Church and by an ardent zeal for souls. Only
once, in a private letter to Bishop Bonomelli who shared with him the “tormenting
thirst” born at the “sight of the many and many who stray from the Church because of
those that should do their most instead to lead them in, 901 does Bishop criticize directly
the person of the Pope, though not without defending his intentions. It is the boldest
letter of his correspondence Scalabrini-Bonomelli, in which the Bishop of Piacenza
explains his long silence toward his Confrere of Cremona:
“One chooses to be silent in order not to upset one another. What can we do? It is always the same
tune off key. The times in which there reigned decrepit Popes were always fatal. It is the natural order
of things. I believe ours to be the worst of all! The Pope has certainly the right intentions, but convinced
as he is to be able to hold the situation under control all by himself, it is impossible that he may
perceive, even remotely, the real state of things.” 902
136. - Leo XIII was then 83 years old, but he was not decrepit. He only had the
attitude, proper of old people, of being convinced and having the will, if not the
898 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Boccali, Piacenza, November 29, 1881 (Ibid.).
899 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli. Piacenza, September 19, 1882 (Ibid.).
900 Idem, January 1887 (Ibid).
901 Idem, August l6, 1887 (Ibid).
902 Idem, July 10, 1893 (Ibid).
153

stubbornness, to control the situation all alone, contradicting himself however by
accepting the information coming only from one side. We must point out that on that
occasion a violent campaign was being waged, which was being triggered by
‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ and appropriated by the most fierce anticlerical press against
Bishop Bonomelli, accused of being the shepherd who slaughtered the sheep because
he did not dare to face the wolves. Meanwhile, Leo XIII gave the impression of
allowing himself to become involved in these polemics by entertaining the intention of
removing Bishop Bonomelli from the government of his diocese. Why did not the
Pope hear the other side? The two Bishops wondered! Bishop Scalabrini was by then
the only remaining voice of the other side. To him Bishop Bonomelli wrote:
“Is not there anyone who would inform those in high places? Had I any weight in there, I would
do it myself. You, yourself, or through someone else, see to it that information be given to whom it may
concern. Oh! If only the Holy Father knew what is going on! Accusations of liberal, of rosminian: all
pretexts! Couldn't you have them know something? Listening only to one side is fatal for Rome. The
Supreme Authority's credibility is at stake here!” 903
After so many useless or almost useless efforts to have the Pope know “the real
state of things” in the dioceses of Northern Italy, one perceives in the Servant of God a
tinge of skepticism but just a purely human temptation quickly conquered by the
victory of faith:
“I am nearly a skeptic, except for the faith, of course, which, by God's grace, shines ever brighter
in me and vividly gladdens my spirit, often disturbed by the sight of so much wickedness.” 904
We seem to discern here, in fact, the ‘third degree’ of humility of Saint Ignatius in
this constant surrender of his to the Will of God, also in the face of the evils that
tormented the Church he loved as the most loving of all mothers:
“I will remain in perfect peace concerning all that happens by divine disposition not only in regard
to me, but also to the Church, working for her as my divine call demands.”
He had resolved also to be the proverbial rag thrown up in the air, so that the
mysterious plans of God for the Church might be fulfilled. 905
g) Criticism of the Roman Curia
137. - Other letters of Bishop Scalabrini have expressions of criticism against the
“policies all too human, ruling for some time now the external premises of the
Church”, from which the Holy Father is explicitly excluded:
“When men behave in all things according to the rules of human politics, and not in line with that
of the Gospel; when they affirm and then deny, do and then undo, all with the same ease; when they
praise and blame all in the same breath; when they give greater credit to the seditious clamors of private
people of loose morals rather than to the most solemn declarations of Bishops animated only by the
desire for good; when they consider even the most official acts of the Bishops as playthings of
thoughtless children; what isn't possible any more, most dear Monsignor! But we must be comforted at
the thought that we have in Leo XIII the Pope who will certainly know how to defend his prestige and
903 Letter of G. Bonomelli to G. B. Scalabrini, Cremona, August 10, 1893 (Scalabrinian General Archive
3021/1).
904 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, November 25, 1862 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
905 Idem, s. d. (January 1886) (Ibid.), see above N. 25.
154

our authority; who will surely not allow that his wise public or private provisions on this matter be
nullified in practice.” 906
As told in his Biography concerning the disputes with Albertario, to which the
above letter refers, the Servant of God had to witness so many changes of direction,
even sudden and unexpected, to find it hard to put together what the Pope said and
assured him of, with what was said or written by other high prelates of the Vatican.
More so when it was a question of the official acts of Leo XIII that were contradicted
by official or officious documents of dignitaries of the Roman Curia. This happened,
for instance, with the Apostolic Letter Cognita Nobis, which openly deplored the
conduct of the ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’. Three days earlier, the Secretary of State had
informed the said newspaper about this letter and encouraged it to continue the fight.
The ‘L'Osservatore Cattolico’ had the audacity, besides, to publish the letter. The
complaint of the Servant of God seems quite justified to us:
“Did you see the letter of His Eminence Cardinal Jacobini to the ‘L'Osservatore’ and the
considerations of the press about it? A veritable confusion of Babel; who can understand it? They make
use, down there, of awkward expedients that afflict the souls seriously committed to the cause of the
Church.” 907
Another expression of criticism must be viewed in the same context:
“The promises made to you in Rome were explicit: our ideas are too clear, so clear, in fact, that it
seems impossible that they should not be implemented. Let us not fool ourselves; it is a question of
politics, and what is white today turns black tomorrow. It represents quite a temptation for honest souls;
there is need of much prayer.” 908
138. - We find another instance of ‘criticism’ against this kind of politicking in
the assuring word, on one side, of Cardinal Jacobini that he had charged Patriarch
Ballerini to apply “a kind of preventive censure” to the articles of the ‘L'Osservatore
Cattolico’, and, on the other side, in the immediate denial of the Patriarch Ballerini:
“Patriarch Ballerini informs me that it is not true that he has a kind of preventive
censure; yet, this is what has been said and written to you and me. Were we hooked by
some kind of sweet bait just to keep us quiet?” 909
As for the ‘L' Osservatore Cattolico’, we must point out that indeed the Holy See
was sending it constant and even harsh warnings, but always in secret, while in public,
it was generous with praises and subsidies, which were immediately publicized with
the consent of the Holy See. At the same time, the same Holy See was forbidding the
bishops to defend themselves in public against its public and defaming accusations
and never saying anything publicly in support of the persecuted bishops. 910 There is no
reason, then, why one should wonder at the complaints of Bishop Scalabrini:
“One has indeed the impression of a puppets' show. But the worse of it is that we are made to play
the part of the puppets! Unfortunately, Rome is not the land of coherence; and this explains it all, a
courageous Prelate wrote to me in this regard.”
And then, trying to excuse as much as possible, he added:
906 Idem, February 1, 1883 (Ibid.).
907 Idem, February 14, 1882 (Ibid.).
908 Idem, June 14, 1882 (Ibid.).
909 Idem. February 3, 1883 (Ibid.).
910 Cfr. Biography, p. 1204.
155

“This system has also its good points, because certain decisions taken ab irato (in a moment of
anger) are liable to change when the situation is calm and the light of reason is shining.” 911
This observation does not seem to us a malicious insinuation about certain
methods at all; but a sincere effort rather to discern in those methods a positive side,
acknowledging that often the Roman Curia knew how to retract in some way and to
give each his due.
The best known facts that gave occasions to some unfavorable comments that
seem disrespectful of the Holy See are represented by the publication of the pamphlet
Intransigenti e Transigenti, in 1885, and the political elections of 1886. The first fact
still stands to us as one of the most manifest proofs of the obedience of the Servant of
God who lent himself as a proving ground for a proposal of Leo XIII, and then
allowed himself to be punished in silence not only by his ‘enemies’ but also by the one
who had ordered him to do battle. 912 The second fact, the political elections of 1886,
proves how right the Bishop was in deploring certain inconsistencies of finding
himself in need of defending himself before the Holy office for actions expressly
permitted by the Holy Father. 913
The Servant of God repeatedly found himself in like needs of defending himself
from insinuations, and not rarely, from lies and slanders, so that it even appears more
admirable the efforts of the servant of God in obeying the right and at the same time
duty of a bishop to tell the Pope verba veritatis (words of truth) - as he often said - and
his resignation in seeing unrealized a dream dictated only by his love for souls, for the
Church, and for the person of the Supreme Pontiff himself:
“I bring along two thick volumes of documents, a veritable arsenal of powerful weapons; but if
after such gigantic effort to have the religious, political, and philosophical matters fall back into place, -
I intend in fact to get real busy about all of them with the Holy Father – nothing should come of it, as it
is quite probable, then, while crying over the evils of the Church, I shall devote myself totally to prayer
and to the exercise of the sacred ministry, and I will try to do by myself what I will deem opportune for
the good of souls, with nothing else in mind but to prepare for death and courageously fighting the
known enemies of peace, charity, and religion.” 914
h) Criticism of St. Pius X
139. - The only voice of the Diocesan Process that calls into question the respect
of the Servant of God for the Pope is that of the Salesian Father Valentino Nalio, who,
on the other hand, is the only Witness on whose reliability the Promoter of the Faith
has some reservation:
“Something must be pointed out, perhaps, concerning Father Valentino Nalio, a religious of the
Pius Society of Saint Frances De Sales, whom the Tribunal summoned ex officio, because he had some
reservations in regard to the fame of sanctity of the Servant of God. But from some letters of his
Superior we gather that he was a peculiar character, though so very observant, on the other hand, of the
religious discipline.” 915
911 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, September 18, 1890 (Archivio Bonomelli, quoted).
912 Cfr. Biography, p. 602.
913 Cfr. Biography, pp. 663-668.
914 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, September 19, 1882 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
915 Letter of R. Scala to the General Promoter of the Faith, Piacenza, February 29, 1940 (Processo c. p., f.
4).
156

This Witness testified:
“I say first that I always had a high respect for Bishop Scalabrini [...]. I do not remember the
occasion of our encounter. I have clear on my mind, though, that during our conversation Bishop
Scalabrini had some expressions not too respectful, if not critical, of the holy memory of Pius X.”
Then, in the name of the Promoter of the Faith himself, the Judge again
questioned the Witness this way:
“Being this a matter of such great and delicate importance, specify whether the remarks of the
Servant of God referred to the government of the Church in strictly religious matters, or in social and
political matters.”
The Witness answered:
“I remember that Bishop Scalabrini was speaking with reference to the social and political
questions debated in those days and to the stand taken by the new Pope.” 916
We believe that these expressions, taken from a conversation of Bishop Scalabrini
with Father Nalio and some other Salesians in Buenos Aires in November 1904,
should be compared with those contained in his letters to Bishop Bonomelli, with
whom the Servant of God had no secrets. We limit ourselves to those that deal with
social and political questions. Immediately after the election of Pius X, Bishop
Scalabrini writes:
“Of the new Pope I have great hopes for spiritual matters, but things will remain more or less the
same politically.” 917
The Servant of God had hopes that Cardinal Agliardi might be appointed
Secretary of State. Instead:
“The Holy Father wants, so it seems, to do by himself whatever he can. In my opinion, he is afraid
to be prompted by the authority of someone else; and I believe this to be the reason for the appointment
of Cardinal Merry del Val to Secretary of State. Certainly he will not lack sorrows and delusions; but he
is in control of the situation, trustful in the help of God. He will carry out great reforms, if courage does
not fail him. I hope for great things, though we may expect the situation to remain in general about the
same.” 918
140. - There appears from the context a certain delusion for the continuance of the
non expedit, while the Bishop would have expected from the new Pope a ‘political
action’ other than that of Leo XIII. He spoke to him about it in his first audience, in
November1903:
“Among many other things, I touched on the present situation and I spoke with all frankness.
From his answers I became more convinced that Pius X is and wants to be, above all, a Pope of the
spirit; that he will deal in politics in so much as it is needed to safeguard the rights of the Holy See; that
he will not cause the Government any trouble. Oh! Were there in the Government men of talent and
character! I am convinced that much could be accomplished. As to the elections, no change for the time
being, but I have the impression that some innovation will come.” 919
Shortly before his trip to South America, some newspapers published the
sensational news that Bonomelli and Scalabrini would be removed from the direction
of the institutions for emigrants they had founded. The Servant of God commented:
916 V. Nalio, Processo c. p.. f. 804.
917 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, August II, 1903 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
918 Idem, February 16, 1904 (Ibid.).
919 Idem, s. d. (November 1903) (Ibid.).
157

“Now we are back on the old track, and we were made to know it in an almost
tragic way. Everything is possible, and we have to be ready for anything.” 920
Soon after, Bishop Scalabrini left for Brazil with the fear that the ‘Opera
Bonomelli’, if not his Congregation, might be decreed to be a part of the Second
Group of the Opera dei Congressi, which would have meant, according to Bishop
Bonomelli, destroying it. Before leaving, however, he promised to speak to the Pope
“high and loud, and let us hope for the best.” 921
It seems to us, therefore, that the reservations expressed by Bishop Scalabrini in
Buenos Aires concerned only these two points: the continuation of abstention (from
the polls) and the centralizing policy of the Opera dei Congressi. On his return from
America, instead, he was greeted with two pleasant surprises. First of all, in July 1904,
Cardinal Merry del Val had declared it was better not to accomplish an initiative at all,
rather than to accomplish it independently or against the will of the Bishop. 922 Then,
exactly on the first days of November, the very days when Bishop Scalabrini was in
Buenos Aires, Pius X had granted the Catholics of Bergamo permission to go to the
polls for the general political elections of 1904, thus paving the way for the gradual
abolition of the non expedit.
And so, right after his return to Piacenza, Bishop Scalabrini could write to his
colleague of Cremona:
“With the Pope it does not just go well, it goes perfectly well! It is all a different world. God give
him strength!” 923
i) The Judgment of Paul VI and of the Theological Censors
141. - We seem to be justified in our objective conclusion that all his appraisals
and critical expressions regarding the Pope and the Holy See were limited to some
aspects of the ‘political’ action of the Vatican on social and political problems of a
practical and actual nature, and precisely, those questions that were to be solved
afterward by the Popes, beginning with Pius X, in the terms hoped for by the Servant
of God: that is, first, as a preparation, the participation of Catholics in the political life
of the Italian State; and then as a logical result, the Conciliation between Italy and the
Holy See.
In this sense, Paul VI interpreted him, when, speaking to a group of Scalabrinians
present at the general audience of October 16, 1968, he said:
“Dear Confreres, you offer us a good opportunity to render honor to the memory of your
Founder…famous. Famous for some of his positions, which we can say anticipated the events of the
history of Catholics in Italy. He had particular views of his own, then much discussed, but farsighted,
about the position of the Papacy in the Italian State, and about the participation, then prohibited, of
Catholics in the public life of the nation. He never approved of the formula then holding sway “neither
920 Idem, Piacenza, May 24. 1904 (Ibid.).
921 Idem, June 7. 1904 (Ibid.).
922 Cfr. Biography, p. 863.
923 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, December 21. 1904 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
158

elect nor electors”; isn't that true? This caused him great oppositions, but also the merit of having the
intuition of what had to be the position of Catholics in this country.” 924
142. - We report, finally, the judgment of the two Theologians who censored the
writings of the Servant of God. The first says:
“The questions of his day, especially the participation of Catholics in the elections and the
Conciliation of the Apostolic See with the Italian government, about which the Servant of God
criticized the course of action of the Holy See, were only political in nature. Together with other
Bishops especially of Northern Italy, the Servant of God was experiencing in his own diocese the great
evils threatening the Church and the harm brought on souls by the fact that dishonest candidates were
permitted to take power in the government. On the other hand, great was also the desire of all, of the
Roman Pontiff first, to reach a conciliation without prejudice to the rights of the Church. No wonder
then, if the Servant of God worked with all his strength to obtain it, though always with due respect and
submission, “because” - he wrote to the Supreme Pontiff – “with you, Holy Father, we ardently desire
to see the harmful dispute come to a solution, especially for the good of souls.” The words and phrases
that seemed harsh and somewhat disrespectful, were always aimed at the errors and never to the
offenders, as it is proven by his ready forgiveness in a holy embrace given to the repentants, whom he
favored with marks of generous benevolence. As very soft clouds do not tarnish the serenity of the
heavens, so also such small imperfections do not touch in the least the holy life of the Servant of
God.” 925
The other Censor states:
“In his letters to Bishop Bonomelli, the Servant of God allows himself some judgments not very
respectful about the Holy See. He deemed the Holy See not sufficiently solicitous in condemning
Catholic writers and newspapers that with the pretext of defending the rights of. the Church violently
attacked Bishops and Clergy, first among them Bonomelli and Scalabrini, who were looked upon as
‘liberals’ and in favor of the Conciliation. I would say that it was the insults of Albertario and of his
newspaper that justified and explained in some way the indignation of Scalabrini in his letters to
Bonomelli [...]. Yes, they are somewhat spirited in tone and they reveal all the bitterness of his soul for
the unjust and unjustified polemics of the press in his regard; but they are also replenished with sound
advice and exhortations to accept at all times whatever comes from God's hands in perfect submission
to his divine will. As years go by, one perceives in them that his soul rises, becomes more spiritual,
understands and evaluates the human vicissitudes in better perspective. On the other hand, he is also a
Bishop, he writes to another Bishop, his letters are private ones, unknown, therefore, to the public,
while the insults and slanders are made common knowledge in all newspapers. There is quite a
difference between the two sides! In his Pastoral Letter of 1887, he depicts well this kind of journalists,
who are overzealous at the expense of one's neighbor. He writes about… the practice of placing in one
bunch, together with the enemies of religion, persons who are highly esteemed in all respects, and of
accusing them rather frequently of doubtful or suspected Catholic faith because of a different opinion
they may have in purely political matters or in questions still left to the free discussion of scholars by
the wise moderation of the Holy See. His love for the Church and his devotion and submission to the
Holy See cannot be put in doubt. We find proof of it in his splendid Pastoral Letters in which he instills
in his people the love for the Pope; explains, promulgates and comments to the faithful all his
"Encyclicals" and writings. He has the Pope in his heart.” 926
l) His obedience to the Church confirms his Practice of the Theological Virtues
924 From a tape-recorder registration, more extensive than the official text published by the ‘L'Osservatore
Romano’.
925 Positio super Causae Introductione, 5. Positio super scriptis, pp. 14-15.
926 Ibid. , pp. 18-20.
159

143. - It seems to us that another characteristic of Bishop Scalabrini is, together
with his love for truth and unity, the coherence between his love for the Church and
his devotion to the Pope.
“You (the Church) are the light of nations, our freedom, our salvation, our peace, our joy, till the
extreme ends of the world! One, Holy, Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Church; hail! May my right arm
wither away, my tongue cling to my palate, should I not have you in my memory and in my thoughts,
should you cease to be the object of my toils and concerns till the last of my days.” 927
This is just one of many of his declarations of love for the Church we read in the
writings of the Servant of God: a love rooted in his “believing in the Church” and in
his full trust in the Holy Spirit, that vivifies and assists her with an unfailing promise.
Now we would like to tell in what concrete way Bishop Scalabrini showed his love for
the Church, precisely in those aspects that, to a superficial observer, could appear
contradiction to his affirmations especially in his positions, stands, and expressions
which may seem to place him in opposition to the majority of the official and
unofficial Italian Catholicism, and even to some practical directives of the Holy See in
regard to ‘politics’, the Roman Question, the non expedit, liberalism, and
Rosminianism.
A first observation: this love of his is not toward a theological abstraction or a
romantic concept, but toward the Church of today, for Christ of today, in their
concrete and existential reality:
“Let us love; oh yes, let us love this mother of ours! Let us not forget that whoever does not love
the Church is outside the confines of the love of Jesus Christ, and therefore outside the only love that
ennobles us, raises us, and helps us to love whatever is worth loving in this world. Let us love the
Church living and present in our day, that speaks to us through the mouth of her august Head and the
Bishops; that lives and suffers for us; that prays and hopes with and for us.” 928
The last sentence underlines one of the motives that placed him in opposition to
the current of the strict intransigents, who appeared supported by the people of the
Vatican. These people were confused and concerned over the loss of the temporal
power, and therefore inclined towards the restoration of the old order, and slow, if not
unwilling, to resign themselves to the new reality in which the Church actually was
and had to operate in Italy. Leo XIII himself, as Bishop Scalabrini repeated a number
of times to Bonomelli, accepted in theory the evolution of the political situations in
general, and both in his teachings and diplomacy sought to re-establish the bonds of
the Church with the contemporary world. In practice, however, when it was a question
of Italy of the ‘risorgimento’, ideologically liberal and politically anticlerical, he made
it his main the restoration of his ‘juridical rights’.
In this respect, we must say that Bishop Scalabrini acted in line with the
indications of the Encyclicals of the pope. In regard, instead, to the stand of Leo XIII
with Italy, he went against the tide. Only faith, hope, and love toward the Church of
God gave him the strength to choose the most difficult and risky course.
144. - He opposed the ‘intransigents’, and was almost the only one who dared, as
seen above, to protest in public when they interfered with the government of his
diocese and of consciences:
927 G. B. Scalabrini, Homily for the Epiphany, 1895.
928 Idem, La Chiesa Cattolica, Piacenza 1888. p. 35.
160

“To advise silence in this case [...] would be the same as to confess that one does not care whether
the authority of a Bishop is made mud; it would mean to give credit to the rumors in progress that one is
afraid of the underworld government of certain shrewd individuals or that one is helpless in controlling
them. Woe! a Doctor of the Church would exclaim, woe to religion, when Bishops are forced to keep
silent.” 929
This was actually what the ultra-intransigents wanted: together with the officials
of the Opera dei Congressi, they had in fact formed a political party, whose leadership
had to be obeyed without a chirp by all Bishops, under threat of being insolently
accused in public of liberalism, Rosminianism, schismatic tendencies, and
disobedience to the Pope. One cannot deny that abstention from the polls and the
refusal of any form of Conciliation were in fact political choices; so was also the
intent, more or less open, to perpetuate the dispute with the State, though granting that
this meant, for some of them, arriving at the creation of a Catholic state. In the mind of
the Servant of God, there should have been no political parties in the Church; one
should not obey ‘human politics’, but only the politics of the Gospel. Otherwise,
confusion and abuses would be inevitable, as it would actually be the case of a
political party that should pretend to be obeyed by the Bishops, to the point of
undermining their authority, prestige, and often, even their freedom in the government
of the diocese. On the other hand, he thought, the political choice of the ‘intransigents’
jeopardized the true interests and rights of the Church, that is, ‘the salvation of souls’,
that could not be achieved except through charity and a perfect unity of action. ‘The
salvation of souls’ was indeed the main tormenting desire of the Servant of God:
“And so faith weakens more and more; charity grows lukewarm; and hatred rises
in the heart of the laity against the Bishops. The results cannot help but to be fatal, and
God knows for how long we will have to endure!” 930
145. - Unfortunately, he was indeed an easy prophet! In fact, the estrangement of
the laity and people from the Church, made worse in those days, finds one of its
causes in the aloofness promoted by the ‘intransigents’ between Catholics and those
who actually, though unjustly, held power and took advantage of their unchallenged
position in parliament and in the centers of formation of public opinion to work openly
and audaciously on their own for the laicization of the masses, but without having then
the strength and the authority to counteract the laicization carried on by Marxism and
anarchism. Bishop Scalabrini could not understand how, in the world, could such
situation not be perceived and given importance by those who were devoting all their
energies in fighting the State, in the vain hope of a miraculous inversion of the history
in the making:
“Unfortunately, things are bad, really bad! All see it, but no one provides a remedy! There is no
hope now except in God. At this point, when not even the most sounding voices are apt to wake up
those who sleep and bring about the fall of the last delusions, let us leave it up to Him! In the meantime,
let us carry on in peace, busy saving as many souls as possible. We will not lack the love of good
people and the reward of God.” 931
In a certain sense, he was going ahead in peace, while resisting a system he
deemed harmful to the genuine interests and rights of the Church; but in truth he was
929 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to L. Iacobini, Piacenza, April 8, 1663 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2).
930 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Piacenza, November 1, 1686 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
931 Idem, May 1889 (Ibid.).
161

not so much at peace because of another reason. We heard him say that he was
consumed by a ‘tormenting fever’ “at the sight of so many souls straying from the
Church because of the doings of those who should have done all they could to
welcome them back in,” 932 and instead they kept them away by their intolerance and
party discords:
“The Church is threatened by a serious misfortune! The intolerant parties of
extremists constitute its most painful wound! I pray every day and impose certain
practices on myself, to implore God to give rise to another Saint Frances de Sales, who
may put an end to this ill-fated philosophical dispute, as he finally solved the hotly
debated question of the de auxiliis.” 933
Under the pretext of opposition to Rosminianism and liberalism, which were one
and the same thing for the ‘intransigents’, and under the banner of the ‘rights’ of the
Pope, some people disregarded the ‘hierarchical Principle’, of which the Servant of
God was a strong defender:
“The parties that choose this or that pretext in order to gradually overpower the Bishop and take
upon themselves the direction of public opinion, are becoming every day more and more daring, to the
point of making the Bishops sometimes unable to exercise their sacred ministry.” 934
For this reason, he pleaded with Leo XIII to call to order ‘that murky extrahierarchical
element’ of journalists who made their pretended devotion to the Pope ‘a
shield for giving vent to party passions and to the protection of private interests’, to
the detriment of the Bishops, the disrepute of the Church, and the scandal of the lay
people, thus reducing Catholicism ‘to a bunch of fanatics.’ 935
146. - The straying beyond the limits of what the Servant of God defined as the
‘extra-hierarchical element’ at the helm in the Church of Italy was to him, an attempt
at bringing the ‘revolution into the Church’. It conveyed to the Pope ‘insinuations and
claims [...], thus incapacitating the Bishops, who could make public the reasons of
their acts against certain individuals who shrewdly insured their immunity behind the
shield of Thomism,” 936 thus, causing a state of intimidation and paralysis that will be
repeated during the period of modernism:
“When Catholics and priests, I say so with immense sorrow, raise up in the
Church the banner of revolution and under pleasant appearances pervert the Christian
sense of the young clergy and of the people, Bishops cannot keep silent, and neither
will I.” 937
This is why, after a long and patient seven-year silence, he decided not to hold
back anything from the Pope and the Holy See, not even the truths that might turn
unpleasant to the policy of the Vatican. He was fully aware that he would be met with
932 Idem, Piacenza, August 16, 1887 (Ibid.).
933 Idem, March 28, 1882 (Ibid.).
934 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo XIII, Piacenza, September 26, 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2)
935 Ibid.
936 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Boccali, Piacenza, November 29, 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2).
937 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo XIII, Piacenza, November 19, 1881 (Scalabrinian General Archive,
3042/2).
162

oppositions, suspicions, and vexations, but he was always heedless of himself because
he was firmly set on the cause of the Church, which is that of God:
“God, whom I serve and before whom we are all shortly to appear, is my witness, that I do not
know parties and that I do not take sides with any of them. By his grace, I am attached only to Him, to
You, who are his Vicar, and to the Holy Church. It is because of this that I deeply live her sorrows, and
that, after much meditation and prayer, I have decided to face the arrogant party that attempts,
nowadays, to prevail over us and is the source of so many spiritual ruins.” 938
“We must oppose, he tells Bonomelli, their insane attempts, with calm and purity of intentions,
seeking only the glory of God and of the Church, and the salvation of souls.” 939
147. - One aspect that most worried and disturbed him was the disregard for the
supreme law of the Gospel, charity, and the consequent constant tampering with unity,
one of the most indispensable conditions for carrying out the saving mission of the
Church. “Because of their actions, our forces have been divided and paralyzed;
because of them, the seeds of distrust and discord have been sown within our
ranks.” 940 Many passages of Scalabrini's writings deplore with heartbreaking
expressions the discord sown in the Catholic field by ‘extremists’. In this respect also,
he is the one who was really in tune with the constant warnings of Leo XIII:
“Unity! Such is, Venerable Brothers and Beloved Sons and Daughters, the last exhortation made
to me in most heartfelt terms by the Holy Father and this is also the exhortation I address to you in his
name with all the ardor of my heart: Unity! Unity of hearts, minds, and action! In days such as these, we
will stand only if we remain closely united together. Let there be no personal opinion we should not be
willing to sacrifice in order to preserve unity, that unity which alone is the secret of success!” 941
He had given the example by renouncing to lend public support to the need for the
participation of Catholics in the political life of the nation, even if convinced that
abstention from the polls meant the continuation and worsening of the breach between
Church and State and the cause of “a most serious damage to consciences and to the
very authority of the Church.” 942 As he faced the progressive decrease of the Christian
practice and the scandal of discord and disunity which were caused by the polemics he
rightly considered only pretexts, and since the real aim of the battles waged by
"intransigent extremists" was the imposition of a political platform by means often
contrary to the most elementary rules of truth and charity, the Servant of God would
have deemed it a crime to renounce his responsibilities as a shepherd, and an
interested cowardice to hide from the Pope his sorrow as a Bishop all committed to
zeal for souls and to the cause of the Church and of the Vicar of Christ.
148. - One cannot doubt the good intentions of the Servant of God, who was
perfectly aware of ruining his career and of remaining exposed to untold sorrows,
which would undermine his health. Contrary to all appearances, the stand chosen by
Bishop Scalabrini before the Italian Bishops and the Italian press is a proof of an
evangelic frankness and apostolic courage, rooted in such faith and love for the
Church, the like of which cannot be found too often in the history of his day. We do
not think him to be lacking in modesty in a letter he writes to the Cardinal Secretary of
Site who was seeking to stall him off with sweet words and unkept promises:
938 Ibid.
939 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to G. Bonomelli, Camerlata, September 22, 1881 (Archivio Bonomelli, cit.).
940 G.B. Scalabrini, Intransigenti e Transigenti, Bologna 1885, p. 29.
941 Idem, Pel suo ritorno da Roma, Piacenza 1862. p. 10.
942 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to Leo XIII, August 1862 (Scalabrinian General Archive, 3019/2).
163

“It is not the most miserable self I seek; God is my witness! I know I am toiling for a much higher
purpose, for quite a more noble and holy goal! The triumph of justice and truth, the very honor of the
Holy See, the salvation of souls: these I have at heart! Were it not so, why should I suffer so much at
the sight of the present evils? I suffer at seeing the Church subservient to a party that highly disgraces it.
I suffer at the sight of so many tormented consciences and humiliated noble minds. I suffer in seeing a
breach continue that causes so much havoc to Religion. And I am confident hat the good Lord will give
me the credit if I have contributed, though in a small measure, to bring it to an end.” 943
149. - Obviously, in order to be able to affirm what we said, we have to keep in
mind the limits within which was contained the dispute with the so-called
‘intransigents’: (a) ‘the political question’, that is the opportunity or less of the non
expedit and not the cover ups of that very question, which were the anti-rosminianism
and anti-liberalism. The most intransigent newspapers themselves later on had to
admit that they had been misinformed when they accused the Bishop of Piacenza of
Rosminianism and liberalism. (b) the undue intrusions of Albertario, Bonacina, and
others, in the internal affairs and discipline of his diocese. It is good to recall here that
the Holy See itself demanded of Albertario a public recantation, acknowledging as
“unfortunately founded on sound reasons” the claims of Bishop Scalabrini. (c) The
climate of intimidation created among the Italian Bishops, especially of Northern Italy.
In many cases and respects it prevented, in fact, the urgent renewal of the pastoral
ministry and restrained, if not blocked, the initiatives for updating culture and
methodology to fit the times, thus repeating, as usual, the error of arriving too late at
the great appointments of history. (d) The attempt at creating enmity between one's
love for Religion and one's love for Country, two sentiments innate in man, and
therefore dutifully compatible with one another.
Outside of these confines, within which the Servant of God showed himself much
more obedient to the Church than those who claimed to be the only obedient, the only
loyal, the only ‘pure’ ones, the Servant of God was in perfect accord with the true and
original basic principles of the Catholic movement and with the men who rightly and
correctly lived them. Be it enough to recall his friendship with Toniolo, Medolago-
Albani, Grosoli, Montini, Olivi, and many other exponents of the current that is
usually regarded as ‘intransigent’. Neither may we forget the trust he always accorded
to two ‘intransigents’ at home as Count Carlo Radini Tedeschi and his son, Bishop
Giacomo, in spite of the sometimes heated dislike they nurtured against the Bishop;
the forgiveness he granted Albertario, not without publicly crediting him for the merits
he actually deserved in the defense of the purity of faith; his generous cooperation
with ‘tough’ Paganuzzi in the revival of the Committees of the Opera dei Congressi
after their suppression by the Government in 1898.
In conclusion, we cannot accuse the Servant of God of opposition to the
intransigents as a whole, nor to the Opera dei Congressi as such, and much less to the
Catholic Movement. He opposed only certain exponents: precisely those most
insensible to the demands of an authentic and evangelic love for the Church; the actual
enemies of the three realities indissoluble to the Bishop of Piacenza - truth, charity,
943 Letter of G. B. Scalabrini to L. Jacobini. Piacenza. June 11, 1886 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano. Segreteria
di Stato, Leone XIII, Miscellanea. D.O. Albertario. IX. A.).
164

and unity; those who identified the Church with themselves, quite differently from the
Bishop of Piacenza who identified himself, instead, with the Church. 944
No more doubt should, therefore, be entertained concerning the loyalty and the
‘extraordinary’ obedience of the Servant of God to the Supreme Pontiff, that was part
of the demands of his three ‘loves’:
“May they say of each of us one day, what the divine poet said of himself: Pius in Christum, pius
in Ecclesiam, pius in Pastorem: he loved Jesus Christ, he loved the Church, he loved the Pope! My
beloved ones, let these be our supreme loves, our strength: our consolation, the glory of our whole
life.” 945
Conclusion
150. - Based on what we said all along to prove the heroic exercise of the virtues
by the Servant of God John Baptist Scalabrini, and based on the ever increasing fame
of sanctity surrounding the figure of the Bishop of Piacenza, Founder of the
Missionary Fathers and the Missionary Sisters of Saint Charles, we humbly and
trustingly submit the final judgment to this Sacred Congregation for the Causes of the
Saints.
Rome, October 8, 1985
Fr. Mario Francesconi, C.S.
Postulator
Fr. Valentino Macca, O.C.D.
Relator
944 Cfr. G. B. Scalabrini. Cattolici di nome e cattolici di fatto, Piacenza 1887. p. 17. where he deplores “that
identifying, as it were, themselves with the Holy See. proclaiming themselves the only devoted sons of it,
its only loyal spokesmen”.
945 Idem. L'Enciclica 'Sapientiae Christianae’. Piacenza 1890. p. 5.
165